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THE INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC
VOLUME LXX
|
SERIES



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INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC SERIES.
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THE INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC SERIES
HANDBOOK OF
G R THE TE K. A. N. D L A-T IN
P.A.L AE O G R A PEITY
BY
ED WAR D M A UN DE TH O M PS ON
D. C. L., LL.D., F. S. A.
HoNorARY FELLow of UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, OXFORD
CORRESPONDENT OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE
AND PRINCIPAL LIBRARIAN OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM
N E W Y O R. K.
D. A PPL ET ON AND COMPAN
1893
*
*
º




--~--~~~~ ~~
~~ ~~~~
Anthorized Edition.













-
*-
-
TO MY FRIEND
º
* L E O P O L D D, E L I S L E
MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE
AND ADMINISTRATOR-GENERAL OF THE
- NATIONAL LIBRARY OF FERANCE
º -



P REFACE.

THIS Hand-book does not pretend to give more than an
outline of the very large subject of Greek and Latin
Palaeography. It must be regarded as an introduction
to the study of the subject, indicating the different
branches into which it is divided and suggesting the
lines to be followed, rather than attempting full in-
struction. It in no way supersedes the use of such
works as the collections of facsimiles issued by the
Palaeographical Society and by other societies and
scholars at home and abroad; but it is hoped that it
will serve as an aid to the more intelligent and profitable
study of them.
Our conclusions as to the course of development of
the handwritings of former ages are based on our know-
ledge and experience of the development of modern
forms of writing. Children at school learn to write by
copying formal text-hands in their copy-books, and the
handwriting of each child will bear the impress of the
models. But as he grows up the child developes a
handwriting of his own, diverging more and more from
the models, but never altogether divesting itself of their
first influence. Thus, at all times, we have numerous
individual handwritings, but each bearing the stamp of
its school and of its period; and they, in their turn, re-
act upon and modify the writing of the next generation.
In this way have arisen the handwritings of nations
viii Pre/ace.
and districts, of centuries and periods, all distinguish-
able from each other by the trained eye. And the
faculty of distinction is not entirely, but to a very great
degree, dependent on familiarity. Anyone will readily
distinguish the handwritings of individuals of his own
time, and will recognize his friend’s writing at a glance
as easily as he recognizes his face; he has more difficulty
in discriminating between the individual handwritings
of a foreign country. Set before him specimens of the
writing of the last century, and he will confuse the hands
of different persons. Take him still farther back, and
he will pronounce the writing of a whole school to be
the writing of one man ; and he will see no difference
between the hands, for example, of an Englishman, a
Frenchman, and a Fleming. Still farther back, the
writing of one century is to him the same as the writing |
of another, and he may fail to name the locality where a
MS. was written by the breadth of a whole continent. |
Palaeographical knowledge was formerly confined to a
few, chiefly to the custodians or owners of collections of
manuscripts; works of reference on the subject were
scarce and expensive; and facsimiles, with certain excep-
tions, were of no critical value. In these days, when
photography has made accurate reproduction so simple a
matter, the knowledge is within the reach of all who
care to acquire it. The collections of facsimiles which
have been issued during the last twenty years have
brought into the private study materials which the
student could formerly have gathered only by travel
and personal research. And more than this: these
facsimiles enable us to compare, side by side, specimens
from manuscripts which lie scattered in the different
libraries of Europe and which could never have been
brought together. There is no longer any lack of

Preface. ix
º
-
material for the ready attainment of palaeographical
knowledge.
Abroad, this attainment is encouraged in various
countries by endowments and schools. In our own
country, where the development of such studies is
usually left to private exertion and enterprise, Palaeo-
graphy has received but little notice in the past. In the
future, however, it will receive better recognition. In the
Universities its value has at length been acknowledged
as a factor in education. The mere faculty of reading an
ancient MS. may not count for much, but it is worth
something. The faculty of assigning a date and locality
to an undated codex; of deciding between the true and
the false; in a word, of applying accurate knowledge to
minute points—a faculty which is only to be acquired by
long and careful training—is worth much, and will give
a distinct advantage to the scholar who possesses it.
I have to thank my colleague, Mr. G. F. Warner, the
Assistant-Keeper of the Department of MSS., for kind
help in passing this work through the press.
E. M. T.
BRITISH MUSEUM,
14th December, 1892.


CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.-History of the Greek and Latin Alphabets .
CHAPTER II.—Materials used to receive writing : ſleaves—-
Bark–Linen—Clay and Pottery—Wall-spaces—Metals
—Lead—Bronze—Wood—Waxen and other Tablets—
Greek Waxen Tablets—Latin Waxen Tablets e -
CHAPTER III.-Materials used to receive writing (continued):
Papyrus—Skins–Parchment and Wellum—Paper -
CHAPTER IV.-Writing implements: Stilus, pon, etc.—Inks
—Various implements . - - - o -
CHAPTER W.—Forms of Books: The Roll—The Codex—The
Text—Punctuation—Accents, etc.—Palimpsests .
CHAPTER VI.-Stichometry—Tachygraphy—Cryptography
CHAPTER VII.-Abbreviations and Contractions—Numerals
CHAPTER VIII.-Greek Palaeography: Papyri—Antiquity
of Greek writing—Divisions of Greek Palaeography
CHAPTER IX. —Greek Palaeography (continued): The Literary
or Book-Hand in Papyri - - - -
CHAPTER X-Greek Palaeography (continued): Cursive writ-
ing in Papyri, etc.—Forms of cursive letters
CHAPTER XI.-Greek Palaeography (continued): Uncial
writing in vellum MSS. . - o - - º
CHAPTER XII.-Greek Palaeography (continued): Minuscule
writing in the Middle Ages—Greek writing in Western
Europe . e - - o e -> - - º
CHAPTER XIII–Latin Palaeography: Majuscule writing—
Square Capitals—Rustic Capitals—Uncials . - -
CHAPTER XIV.-Latin Palaeography (continued): Mixed
Uicials and Minuscules—Half-uncials . - -
-
27
48
54
86
107
118
30
149
159
183



xii Conſents.
PAGE
CHAPTER XV.—Latin Palaeography (continued): Roman
Cursive writing - - - - - - - - . 203
CHAPTER XVI.-Latin Palaecgraphy (confinued): Minuscule
writing — Lombardic writing — Visigothic writing —
Merovingian writing—The Caroline reform . . . 217
CHAPTER XVII.—Latin Palaeography (continued): Irish
writing—English writing before the Norman Conquest 236
CHAPTER XVIII-Latin Palaeography (continued): The
Literary or Book-Hand in the Middle Ages—The English
Bock-Hand in the Middle Ages . e 2. - . 257
CHAPTER XIX. —Latin Palaeography (continued): Cursive
writing—The Papal Chancery—The Imperial Chancery
—English Charter-hand — English Chancery-hand—
English Court-hand - - 293
ADDENDA - º º - - - - - - . 321
LIST OF PALAEOGRAPHI AL WORKS . - - - - . 327
INDEX . º - - - - - - - - . 335
Z
TABLES OF AI, PHABETS.
Derivation of Greek and Latin Alphabets . To face page 10
Greek Cursive Alphabets - - - - 2.5 -- 148
Latin Cursive Alphabets - º - - 33 22 216

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º
º
PALADOGRAPHY.
CHAPTER I.
THE GREEK AND LATIN ALPHABETS.
ALTHOUGH the task which lies before us of investigating
the growth and changes of Greek and Latin palaeography
does not require us to deal with any form of writing till
long after the alphabets of Greece and Rome had as-
sumed their final shapes, yet a brief sketch of the origin
and formation of those alphabets is the natural introduc-
tion to such a work as this.
The alphabet which we use at the present day has
been traced back, in all its essential forms, to the ancient
hieratic writing of Egypt of about the twenty-fifth century
before Christ. It is directly derived from the Roman
alphabet; the Roman, from a local form of the Greek;
the Greek, from the Phoenician; the Phoenician, from
the Egyptian hieratic.
The hieroglyphic records of Egypt extend through a
period of from four to five thousand years, from the age
of the second dynasty to the period of the Roman
Empire. Knowing the course through which other
primitive forms of writing have passed, we must allow
a considerable period of time to have elapsed before the
hieroglyphs had assumed the phonetic values which they
already possess in the earliest existing monuments.
Originally these signs were ideograms or pictures, either
actual or symbolical , of tangible objects or abstract



2 -
2 Palaeography.
ideas which they expressed. From the ideograms in
course of time developed the phonograms, or written
symbols of sounds, first as verbal signs representing
entire words, then as syllabic signs of the articulations
of which words are composed. The last stage of
development, whereby the syllabic signs are at length
taken as the alphabetical signs representing the ele-
mentary sounds into which a syllable can be resolved,
has always proved the most difficult. Some forms of
writing, such as the ancient cuneiform and the modern
Chinese, have scarcely passed beyond the syllabic stage.
The Egyptians curiously went more than half-way in the
last perfecting stage; they developed alphabeticai signs,
but failed to make independent use of them. A phono-
gram was added to explain the alphabetically-written
word, and an ideogram was added to explain the phono-
gram. It has been truly said that this cumbrous system
seems almost inconceivable to us, who can express our
thoughts so easily and so surely by six-and-twenty
simple signs. The fact, however, remains that the
Egyptians had unconsciously invented an alphabet; and
they had been in possession of these letters for more than
four thousand years before the Christian era. ' The
oldest extant hieroglyphic inscription is engraved on a
tablet, now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, which
was erected to the memory of a pries; who lived in the
reign of Sent, a monarch of the second dynasty, whose
period has been variously given as 4000 or 4700 B.C.
In the cartouche of the king's name three of the alpha-
betical signs are found, one of which, n., has descended
and finds a place in our own alphabet. The age of our
first letters may thus be said to number some six thousand
years. In addition, it is a moderate computation to
allow a thousand years to have elapsed between the first
Origin of the primaeval picture-writing of Egypt and the
matured form of development seen in the hieroglyphic
characters of the earliest monuments. We may without
exaggeration allow a still longer period and be within
bounds, if we carry back the invention of Egyptian
Writing to six or seven thousand years before Christ,

7%e Greek and Zalin Alphabeſs. 3
To trace the connection of the Greek alphabet with
the Semitic is not difficult. A comparison of the early
forms of the letters sufficiently demonstrates their com-
mon origin; and, still further, the names of the letters
and their order in the two alphabets are the same. But
to prove the descent of the Semitic alphabet from the
Egyptian has been a long and difficult task. Firstly, in
outward shape the Egyptian hieroglyphs of the monu-
ments appear to be totally different from the Semitic
letters and to have nothing in common with them.
Next, their names are different. The names of the
Semitic letters are Semitic words, each describing the
letter from its resemblance to some particular object, as
aleph an ox, beth a house, and so on. When the Greeks
took over the Semitic letters, they also took over their
Semitic names; by analogy, therefore, it might be
assumed that in adopting the Egyptian letters the
Semites would also have adopted the Egyptian names.
Thirdly, the order of the letters is different. All these
difficulties combined to induce scholars to reject the
ancient, though vague, tradition handed down by Greek
and Roman writers, that the Phoenicians had originally
obtained their letters from Egypt. By recent investiga-
tion, however, the riddle has been solved, and the chain
of connection between our alphabet and the ancient
Egyptian hieroglyphic writing has, beyond reasonable
doubt, been completed.
The number of alphabetical signs found among the
inscriptions on Egyptian monuments has been reckoned
at forty-five. Some of these, however, are used only
in special cases; others are only alternative forms for
signs more commonly employed. The total number
of signs ordinarily in use may thus be reduced to
twenty-five—a number which agrees with the tradition
handed down by Plutarch, that the Egyptians possessed
an alphabet of five-and-twenty letters. Until lately,
however, these hieroglyphs had been known only in the
set and rigid forms as sculptured on the monuments.
In 1859 the French Egyptologist de Rougé made known
the results of his study of an ancient cursive form of


4. Palaeography.
hieratic writing in which he had discovered the link
connecting the Semitic with the Egyptian alphabet.
The document which yielded the most important results
was the Papyrus Prisse, which was obtained at Thebes
by Mons. Prisse d’Avennes, and was given by him to the
Bibliothèque Nationale. The greater part of this papyrus
is occupied by a moral treatise composed by Ptah-Hotep,
a prince who lived in the reign of a king of the fifth
dynasty—not, however, the original, but a copy, which,
having been found in a tomb of the eleventh dynasty, is
anterior to the period of the Hyksos invasion, and may
be assigned to the period about 2500 B.C. The old
hieratic cursive character which is employed in this most
ancient document is the style of writing which was no
doubt made use of in Egypt for ordinary purposes at the
time of the Semitic conquest, and, as de Rougé has
shown, was taken by the new lords of the country as
material wherewith to form an alphabet of their own.
But, as has already been remarked, while adopting the
Egyptian forms of letters, the Semites did not also adopt
their Egyptian names, nor did they keep to their order.
This latter divergence may be due to the fact that it was
a selection that was made from a large number of ideo-
grams and phonograms, and not a complete and established
alphabet that was taken over. In the table which accom-
panies this chapter the ancient hieratic character of the
Prisse papyrus may be compared with the early Semitic
alphabet of some sixteen hundred years later, and, in
spite of the interval of time, their resemblance in very
many instances is still wonderfully close.
This Semitic alphabet appears to have been employed
in the cities and colonies of the Phoenicians and among
the Jews and Moabites and other neighbouring tribes at
a period not far removed from the time when the children
of Israel sojourned in the land of Egypt. Bible history
proves that in patriarchal times the art of writing was
unknown to the Jews, but that, when they entered the
promised land, they were in possession of it. All evidence
goes to prove its acquisition during the Semitic occu-
pation of the Delta; and the diffusion of the newly-


7%e Greek and Latin A//affets. 5
formed alphabet may have been due to the retreating
Hyksos when driven out of Egypt, or to Phoenician
traders, or to both."
The most ancient form of the Phoenician alphabet
known to us is preserved in a series of inscriptions
which date back to the tenth century B.C. The most
important of them is that engraved upon the slab known
as the Moabite stone, which records the wars of Mesha,
king of Moab, about 890 B.C., against Israel and Edom,
and which was discovered in 1868 near the site of
Dibon, the ancient capital of Moab. Of rather earlier
date are some fragments of a votive inscription engraved
on bronze plates found in Cyprus in 1876 and dedi-
cating a vessel to the god Baal of Lebanon. From these
and other inscriptions of the oldest type we can con-
struct the primitive Phoenician alphabet of twenty-two
letters, as represented in the third column of the table,
in a form, however, which must have passed through
many stages of modification since it was evolved from
the ancient cursive hieratic writing of Egypt.
The Greek Alphabet.
The Greeks learned the art of writing from the
Phoenicians at least as early as the ninth century B.C. ;
and it is not improbable that they had acquired it even
one or two centuries earlier. Trading stations and
colonies of the Phoenicians, pressed at home by the
advancing conquests of the Hebrews, were established
in remote times in the islands and mainlands of Greece
and Asia Minor ; and their alphabet of two-and-twenty
letters was adopted by the Greeks among whom they
settled or with whom they had commercial dealings. It
is not, however, to be supposed that the Greeks received
the alphabet from the Phoenicians at one single place
from whence it was passed on throughout Hellas; but
rather at several points of contact from whence it was
locally diffused among neighbouring cities and their
colonies. Hence we are prepared to find that, while the
* See Isaac Taylor, The Alphabet, chap. ii. § 8.


6 Palaeography.
Greek alphabet is essentially one and the same in all
parts of Hellas, as springing from one stock, it exhibits
certain local peculiarities, partly no doubt inherent from
its very first adoption at different centres, partly derived
from local influences or from linguistic or other causes.
We cannot, then, accept the idea of a Cadmean alphabet,
in the sense of an alphabet of one uniform pattern for all
Greece.
Among the two-and-twenty signs adopted from the
Phoenician, four, viz. aleph, he, yod, and ayin, were
made to represent the vowel-sounds a, e, i, o, both long
and short, the signs for e and o being also employed for
the diphthongs ei and ow. The last sound continued to
be expressed by the omikrom, alone to a comparatively,
late period in the history of the alphabet. The fifth
vowel-sound u was provided for by a new letter, the
wpsilon, which may have been either a modification or
“ differentiation” of the Phoenician wav, or derived from
a letter of similar form in the Cypriote alphabet. This
new letter must have been added almost immediately
after the introduction of the Semitic signs, for there is no
local Greek alphabet which is without it. Next was felt
the necessity for distinguishing long and short e, and in
Ionia, the aspirate gradually falling into disuse, the sign
H, eta, was adopted to represent long e, probably before
the end of the seventh century B.C. About the same
time the long o began to be distinguished by various
signs, that used by the Ionians, the omega, Q, being
apparently either a differentiation of the Omikron, or, as
has been suggested, taken from the Cypriote alphabet.
The age of the double letter © and of X and ‘P, as they
appear in the Ionian alphabet, must, as is evident from
their position, be older than or at least coeval with
0??vega.
With regard to the sibilants, their history is involved
in great obscurity. The original Semitic names appear
to have become confused in the course of transmission
to the Greeks and to have been applied by them to
the wrong signs. The name zeta appears to corre-
spond to the name tsade, but the letter appears to be


7%e Greek and Zafim A//abets. 7
taken from the letter zayn. Xi, which seems to be the
same word as shin, represents the letter samekh. San,
which is probably derived from zaym, represents tsade.
Sigma, which may be identified with samekh, represents
Shin. But all these sibilants were not used simultane-
ously for any one dialect or locality. In the well-known
passage of Herodotus (i. 139), where he is speaking of
the terminations of Persian names, we are told that they
“all end in the same letter, which the Dorians call san
and the Ionians sigma.” There can be little doubt that
the Dorian Sam was originally the M-shaped sibilant
which is found in the older Dorian inscriptions, as in
Thera, Melos, Crete, Corinth and Argos.” This sibilant
is now known to have been derived from the Phoenician
letter tsade. In a Greek abecedarium scratched upon a
small vase discovered at Formello, near Veii, this letter
is seen to occupy the eighteenth place, corresponding
to the position of tsade in the Phoenician alphabet. In
the damaged Greek alphabet similarly scrawled on the
Galassi vase, which was found at Cervetri in 1836, it is
formed more closely on the pattern of the Phoenician letter.
In the primitive Greek alphabet, therefore, San existed
(representing tsade) as well as sigma (representing shin),
but as both appear to have had nearly the same sibilant
Sound, the one or the other became superfluous. In the
Ionian alphabet sigma was preferred. º
But the disuse of the letter san must date far back,
for its loss affected the numerical value of the Greek
letters. When this value was being fixed, the exclusion
of Sam was overlooked, and the numbers were calculated
as though that letter had not existed. The preceding
letter pi stands for 80; the koppa for 90, the numerical
value of the Phoenician tsade and properly also that of 8am.
At a later period the obsolete letter was re-adopted as
the numerical sign for 900, and became the modern
samp' (i.e. san-i-pi), so called from its partial resemblance,
in its late form, to the letter pi. -
* It has also been identified with a T-shaped sign which was
used for a special sound on coins of Mesembria, and at Halicar-
nassus in the fifth century B.C. - - - -


8 Palaeography.
With regard to the local alphabets of Greece, different
states and different islands either adopted or developed
distinctive signs. Certain letters underwent gradual
changes, as eta from closed E to open H, and theta from
crossed & to the dotted circle G), which forms were com-
mon to all the varieties of the alphabet. The most
ancient forms of the alphabet are found in Melos, Thera,
and Crete, which moreover did not admit the double
letters. While some states retained the digamma or the
koppa, others lost them ; while some developed par-
ticular differentiations to express certain sounds, others
were content to express two sounds by one letter. The
forms iſ for beta and B for epsilon are peculiar to Corinth
and her colonies; the Argive alphabet is distinguished
by its rectangular lambda F ; and the same letter
appears in the Boeotian, Chalcidian, and Athenian alpha-
bets in the inverted form V.
But while there are these local differences among the
various alphabets of ancient Greece, a broad division has
been laid down by Kirchhoff, who arranges them in two
groups, the eastern and the western. The eastern
group embraces the alphabet which has already been
referred to as the Ionian, common to the cities on the
western coast of Asia Minor and the neighbouring islands,
and the alphabets of Megara, Argos, and Corinth and
her colonies; and, in a modified degree, those of Attica,
Naxos, Thasos, and some other islands. The western
group includes the alphabets of Thessaly, Euboea, Phocis,
Locris, and Boeotia, and of all the Peloponnese (except-
ing the states specified under the other group), and also
those of the Achaean and Chalcidian colonies of Italy
and Sicily.
In the eastern group the letter E has the sound of a ;
and the letters X, ‘P, the sounds of kh and ps. (In Attica,
Naxos, etc., the letters E and SP were wanting, and the
sounds a, and ps were expressed by XXI, 9X). In the
western group the letter E is wanting, and X, Y have
the values of a and kh; while the sound ps was expressed
by Tl2 or 92, or rarely by a special sign Sk. In a word,
the special test-letters are:—


7%e Greek and Załin A///ačeſs. 9
f
Eastern: X=kh. ‘P = ps.
Western : X=a. “P = kh.
IIow this distinction came about is not known, although
several explanations have been hazarded. It is unneces-
sary in this place to do more than state the fact.
As the Semitic languages were written from right to
left, so in the earliest Greek inscriptions we find the same
order followed. Next came the method of writing
called bowstrophedon, in which the written lines run
alternately from right to left and from left to right, or
vice versá, as the plough forms the furrows. Lastly, writ-
ing from left to right became universal. In the most
ancient tomb-inscriptions of Melos and Thera we have
the earliest form of writing. Boustrophedon was com-
monly used in the sixth century B.C. A notable excep-
tion, however, is found in the famous Greek inscription
at Abu Simbel—the earliest to which a date can be
given. It is cut on one of the legs of the colossal statues
which guard the entrance of the great temple, and
records the exploration of the Nile up to the second
cataract by certain Greek, Ionian, and Carian mercenaries
in the service of Psammetichus. The king here men-
tioned may be the first (B.C. 654—617) or the second
(B.C. 594–589) of the name. The date of the writing
may therefore be roughly placed about 600 B.C. The
fact that, besides this inscription, the work of two of
the soldiers, the names of several of their comrades are
also cut on the rock, proves how well established was
the art of writing even at this early period.
The Latin Alphabet. -
Like the local alphabets of Greece, the Italic alphabet
varied from one another by the adoption or rejection of
different signs, according to the requirements of language.
Thus the Latin and Faliscan, the Etruscan, the Umbrian,
and the Oscan alphabets are sufficiently distinguished in
this way; but at the same time the common origin of all
can be traced to a primitive or so-called Pelasgian alphabet
of the Chalcidian type. The period of the introduction of


I O Palaeography. |
writing into Italy from the great trading and colonizing
city of Chalcis must be carried back to the time when
the Greeks wrote from right to left. A single Latin
inscription * has been found which is thus written ; and
in the other Italic scripts this ancient system was |
also followed. We may assume, then, that the Greek
alphabet was made known to the native tribes of Italy.
as early as the eighth or ninth century B.C., and not
improbably through the ancient Chalcidian colony of
Cumae, which tradition named as the earliest Greek
settlement in the land. The eventual prevalence of the
Latin alphabet naturally followed the political supremacy *
of Rome.
The Latin alphabet possesses twenty of the letters of
the Greek western alphabet, and, in addition, three
adopted signs. Taking the Formello and Galassi abece-
daria as representing the primitive alphabet of Italy,
it will be seen that the Latins rejected the letter san
and the double letters theta, phi, and chi (SP), and dis-
regarded the earlier sign for ai.” In Quintilian’s time
letter X was the “ultima nostrarum ” and closed the
alphabet. The sound 2 in Latin being coincident with
the sound s, the letter zeta dropped out. But at a later
period it was restored to the alphabet, as Z, for the
purpose of transliteration of Greek words. As, however,
its original place had been meanwhile filled by the new
letter G, it was sent down to the end of the alphabet.
With regard to the creation of G, till the middle of the
third century B.C, its want was not felt, as C was em-
ployed to represent both the hard c and g sounds," a
i
* On a small vase found in Rome in 1880. See L'Inscription de
Duenos in the Mélanges d'Archéologie et d’Histoire of the École
Française de Rome, 1882, p. 147.
* Some of these letters are generally accepted as the origin of
certain of the symbols used for the Latin numerals. But a dif-
ferent origin has been lately proposed by Professor Zangemeister:
Jºnfstehung der römischen Zahlzeichen (Sitzber, d. k. Preuss. Akad.,
1887). -
* The sound represented by C in Latin no doubt also gradually,
but at a very early period, became indistinguishable from that
represented by K. Hence the letter K fell into general disuse in
|


k
E G Y P T | A N P H CE N I C I A N C R E. E. K L. A T | N
9 - # , t
C = & o # #: #: ; ; t * 3 * 2 z
a eagle. º &- aleph, X. alpha, A. A A. A | A A Z\ |A/NA
M Melos, etc. -
b crane. § 25 beth, 3 beta, 3 || 8 Cº. 8 B |& B B | 8 B
º
bow-ly. e e^\|gime 1 |gamma | 1 N Kºº TAF T “º c |& C
d, hand, e--> | -43 | daleth, <\ | delta, Z\ | Zs A D A y D Flis, etc. AD D D
hy plan of house?i ſld [T he, = epsilon, 3 S Sºuths E | S E § F || e
fu cerolstes. K~ Jr. Wºolwº Y digamma, R F [F] R F R F | f
tºthº) duck. ſº & zayin >I i zeta, I I I I I (Giº. 9
formed.
from C.]
Jºſkh) sieve. & oc cheth, H |eta, E |E B H(he) BH(h) E | H h,
th tongs; loop. - [. ea.6 tethy @9 theta, (3) | 3 Cre (3) G) & G) (3) -
tº leaves. ūls ff, yod, 57 | tota * % 85%:. . | }| | i.
k throne. T ſº, kapi, Y|kappa, × k K k K K k,
l, lioness. *:S & lamed, 6. lambda | \ } /\ VAttica. /*/\ Lchalcis, V | V | | 1,
HArgos. Boeotia,
etc.
my owl. § % wnerv % 77tu/ V&A | Nºv // MV /w/w Nºw | N1 m,
7ty water. Avvº. ºf rºuv ! rally M | N/ M N | N N N N Ily
H%.
s door-bolt. —º- ºr samekh) # act, EE | EB .. EE [tº] BE
- iºns sigh-
- *
º Weaporv. →--> * ayin' O omikron, O O Q. Paros, O O O O O
§§.”
p door. E | 11, pe 7 |pi. ^ ſº T T | T T ſ' | T P p
t(ts) snake. \ 2 tsade, h sary (ss) /* | N/A T. NA
20 ſº qoph, P koppa 9 |Q|| @ Q | Q q.
º, resh, A rho P & R PRR tº R R R r
| I -
| |...}..., -
* skin, vv sigma. 3 º: $ & 5 Mºhesis, $ 3 || 3 S s
Co.º.º. -
*4 tau, X |* |T T | T T | T tº
ADDED LETTERS: upsilon, V Y | V Y V V wº, ºr
aci, […] X + Af X QC.
chi, x + | N, N/ N.
--~1 T ~~~
psi, ſº aa..., N. Y. *...*
Omega, 9.
§:..etc.
ſo used generally Adopted at | Y y
for Q, Qu, º, ex- a late period
ceptin Ionia. ] as foreign |
letters. | Z. Z
To face. Page 10. F.S. weller
de Rivation of
THE GREEK AND LATH N ALP HABETS FROM T H E E GYPTIAN.




7 he Greek and Latin Aſphabets. II
survival of this use being seen in the abbreviations C.
and Cn. for Gaius and Graeus; but gradually the new
letter was developed from C and was placed in the
alphabet in the position vacated by zeta. The digamma
had become the Latin F, and the upsilon had been
transliterated as the Latin V; but in the time of Cicero
upsilon, as a foreign letter, was required for literary
purposes, and thus became again incorporated in the
Latin alphabet—this time without change of form, Y.
Its position shows that it was admitted before Z.
writing, and only survived as an archaic form in certain words,
such as kalendae. -



CHAPTER II.
MATERIALS USED TO RECEIVE WRITING.
Of the various materials which have been used within
the memory of man to receive writing, there are three,
viz. papyrus, vellum, and paper, which, from their
greater abundance and convenience, have, each one in
its turn, displaced all others. But of the other materials
several, including some which at first sight seem of a
most unpromising character, have been largely used.
For such a purpose as writing, men naturally make use
of the material which can be most readily procured, and
is, at the same time, the most suitable. If the ordinary
material fail, they must extemporize a substitute. If
something more durable is wanted, metal or stone
may take the place of vellum or paper. But with in-
scriptions-en- these harder materials we have, in the
resent work, but little to do. Such inscriptions gene-
rally fall under the head of epigraphy. Here we have
chiefly to consider the softer materials on which hand-
writing, as distinguished from monumental engraving,
has been wont to be inscribed. Still, as will be seen in
what follows, there are certain exceptions; and to some
extent we shall have to **'. into the employment of
metals, clay, potsherds, and wood, as well as of leaves,
bark, linen, wax, papyrus, vellum, and paper, as materials
for writing. We will first dispose of those substances
which were of more limited use.
Leaves.
It is natural to suppose that, in a primitive state of
society, leaves of plants and trees, strong enough for
Materials used ſo receive Wriſing. I 3
:
the purpose, would be adopted as a ready-made material
provided by nature for such an operation as writing.
In various parts of India and the East the leaves of
palm-trees have been in use for centuries, and continue
to be employed for this purpose, and form an excellent and
enduring substance. Manuscripts written on palm-leaves
have been of late years found in Nepaul, which date back
many hundreds of years. In Europe leaves of plants
are not generally of the tough character of those which
grow in the tropics; but there can be no doubt that they
were used in ancient Greece and Italy, and that the
references by classical writers to their employment are
not merely fanciful. There is evidence of the custom
of Teta}\top 6s, or voting for ostracism with olive-leaves,
at Syracuse, and of the similar practice at Athens
under the name of écºbvX\odopia.' Pliny, Nat. Hist.
xiii. 11, writes: “Antea non fuisse chartarum usum : in
palmarum foliis primo scriptitatum, deinde quarundam
arborum libris.”
Bark. -
Better adapted for writing purposes than leaves was
the bark of trees, liber, which we have just seen named
by Pliny, and the general use of which caused its name
to be attached to the book (i.e. the roll) which was made
-------
from it. The inner bark of the lime-tree, biXipa, tilia,
was chosen as most suitable. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 14,
describing this tree, says: “Inter corticem et lignum
tenues tunicae Sunt multiplici membrana, e quibus vincula
tiliae vocantur tenuissimae earum philyrae.” It was
these delicate shreds, phily raº, of this inner skin or bark
which formed the writing material. In the enumeration
of different kinds of books by Martianus Capella, ii. 136,
those consisting of lime-bark are quoted, though as
rare: “Rari vero in philyre cortice subnotati.” Ulpian
* The olive-leaf, used in this ceremony, is also mentioned, jºov
€Natas, as the material on which to inscribe a charm.—Cat. G/3.
Papyri in Brit. Mus, pap. cxxi. 213; and a bay-leaf is enjoined
for the same purpose in Papyrus 2207 in the Bibliothèque
Nationale.

I 4 Palaeography.
also, Digest. xxxii. 52, mentions “volumina . . . in
philyra aut in tilia.” But not only was the bark of the
lime-tree used, but tablets also appear to have been made
from its wood—the “tiliae pugillares” of Symmachus,
iv. 34; also referred to by Dio Cassius, lxxii. 8, in the
passage: “ 666eka 'ypauaateta, oid 'ye ék (bºtpas Tolet-
Tat.” It seems that rolls made from lime-bark were co-
existent at Rome with those made from papyrus, after
the introduction of the latter material; but the home-
made bark must soon have disappeared before the
imported Egyptian papyrus, which had so many advan-
tages both in quantity and quality to recommend it.
Linen.
Linen cloth, which is found in use among the ancient
Egyptians to receive writing, appears also as the material
for certain rituals in Roman history. Livy, x. 38, refers
to a book of this character, “liber vetus linteus,” amon
the Samnites; and again, iv. 7, he mentions the “lintei
libri’’ in the temple of Moneta at Rome. Pliny, Nat. Hist.
xiii. 11, names “volumina lintea' as in use at an early
period for private documents, public acts being recorded
on lead. Martianus Capella, iii. 136, also refers to
“ carbasina volumina ’’; and in the Codea. Theodos.
xi. 27, 1, “ mappae lintea ‘’ occur.
Clay and Pottery.
Clay was a most common writing material among the
Babylonians and Assyrians. The excavations made of late
years on the ancient sites of their great cities have brought
to light a whole literature impressed on sun-dried or fire-
burnt bricks. Potsherds came ready to the hand in
Egypt, where earthenware vessels were the most common
kind of household utensils. They have been found in
large numbers, many inscribed in Greek with such
ephemeral documents as tax and pay receipts, generally
of the period of the Roman occupation.” To such
inscribed potsherds has been given the title of ostraka,
a term which will recall the practice of Athenian ostracism
* See autotypes of some specimens in Pal, Soc. ii. pl. 1, 2.

Materials used to receive Writing. I 5
in which the votes were recorded on such fragments.”
That such material was used in Greece only on such
passing occasions or from necessity is illustrated by the
passage in Diogenes Laertius, vii. 174, which narrates
that the Stoic Cleanthes was forced by poverty to write
on potsherds and the shoulder-blades of oxen. Tiles
also, upon which alphabets or verses were scratched with
the stilus before baking, were used by both Greeks and
Romans for educational purposes."
Wall-spaces.
It is perhaps straining a term to include the walls of
buildings under the head of writing materials; but the
graffiti or wall-scribblings, discovered in such large
numbers at Pompeii," hold such an important place in
the history of early Latin palaeography, that it must not
be forgotten that in ancient times, as now, a vacant wall
was held to be a very convenient place to present appeals
to the public, or to scribble idle words.
Metals.
The precious metals were naturally but seldom used
as writing materials. For such a purpose, however, as
working a charm, an occasion when the person specially
interested might be supposed not to be too niggard in his
outlay in order to attain his ends, we find thin plates or
leaves of gold or silver recommended," a practice which is
paralleled by the crossing of the palm of the hand with
* Votes for ostracism at Athens were probably recorded on
fragments of broken vases which had been used in religious
services, and which were given out specially for the occasion.
Only two such voting ostraka appear to be known : the one is
described by Benndorf, Griech, und sicilische Vasenbilder, tab.
xxix. 10; the other, for the ostracism of Xanthippos, the father
of Pericles (see Aristotle, Comst. Athens, p. 61), is noticed by
Studniczka, Antenor und archaische Malerei in Jahrbuch des kais.
Deutschen Arch. Instituts, bd. ii. (1887), 161
* Facsimiles, in Corp. Inscr. Lat. iii. 962.
5 Ibid. iv. -
* Cat. Gk. Papyri in Brit. Mus., pap. cxxi. 580; also papyri
in the Bibl. Nationale, 258, 2705, 2228. -



I6 Palaeography.
a gold or silver coin as enjoined by the gipsy fortune-
teller.
Lead.
Lead was used at an ancient date. Pliny, Naț. Hist. xiii.
11, refers to “plumbea volumina’’ as early writing mate-
rial. Pausanias, ix. 31, 4, states that at Helicon he saw
a leaden plate (uðAt|380s) on which the "Epya of Hesiod
were inscribed. At Dodona tablets of lead have been
discovered which contain petitions to the oracle, and in
some instances the answers." Lenormant, Rhein. Museum,
xxii. 276, has described the numerous small leaden pieces
on which are written names of persons, being apparently
sortes judiciaria, or lots for selection of judges, of ancient
date. Dirae, or solemn dedications of offending persons
to the infernal deities by, or on behalf of, those whom
they had injured, were inscribed on this metal. These
maledictory inscriptions, called also deftaiones or
Katdöeopov and kataðéoets, appear to have been exten-
sively employed. An instance is recorded by Tacitus,
Ammal. ii. 69, in his account of the last illness and
death of Germanicus, in whose house were found,
hidden in the floor and walls, remains of human bodies and
“carmina et devotiones et momen Germanici plumbeis
tabulis insculptum.” Many have been found at Athens
and other places in Greece, and some in Italy; others
again in a burial-ground near Roman Carthage.” Several
were discovered at Cnidus which have been assigned to
the period between the third and first centuries B.C.;
and recently a collection was found near Paphos in
Cyprus, buried in what appears to have been a malefac-
tors’ common grave." These Cnidian and Cyprian
axamples are now in the British Museum. Charms and
incantations were also inscribed on thin leaves of lead.”
* Carapanos, Dodone et ses Ruines (1878), p. 68, pl.xxxiv.–xl.;
Corp. Inscr. Lat. i. 818, 819.
8 Bulletin de Gorresp. Hellénique, 1888, p. 294.
* Newton, Discov. at Halicarnassus (1863), ii. 719–745; an
Collitz and Bechtel, Griech. Dialekā-Ingchriften, iii. 233. -
1 Soe. Biblical Archæology, Proceedings, vol. xiii. (1891), pt. iv.
* Leemans, Papyri Græci Mus. Lugdun. 1885; Wessely, Griech.
Zauber Papyri, 1888; Cat. Gº, Papyri in Brit, Mus. pp. 64 sqq.
Materials used to receive Writing. 17
| º
Montfaucon, Palaeogr. Graeca, 16, 181, mentions and
gives an engraving of a leaden book, apparently con-
nected with magic. In 1880 an imprecatory leaden
tablet was dug up at Bath, the inscription being in
Latin : a relic of the Roman occupation.” Of later date
is a tablet found in a grave in Dalmatia, containing a
charm against evil spirits, in Latin, inscribed in cursive
letters of the sixth century." Several specimens which
have been recovered from mediaeval graves prove that
the custom of burying leaden inscribed plates with the
dead was not uncommon in the middle ages." The
employment of this metal for such purposes may have
been recommended by its supposed durability. But
lead is in fact highly sensitive to chemical action, and is
liable to rapid disintegration under certain circum-
stances. For the ancient dirae it was probably used
because it was common and cheap. For literary purposes
it appears to have been to some extent employed in the
middle ages in Northern Italy, leaden plates inscribed
with historical and diplomatic records connected with
Venice and Bologna being still in existence, apparently
of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries."
Bronze.
Bronze was used both by Greeks and Romans as
a material on which to engrave votive inscriptions,
laws, treaties, and other solemn documents. These,
however, do not come under present consideration,
being strictly epigraphical monuments. The only class
which we need notice is that of the Roman military
diplomas, those portable tabulae homestaº missionis, as they
have been called, which were given to veteran soldiers
and conferred upon them rights of citizenship and
marriage. Fifty-eight such documents, or portions of
them, issued under the emperors, from Claudius to
Diocletian, have been recovered. They are interesting
* Hermes xv.; Journ. Brit, Arch. Assoc. xlii. 410.
* Corp. Inscr. Lat. iii. 961.
- * Wattenbach, Schriftw. 42—44.
* Archæologia, xliv, 123.
* Corp. Insor. Lat. iii. 843 sqq.

















| º
S - Palaeography.
both palaeographically, as giving a series of specimens
of the Roman rustic capital letters, and also for the form
which they took, exactly following that observed in the
legal documents preserved in waxen tablets (see below).
They were, in fact, codices in metal. The diploma con-
sisted of two square plates of the metal, hinged with
rings. The authentic deed was engraved on the inner
side of the two plates, and was repeated on the outside of
the first plate. Through two holes a threefold wire was
passed and bound round the plates, being sealed on the
outside of the second plate with the seals of the wit-
nesses, whose names were also engraved thereon. The
seals were protected by a strip of metal, attached, which
was sometimes convex to afford better cover. In case
of the outer copy being called in question, reference was
made to the deed inside by breaking the seals, without
the necessity of going to the official copy kept in the
temple of Augustus at Rome.
The repetition of the deed in one and the same
diploma is paralleled in some of the Assyrian tablets,
which, after being inscribed, received an outes casing of
clay on which the covered writing was repeated.
Wood.
Wooden tablets were used in very remote times. In
many cases they were probably coated, if not with wax,
with some kind of composition, the writing being
scratched upon them with a dry point ; in some in-
stances we know that ink was inscribed upon the bare
wood. The ancient Egyptians also used tablets covered
with a glazed composition capable of receiving ink.”
Wooden tablets inscribed with the nannes of the dead
are found with mummies. They were also used for
memoranda and accourts, and in the Egyptian schools;
specimens of tablets inscribed with receipts, alphabets, and
verses having Survived to the present day.” One of the
* Wilkinson, Ame. Egyp. ii. 183. -
* Reuvens, Lettres, iii. 111; T'ransac. Roy. Soc. Lit., 2nd series,
x. pt. 1; Leemans, Mon. Egypt. ii. tab. 236. Several specimens
of Egyptian inscribed tablets are in the British Museum.


Malerials used to receive Writing. I9
earliest specimens of Greek writing is a document in-
scribed in ink on a small wooden tablet now in the
British Museum (5849, C.); it refers to a money trans-
action of the thirty-first year of Ptolemy Philadelphus
(B.C. 254 or 253)." In the British Museum there is also
a small wooden board (Add. MS. 33,293), painted white
and incribed in ink with thirteen lines from the Iliad (iii.
273–285), the words being marked off and the syllables
indicated by accents, no doubt for teaching young
Greek scholars. It was found in Egypt, and is probably
of the third century. There is also a miscellaneous set
of broken tablets (Add. MS. 33,369) inscribed in ink
on a ground of drab paint, with records relating to the
recovery of debts, etc., at Panopolis, the modern Ekhmim,
in the Thebaid ; probably of the seventh century. In
the records of ancient Greece we have an instance of
the employment of wooden boards or tablets. In
the inventory of the expenses of rebuilding the
Erechtheum at Athens, B.C. 407, the price of two
boards, on which the rough accounts were first entered,
is set down at two drachmas, or 9; d. each : “ oravčes 81ſo
és às Tov A6)ou dvaypaſbouév.” ” And again a second
entry of four boards at the same price occurs. In some
of the waxen tablets lately recovered at Pompeii, the
pages which have been left in the plain wood are in-
scribed in ink.” Wooden tablets were used in schools
during the middle ages." In England the custom of
using wooden tallies, inscribed as well as notched, in the
public accounts lasted down to the present century.
Waxen and other Tablets.
But we may assume that as a general rule tablets
were coated with wax * from the very earliest times in
* See Revue Egyptologique, ii., Append., p. 51; Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 142.
* Rangabé, Antiq, fiel/6m, 56; Egger, Note sur le pric de
papier, etc., in Mém. d’Hist. Ancienne (1863).
* Pal. Soc. i. pl. 159.
* Wattenbach, Schriftw. 78. ---
* kmpás, cera, or pºën, pad) 6a. Follux, Onomast. x. 57, in his
chapter trepi 33Atov names the composition: “6 &é évov tº Tuvakiö.


2 O Palaeography.
Greece and Rome. Such waxen tablets were single,
double, triple, or of several pieces or leaves. In Greek
they were called Tivaš, Tuvakis, 8é\tos, 8éNTiou, Öext{ºtov,
Tvørtov, Tvåſov, Ypappuateſov ;" in Latin, cerae, tabulae,
tabellae. The wooden surface was sunk to a slight
depth, leaving a raised frame at the edges, after the
fashion of a child’s school-slate of the present day, and
a thin coating of wax, usually black, was laid over it.
'Tablets were used for literary composition,’ school exer-
cises,” accounts, or rough memoranda. They were some-
times fitted with slings for suspension. Two or more put
together, and held together by rings acting as hinges,
formed a caudea, or codea. Thus Seneca, De brev. vii. 13:
“Plurium tabularum contextus caudex apud antiquos
vocabatur; unde publicae tabulae codices dicuntur.”
When the codex consisted of two leaves it was called
8tóvpot, 8/TTvXa, diptycha, duplices ; of three, Tp(TTuxa,
triptycha, triplices ; and of more, Teutd"TTuxa, penta-
ptycha, quintuplices, Toxºtruxa, polyptycha, multiplices.”
In Homer we have an instance of the use of a tablet in
the death-message of King Proetus, “graving in a folded
tablet many deadly things.” And Herodotus tells us
(vii. 239) how Demaratus conveyed to the Lacedæmon-
ians secret intelligence of Xerxes' intended invasion of
Greece, by means of a message written on the wooden
surface of a tablet (§extſov čtvrtuxov) from which the wax
had been previously scraped but was afterwards renewed
to cover the writing. On Greek vases of the fifth and
fourth centuries B.C., tablets, generally triptychs, are
represented, both open in the hands of the goddess
knpös, pdx6m, ſid}\6a. Hoč8oros uévyāp kmpôy epmke, Kparivos 83 ºv
Tſ, IIvrtvm uáAémy Édºm.” Mºffa appears to have been wax mixed
with tar. Cf. Aristoph. Fragm. 206: “Tiju pavdav čk tāv ypappa-
reſov jo'étov.”
* See Pollux, Onomasticon, x. 57. -
* Quintilian, Instit. orator. x. 3, 31, recommends the use of
waxen tablets : “Scribioptime ceris, in quibus facillima estratio.”
* Horace, Sat. I. vi. 74, “Laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque
lacerto.”
9 Martial, xiv. 4, 6.
* Iliad, vi. 169: “ypdyas €v rivaku Trvkróðupoq,6épa Tox) d.”


A/a/eria/s ausea to receive JV7ri/à g. 2 I
Athena or other persons, and closed and bound round
with strings, hamging from the wall by slings or handles.*
Tablets in the codex forºm would be used not only as
mere note-books, but especially in all cases where the
writing was to be protectcd from injury either for the
moment or for a, long period. Hence they were used
for legal documents, conveyances and wills, and for
correspondence. When used for wills, each page was
technically called cera, as in Gaius, ii. 104: “ Hæc, ita
ut in his tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, ita do lego.” *
They were closed against inspection by passing a triple
thread, λῖνον, linum, through holes in the boards, and seal-
ingit with the seals of the witnesses, as will presently be
more fully explained. AstO correspondence, small tabletis,
codicilli or pugillares, were employed for short letters ;
longer letters, epistolæ, were written om papyrus, Thus
Seneca, Ep. 55, 11, makes the distinction : “ Adeo tecum
sum, ut dubitem an incipiam non epistulas sed codicillos
tibi scribere.” The tablets were sent by messengers,
tabellarii, as explained by Festus : * “ Tabellis pro chartis
utebantur antiqui, quibus ultro citro, sive privatim sive
publice opus erat, certiores absentes faciebant. Unde
adhuc tabellarii dicuntur, et tabellæ missæ ab impera-
toribus.'** The answer to the letter was inscribed on the
same set of tablets and returned. Love-letters appearto
have beem sometimes written on very small tablets ; " Mar-
tial, xiv. 8, 9, calls them Vitelliani. Tablets containing
* Sea Gerharâ, Antser/eseme Vasenbilder, iii. 239, iv. 244, 287,
288, 239, 296; Luynes, Vases, 3ö.
* Cf. Horace, Sat. II. v. 51:
“ Qni testamentum tradet tibi cunque legendum
Abnuere, et tabulas a be removere memento ;
Sic tamen, ut limis rapias quid prima secundo
(}era, velit, versil.”
* De Verborum, Signif., ed Müller, p. 359. - - - -
* Compare St, Jéroine, Fp. viii.: “ Nam et rudes illi Itnliæ
homines, ante chartæ et moimbranarum usum, aut in dedolatis e
ligno codicillis aut im* corticibus arborum mutuo epistolarum
nlloquia, missitabant. Unde et portitores eorum tabellarios et
scriptores a libris arborum librarios vocavere.”
* See the drawing in Museo Borbonico, i. 2.



22 Palaeography.
letters were fastened with a thread, which was sealed.”
The materials for letter-writing are enumerated in the
passage of Plautus, Bacchides, iv. 714: “Ecfer cito . . .
stilum, ceram et tabellas, linum ”; and the process of
sealing in line 748: “cedo tu ceram ac linum actutum
age obliga, opsigna cito.” In Cicero, Catil. iii. 5, we have
the opening of a letter: “Tabellas proferri jussimus.
. . . Primo ostendimus Cethego signum ; cognovit; nos
linum incidimus; legimus. . . . Introductus est Statilius;
cognovit et signum et manum suam.”
The custom of writing letters on tablets survived for
some centuries after classical times. In the 5th century
St. Augustine in his epistle to Romanianus (Migne,
Patrolog. Lat. xxxiii. 80) makes reference to his tablets
in these words:–“ Non haec epistola sic inopiam chartae
indicat, ut membranas salterm abundare testetur. Ta-
bellas eburneas quas habeo avunculo tuo cum litteris
misi. Tu enim huic pelliculae facilius ignosces, quia
differri non potuit quod ei scripsi, et tibi non scribere
etiam ineptissimum existimavi. Sed tabellas, si quae ibi
nostrae sunt, propter hujusmodinecessitates mittas peto.”
St. Hilary of Arles likewise has the following passage
in his Life of Honoratus (Migne, Patrol. Lat. l. 1261):
—“ Beatus Eucherius cum ab eremo in tabulis, ut assolet,
cera illitis, in proxima ab ipso degens insula, litteras ejus
suscepisset : “Mel,’ inquit, “suum ceris reddidisti.’”
Both these passages prove that the custom was general
at the period. Even as late as the year 1148 a letter
“ in tabella” was written by a monk of Fulda.”
It will be noticed that St. Augustine refers to his tablets
as being of ivory. The ancient tablets were ordinarily
of common-wood, such as beech, or fir, or box, the
“vulgaris buxus * of Propertius (iii. 23); but they were
also made of more expensive material. Two of Martial’s
apophoreta are “pugillares citrei” and “ pugillares
eborei.” Propertius (l.c.) refers to golden fittings:
“Non illas fixum caras effecerat aurum.” The large
7 Clay, cretula, was originally used: yń o mudvipts, Herod. ii. 38;
Étºiros, Aristoph. Lysis.1200, Pollux, Onomast. x, 58.
8 Wattenbach, Schriftw. 48.
Materials used ſo receive Writing. 2 3
consular diptychs, as we know from existing specimens,
were of ivory, often most beautifutly carved.--T
The employment of waxen tablets lasted for certain
purposes through the middle ages in countries of Western
Europe. Specimens inscribed with money accounts of
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries have survived
to the present day in France"; and municipal accounts
on tablets of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are
still preserved in some of the German towns. They
also exist in Italy,' dating from the thirteenth or four-
teenth century; they were used in England ; and
specimens are reported to have been found in Ireland.
It is said that quite recently sales in the fish-market of
Rouen were noted on waxen tablets.”
Greek Waxen Tablets.
Ancient Greek waxen tablets have survived in not many
instances. . In the British Museum are some which have
been found in Egypt. The most perfect is a book (Add.
MS. 33,270), perhaps of the third century, measuring
nearly nine by seven inches, which consists of seven tablets
coated on both sides with black wax and two covers
waxed on the inner side, inscribed with documents in
shorthand, presumably in Greek, and with shorthand
signs written repeatedly, as if for practice, and with
notes in Greek; in one of the covers a groove is hol-
lowed for the reception of the writing implements.
Another smaller book, of about seven by four inches,
formed of six tablets (Add. MS. 33,368), is inscribed,
probably by some schoolboy of the third century, with
grammatical exercises and other notes in Greek, and
also with a rough drawing, perhaps meant for a carica-
ture of the schoolmaster. There are also two tablets
* A tablet of accounts, of about the year 1300, from Citeaux
Abbey, is in the British Museum, Add. MS. 33,215. Four tablets,
of the 14th century, found at Beauvais, are in the Bibliothèque
Nationale—Acad. des Inscriptions, Comptes Rendus, 1887, p. 141,
* See Milani, Sei Tavolette cerate, in Publil. del R. Istituto di
Studi Superiori, 1877. -
* Wattenbach, Schriftw. 74.


24 Aa/eography.
inscribed with verses in Greek uncial writing, possibly
some literary sketch or a school exercise.” Two others
of a similar nature have been recently acquired, the one
containing a writing exercise, the other a multiplication
table. The Bodleian Library has also lately purchased
a waxen tablet (Gr. Inscr. 4) on which is a writing
exercise. Others are at Paris; some containing scribbled
alphabets and a contractor’s accounts, which were found
at Memphis." In New York is a set of five tablets, on
which are verses, in the style of Menander, set as a copy
by a writing-master and copied by a pupil." Other
specimens of a similar character are at Marseilles, the
date of which can be fixed at the end of the 3rd or
beginning of the 4th century;" and the last leaf of a
document found at Verespatak, where so many Latin
tablets have been discovered, is preserved at Karls-
burg.”
Latin Waxen Tablets.
Extant Tatin tablets are more numerous, but have only
been found in comparatively recent years. Twenty-four,
containing deeds ranging in date from A.D. 131 to 167,
were recovered, between the years 1786 and 1855, from
the ancient mining works in the neighbourhood of Albur-
nus Major, the modern Verespatak, in Dacia. In 1840
Massmann published the few which had at that time
been discovered, in his Libellus Aurarius ; but the ad-
mission into his book of two undoubtedly spurious docu-
ments cast suspicion on the rest, which were accordingly
denounced until the finding of other tablets proved their
genuineness. The whole collection is given in the
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum of the Berlin Aca-
demy, vol. iii.
During the excavations at Pompeii in July, 1875, a box
* See Verhandl, der Philologen-Versamml, zu Würzburg, 1869,
. 239,
p 4 Revue Archéol. viii. 461, 470.
5 Proceedings of the American Acad. of Arts and Sciences, iii. 371.
6 Annuaire de la Soc. Fran, de Numism. et d’Archéol. iii.
xxi.-lxxvii.
7 Corpus Inscr. Lat. iii. 933,

Materials used to receive Writing. 25
containing 127 waxen tablets was discovered in the house
of L. Caecilius Jucundus. They proved to be perscrip-
tiones and other deeds connected with sales by auction
and receipts for payment of taxes.”
The recovery of so many specimens of Latin tablets
has afforded ample means of understanding the mechani-
cal arrangement of such documents among the Romans.
Like the military tabulae homestæ missionis, they con-
tained the deed under seal and the duplicate copy open
to inspection. But most of them consist of three leaves:
they are triptychs, the third leaf being of great service
in giving cover to the seals. The Pompeian and Dacian
tablets differ from one another in some particulars; but
the general arrangement was as follows. The triptych
was made from one block of wood, cloven into the
three required pieces, or leaves, which were fast V
strings or wires passing through two holes near the edge
and serving for hinges. In the Pompeian tablets, one
side of each leaf was sunk within a frame, the hollowed
space being coated with wax in such a way that, of the
six sides or pages, nos. 2, 3, 5 were waxen, while 1, 4, 6
were of plain wood. The first and sixth sides were not
used ; they formed the outside. On the sides 2 and 3
was inscribed the deed, and on 4 the names of the
witnesses were written in ink and their seals sunk into
a groove cut down the centre, the deed being closed
by a string of three twisted threads, which passed
through two holes, one at the head and the other at the
foot of the groove, round the two leaves and under the
wax of the seals, which thus secured it. An abstract
or copy of the deed was inscribed on page 5. The
£acian tablets differed in this respect, that page 4 was
also waxen, and that the copy of the deed was com-
menced on that page in the space on the left of the
groove, the space on the right being filled with the
* Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, ser. ii. vol. iii. pt. 3,
1875-76, pp. 150–230; Hermes, vol. xii. 1877, pp. 88–141; and
Overbeck, Pompeji, 4th ed. by Mau. 1884, pp. 489 sqq. The
whole collection is to be edited by Prof. Zangemeister in the
Corpus Inscr. Lat. See Pal, Soc, i. pl. 159.
*
26. Palaeography.
|
witnesses’ names. The following diagram shows the
arrangement of a Dacian triptych :-
i 2
Q o
i Jeed : Zegins.
& à
o o O o
3 4.
o O
Q Q ---
i t Cºpy of º Mazmey
Deed : end’s deed 'S ºf Wit-
: Zegins |&|-nesses
o 5 |
- o o
5. 6 |
O O O Q 9. Q
Copy ºf deed
£77/7&
O - 5
It will be noticed that, although the string which
closed the deed (as indicated by dotted lines) passed
through the holes of only two of the leaves, yet the
third leaf (pages 5–and–6) is also perforated with
corresponding holes. This proves that the holes were
first pierced in the solid block, before it was cloven
into three, in order that they might afterwards adjust
themselves accurately." In one instance the fastening
threads and seals still remain."
9 See Corp. Inser. Lat. iii. 922.
! I lid, 938.

CIIAPTER III.
MATERIALS USED TO RECEIVE writing–continued.
WE now have to examine the history of the more com-"
mon writing-materials of the ancient world and of the
middle ages, viz. papyrus, vellum, and paper.
*
Papyrus. -
The papyrus plant, Cyperus Papyrus, which supplied
the substance for the great writing material of the
ancient world, was widely cultivated in the Delta o
Egypt. From this part of the country it has now
yanished, but it still grows in Nubia and Abyssinia.
Theophrastus, Hist. Plant.Tv. 10, states that it also
grew in Syria, and Pliny adds that it was native to the
Niger and Euphrates. Its Greek name TáTwpos, whence
Latin papyrus, was derived from one of its ancient
Egyptian names, P-apa. Herodotus, our most ancient
authority for any details of the purposes for which the
plant was employed, always calls it 803Nos, a word no
doubt also taken from an Egyptian term." Theophrastus
describes the plant as one which grows in the shallows
to the height of six feet, with a triangular and tapering
- stem crowned with a tufted head; the root striking out
at right angles to the stem and being of the thickness.
of a man’s wrist. The tufted heads were used for
garlands in the temples of the gods; of the wood-of-the
root were made various utensils; and of the stem, the
pith of which was also used as an article of food, a *
variety of articles, including writing material, were
manufactured : caulking yarn, ships' rigging, light
skiffs, shoes, etc. The cable with which Ulysses bound

















28 - Pa/scography.
the doors of the hall when he slew the suitors was
ôTAov 30.3\tuoy (Odyss. xxi. 390).
As a writing material papyrus was employed in Egypt
from the earliest times. Papyrus rolls are represented
on the sculptured walls of Egyptian temples; and rolls
themselves exist of immense antiquity. The most
ancient papyrus roll now extant is the Papyrus Prisse,
at Paris, which contains the copy of a work composed in
the reign of a king of the fifth dynasty and is itself of
about the year 2500 B.C. or earlier. The dry atmosphere
of Egypt has been specially favourable to the preserva-
tion of these fragile documents. Buried with the dead,
they have lain in the tombs or swathed in the folds of
the mummy-cloths for centuries, untouched by decay,
and in many instances remain as fresh as on the day
when they were written.
Among the Greeks the papyrus material manu-
factured for writing purposes was called xúptºs (Latin
charta) as well as by the names of the plant itself.
Herodotus, v. 58, refers to the early use of papyrus rolls
among the Ionian Greeks, to which they attached the
name of Šuq6épat, “skins,” the writing material to which
they had before been accustomed. Their neighbours,
the Assyrians, were also acquainted with it." They
called it “the reed of Egypt.” An inscription relating
to the expenses of the rebuilding of the Erechtheum at
Athens in the year 407 B.C. shows that papyrus was
used for the fair copy of the rough accounts, which
were first inscribed on tablets. Two sheets, xúptat 800,
cost at the rate of a drachma and two obols each, or a
little over a shilling of our money.”
The period of its first importation into Italy is not
known. The story of its introduction by Ptolemy, at
* In the Assyrian wall-sculptures in the British Museum there
are two scenes (Nos. 3 and 84) in which two couples of scribes
are represented taking notes. In each case, one of the scribes
is using a folding tablet (the hinges of one being distinctly
represented), and the other a scroll. The scroll may be either
papyrus or leather
* See above, p. 19.









Materia/s used to receive Writing. 29
the suggestion of Aristarchus, is of suspicious authenti-
city.” We know, however, that papyrus was plentiful
in Rome under the Empire. In fact, it was the common
writing material among the Romans at that period, and
became so indispensable that, on a temporary failure of
the supply in the reign of Tiberius, there was danger of
a popular tumult.* Pliny also, Nat. Hist. xiii. 11, refers
to its high social value in the words: “ papyri natura
dicetur, cum chartae usu maxime humanitas vitae constet,
certe memoria,” and again he describes it as a thing
“qua constat immortalitas hominum.”
It is probable that papyrus was imported into Italy
already manufactured ; and it is doubtful whether any
native plant grew in that country. Strabo says that it
was found in Lake Trasimene and other lakes of Etruria;
but the accuracy of this statement has been disputed.
Still, it is a fact that there was a manufacture of this
writing material carried on in Rome, the charta Fanniana.
being an instance; but it has been asserted that this
industry was confined to the re-making of imported
material. The more brittle condition of the Latin papyri,
as compared with the Greek papyri, found at Hercu-
laneum, has been ascribed to the detrimental effect of this
re-manufacture.
At a later period the Syrian variety of the plant was
grown in Sicily, where it was probably introduced during
the Arab occupation. It was seen there by the Arab
traveller, Ibn-Haukal, in the tenth century, in the neigh-
bourhood of Palermo, where it throve in great luxuriance
in the shallows of the Papireto, a stream to which it gave
its name. Paper was made from this source for the use of
the Sultan; but in the thirteenth century the plant began to
fail, and it was finally extinguished by the drying up of the
stream in 1591. It is still, however, to be seen growing
in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, but was probably
transplanted thither at a later time, for no mention of it
* See below, p. 36.
* Pliny, Nat. Hist. xiii. 13, “Sterilitatem sentit hoc quoque,
factumque jam Tiberio principe inopia chartae, ut e Senatu
darentur arbitri dispensandae; alias in tumultu vita erat.”


3O Palaeography.
in that place occurs earlier than 1674. Some attempts
have been made in recent years to manufacture a writing
material on the pattern of the ancient charta from this
Sicilian plant.
The manufacture of the writing material, as practised
in Egypt, is described by Pliny, Nº. Hill, i. i2. His
description applies specially to the system of his own day;
but no doubt it was essentially the same that had been
followed for centuries. His text is far from clear, and
there are consequently many divergences of opinion on
different points. The stem of the plant was cut longitu-
dinally into thin strips (philyrae) " with a sharp cutting
instrument described as a needle (acus). The old idea
that the strips were peeled off the inner core of the stem
is now abandoned, as it has been shown that the plant,
like other reeds, contains a cellular pith within the rind,
which was all used in the manufacture. The central strips
were naturally the best, being the widest. The strips
thus cut were laid vertically upon a board, side by side,
to the required width, thus forming a layer, scheda,
across which another layer of shorter strips was laid at
right angles. Pliny applies to this process the phrase-
ology of net or basket making. The two layers formed a
“net,” plagula, or “wicker,” crates, which was thus
“ woven,” tewitur. In this process Nile water was used
for moistening the whole. The special mention of this
particular water has caused some to believe that there
were some adhesive properties in it which acted as a paste
or glue on the material; others, more reasonably, have
thought that water, whether from the Nile or any other
source, solved the glutinous matter in the strips and thus
caused them to adhere. It seems, however, more probable
that paste was actually used." The sheets were finally
* Birt, Antikes Buchwegen, 229, prefers to apply the word scheſlºe
or schidae to the strips. But Pliny distinctly uses the word phily, e,
although he elsewhere describes the inner bark of the lime tree by
this name. Another name for the strips was inae.
* Birt, 231, points out, in regard to Pliny’s words, “turbidus
liquor vim glutinis præbet,” that “glutinis” is not a genitive
but a dative, Pliny never using the word “gluten,” but
“glutºnium.”


Mažeria/s used to receive Writing. 3 I
pressed and dried in the sun. Rough or uneven places
were rubbed down with ivory or a smooth shell.’ Mois-
ture lurking between the layers was to be detected by
strokes of the mallet. Spots, stains, and spongy strips
(tania) in which the ink would run, were defects which
also had to be encountered.”
The sheets were joined together with paste to form
a roll, scapus, but not more than twenty was the pre-
scribed number. There are, however, rolls of more than
twenty sheets, so that, if Pliny's reading vicinæ is correct,
the number was not constant in all times. The outside
of the roll was naturally that part which was more
exposed to risk of damage and to general wear and
tear. The best sheets were therefore reserved for this
position, those which lay nearer the centre or end of the
roll not being necessarily so good. Moreover, the end of
a roll was not wanted in case of a short text, and might
be cut away. A protecting strip of papyrus was often
pasted down the edge at the beginning or end of a roll,
in order to give additional strength to the material and
prevent it tearing.” The first sheet of a papyrus roll
was called the TpotókoA\ov, a term which still survives
in diplomacy; the last sheet was called the éo MatokóANuov.
Among the Romans the protocol was marked with the
name of the Comes largitionum, who had the control of the
manufacture, and with the date and name of the place
where it was made. The portion thus marked was in
ordinary practice cut away; but this curtailment was
forbidden in legal documents by the laws of Justinian."
After their conquest of Egypt in the seventh century,
the Arabs continued the manufacture and marked the
7 Martial, xiv. 209 : -
“Levis ab asquorea cortex Mareotica concha
Fiat ; inoffen a currit harundo via.”
* Pliny, Epist. viii. 15: “quae (chartae) si scabrae bibulaeve
sint,” etc. -
* Wilcken, in Hermes, xxiii. 466.
...” “Tabelliones non scribant instrumenta in aliis chartis quam
in his quae protocolla habent, ut tamen protocollum tale sit, quod
habeat nomen gloriosissimi comitis largitionum et tempus quo
charta facta est; "-Nore/l. xliv, 2.


32 Palaeography.
protocol in Arabic. An instance of an Arab protocol
thus marked is found in a bull of Pope John VIII.
of 876, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
With regard to the width of papyrus rolls, those which
date from the earliest period of Egyptian history are
narrow, of about six inches; later they increase to nine,
eleven, and even above fourteen inches. The width of
the early Greek papyri of Homer and Hyperides in the
British Museum runs from nine to ten inches. From
Pliny we learn that there were various qualities of writ-
ing material made from papyrus and that they differed
from one another in width. It has however been found
that extant specimens do not tally with the figures that
he gives; but an ingenious explanation has been lately
proposed,' that he refers to the breadth of the individual
sheets which together make up the length of the poll,
not to the height of the sheets which forms its width. The
best kind, formed from the broadest strips of the plant,
was originally the charta hieratica, a name which was
afterwards altered to Augusta out of flattery to the
emperor Augustus. The charta Livia, or second
quality, was named after his wife. The hieratica thus
descended to the third rank. The Augusta and Livia
were 13 digits, or about 9% inches, wide ; the hieratica
11 digits or 8 inches. The charta amphitheatrica, of 9
digits or 6% inches, took its title from the principal
place of its manufacture, the amphitheatre of Alexandria.
The charta l'anniana was apparently a variety which
was re-made at Rome, in the workshops of a certain
Tannius, from the amphitheatrica, the width being in-
creased by about an inch through pressure. The Saitica
was a common variety, named after the city of Sais, being
of about 8 digits or 5% inches. Finally, there were the
Tºniotica—which was said to have taken its name from
the place where it was made, a tongue of land (Tatvia)
near Alexandria—and the common packing-paper, charta
emporetica, neither of which was more than 5 inches
wide. Mention is made by Isidore, Etymol. vi. 10, of a
* Birt, 251 sqq.


Materials used to receive Writing. 33
quality of papyrus called Corneliana, which was first
made under C. Cornelius Gallus when prefect of Egypt.
But the name may have disappeared from the vocabulary
when Gallus fell into disgrace.” Another kind was
manufactured in the reign of Claudius, and on that ac-
count was named Claudia. It was a made-up material,
combining the Augusta and Livia, to provide a stout sub-
stance. Finally, there was a large-sized quality, of a
cubit or nearly 18 inches in width, called macrocollon.
Cicero made use of it (Epp. ad Attic. xiii. 25; xvi. 3).
Varro, repeated by Pliny, xiii. 11, makes the extra-
ordinary statement that papyrus writing material was
first made in Alexander’s time. He may have been
misled from having found no reference to its use in prae-
Alexandrine authors; or he may have meant to say that
its first free manufacture was only of that date, as it was
previously a government monopoly.
Papyrus continued to be the ordinary writing material
in Egypt to a comparatively late period.” Greek docu-
ments of the early centuries of our era have been found
in considerable numbers in the Fayoum and other dis-
tricts. In Europe also, long after vellum had become
the principal writing material, especially for literary
purposes, papyrus continued in common use, particularly
for ordinary documents, such as letters. St. Jerome,
Ip. vii., mentions wellum as a material for letters, “if
papyrus fails”; and St. Augustine, Ep. xv., apologizes
for using vellum instead of papyrus. A fragmentary
epistle of Constantine V. to Pepin le Bref, of 756, is
preserved at Paris. A few fragments of Greek literary
papyri of the early middle ages, containing Biblical
matter and portions of Graeco-Latin glossaries, have also
survived.
For purely Latin literature papyrus was also occa-
* Tbid. 250.
* The middle of the tenth century is the period when it has
been calculated the manufacture of papyrus in Egypt ceased.—
Karabacek, Das arabische Papier, in Mittheilungen aus der
º der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, bd. ii.-iii. (1887),
p. 98.

34 Aa/aeography.
sionally used in the early middle ages. Examples, made
up in book form, sometimes with a few vellum leaves in-
corporated to give stability, are found in different
libraries of Europe. They are: The Homilies of St.
Avitus, of the 6th century, at Paris; Sermons and
Epistles of St. Augustine, of the 6th or 7th century, at
Paris and Genoa; works of Hilary, of the 6th century, at
Vienna ; fragments of the Digests, of the 6th century, at
Pommersfeld; the Antiquities of Josephus, of the 7th cen-
tury, at Milan ; an Isidore, of the 7th century, at St. Gall.
At Munich, also, is the register of the Church of -
Ravenna, written on this material in the 10th century. |
Many papyrus documents in Latin, dating from the 5th
to the 10th century, have survived from the archives of -
Ravenna; and there are extant fragments of two imperial |
rescripts written in Egypt, apparently in the 5th century,
in a form of the Latin cursive alphabet which is other-
wise unknown. In the papal chancery papyrus appears
to have been used down to a late date in preference to
wellum. A few papal bulls on this material have survived;
the earliest being one of Stephen III. of the year 757; the
latest, one of Sergius IV. of 1011.” In France papyrus
was in common use in the sixth century.” Under the
Merovingian kings it was used for official documents;
several papyrus deeds of their period, dated from 625
to 692, being still preserved in the French archives.
Skins.
The skins of animals are of such a durable nature that
it is no matter for surprise to find that they have been
appropriated as writing material by the ancient nations
of the world. They were in use among the Egyptians as
early as the time of Cheops, in the 4th dynasty, documents
written on skins at that period being referred to or
copied in papyri of later date." Actual specimens of skin
rolls from Egypt still exist. In the British Museum is a
* Rapport de M. Delisle, in Bulletin du Comité des Travania:
hist. et scient., 1885, No. 2.
* Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. v. 5.
* Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt., ed. Birch, ii. 182.



Al/afferia/s used fo receive Writing. 35
ritual on white leather (Salt, 256) which may be dated
about the year 2000 B.C. The Jews followed the same
custom, and to the present day continue it in their syna-
gogue rolls. It may be presumed that their neighbours
the Phoenicians also availed themselves of the same kind
of writing material. The Persians inscribed their history
upon skins." The use of skins, 8tºběčpat, among the
Ionian Greeks is referred to by Herodotus, v. 58, who
adds that in his day many foreign nations also wrote on
them.
Parchment and Wellum.
After what has been here stated regarding the early
use of skins, the introduction of parchment, or vellum as
it is now more generally termed, that is to say, skins
prepared in such a way that they could be written upon
on both sides, cannot properly be called an invention; it
was rather an extension of, or improvement upon, an old
practice. The common story, as told by Pliny, Nat. Hist.
xiii. 11, on the authority of Varro, runs that Eumenes II.
of Pergamum (B.C. 197—158), wishing to extend the
library in his capital, was opposed by the jealousy of the
- Ptolemies, who forbade the export of papyrus, hoping
thus to check the growth of a rival library. The
Pergamene king, thus thwarted, was forced to fall back
again upon skins; and thus came about the manufacture
of vellum : “Mox aemulatione circa bibliothecas regum
Ptolemaei et Eumenis, supprimente chartas Ptolemaeo,
idem Varro membranas Pergami tradit repertas.” "
Whatever may be the historical value of this tra-
dition, at least it points to the fact that Pergamum
was the chieſ' centre of the vellum trade. The name
Šuq,6épal, membranae, which had been applied to the
* Diodorus, ii. 32: “gº róv Baori)\tków 81%6épov, v air oi IIéporat rās
traNatas trpášets eixov orvure rayuévas.” - -
* St. Jerome, Ep. vii., also refers to the place of its origin :
“Chartam defuisse non puto, AEgypto ministrante commercia.
Et si alicubi Ptolemaeus maria clausisset, tamen rex Attalus
membranas a Pergamo miserat, ut penuria chartie pellibus
pensaretur. Unde et Pergamenarum nomer ad hunc usque
diem, tradente sibi invicem posteritate, servatum est.”








36 Palæography.
earlier skins, was extended also to the new manufacture.
The title membrana Pergamena is comparatively late,
first occurring in the edict of Diocletian, A.D. 301, de
pretiis rerum, vii. 38; next in the passage in St. Jerome's
epistle, quoted in the footnote. The Latin name was also
Graecized as peg|Späval, being so used in 2 Tim. iv. 13:
“ud Avata Tâs uéuépávas.” The word a ſopºdttov, which
afterwards designated a vellum MS. as opposed to a
papyrus roll, had reference originally to the contents,
such a MS. being capable of containing an entire work
or corpus.”
As to the early use of vellum among the Greeks and
Romans, no evidence is to be obtained from the results of
excavations. No specimens have been recovered at
Herculaneum or Pompeii, and none of sufficiently early
date in Egypt. There can, however, be little doubt that
it was imported into Rome under the Republic. The
general account of its introduction thither—evidently
suggested by Varro's earlier story of the first use of
it—is that Ptolemy, at the suggestion of Aristarchus
the grammarian, having sent papyrus to Rome, Crates
the grammarian, out of rivalry, induced Attalus of
Pergamum to send ºvellum." References to the pages
of certain municipal deeds seem to imply that the latter
were inscribed in books, that is, in vellum MSS., not
on papyrus rolls.” When Cicero, Epp. ad Attic. xiii. 24,
uses the word 815069at, he also seems to refer to vellum.
The advantages of the vellum book over the papyrus roll
are obvious: it was in the more convenient form of the
codea, ; it could be re-written ; and the leaves could
receive writing on both sides. Martial enumerates,
among his Apophoreta, vellum MSS. of Homer (xiv. 184),
Virgil (186), Cicero (188), Livy (190), and Ovid (192).”
* Birt, Ant. Buchºp., 41.
1 Boissonade, Anecd. j. 420.
* Mommsen, Inser. Neapol. 6828; Annali del Inst. (1858)
xxx. 192; Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer, 796.
* Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 21, mentions a curiosity: “In nuce
;" Iliadem Homeri Carmen in me...braua scriptum tradit
icero.'
-


A/a/erials used to receive Writing. 37
Vellum tablets began to take the place of the tabulae
ceratae, as appears in Martial, xiv. 7: “Esse puta ceras,
licet haec membrana vocetur: Delebis, quotiens scripta
novare voles.” Quintilian, x. 3, 31, recommends the use
of vellum for drafts of their compositions by persons
of weak sight: the ink on vellum was more easily read
than the scratches of the stilus on wax." Horace refers to
it in Sat. ii. 3: “Sic raro scribis ut toto non quater anno
Membranam poscas”; and in other places.
From the dearth of classical specimens and from the
scanty number of early mediaeval MSS. of secular authors
which have come down to us, it seems that wellum was
not a common writing material under the first Roman
emperors. There are no records to show its relative
value in comparison with papyrus." But the latter had
been so long the recognized material for literary use that
the slow progress of vellum as its rival may be partly
ascribed to natural conservatism. It was particularly ||
the influence of the Christian Church that eventually
carried vellum into the front rank of writing materials
and in the end displaced papyrus. As papyrus had been
the principal material for receiving the thoughts of the
pagan world, vellum was to be the great medium for
conveying to mankind the literature of the new religion.
The durability of vellum recommended it to an extent
that fragile papyrus could in no way pretend to. When
Constantine required copies of the Scriptures for his new
churches, he ordered fifty MSS. on vellum, “TrevTijkovta.
aoudtta év 8th9épats,” to be prepared." And St. Jerome,
Ep. cxli., refers to the replacement of damaged volumes
in the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea by MSS. on
Vellum : “Quam [bibliothecam] ex parte corruptam
* So also Martial, xiv. 5: “Languida ne tristes obscurent
lumina cerae. Nigra tibi niveum littera pingat ebur.”
* Birt, Ant. Buchwesen, has attempted to prove that vellum
was a comparatively worthless commodity, used as a cheap
material for rough drafts and common work. His conclusions,
however, cannot be accepted. For example, few probably will
agree with him that a copy of Homer's Batrachomyomachia on
papyrus was a gift of equal value with the Iliad on vellum.
* Eusebius, Vit. Constant., iv. 36.



38 - Palaeography.
Acacius dehinc et Euzoius, ejusdem ecclesiae Sacerdotes,
in membranis instaurare conati sunt.”
As to the character and appearance of vellum at
different periods, it will be enough to state generally
that in the most ancient MSS. a thin, delicate material
may usually be looked for, firm and crisp, with a smooth
and glossy surface. This is generally the character of
vellum of the fifth and sixth centuries. Later than this
period, as a rule, it does not appear to have been S6 care-
fully prepared; probably, as the demand increased, a
greater amount of inferior material came into the market.’
But the manufacture would naturally vary in different
countries. In Ireland and England the early MSS. are
generally on stouter vellum than their contemporaries
abroad. In Italy a highly polished surface seems at
most periods to have been in favour; hence in this coun-
try and neighbouring districts, as the South of France,
and again in Greece, the hard material resisted absorp-
tion, and it is often found that both ink and paint have
flaked off in MSS. of the middle ages. In contrast to
this are the instances of soft vellum, used in England
and France and in northern Europe generally, from
the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, for MSS. of
the better class. In the fifteenth century the Italian
wellum of the Renaissance is often of extreme whiteness
and purity. Uterine vellum, taken from the unborn
young, or the skins of new-born animals were used for
special purposes. A good example of this very delicate
material is found in Add. MS. 23,935, in the British
Museum, a volume containing in as many as 579 leaves
a corpus of liturgical church service books, written in
France in the 13th and 14th centuries.
Vellum was also of great service in the ornamentation
of books. Its smooth surfaces showed off colours in all
their brilliancy. Martial’s vellum MS. of Virgil (xiv. 186)
is adorned with the portrait of the author: “Ipsius
7 Instances, in MSS. of the seventh and tenth centuries, of
wellum which was too thin or badly prepared, and therefore left
blank by the scribes, are noticed in Cat. of Anc. MSS. in the
Brit. Museum, Pt. ii. 51; and in Delisle, Mélanges, p. 101.
-


A/aterials used to receive Writing. 39
voltus prima tabella gerit.” Isidore, Orig. vi. 11, 4,
describing this material, uses the words: “Membrana
autem aut candida aut lutea aut purpurea sunt. Can-
dida naturaliter existunt. Luteum membranum bicolor
est, quod a confectore una tingitur parte, id est, crocatur.
De quo Persius (iii. 10), ‘Jam liber et positis bicolor
membrana capillis.’” This quotation from Persius refers
to the vellum wrapper which the Romans were in the
habit of attaching to the papyrus roll: the batvöAms,
paeſtula, literally a travelling cloak. The vellum was well
suited, from its superior strength, to resist constant
handling. It was coloured of some brilliant hue, generally
scarlet or purple, as in Lucian *: “ Toppvpå Öd Škºroa 6ev
# 8140&pa.” Ovid finds a bright colour unsuited to his
melancholy book, Trist. I. i. 5: “Nec te purpureo velent
vaccinia fuco.” Martial's libellus, viii. 72, is “nondum
murice cultus *; and again he has the passages, iii. 2:
“et te purpura delicata velet”; and x. 93: “carmina,
purpurea sed modo Suta toga,” the toga being another
expression for the wrapper. In Tibullus III. i. 9, the
colour is orange : “Lutea sed niveum involvat mem-
brana libellum.” The strip of vellum, oriNAw80s (or
a TTw80s), titulus, indea, which was attached to the
papyrus roll and was inscribed with the title of the work
therein contained, was also coloured, as appears from
the passages in Martial, iii. 2: “Et cocco rubeat super-
bus index,” and in Ovid, Trist. I. i. 7: “nec titulus minio
nec cedro charta notetur.” -
We do not know how soon was introduced the extra-
vagant practice of producing sumptuous volumes written
in gold or silver upon purple-stained vellum. Towards
the end of the third century, however, it seems hat such
MSS, were well known. Theonas, probably bishop of
Alexandria, writing to the imperial chamberlain Lucian,
directs him how he may favourably aispose the emperor
(Diocletian) towards the Christians, and advises him, in
regard to the imperial library; to-have the books orna-
mented “non tantum ad superstitios sumptus quantum
* Hepi Tôv étri plug 66 ovvávrov, 41.


• \
4O - Palaeography.
ad utile ornamentum : itaque scribi in purpureis mem-
branis et litteris aureis totos codices, nisi specialiter
Princeps demandaverit, non effectet.” ". It was a sump-
tuous MS. of this description which Julius Capitolinus,
..early in the fourth century, puts into the possession of
the younger Maximin: “Cum grammatico daretur,
quaedam parens sua libros Homericos omnes purpureos
dedit, aureis litteris scriptos.” Against luxury of this
nature St. Jerome directed his often-quoted words in his
preface to the Book of Job: “Habeant qui volunt
veteres libros vel in membranis purpureis auro argen-
toque descriptos vel uncialibus, ut vulgo aiunt, litteris,
Onera magis exarata quam codices”; and again in his
Ep. xviii., to Eustochium : “Inficiuntur membranae
colore purpureo, aurum liquescit in litteras, gemmis
codices vestiuntur, et nudus ante fores earum [i.e.
wealthy ladies] Christus emoritur.”
The art of staining or dyeing vellum with purple or
similar colour was practised chiefly in Constantinople,
and also in Rome; but MSS. of this material, either
entirely or in part, seem to have been produced in most
of the civilized countries of Europe at least from the
sixth century, if we may judge from surviving examples
which, though not numerous, still exist in fair numbers.
Of these the best known are:—Portion of the Book of
Genesis, in Greek, in the Imperial Library at Vienna,
written in silver letters and illustrated with a series of
coloured drawings of the greatest interest for the history
of the art of the period; of the 6th century." A MS. of
the Gospels, in Greek, in silver, leaves of which are in the
British Museum, at Vienna, Rome, and in larger numbers
at Patmos, whence the others were obtained; also of
the 6th century.” The Codex Rossanensis, lately dis-
covered at Rossano in South Italy, which contains the
* D'Achery, Spicileg. xii. 549.
* See a facsimile of one of the pages in Pal. Soc. i., pl. 178;
and of one of the paintings in Labarte, Hist, des Arts industr.
du Moyen Age (1864), album ii., pl. 77.
* Edited by Tischendorf, Mon. Sacr. Ined. : see also Westwood,
Talaeogr. Sacra Pict., “Purple Gleek MSS.”

Maſerials used to receive Writing. 4. I
*~. -
Gospels in Greek, of the 6th century, written also in
silver and having a series of drawings illustrative of the
Life of Christ.” The Greek Psalter of Zürich, of the
7th century, in silver letters." The famous Codex Argen- ~
- teus of Upsala, containing the Gothic Gospels of Ulfilas”
translation, of the 6th century." The Latin Evangeli-
arium of Vienna, originally from Naples, of the same
period, in silver uncials; a single leaf of the MS. being
in Trinity College, Dublin." The Latin Psalter of St.
Germain (who died A.D. 576) at Paris, also in silver
- uncials.” The Metz Evangeliarium at Paris, of the same
º style and period. Of later date are the MSS. which
were produced in the Carlovingian period, when a
fresh impetus was given to this kind of ornamental
luxury. Such are:—The Latin Gospels at Paris, said
to have been written for Charlemagne by Godescalc
in letters of gold.” A similar MS. at Vienna.”
- The Latin Gospels of the Hamilton collection of MSS.
º lately at Berlin, which appears to have once be-
º longed to our king Henry VIII., is probably also of
- this period.' And lastly may be mentioned the Latin
Psalter in the Douce collection in the Bodleian Lib-
rary, written in golden Caroline minuscules and orna-
mented with miniatures.” Other specimens of purple
* Edited, with outline tracings of the drawings, by von Gebhardt
and Harnack, Evangeliorum Code.” Graecus purpureus Rossa-
mensis, 1880.
* Edited by Tischendorf, Mon. Sacr. Ined. Nova Coll. iv.
- " See an autotype in Pal. Soc. i., pl. 118.
, * Ed. Tischendorf, 1847. A facsimile of the Dublin leaf is in
- Par Palimpsest. Dublin, ed. Abbott, 1880.
* Silvestre, Univ. Palaeogr. (English ed.), pl. 110.
* Westwood, Pal. Sacr. Pict, “Evangelistarium of Charle.
- magne.”
º- * Denkschrifte der kais. Akad. der Wissensch, xiii. 85.
* See “Die Handschr. der Hamiltonschen Sammlung,” by
Prof. Wattenbach, in Neues Archiv. viii. 329. Prof. Wattenbach
would identify this M.S. with the famous purple codex “de auro
purissimo in membranis depurpuratis coloratis” which Wilfrid,
-- archbishop of York, caused to be made and presented to the
monastery of Ripon in the latter half of the 7th century.
* Douce MS. 59.
-

42 Palaeography.
MSS. are cited in different palaeographical works and
catalogues.”
The practice of inserting single leaves of purple-stained
vellum for the ornamentation of MSS. was not uncom-
mon in the eighth and ninth centuries. A beautiful ex-
ample is seen in the fragmentary Latin Gospels from
Canterbury (Brit. Mus., Royal MS. 1. E. vi.), a large folio
volume, in which there still remain some leaves dyed of
a rich deep rose colour and decorated with ornamental
initials and paintings, the remnant of a larger number;
of the latter part of the 8th century." But more
generally, for such partial decoration, the surface of the
vellum was coloured, sometimes on only one side of the
leaf, or even on only a part of it, particularly in MSS.
of French or German origin of the tenth and eleventh
centuries." At the period of the Renaissance there was
Some attempt at reviving this style of book ornamentation,
and single leaves of stained vellum are occasionally found
in MSS. of the fifteenth century. Other colours, besides
purple, were also employed; and instances occur in MSS.
of this late time of leaves painted black to receive
gold or silver writing. Such examples are, however, to
be considered merely as curiosities.
A still more sumptuous mode of decoration than even
that by purple-staining seems to have been occasionally
followed. This consisted in gilding the entire surface
of the vellum. But the expense of such work must have
been so great that we cannot suppose that more than a
very few leaves would ever have been thus treated in any
MS., however important. Fragments of two vellum
leaves, thus gilt and adorned with painted designs, are
preserved in the British Museum, Add. MS. 5111. They
originally formed part of Greek tables of the Eusebian
* See references in Wattenbach, Schriftw. 110–113.
* Cat. of Ancient MSS. in the Br. Mus, Pt. ii. (1884) 20; West-
wood, Pal. Sacr. Pict., and Facs. of Miniatures and Ornaments
of A.-Saa.on and Irish. MSS. pl. 14, 15.
* An instance of this superficial colouring occurs in a page of
the Cotton MS. Vesp. A. viii., the foundation charter of New-
minster, Winchester, A.D. 966. The Harley MS. 2821, written in
Germany in the 11th century, contains many leaves of this kind.



Ma/erials used to receive Wrizing. 43
º
-
-
Canons, no doubt prefixed to a copy of the Gospels, of
the 6th century."
Paper.

Paper, manufactured from fibrous substances, appears
to have been known to the Chinese at a most rehāote
period. Its introduction into Europe is due to the
agency of the Arabs, who are said to have first learnt its
use at Samarkand, which they captured A.D. 704. Its
manufacture spread through their empire; and it received
one of its mediaeval titles, charta Damascena, from the
fact of Damascus being one of the centres of paper
commerce. A comparatively large number of early
Arabic MSS. on paper still exist, dating from the ninth
century; the earliest is of the year 866.7
This oriental paper, becoming known in Europe at a
time when the Egyptian papyrus, although not in actual
common use, still was not yet forgotten, was called by
the same names, charta and papyrus. It was also known
in the middle ages as charta bombycina, gossypina,
cuttu'vea, Damascena, and a ylina, and in Greek as
êvãoxdptuov or ēvXóTevictov. It has in recent times also
been generally known as cotton-paper, that is, paper
made from the wool of the cotton plant. It is usually
stout, of a yellowish tinge, and with a glossy surface.
This last quality seems to have gained for it one of its
titles, charta serica. Imported through Greece into
Europe, it is referred to by Theophilus, a writer of the
twelfth century (Schedula diversarum artium,” i. 24) as
Greek parchment, pergamena Græca ; and he adds, “ quae
fit ex lana ligni.” But it does not appear to have been
used to any great extent even in Greece before the
middle of the thirteenth century, if one may judge from
the very few extant Greek MSS. on paper of that time.
Paper-making in Europe was first established by the
Moors in Spain and by the Arabs in Sicily; and their
* Cat. Anc. MSS. Pt. i. (1881) 21.
* See facsimiles of several in the Oriental Series of the Palaeo-
graphical Society.
* Ed. R. Hendrie, 1847, p. 28.

44 Palaeography.
paper was at first still the same oriental paper above
described. In Spain it was called pergamemo de pammo,
cloth parchment, a title which distinguished it from
the pergameno de cuero, or vellum ; and it is so de-
scribed in the laws of Alphonso, of 1263. On the
expulsion of the Moors, an inferior quality was produced
by the less skilled Christians. From Sicily the manu-
facture passed over into Italy.
Here we must pause a moment to revert to the ques-
tion of the material of which oriental paper was made.
As already stated, its early European names point to the
general idea that it was made of cotton. But recent
investigations have thrown doubts on the accuracy of this
view ; and a careful analysis of many early samples has
proved that, although cotton was occasionally used, no
paper that has been examined is entirely made of that
substance, hemp or flax being the more usual material.”
An ingenious solution of this difficulty has been recently
offered, that the term xdpTms 80p/80/clvos, charta bomby-
cina, is nothing more than an erroneous reading of
xápTys 8apſ3tſkivos, charta bambycina, that is, paper
made in the Syrian town of Bambyce, Bapſ3\ſkm, the Arab
Mambidsch." The question of material is not, however, of
any particular importance for our present purpose; and it
is only the distinction which has been made between orien-
tal paper and European paper, as being the one of cotton
and the other of linen rag, that requires it to be noticed. A
more satisfactory means of distinguishing the two kinds
of paper is afforded by the employment of water-marks in
European paper, a practice which was unknown to the
oriental manufacturer.
Several examples survive of oriental paper, or paper
° C. M. Briquet, Racherches sur les Premiers Papiers du X" aw
XIV Siècle, in the Mémoires de la Soc. Nat, des Antiquaires de
France, tome xlvi; and a review of the same by C. Paoli, Carta
di Cotone e Carta di Lino, in the Archivio Storico Italiano, 1885,
p. 230. Karabacek, Das arabische Papier, in Mittheilungen aws
der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, bd. ii.-iii. 87.
1 Karabacek, Neue Quellen zur Papiergeschickte, in Mitthei-
lungen (ut supr.) bd. iv. 117.


A ſafezia/s used to receive Writing. 45
made in the oriental fashion, used for European docu-
ments and MSS. The oldest recorded document was a
deed of King Roger of Sicily of the year 1102, and
others of other Sicilian kings of the 12th century are
also mentioned. At Genoa there are extant letters of
Greek emperors, of 1188-1202. The oldest known imperial
deed is a charter of Frederic II. to the nuns of Goess, in
Styria, of 1228.” The same emperor forbade, in 1231,
the use of paper for public deeds. A Visigothic paper
MS. of the 12th century, from Silos, near Burgos, is
now in the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris (Nouv. Acq.
Lat. 1296); " a paper notarial register at Genoa dates
from 1154; in the British Museum there is a paper MS.
(Arundel 268), written in Italy, of the first half of the
13th century; and at Munich the autograph MS. of
Albert de Beham, 1238-1255, is also on the same kind
of paper. In several cities and towns of Italy there
exist registers on paper dating back to the thirteenth
century." Letters addressed from Castile to Edward I.
of England, in 1279 and following years, are on the same
material; and a register of the hustings court of Lyme
Regis, now in the British Museum, which begins with
entries of the year 1809, is on paper which was pro-
bably imported from Spain or Bordeaux, such as that
employed for the Bordeaux customs register of the be-
ginning of the reign of Edward II., now in the Record
Office.”
The earliest reference to the material of paper made
in Europe appears to be that in the tract of Peter, abbot
of Cluny (A.D. 1122–1150), “adversus Judaeos,” cap. 5,
in which among the various kinds of books he mentions
those made ea rasuris veterum panmorum." There appears
* J. G. Schwandner, Charta Linea, 1788.
* Delisle, Mélanges, 109.
* Cited by Professor Paoli, Ta Storia della Carta secondo gli

w/timi studi, in Nuova Antologia, vol. xviii. (1888), p. 297.
* See also Rogers, Hist. Agricult. and Prices, i, 644.
* “Quales quotidie in usu legendi habemus, utique ex pellura
arietum, hircorum, vel vitulorum, sive ex biblis vel juncis orien-
talium paludum, aut ex rasuris veterum pannorum, seu ex qualibet
alia forte viliore materia compactos.”

46 Palaeography.
to have certainly been an extensive manufacture in Italy
in the first half of the thirteenth century. There is
evidence of a paper trade at Genoa as early as 1235." But
the place from which we have the earliest known water-
mark, on paper which was used in 1293, is Fabriano, in
the marquisate of Ancona, where the industry - was
established certainly before the year 1276, and probably
much earlier. The jurist Bartolo, in his treatise De
£nsigniis et armis, mentions the excellent paper made
there in the fourteenth century. Other centres of early
manufacture were Colle, in Tuscany, Padua, where a
factory was established at least as early as 1340, Treviso,
Venice, Pignerol and Caselia in Piedmont, Florence,
Bologna, Parma, Milan, and other places. From the
northern towns of Italy a trade was carried on with
Germany, where also factories were rapidly founded in
the fourteenth century. France borrowed the art of
paper-making from Spain, whence it was introduced, it
is said, as early as 1189, into the district of Hérault.
The north of Europe, at first supplied from the
south, gradually took up the manufacture. England
drew her supplies, no doubt, at first from such trading
ports as Bordeaux and Genoa; but even in the fourteenth
century it is not improbable that she had a rough home-
manufacture of her own, although it is said that the
first English mill was set up in Hertford not earlier than
the sixteenth century.
Paper was in fairly general use throughout Europe in
the second half of the fourteenth century; at that time it
began to rival vellum as a material for books; in the
course of the fifteenth century it gradually superseded
it. MSS. of this later period are sometimes composed of
both vellum and paper, a sheet of vellum forming the
outer leaves of a quire, the rest being of paper : a revival
of the old practice observed in certain papyrus books in
which vellum leaves protected and gave strength to the
leaves of papyrus.
A knowledge of the appearance of paper and of water-
7 Briquet, Papiers et Filigranes des Archives de Gênes, 1888,
p. 36.
*-*
Aſalerials used to receive Writing. 47
marks of different periods is of great assistance in as-
signing dates to undated paper MSS. In the fourteenth
century European paper is usually stout, and was made
in frames composed of thick wires which have—left
strongly defined impressions. In the next century the
texture becomes finer. The earliest known water-mark,
as already stated, is on paper used in the year 1293. At
first the marks are simple, and being impressed from
thick wires are well defined. In process of time they
become finer and more elaborate, and, particularly in
Italian paper, they are enclosed within circles. Their
varioty is almost endless : animals, heads, birds, fishes,
flowers, fruits, domestic and warlike implements, letters,
armorial bearings, and other devices are used; some
being peculiar to a country or district, others apparently
becoming favourites and lasting for comparatively long
periods, but constantly changing in details. For example,
the glove, a common mark of the sixteenth century de-
velops a number of small modifications in its progress;
and of the pot or tankard, which runs through the
latter part of the sixteenth century and the early part
of the seventeenth century, there is an extraordinary
number of different varieties. The names of makers were
inserted as water-marks quite at the beginning of the
fourteenth century; but this practice was very soon
abandoned, and was not revived until after the middle of
the sixteenth century. The insertion of the name of
place of manufacture and of the date of manufacture
is a modern usage.



CHAPTER IV.
WRITING IMPLEMENTs, ETC.
|
The Stilus, Pen, etc. s
OF writing implements the arij}\os, ypadheſov, ypadus,
ypaſbíðvov, stilus, graphium, made of iron, bronze, or
other metal, ivory, or bone, was adapted for writing on
waxen tablets, the letters being scratched with the sharp
point. The other end was fashioned into a knob or flat
head, wherewith the writing could be obliterated by
smoothening the wax, for correction or erasure : hence
the phrase vertere stilum,” “to correct.” Among the
Roman antiquities found in Britain, now deposited in the
British Museum, there are several specimens of the stilus,
in ivory, bronze, etc. Many of them are furnished with
a sharp projection, at right angles to the shaft, near the
head, for the purpose of ruling lines on the wax. The
passage in Ovid, Metam. ix. 521, thus describes the action
of the writer :—
“T)extra tenet ferrum, vacuam tenet altera ceram.
Incipit, et dubitat, scribit damnatque tabellas.
Et notat et delet, mutat, culpatgue probatgue.”
Here the stilus is simply ferrum. In another place,
Amor. I. xi. 23, Ovid gives its title of graphium : “Quid
digitos opus est graphio lassare tenendo?”
This riddle on the stilus also occurs:–
“De summo planus, sed non ego planus in imo.
Versor utrimgue manu; diversa et munera fungor :
Altera pars revocat, quidquid pars altera fecit.” ”
The case in which such implements were kept was the
* Horace, Sat. I. x. 72: “Saene stilum vertas.”
* Riese, Anthol. Lal. I. no. 290.







Writing /m//ements, etc. 49
'ypaſhtoff:fficm, graphiarium; as in Martial, xiv. 21, “armata
suo graphiaria ferro.”
For writing on papyrus the reed, kävauos, 86vač
ypaſheſs, axoivos, calamus, canna, was in use.” Suitable
reeds came chiefly from Egypt, as referred to by Martial,
xiv. 38: “Dat chartis habiles calamos Memphitica tellus’’;
or from Cnidus, as in Ausonius, Ep. vii. : “Nec jam fissi-
pedis per calami vias Grassetup Cnidiae sulcus arundinis.”
Parallel with our use of steel pens is that of the ancient
metal reeds, of which a few specimens, in bronze, have
been found in Italy, and one in England." The case in
which reeds were kept was the KaNauoffijkm, kaxapuis,
calamarium, the ca, calamaria ; as in Martial, xiv. 19:
“Sortitus theeam, calamis armare memento.” In Diocle-
tian's edict, De pretiis rerum venalium, the reed-case
appears as made of leather. -
Reeds continued in use to some extent through the
middle ages. In Italy they appear to have survived
into the fifteenth century."
The covčíAtov, peniculus, penicillus, was the brush with
which writing in gold was applied." - -
The pen, penna, is first mentioned by an anonymous
historian who tells us that, to enable the unlettered Ostro-
goth Theodoric to write his name, he was provided with
a stencil plate, through which he drew with a pen the
strokes which formed the first four letters of his name:
“ut, posita lamina super chartam, per eam penna duceret
et subscriptio ejus tantum videretur.”? Isidore, Orig. vi.
13, describes the pen thus: “Instrumenta scribae calamus
* Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 36: “Chartisque serviunt calami.”
Some specimens of ancient reeds cut like a pen (Ausonius,
“fissipes calamus") are in the Egyptian gallery, British
Museum. -
* See Bulletino dell' Instituto, 1849, p. 169; 1880, pp. 68, 69,
150. The one found in England is preserved among the Romano-
British antiquities in the British Museum.
* For detailed information, see Wattenbach, Schriftw. 186.
* Theophilus, De diversis artibus, iii. 96, mentions the reed for
this purpose: “Atque rogo pariter, calamo cum ceperit aurum,
Illum commoveat, pulchre si scribere quaerit.”
* In the Eaſterpta printed at the end of Gronovius's edition of
Ammianus Marcellinus, 1693, p. 512.



5
5O Palaeography.
et penna. Exhis enim verba paginis infiguntur; sed cala-
mus arboris est, penna avis, cujus acumen dividitur in
duo, in toto corpore unitate servata.” But, although no
earlier mention of the quill pen than these has been
found, it can scarcely be supposed that, as soon as
vellum came into general use, so obviously convenient an
implement, always ready to hand, could have been long
overlooked, particularly in places where reeds of a kind
suitable for writing could not be had. The hard surface
of the new material could bear the flexible pressure of
the pen which in heavy strokes might have proved too
much for the more fragile papyrus.
Inks, etc.
Black ink, the ordinary writing fluid of centuries,
péNav, or more exactly ypadhukov ač\au, plexdvtov, atra-
mentum, or a tramentum librarium to distinguish it from
blacking used for other purposes, later &ycavatov, incaus-
tum, differs in tint at various periods and in different
countries. In early MSS. it is either pure black or
slightly brown ; in the middle ages it varies a good deal
according to age and locality. In Italy and Southern
Europe it is generally blacker than in the north, in
France and Flanders it is generally darker than in
England; a Spanish MS. of the 14th or 15th century
may usually be recognized by the peculiar blackness
of the ink. Deterioration is observable in the course
of time. The ink of the fifteenth century particularly
is often of a faded, grey colour.
The ancients used the liquid of the cuttle fish, as in the
lines of Persius, iii. 12:—
“Tunc queritur crassus calamo quod pendeat humor,
Nigra quod infusa vanéscat sepia lympha,
Dilutas queritur geminet quod fistula guttas.”
Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 6, mentions soot and gum as the
ingredients of writing ink. Other later authors add
gall-apples. Metallic infusions seem also to have been
used at an early period. In the midde ages vitriol was
an ordinary ingredient. Theophilus, in his work De




Writing Implements, etc. 5 I
dirersis artibus, written probably early in the twelfth
century, gives a recipe (i. 40) for the manufacture of
ink from thorn wood boiled down and mingled with
wine and vitriol.
Inks of other colours are also found in MSS. of the
middle ages: green, yellow, and others, but generally
only for ornamental purposes, although volumes written
entirely in coloured ink are still extant. Red, either in
the form of a pigment or fluid ink, is of very ancient and
common use. It is seen on the early Egyptian papyri;
and it appears in the earliest extant vellum MSS., either
in titles or the first lines of columns or chapters. The
Greek term was plexâutou kökkuvov; Latin minium, rubrica.
A volume written entirely in red ink, of the 9th or 10th
century, is in the British Museum, Harley MS. 2795.
The purple ink, kuwud 8apts, sacrum incaustum, reserved
at Byzantium for the exclusive use of the emperors,
seems to have originally been of a distinct kind. Later
the same term, Kuvvdflapts, appears as a synonymous
term with minium.
The ink-pot, pºexavčóxou, ué\avóóxm, uéNavěoxeſov, atra-
mentarium, used by the ancients, was generally, as
appears from surviving examples, a small cylindrical
jar or metal box, the cover often pierced with a hole to
admit the insertion of the reed. In paintings on the
walls of Pompeii double ink-pots, with hinged covers, are
depicted, the two receptacles being probably for black
and red ink.” Throughout the middle ages the ink-
horn was in common use.
Gold was used as a writing fluid at a very early
period. In a papyrus at Leyden, of the third or
fourth century, there is a recipe for its manufacture.”
Something has already been said on its use in con-
nection with purple-stained vellum. Ordinary white
vellum MSS. were also written in gold, particularly in
the ninth and tenth centuries, in the reigns of the
Carlovingian kings. In most of the large national
* Museo Borbonico, i. pl. 12. --- -
* Leemans, Papyri Graeci Mus, Lugd. Bat, tem. ii. (1885)
p. 218. -
52 Palaeography.
libraries examples are to be found.' The practice passed
from the continent to England, and was followed to
some considerable extent in this country, not only for
partial decoration, but also for the entire text of MSS.
The record of a purple MS. written in gold, by order
of Wilfrid of York, late in the 7th century, has already
been noticed (p. 41, note 1); but the way in which this
volume is referred to : “Inauditum ante seculis nostris.
quoddam miraculum ” proves that such sumptuous MSS.
were not known in England before that time. St.
Boniface, writing in A.D. 785 to Eadburg, abbess of St.
Mildred's, Thanet, asks her to get transcribed for him in
gold the Epistles of St. Peter.” But the existing English
examples are of later date.” Gold writing as a practice
died out in the thirteenth century, although a few isolated
instances of later date are found. State letters of the
Byzantine emperors were also sometimes written in
gold, and the same was used for imperial charters in
Germany, as appears from extant examples of the
twelfth century, and for similar documents in other
countries.*
Writing in silver appears to have ceased contempora-
neously with the disuse of stained vellum. This metal
would not show to advantage on a white ground.
1 Such MSS. in the British Museum are Harl. MS. 2788, the
“Codex Aureus,” a copy of the Gospels, in uncial letters, of the
9th century; Harl, MS. 2797, also a copy of the Gospels, in
minuscule writing, late in the 9th century, from the monastery of
St. Geneviève, Paris. The Cottonian M.S., Tiberius A. ii., which
was sent as a present to king Æthelstan by the emperor Otho,
also contains some leaves written in gold. -
* “ Sic et adhuc deprecor . . . . ut mihi cum auro conscribas
epistolas domini mei Sancti Petri apostoli, ad honorem et
reverentiam sanctarum scripturarum ante oculos carnalium in
praedicando, et quia dicta ejus qui me in hoc iter direxit maxime
semper in præsentia cupiam habere.”—Jaffé, Monumenta Mogwn-
tima, iii. 99.
* The foundation charter of Newminster, Winchester, granted
by king Edgar in 966, in Cotton. MS. Vesp. A. viii., is written
in gold. The Benedictional of Æthelwold, bishop of Winchester,
A.D. 963–984, also contains a page in gold.
* Wattenbach, Schriftw. 214–217.


Writing /m/ſements, etc. 53
Various Implements.
For ruling papyri, a circular plate of lead, kvºotep’s
uóAtºos, Tpoxóets uðAS80s, Kvk\ouóA1880s, was used. Ink
was removed with the sponge. Papyrus would scarcely
bear scraping with the knife. If the ink was still wet,
or lately applied, its removal was of course easy. Martial,
iv. 10, sends a sponge with his newly-written book of
poems, wherewith the whole of his verses might be
cleaned off.” Augustus effaced his half-completed
tragedy of Ajax, with the remark: “Ajacem suum in
spongiam incubuisse.”" With vellum MSS. the knife or
eraser, rasorium or novacºla, came into use. While
wet the ink could still be sponged away; but when it
was hard and dry, and for erasure of single letters and
words without obliterating also the surrounding text, it
was scraped off. -
The penknife was the aptXm, y\üdhavov, y\vTTmo, or
yAvghts, scalp rum librarium, the mediaeval scalpellum,
cultellus, or artavus ; the ruler was the kavdºv, canon,
norma, regula, linearium ; the pricker or compass for
spacing off the ruled lines was $vaſºdºms, circinus, or
punctorium ; and lastly, the office of the modern pencil
was performed by the pointed piece of lead, u0Av860s,
plumbum, or plummet.

“Dum novus est rasa nec adhue mihi fronte libellus,
Pagina dum tangi non bene sicca timet,
I, puer, et caro perfer leve munus amico,
Qui meruit nugas primus habere meas.
Curre, sed instructus : comitetur Punica librum
Spongia; muneribus convenit illa meis.
Non possunt nostros multae, Faustine, liturge
Emendare jocos; una litura potest.”
* Suetonius, Aug. 85.
CIIAPTER V.
FORMS OF BOOKS,
The Roll.
AMONG the Greeks the ordinary terms for a book (that
is, a roll) were 8i/3)\os and its diminutive 818Nov."
Earlier forms of these words were 89.3\os and, more
rarely, 8v8Xiov, which were clearly dèrived from the
material, the 8V6Xos or papyrus, of which books were
made. The corresponding word liber of the Latin
people, in like manner, was adopted as a term for a
book, primitively made of the bark or inner rind of the
lime or other tree. Such bark-books, however, dis-
appeared in presence of the more convenient and more
plentiful papyrus imported from Egypt; but the old
name was not unfitly transferred to a book made of the
new substance, which in texture and general appear-
ance was not unlike the old.”
A diminutive of the word liber was libellus, which, as
a literary title, specially referred to a book of poems, a
sense in which it is constantly used by the Roman poets.
It came at length to be used as an equivalent of liber,
and to express a book in general.
The old form of a book was the roll, the Latin
volumen. The Greeks do not appear to have had any
parallel expression at an early date; the word kºlvöpos
being comparatively late. Another term was €veixmaa.
* 8.8Mtov also meant a letter, and is used in this sense by
Herodotus. Suidas in his Lexicon explains 818Mtov as émigrox#.
* For instances of confusion of material, see Wattenbach,
Schriſtw. 89.

Forms of Books. 55
or ééet\mua; more rare were eixºtáplou, eºntov. A
mediaeval Latin term is rotulus.
Again, a later Greek term was Tópos (originally a
cutting of papyrus), applicable to a roll containing a
portion of a collection or of a great work. Neither
this term mor 843) (ov, nor liber nor libellus, could be
applied in the singular number to more than a single
roll or volume. A work consisting of many volumes, or
several divisions, must be described by the plural forms
643Xia, Tópot, libri, etc. On the other hand, the several
books of a work, if written on one roll, counted only for
one 8,8Xiov or liber. Thus Ulpian, Digest. xxxii. 52,
lays down : “Si cui centum libri sint legati, centum
volumina ei dabimus, non centum quae quis ingenio suo
metitus est. . . . ut puta, cum haberet Homerum totum
in uno volumine, non quadraginta octo libros com-
putamus, sed unum Homeri volumen pro libro acci-
piendum est.”
For subdivisions such terms as A6-yos, ority/pappa, o iſv-
Tayua also were used. -
The word Teixos, in the sense of a literary work in
several volumes, was employed at a late period. Originally
it seems to have been applied to the chest or vessel in
which the several rolls of such work were kept, and came
in course of time to refer to the contents." Xenophon,
Anab. vii. 6, 14, mentions books év čvXtvous reiſyeot.
In like manner the terms pandectes and bibliotheca,
originally referring to a work in several rolls kept
together in their chest, were afterwards used specially to
mean a M.S. of the entire Bible.” Bibliotheca continued
to bear this meaning down to the close of the fourteenth
century, if not later." -
To distinguish a work contained in the compass of a
single roll, there was the title povó643Xos or povóðiðNov.
There can be no doubt that the convenience of sub-
dividing the lengthy works of authors into rolls of
* Birt, Amt. Buchºv. 89.
* Bibliotheca was used in this sense by St. Jerome. Others,
as Cassiodorus, Bede, Alcuin, preferred Pandecies.
* See examples in Wattenbach, Schriftw. 126–129.

56 Aa/ºpography.
moderate size must have been appreciated in the earliest
period of the publication of Greek literature; and, although
the authors themselves may not originally have divided
their writings into separate portions to suit the ordinary
length of a conveniently-sized roll, yet the practice of
the scribe would eventually react on the author. Thus
we find the works of Homer divided into books of a
length which could be contained in an ordinary roll; and
we know that in course of time authors did regularly
adapt the divisions of their works to the customary length
of the 616Xia and volumina,
The roll was rolled on a stick, Šuqa)\os or win-
bilicus, to which the last sheet of the papyrus, éaxato-
ſco AAtov, was attached. - Many of the rolls found at Her-
culaneum had a mere central core of papyrus. A knob
or button, usually of bone or wood, was affixed to each
end of the stick, the name of which, Öpºpa Ads, umbilicus,
appears to have been also extended to these orna-
mental additions. Porphyrion, commenting on Horace,
Epod. xiv. 8, says: “in fine libri umbilici ex ligno aut
osse solent poni.” Or, instead of the simple knob or
button, there was a tip, képas, cornu, of ivory or some
such ornamental material; and either might be plain or
coloured." The edges, frontës, of the roll were cut down
and smoothed with pumice,’ and sometimes coloured.
The wrapper of an ordinary roll might be of common
papyrus, charta emporetica ; in case of a more valuable
work, a vellum cover, stained with colour,” was used as
a protection—the halvöAms or (bat)\óums, panula (the
travelling cloak), as it was commonly called." Lucian,
Adv. indoctuin, 7, 1efers to an ornamental work thus:
* Tibullus, III. i. 13: “Atque inter geminas pingantur cornua
frontes.” Martial, iii. 2, 9, “picti umbilici"; v. 6, 15, “ nigri
umbilici.”
* Ovid, Trist. I. i. 11, “Nec fragili geminae polianțur pumice
frontes”; Catullus, xxii. 8, “pumice omnia aequata.”
* See above, p. 39.
* The “cloak” (pat)\óums) which St. Paul left at Troas (2 Tim.
iv. 13), and which Timothy was to bring together with the books
and parchments, may have been in fact a book-cover. See Birt,
65.

Forms of Boo/s. 57
- *- /
“óT&Tav to uéu 88Atov ću Tà Xelpi exms Tºkºº,
Toppupåv učv čxov Tiju bud,0épau, Xpwoovu de Tou Gºpaxów "3
and Martial, i. 66, has the lines:–
“Sed pumicata fronte si quis est nondum
Nec umbilicis cultus atque membrana,
Mercare: tales habeo.”
For preservation against moths, etc., cedar oil was
rubbed on the papyrus." A good poem was worthy of
this protection : “ cedro digna locutus” (Persius, i. 42);
“ cedro nunc licet ambules perunctus’’ (Martial, iii. 2, 7).
But it imparted a yellow tint : “ quod neque sum cedro
flavus ” (Ovid, Trist. III. i. 13).
The chest or box in which the rolls were kept was the
kia Ti), klºotds, capsa, cista, forulus, nidus, puteus, or
scrinium. To tie bundles of rolls together was a
destructive process, as the papyrus was injured; so
Petronius, Satyricom, cii. : “Chartae alligatae mutant figu-
ram.” Extensive works were arranged in their capsa”
in decades, triads, or other sets, as we know from the
examples of the works of Livy, Dio Cassius, Varro, and
others. -
For convenience of reference when the roll was placed
in a box or on a shelf, a vellum label, oriNAw80s or orittv-
£80s,” Tittàktov, also y\ógga, y\oo oldplov, titulus, indew,
was attached to the edge of the roll and inscribed with
the title of the work,” and, for distinction, was also
coloured.” Such lituli are perhaps the “lora rubra” of
Catullus, xxii. 7. Cicero, writing to Atticus, iv. 4, gives
both Greek and Tlatin names: “Etiam velin mihi mittas
de tuis librariolis duos aliquos, quibus Tyrannio utatur
* “Ex cedro oleum, quod cedreum dicitur, nascitur, quo reliquae
res unctae, uti etiam libri, a time is et carie non laeduntur.”—
Vitruvius, ii. 9, 13.
* Marquardt, Privail. der Römer, 794.
* See an engraving, copied from a sculpture, in Schwarz, De
ornamentis librorum (1756), tab. ii., wherein are represented series
of rolls placed on shelves, like bottles in a wine-bin, with the tituli
depending in front; also an engraving of a capsa, with rolls
enclosed, on the title-page of Marini, Papiri Diplom. ; and
Museo Borbonico, tav, xii.
* See above, p. 39.


53 Pa/aeograft/y.
glutinatoribus, ad cetera administris, iisque imperes it
Sumant membranulam, ex qua indices fiant, quos vos
Graeci, ut opinor, ot)\\0&ovs appellatis.” And the lines
of Tibullus, III. i. 9, may be quoted as describing the
outward appearance of the roll:—
“Lutea sed niveum involvat membrana libellum,
Pumex cui canas tondeat ante comas;
Summaque praetexat tenuis fastigia chartae,
Indicet ut nomen, littera facta, puer.”
The text was written in columns, oréAtóes, pagina».
The term orexts (originally the gangway between the
rowing benches of a ship) was first applied to the space
between two columns, and then to the column itself.
Other terms were the diminutive orexíðtov and kata-
6atów. The lines of the columns ran parallel with the
length of the roll; " and lead was used for drawing the
ruled lines. Such ruling, however, was not always, and
perhaps not generally, employed, for the horizontal fibre
of the papyrus itself was a sufficient guide for the lines
of writing; and the fact that the marginal line of the
columns frequently trends away out of the perpendicular
proves that in such instances there were no ruled lines
to bound the columns laterally. These were generally
narrow, at least in the texts which were written by
skilled scribes for the market; and occasionally we find
the letters made smaller at the end of a line in order to
accommodate words to the available space. An example
of writing in wide columns is seen in the papyrus of
Aristotle on the Constitution of Athens–a M.S. which
was written for private use and not for sale.
The title of the work was written at the end.
The reader unrolled the book with the right hand;
with the left hand he rolled up what he had read." To
unroll a book was €st)\eiv, &vel»eºv, &vexía delv, Atooſelv,
* Before the time of Julius Caesar, official despatches appear to
have been written “transversä chartà,” that is, with the lines
parallel with the breadth of the roll. Suetonius, Jul. Cºes. 56.
* See an engraving, from a sculptured sarcophagus, in Darem-
berg and Saglio's Dict, des Antiquites, s. v. “Bibliotheca,” in
which a man is represented reading from an open roll. -
Formas of Boo%s. 59
e£\etv or eí\e7v, evolvere, rerolvere, volvere, eæplicare.
The book read to the emd was * explicitus usque ad sua
cornua” (Martial, xi. 107), or ** ad umbilicum," as in
Horace, Epod. xiv. 8:—
** IDeus nam me vetat;
Inceptos, olim promissum carmen, iambos
Ad umbilicum adducere ; **
and in Martial, iv. 89:—
** Ohe, jam satis est, ohe libelle,
Jam pervenimus usque ad umbilicos.'*
From the term * explicitus” came the mediæval * ex-
plicit,” formed, mo doubt, as a pendant to “incipit.”
The term to roll up a book was plicare. The beginning
of the roll was held umder the chim while the hands were
employed in turning the wmbiiici. Hence Martial, i.
66, refers to ** virginis . . . . chartæ, quæ trita duro
non inhorruit mento *° ; and again, x. 93, he has: “ Sic
nova nec mento sordida charta juvat.”
The inconvenience of writing on the back of the roll is
obvious, and this praetice was probably very seldom, if
ever, followed in the case of works intended for sale.
Authors' copies, however, were often opisthograph, as in
Juvenal, Sat. i. 4 :— -
“Impune diem consumpserit ingens
Telephus, aut suimmi plena jam margine libri
Scriptus et in tergo uécdum finitus Orestes ?”
The younger Pliny also, Tpist. iii. 5, 17, in reference
to his uncle's numerous Works, uses the words : ** Com-
mentarios clx. mihi reliquit, opisthographos quidem et
minutissime scriptos.*
In the same manmer worthloss scribbling is referred
? by Martial, viii, 62, as written on the back of the
charta ;—
“ Scribit in aversa Picens epigrammata, chartâ
Et dolet, averso quod facit illa deo.”
Rough draughts or temporary pieces, or children's or
scholars' exercises might also be so written. Martial,
iv. 86, threatens his libellus with the fate of waste paper


6O Palæograft/y.
to be utilized for such purposes, if his verses fail to
please:—
“Si damnaverit, ad salariorum
Curras scrinia protinus licebit,
Inversa pueris arande charta.”
A most important instance of a scholar’s exercise,
written on the back of a papyrus, is found in the early
copy of the Epitaphios of Hyperides in the British
Museum.
After the establishment of the book-shape in general
use, the roll form was almost entirely abandoned for
literary purposes in the middle ages. It survived, how-
ever, for some of the Greek liturgies, for mortuary rolls,
for pedigrees, for certain brief chronicles in which his-
torical genealogies form a principal feature, and in a few
other instances, as in the “Exultet ’’ rolls of Italy, in
which it was found convenient. But in all these the
writing was parallel with the breadth, not with the length,
of the roll. For records, however, the roll form has been
continued throughout the middle ages to our own days,
particularly in England, where not only public docu-
ments relating to the business of the country, but also )
proceedings of private manorial courts and bailiffs'
accounts, were almost invariably entered on rolls.
The Codex or Book.
The earliest form of the book, in our modern sense of .
the word, that is, as a collection of leaves of vellum,
paper, or other material, bound together, existed, as we
have seen,” in the case of waxen tablets, when two or
more were fastened together and made a caudea, or codea.
Hence vellum books, following the same arrangement,
were also called codices. Similarly, by usage the title
liber, which had been transferred from the original bark
roll to the papyrus roll, was also passed on to the vellum
book. So too the Greek terms 38Mos, 31.3% (ov and other
words, which had been employed to designate the earlier
rolls, were transferred in the same way. The vellum
7 See above, p. 20.















Forms of Books. 6 I
codex came into general use when it was found how
conveniently it could contain a large work in a much
smaller space than could the papyrus roll. In the words
of Isidore, Origg. vi. 13, 1 : “Codex multorum librorum
est, liber unius voluminis.”
That vellum MSS. existed in the classical period at
Rome we know from Martial’s Apophoreta. But these
must have been few in number and articles of luxury.
It was the requirements of the lawyers which necessi-
tated the casting of the great law-books into a conve-
nient form for reference; and the vellum MS., more
durable than papyrus and adapted for receiving writing
on both sides of the leaves, satisfied those require-
ments in the most perfect manner. Hence the term
oroplattou, a name for the vellum MS., expressive of the
bulk of the contents; and hence, conversely, the title
of codea, which was given to great compilations, such
as those of Theodosius and Justinian.
Again, the Bible, the book which before all others
became the great work of reference in the hands of the
early Christians, could only be consulted with conveni-
ence and despatch in the new form. From the writings
of St. Jerome and others it is evident that Bibles in
codex form existed at a very early date. When once
this form of multiplying texts was adopted by the Church,
its rapid diffusion became a matter of certainty through
the medium of monastic institutions. The form adopted
for the Bible would naturally become the model for
theological and ecclesiastical books of all kinds. Thus
the vellum codex was destined to be the recipient of
Christian literature, as the papyrus roll had been that
of the pagan world. -
Still, however, for the older literature the papyrus
continued to some extent to hold its ground;" although
even in this department the codex began at once to make
inroads. For, as regards the works of great standard
authors, such as Homer in Greek and Cicero in Latin,
ºthere is evidence that even in the earliest centuries of
our era the codex form was not uncommon.” In St.
8 Birt, 109. " 9 Ibjd. 113.

62 Palaeography.
Jerome's days wellum MSS. of the classics appear to have
been in ordinary use, for his library of vellum codices
included works of profane literature." In the end, the
book form became so general that even papyrus was
put together in leaves and quires in the same way as
vellum. Several specimens of such papyrus books still
exist, as has been already noticed.”
Gatherings or Quires.
The earliest MSS. on vellum are usually of the broad
quarto size, in which the width equals, or nearly equals,
the height. The quires of which they are composed
consist, in most instances, of eight leaves, that is, of
four folded sheets, tetpás or Tetpáðton, quaternio (whence
our word quire), and this number continued in general
favour for all sizes of volumes throughout the middle
ages. Quires of three sheets or six leaves, of five sheets
or ten leaves, and of six sheets or twelve leaves, are also
met with. For example, the famous Codex Vaticanus
of the Greek Bible is made up of ten-leaved quires.
Each quire was actually numbered or signed, to use the
technical word, either at the beginning, in the upper
margin, or, more generally at the end, in the lower inner
corner. In the Codex Alexandrinus the signatures
are at the beginnings of the quires, in the centre of the
upper margin. The numbers were frequently, in Latin
MSS., accompanied with the letter Q (for quaternio).
The practice of numbering the leaves of the quires, e.g.
A. i., A. ii., A. iii., etc., dates from the fourteenth century.
Catch-words, exclamantes, to connect the quires together,
first appear, but rarely, in the eleventh century; from
the twelfth century they become common.
In putting together the sheets for the quire, care was
generally taken to lay them in such a way that hair-
side faced hair-side, and flesh- (or inner) side faced
flesh-side. Thus, when the book was opened, the
two pages before the reader had the same appearance,
either the yellow tinge of the hair side or the whiter
1 Ibid. 115. - * Above, p. 34.
ff
.
f
i.
--


Forms of Books. 63
-
surface of the flesh-side. In Greek MSS. the arrange-
ment of the sheets was afterwards reduced to a system:
the first or lowest sheet being laid with the flesh-side
downwards so that when the sheets were folded that side
always formed the first page of the quire.” In the Codex
Alexandrinus, however, the first page of a quire is the
hair-side of the skin. In Latin MSS. also the hair-side
appears to have generally begun the quire.
To the folded sheet was given the title diploma;
a barbarous mediaeval name for it was arcus." The leaf
was xaptiow, bºxou, folium. The line of writing was
attºos, versus, linea, and riga.
Ruling.
In the earlier centuries of the middle ages, the ruled
lines of vellum MSS. were drawn with a hard-pointed
instrument, a blunt bodkin or stilus, on one side of the
leaf, the lines being impressed with sufficient force to
cause them to stand out in relief on the other side. The
ruling was almost invariably on the hair- (or outer) side of
the skin. Marginal lines were drawn to bound the text
laterally. The distances of the horizontal lines from one
another were marked off with pricks of the compass in
vertical order down the page. In earlier MSS. these
prickings are often found near the middle of the leaf, or
at least within the space occupied by the text, and the
lines are drawn right across the sheet and not confined
within the vertical boundaries. It was afterwards the
custom to prick off the spaces close to the margin and to
keep the ruled lines within limits; and eventually the
prickings often disappeared when the edges were shorn
by the binder. Each sheet should be ruled separately :
but two or more sheets were not infrequently laid and
ruled together, the lines being so deeply drawn on the
upper sheet that the lower sheets also received the
impressions. In rare instances lines are found ruled on
both sides of the leaf, as in some parts of the Codex
* C. R. Gregory, Les Cahiers des MSS. Grecs, in the Comptes
Réndus of the Acad, des Inscriptions, 1885, p. 261. -
* Wattenbach, Schriftw. 153.

64 Palaeography.
Alexandrinus. In this MS. also, and in some other early
codices, ruling was not drawn for every line of writing,
but was occasionally spaced so that some lines of the
text lay in the spaces while others stood on the ruled
lines. Ruling with the lead point or plummet came into
ordinary use in the twelfth century; coloured ink was
also used for ruled lines in the fifteenth century.
Arrangement of the Text.
The text, which in early MSS. was written continuously
without separation of words, might be written across the
face of the page; and in some cases, as in poetical works,
no other arrangement could well be followed. But, con-
tinuing the system observed in the papyrus rolls, the
arrangement in columns was usual. The superior con-
venience of the column over the long line is obvious, par-
ticularly when a small character was the type of writing.
The number of columns in a page was ordinarily two ; but
three and even four were also allowed. The Codex
Sinaiticus of the Greek Bible has four columns in a page,
so that the open book presents a series of eight columns
to the reader, which, it has been observed, would forcibly
recall the long row of pagina of the papyrus roll." The
Codex Vaticanus has three columns in a page in the
portion containing the Old Testament; and other early
MSS. or fragments of MSS. exhibit the same arrange-
ment, e.g. the Vatican fragments of Sallust, the Latin
Pentateuch of Lyons, and others in the libraries of Rome,
Milan, etc." But the tri-columnar system appears to have
been generally abandoned after the sixth century. The
Utrecht Psalter, written at the beginning of the 9th
century, in triple columns, is not an instance which counts
for late usage, the MS. being only an exact copy of an
* The phrase of Eusebius, Vita Const. iv. 37, “ev troXvre) 6s
jorkmuévous Teixegu Tptororó kai Terpagord,” probably refers to the
number of columns. See Wattenbach, Schriftw. 149.
* See Wattenbach, Schriftw. 149. It may also be noted that
the most ancient dated MS. in existence, the Syriac M.S. of
A.D. 411, containing the Recognitions of Clement of Rome (Brit.
Mus. Add. MS. 12,150), is written in triple columns.


Porms of Books. 65
older codex.7 Usually the later examples are the result
of necessity, as in the case of Psalters in parallel ver-
sions or languages.” A late instance, however, of a text
written in this fashion, without any compelling causes,
occurs in the Latin Bible of the 9th century, Add. MS.
24,142, in the British Museum.
With regard to the breaking up of the text into
paragraphs, and more particularly into the short sen-
tences known as a Tuxot, the reader is referred to what
is said below under the heads of Punctuation and
Stichometry.
As already noticed, the text of early MSS. was gene-
rally written continuously without separation of the
words; and this practice continued as a rule down
to about the ninth century. But even when the scribes
had begun to break up their lines into words, it still
continued to be the fashion to attach short words,
e.g. prepositions, to those which immediately followed
them. It was hardly before the eleventh century that
a perfect system of separately-written words was esta-
blished in Latin MSS. In Greek MSS. it may be said
that the system was at no time perfectly followed, for,
even when the words were distinguished, there was
always a tendency to separate them inaccurately.
The first lines of the main divisions of the text, as for
example the several books of the Bible, were often
written in red for distinction.
In order to save space, and to get as much as possible
into a line, or to avoid division of a word, the letters
were often written smaller towards the end of the line ;
and in Latin MSS., with the same object, two or more
letters were linked or combined in a monogrammatic
form.
At first, in uncial Latin MSS., there was no enlarge-
ment of letters in any part of the text to mark the
* The later copies of this Psalter also maintain the same
arrangement. -
* A Psalter in four parallel columns (the Greek and the three
Latin versions), A.D. 1105, is in the Bibl. Nationale, MLS. Lat.
2.195. See Pal, Soc. i. 156. .

6

66 Palæography.
beginnings of sections or chapters; yet, in some of the
earliest examples, the first letter of the page, without
regard to its position in relation to the text, is made
larger than the rest.
Rubrics and titles and colophons (that is, titles, etc.,
written at the ends of books) were at first written in
the same characters as the text ; afterwards it was
found convenient, as a distinction, to employ different
characters. Thus in later uncial Latin MSS. titles
might be in capitals or rustic capitals; in minuscule
MSS. they might be written in capitals or uncials. The
convenience of having the title at the beginning of a
MS., instead of only in colophon-form at the end, was
soon recognized ; but the use of the colophon still con-
tinued, the designation of a work being frequently
recorded in both title and colophon down to the latest
period.
Running titles or head-lines appear in even some of
the earliest MSS., in the same characters as the text,
but of smaller size.
In the division of words at the end of a line, it was
the ancient practice to break off with a complete syllable.
In Greek, however, in the case of compound words,
the last consonant of the prefix was carried on to
the next syllable, if this was a vowel or began with a
vowel, as ka-teſ-Sov; and the same method was ob-
served with a preposition and the following word, as
ka-Té-aoû. With such a system in vogue it is not sur-
prising to find it extended occasionally to other cases,
as Tai-Toix. In simple words the sigma was not un-
commonly carried on to a following consonant, as uéyl-
OTOS. -
In Latin MSS., while the observance of the true
syllabic division was maintained according to ancient
asage, and, when two consonants came together, they
were properly assigned to their several syllables, as
dic-tw8, prop-ter, ig-navus, pris-cus, hos-pes, hos-tis, yet
in some ancient texts the first consonant is drawn over
to the second, as di-ctus, ho-stis, etc., in accordance with
the Greek practice noticed above; and in some MSS. we
Forms of Books, 67
find the older style altered to suit the later, as in the
Fulda MS. of the Gospels, corrected in the sixth
century by Victor of Capua,' and the Harley Gospels of
about the year 600."
The coupling stroke or hyphen, to indicate connection
of the two parts of the divided word, appears to have
been unknown in the early centuries. A point per-
forms this duty in early instances. In the eleventh
century the hyphen at the end of the line shows itself
on a few occasions; in the twelfth century it becomes
more systematic, and is also repeated at the beginning
of the next line,

Punctuation.—Greek.
The earliest form in which a system of punctuation
appears is that found in ancient inscriptions, wherein
the several words are divided from one another by
single, double, or treble dots or points. This, however,
is not punctuation in the sense in which we use the term
—the system whereby sentences are marked out, and
the sense of the text is made clear.
The ancient practice of writing literary texts con-
tinuously, without distinction of words, was not, indeed,
quite universal; for the astronomical treatise known as
the 'Evêóšov Texuſ, earlier than 154 B.C., at Paris, is an
instance to the contrary. But it was certainly by far
the more ordinary method, and in the uncial vellum
MSS. of the earlier middle ages it may be said to have
been the only method that was followed. In the docu-
ments of ordinary life the distinction of words was, from
early times, more frequently, though still only partially,
observed. When the minuscule writing came into use
as the literary hand, separation of the words from one
another gradually followed; but never was this system
fully perfected. For example, prepositions were still
attached to the following words, and there was always
* Zangemeister and Wattenbach, Ea’empla Codd. Lat., tab.
XXXIV. -
* Brit. Mus. Cat Anc. MSS., pt. ii. p. 14.

68 Palaeography,
a tendency to detach a final letter, and to attach it to
the next following word.
The inconvenience which we experience in reading a
continuously written text could not have been so greatly
felt by the scholars of the old Greek world ; otherwise
separation of words, and a perfect system of punctuation,
would have been established long before was actually
the case. Still the distinction of paragraphs was found
a necessity at an ancient period. Hence arose the
dividing stroke, the Tapáypadhos, known, at all events,
as early as Aristotle's time, separating paragraphs by
being inserted between them at the beginnings of lines;
but, it should be remembered, the stroke really belonged
to the concluding paragraph, and marked its termina-
tion, and did not form an initial sign for the new para-
graph which followed. The paragraph-mark was not,
however, uniformly the horizontal stroke; the wedge -
(817Nſ), the mark which is also often found at the
end of a work, 7 (kopovis), and similar forms were em-
ployed. This system of distinguishing paragraphs ap-
pears in use in the early papyri, and analogously the
dividing stroke marks off the speeches of the different
characters in the surviving papyrus fragments of the
tragedians, as, for example, in the very ancient remains
of the Antiope of Euripides.
But to write every paragraph distinct by itself would
have entailed a certain loss of space. If the last line
were short, there would remain a vacant space after it,
unoccupied by writing. In the earliest specimens there-
fore we find this space occupied by the first words of
the next paragraph, a slight break being left to mark
its commencement, thus:—
ECOMeeA OYTAPAH
TTOYOAYMTTIAAI MEN
The next step was to draw back the first letter of the
first full line of the new paragraph, and leave it slightly
projecting into the margin; and then lastly to enlarge it.

Forms of Books. 69
The letter made thus prominent being a sufficient in-
dication of the commencement of the new paragraph,
the stroke or wedge between the lines was no longer
necessary and ordinarily disappeared, Thus the two
lines given above would, in this last stage of develop-
ment, be written thus:—
€COM €6A OY TAPAH
ToyoAYMTIAAIMeN

Of course, if the paragraph commenced at the begin-
ning of a line, the large letter took its natural place as
the initial; but, arranged as above, any letter, even one
in the middle of a word, might be enlarged.
This system is found in action in the Codex Alexan.
drinus, attributed to the 5th century, and continued to
be practised throughout the middle ages. But it should
be noted that, although rendered unnecessary by the in-
troduction of the large initial, the paragraph mark also
appears in this MS., but generally in anomalous positions,
particularly above the initial letters of the different books
—an indication that the scribes of the day had already
begun to forget the meaning and proper use of the
mark.
We next have to consider punctuation by points. As
already stated, these were used in ancient inscriptions.
The earliest instance of their employment in a Greek
M.S. occurs in the very ancient fragment known as
the Artemisia papyrus, at Vienna, wherein the double
point () occasionally closes a sentence. Again, in the
fragments of the Phaedo of Plato, found at Gurob, the
same double point appears as a mark of punctuation ;
and it may also be here added that a short horizontal
stroke or dash also serves the purpose of separating the
different speeches in the same fragments. The double
point also, in addition to the Tapdºypadhos, occasionally
marks the close of the paragraphs in the Paris papyrus
49, a letter of about 160 B.C. But such isolated instances
merely show that there was a knowledge of the value of

7o Palaeography.
such marks of punctuation, which, however, in practice
were not systematically employed.
A more regular system was developed in the schools
of Alexandria, its invention being ascribed to Aristo-
phanes of Byzantium (260 B.C.). This was the use of
the full point with certain values in certain positions
(6égets): the high point (atvyu) teNeta), equivalent to a
full stop; the point on the line (inToa Tuyuj), a shorter
pause, equivalent to our semicolon; and the point in a
middle position (attypa) uéam), an ordinary pause, equi-
valent to our comma. In the Codex Alexandrinus the
middle and high points are pretty generally used. But
the middle point eventually disappeared; and about the
ninth century the comma was introduced. It also became
a common practice to mark the conclusion of a paragraph
or chapter with a more emphatic sign, such as two or
more dots with or without a horizontal dash, ; , :- , . . .
The mark of interrogation also first appears about the
8th or 9th century.
Punctuation.—Latin.
The punctuation of Latin MSS. followed in some
respects the systems of the Greeks. In the poem on the
Battle of Actium, found at Herculaneum, points are used
to mark off the words, a practice borrowed from inscrip-
tions; and in the early MSS. of Virgil in the Vatican
Library points are found employed for the same purpose,
although they appear to be due to a second, but still
early, hand. From the Latin grammarians we know that
they adopted the Greek system of punctuation by points
(6éaels, positurae), to which they gave the titles of
“ distinctio finalis,” “subdistinctio,” and “ distinctio
media *; but in practice we find that the scribes used
the points without consistently adhering to their
meaning.
In some of the more ancient MSS. marks of punctua-
tion are entirely wanting, only a short space being left
blank in the line to indicate the conclusion of a passage
Forms of Books. 71
or paragraph, as in Greek MSS., but without the accom-
panying dividing line (Tapaypados) or the enlarged letter
at the beginning of the first full line, which the Greek
scribes employed. Yet the paragraph mark was used to
separate paragraphs or divisions of the text (as, for
example, in the poem on the Battle of Actium) when the
new paragraph began a line; and its eventual conver-
sion from a mere sign of separation between two para-
graphs into a sign belonging to the head of the new
paragraph was a natural development. Our modern "I
is directly derived from the simple ancient form T.
In early uncial MSS. it is not uncommon to find the
point, more often in the middle position, used as an
ordinary stop; and at the end of a paragraph or chapter,
a colon, or colon and dash, or a number of points,
occasionally indicate a final stop. In the seventh century
the high point is used with the force of a comma, the semi-
colon with its modern value, and a point and virgule, 7,
or other combinations of points, as a full stop. In the
Carlovingian period and the next centuries we have the
inverted semicolon, holding a position between our comma
and semicolon, and the comma itself. The origin of the
former of these is uncertain. It appears first with some
regularity in MSS. of the eighth century; but it is
noticeable that a mark which resembles it occurs in the
Actium poem, being there formed by the addition of an
oblique stroke to an ordinary point. Along with these
later signs also appears the mark of interrogation in
COIlln1OIl U1862.

Breathings and Accents and other Signs.—Greek.
Breathings and accents, like the Greek system of
punctuation by points noticed above, are also attributed
to Aristophanes of Byzantium, as part of the 8éca Tpooº-
8tal, of which he is called the inventor.
The rough (F) and the smooth (a) breathings (Tveiſuata)
at first represented the left and the right half of the
letter H, which itself was originally the aspirate. They
72 Palaeography.
were soon worn down to L and 1, in which shapes they
are found in early MSS.; and eventually these square
forms became the rounded and . , the period at which
they definitely arrived at this last stage being the 12th
century. Only occasionally are marks of breathing found
in the more ancient MSS., and then it is generally the
rough breathing that is distinguished.
The accents (Tóvot) are : the grave (8apeta), or
ordinary tone; the acute ' (6&eta), marking a rise in
the voice; and the circumflex (6&v6apeia or Teplo Tao-
Aévm), combining the other two, and indicating a rise
and fall or slide of the voice. Originally, in theory, all
syllables which were not marked with the acute accent
or circumflex received the grave accent, as 69éoöðpós;
and several examples of this actually occur in the Harris
Homer. In the same MS., and occasionally in the
Bankes Homer, we also see instances of the indication
of normally oxytone words (in which the acute accent
falls on the last syllable) by placing a grave accent on
the penultimate, as éAov. In later MSS. a double accent
marks emphatically uév and 83.
Breathings and accents were not systematically applied
to Greek texts before the seventh century.
The rest of the ten signs attributed to Aristophanes
of Byzantium, to assist in the correct reading of texts,
are as follows:—
The xpd vot, or marks to distinguish a long (T) and a
short (*) syllable, instances of their employment occur-
ring in the Harris Homer and in some other early docu-
ments on papyrus.
The 8tao Toa iſ or üTroötao toxij, a virgule or comma in-
serted between words where the distinction might be
ambiguous, as eo-Tu, vows, not ea Tuv, ovs.
The hyphen (igbév), a curve or line drawn under the
letters to indicate connection, as, for example, to indicate
compound words. In the Harris Homer the hyphen,
in the form of a long straight line, is used for this
purpose.
The apostrophe (&ºrda Tpopos), which, besides marking
elision, was used for other purposes, and whose form


Forms of Books. 73

varied from a curve to a straight accent or even a mere
dot. It was very generally placed in early MSS. after
a foreign name, or a name not having a Greek termina-
tion, as, for example, 'A3paau', and after a word ending
in a hard consonant, as k, x, *, *, and also in p. When
a double consonant occurred in the middle of a word, an
apostrophe was placed above the first or between the
two letters. In a papyrus of A.D. 542 (Pal. Soc. ii. 123),
a dot represents the apostrophe in this position; and in
a MS. of the 8th or 9th century (Pal. Soc. ii. 126), a
double apostrophe is employed. The apostrophe is also
used to distinguish two concurrent vowels, as patta'av-
tov. In some instances it is even placed between two
different consonants, as e.g. apuff u0s, in the Vienna MS.
of Dioscorides.
In addition to the marks and signs already noticed,
there are some others which occur in Greek MSS.
Marks of diaeresis, placed over t and v when at the
beginning of a word or when they do not form a diph-
thong with a foregoing vowel, occur in papyri, being
either a single or double dot or short stroke, or, in some
instances, a short accent; in later MSS. the form is
usually a double dot.
Quotations are indicated by marks in the margin, the
most common being the arrow-head, - or <, and the
cross, horizontal stroke, or waved stroke being also used.
More rarely, quoted passages are indented, that is, writ-
ten within the marginal line of the text.
To distinguish words consisting of a single letter, a
short acute accent or similar mark is found in use, as, in
the Codex Alexandrinus, to mark m in its various mean-
ings as a word. Apparently from ignorance or confusion
the scribes of this MS. even placed a mark on m when
merely a letter in a word. The article 6 is found simi-
º distinguished in a papyrus of A.D. 595 (Pal. Soc. ii.
To fill small spaces left vacant at the end of a line, an
arrow-head or tick was employed; as, for example, in
the papyrus of Hyperides (Lycophron), and in the Codex
Sinaiticus.
74 Palaeography.
Arbitrary signs, or signs composed of dots or strokes,
are used as reference marks to marginal scholia, or to
indicate insertion of omitted words or passages. In the
papyrus of Hyperides (Lycophron) the place for inser-
tion of an omitted line is marked, and has the word
divo, while the line itself, written in the margin above,
has cdºto. In the papyrus of Aristotle on the Constitu-
tion of Athens, a letter or word inserted between the
lines has sometimes a dot on each side.
In the same manner various signs are employed to
indicate transposition, such as numerical letters, or (as
in the papyrus of Aristotle) slanting strokes and dots
(/) placed above the words.
To distinguish words or other combinations of letters
from the rest of the text, a line was drawn above them ;
thus the grammatical forms in the papyrus attributed
to Tryphon, in the British Museum, and the reference
letters, in the Oxford Euclid of A.D. 888 are so marked.
Besides actually striking out a letter or word or
passage with a pen-stroke, the ancient scribes indicated
erasure by including the word or passage between in-
verted commas or brackets or dots, one at the beginning
and one at the end; sometimes by accents above, as
e.g. Tolſ (to erase the v), #4 and Travrá (to cover the
whole word), as seen in the Codex Alexandrinus; some-
times by a line above, as kau ; sometimes by a dot above,
rarely below, each letter.
Accents and other Signs.—Latin.
Accents were seldom used by Latin scribes. Occa-
sionally they mark a monosyllabic word, as the exclama-
tion 6, or a preposition, as ā; and sometimes they are
employed to emphasize a syllable. -
As in Greek MSS., quotations are indicated by marks
in the margin or by indentation; and arbitrary signs
are used to mark the place of insertion of omissions.
Common reference marks are hil his = hic deest, hoc
supra or hic scribas, etc. Transposition of words might
be indicated in various ways, as by letters or numbers,

Forms of Books. 75
and very commonly by oblique strokes above the line,
as hea mater = mater mea.
Finally, for correction, the simple method of striking
out with the pen and interlining or adding in the mar-
gin was followed, as well as that of marking words or
letters for deletion with dots above or below them.
Besides the above, other marks and signs are found in
both Greek and Latin MSS., such as the private marks
of correctors or readers. There are also critical symbols,
such as the diple and the asterisk employed by Aris-
tarchus in the texts of Homer, and the obelus and
asterisk used by St. Jerome to distinguish certain pas-
sages in versions of the Latin Psalter. But the con-
sideration of these is beyond the scope of the present
work.
Palimpsests.
A palimpsest MS. is one from which the first writing
has been rubbed off in order to make the leaves ready to
receive fresh writing. Sometimes this process was re-
peated, and the leaves finally received a third text, the
MS. being in such a case doubly palimpsest. This
method of obtaining writing material was practised in
early times. The term “palimpsest” is used by Ca-
tullus,' apparently with reference to papyrus; also by
Cicero in a passage * wherein he is evidently speaking of
waxen tablets; and by Plutarch, who narrates” that
Plato compared Dionysius to a 818Xiov Taxialºmatov, his
tyrannical nature, 8vorékTAvtos, showing through like the
imperfectly erased writing of a palimpsest MS., that is,
a papyrus roll from which the first writing had been
washed. The word, however, indicating, as it does, the
action of scraping or rubbing, could originally have only
been strictly applied to material strong enough to bear
such treatment, as wellum or waxen tablets. Papyrus
could only be washed, not scraped or rubbed, and the
" Carm. xxii. 5. * Ad Fami. vii. 18.
* Cum princip. philosoph., ad fin.


76 Palaeography.
application of the term to a twice-written papyrus or
waxen tablet or vellum MS. indifferently, proves that
the term had become so current as to have passed beyond
its strict meaning.
If the first writing were thoroughly removed from the
surface of vellum, none of it, of course, could ever be re-
covered. But, as a matter of fact, it appears to have
been often very imperfectly effaced ; and even if, to all
appearance, the vellum was restored to its original con-
dition of an unwritten surface, yet slight traces of the
text might remain which chemical re-agents, or even the
action of the atmosphere, might again intensify and
make legible. Thus many capital and uncial texts have
been recovered from palimpsest MSS. Of modern
chemical re-agents used in the restoration of such texts
the most harmless is probably hydro-sulphuret of
ammonia.
Great destruction of vellum MSS. of the early cen-
turies of our era must have followed the fall of the
Roman empire. Political and social changes would
interfere with the market, and writing material would
become scarce and might be supplied from MSS.
which had become useless and were considered idle
encumbrances of the shelves. In the case of Greek
MSS., so great was their consumption that a synodal
decree of the year 691 forbade the destruction of
MSS. of the Scriptures or of the fathers, imperfect or
injured volumes excepted. It has been remarked that no
entire work has in any instance been found in the original
text of a palimpsest, but that portions of different MSS.
were taken to make up a volume for a second text.
The most valuable Latin texts are found in the
volumes which were re-written from the seventh to the
ninth centuries. In many instances the works of classi-
cal writers have been obliterated to make room for
patristic literature or grammatical works. On the
other hand, there are instances of classical texts having
been written over Biblical MSS. ; but these are of late
date.
In the great Syriac collection of MSS. which were
!

Forms of Books. 77
obtained from the monastery in the Nitrian Desert
of Egypt and are now in the British Museum, many im-
portant texts have been recovered. A volume contain-
ing a work of Severus of Antioch, of the beginning of
the 9th century, is written on palimpsest leaves taken
from MSS. of the Iliad of Homer and the Gospel of St.
Luke of the 6th century (Cat. Anc. MSS. i. pls. 9,
10) and of the Elements of Euclid of the 7th or 8th
century. Another volume of the same collection is
doubly palimpsest, a Syriac text of St. Chrysostom, of
the 9th or 10th century, covering a Latin grammatical
work of the 6th century, which again has displaced the
annals of the Latin historian Licinianus of the 5th cen-
tury (Cat. Anc. MSS. ii. pls. 1, 2). At Paris is the
Codex Ephraemi, containing portions of the Old and New
Testaments in Greek, of the 5th century, which are re-
written with works of Ephraem Syrus in a hand of the
12th century; and some fragments of the Phaeton of
Euripides are found in the Codex Claromontanus. At
the Vatican are portions of the De Republica of
Cicero, of the 4th century, under the work of St.
Augustine on the Psalms of the 7th century; and
an Arian fragment of the 5th century. At Verona is
the famous palimpsest which contains the MS. of Gaius
of the 5th century, as well as the Fasti Consulares of
A.D. 486. At Milan are the fragments of Plautus, in
rustic capitals of the 4th or 5th century, covered by
a Biblical text of the 9th century. Facsimiles of many
of these MSS. are given by Zangemeister and Watten-
bach in their Elvempla Codicum Latinorum.


CIIAPTER WI.
STICEHOMETRY.
THE Greeks and Romans measured the contents of their
MSS. by lines. In poetry the unit was of course the
Verse; in prose works an artificial unit had to be found,
for no two scribes would naturally write lines of the
same length. It has been calculated that this unit was
a standard line of fifteen or sixteen syllables, or thirty-
four to thirty-eight letters, that is, an average Homeric
line, called by the earlier writers štros, afterwards at tyos.
Records of the measurements of prose works are
found in two forms: in references to the extent of the
works of particular authors made by later writers, and
in the entries of the actual figures in MSS. These latter
entries may actually give the extent of the MSS. in
which they are found; but more frequently they trans-
mit the measurements of the archetypes. The quotations
found in Greek writers are fairly numerous, and were
no doubt mainly derived from the catalogues of libraries,
where details of this nature were collected. Such a
catalogue was contained in the famous Trávakes of the
Alexandrian libraries published by Callimachus about the
middle of the third century B.C. The earliest instances
of the entry of the actual number of lines occur in
papyri. A fragment of Euripides," of a period earlier
than the year 161 B.C., has at the end the words
CTIXO1 MA. In the Herculanean papyri are found such
entries as plac)AHMOY ſle Pl PHTOPIKHC XXXX
HH (=4200 lines), or eſ|| KOYPOY ſle PI b'YCeOC
* Un papyrus inédit de la Bibl. de M. A. Firmin-Didot, Paris,
1879.
-

Stichometry. 79
Aſſº,
ſe. APIe. XXXHH (= 3200 lines), which, however,
are probably traditional numbers copied from earlier
examples. In addition to the number of lines we some-
times find a record of the number of columns or
géAtöes. Among the mediaeval MSS. which have sticho-
metrical memoranda, a copy of the ITalieutica of
Oppian, of the 15th century, at Madrid, contains a
statement of the number of leaves (böAXa) as well as
lines in the several books, not of this particular MS.,
but of its archetype. In like manner the Lauren-
tian Sophocles of the 11th century has similar
memoranda of the length of the several plays. The
Laurentian MS. of Herodotus, of the 10th century,
and the Paris MS. of Demosthenes, of the same period,
afford data of the same kind. In certain of these more
recent MSS., as well as in the early papyri, the ancient
system of Greek numeration is employed—a proof of
the antiquity of this method of calculating the length of
written works; but, on the other hand, the later system
of alphabetical numeration is followed in some of the
Herculanean rolls.
The practice of stichometry can actually be traced
back to nearly a century before the time of Callima-
chus, who has been sometimes credited with its inven-
tion. Theopompus, as quoted by Photius,” boasts that
he had written 20,000 Tm in rhetorical speeches, and
150,000 in historical books. When we thus find a
writer of the fourth century B.C. measuring his works in
terms which are clearly intelligible and need no ex-
planation for those to whom he addresses himself, we
can understand that even at that early period the
system must have been long established by common
uSage.
While stichometrical data can be gathered in fairly
large numbers from Greek literature, those which are
to be found relating to Latin authors are comparatively
few ; but, such as they are, they show that the Latin
º
-
Bibliotheca, cod. 176, § 120. See also Isocrates, Panathen,
136.
º
-


8O Paſeography.
versus corresponded closely with the Greek Štros or
a Tixos.”
Besides the system of stichometry just explained, and
to which, on account of its dealing with the full measure-
ment of literary works, the title of “total stichometry”
has been applied, there was also another system in
practice which has been named “partial stichometry.”
This was the numbering of lines or verses at convenient
intervals, which, in the first place, served the same
purpose of literary reference as our modern system of
numbering the verses of the Bible or the lines of a
play or poem. Instances of such partial stichometry
indeed are not very numerous among existing MSS. ;
but they are sufficient to show that the system was
recognized. Thus, in the Bankes Homer, the verses
are numbered in the margin by hundreds, and the same
practice is followed in other papyri of Homer (Classical
Teats from Papyri in the Brit. Mus.); so likewise in the
Ambrosian Pentateuch of the 5th century, at Milan,
the Book of Deuteronomy is numbered at every hun-
dredth a Tixos. Euthalius, a deacon of Alexandria of the
fifth century, also announces that he marked the attvot
of the Pauline Epistles by fifties. And in the Codex
Urbinas of Isocrates, and in the Clarke Plato of A.D. 888,
at Oxford, indications of partial stichometry have been
traced.
The most practical use of such systems of stichometry
was no doubt a commercial one. By counting the num-
ber of lines, the payment of the scribes could be exactly
calculated and the market price of MSS. arranged.
When once a standard copy had been written and the
number of attkov registered, subsequent copies could be
made in any form at the pleasure of the scribe, who
need only enter the ascertained number of lines at the
end of his work. Thus, in practice, we find papyri and
early vellum MSS. written in narrow columns, the lines
* See a notice printed by Mommsen in Hermes, xxi. 142,
Zur Lateinischen. Stichometrie, of a M.S. at Cheltenham which
affords evidence of the computation, about A.D. 359, of the length
of the works of Cyprian by the standard of a Virgilian line.














Stichometry. 8 I
of which by no means correspond in length with the
regulation a Tixo, but which were more easily read with-
out tiring the eye. The edict of Diocletian, De pretiis
Terum venalium, of A.D. 301, settled the tariff for scribes
by the hundred lines; and a survival of the ancient
method of calculating such remuneration has been found
in the practice at Bologna and other Italian universities,
in the middle ages, of paying by the pecia of sixteen
columns, each of sixty-two lines with thirty-two letters
to the line. An analogous practice in our own day is
seen in the copyist's charge by the folio of either seventy-
two or one hundred words.
We have hitherto considered a Tiyot as lines of
measurement or space-lines. But the same term was
also applied to the lines or short periods into which cer-
tain texts were divided in order to facilitate reading : in
other words, sense-lines. The works which would natur-
ally more than others call for such an arrangement would
be those which were read in public : the speeches of
orators, or the sacred books of the Bible used for
Church lessons. We have evidence of an early and
regular division of the orations of Demosthenes and
Cicero into short periods: the cola and commata to which
St. Jerome refers in his preface to Isaiah.” Manuscripts
of the works of the Latin orator are still in existence, the
text of which is written in this form, one of them being
a MS. of the Tusculans and the De Senectute attri-
buted to the 9th century, at Paris; and it is evident
from certain passages in the writings of early rhetoricians
that they were familiar with this system in the orations
of Demosthenes.
Suidas explains a colon as a o Tixos forming a complete
clause ; Joannes Siculus lays down that a clause of less
* “Nemo cum Prophetas versibus viderit esse descriptos metro
90s a stimet apud Hebræos ligari, et aliquid simile habere de
Psalmis vel operibus Salomonis: sed quod in Demosthene et
Tullio solet fieri, ut per cola scribuntur et commata, qui utique
prosa et non versibus conscripserunt, nos quoque, utilitati
legentium providentes, interpretationem novam novo scribendi
genere distinximus.”
7.



82 Palaeography.
than eight syllables is a comma, and that one of from
eight to seventeen syllables is a colon. In the place cited
above, St. Jerome tells us that he has, for convenience in
reading, followed the system of the MSS. of Demo-
sthenes and Cicero, and arranged his translation in this
“new style of writing.” But he had already found the
same system followed in the Psalms and poetical books
of the Old Testament—just where one would look for the
first experiment of casting the text in sense-lines. Hence
the title 8(3)\ot atty ſpels or a tuxmpai which was applied to
them. The system was gradually extended to the other
books of the Bible, the term atlyos being now used
altogether to mean a sense-line, although the ancient
stichometrical measurements of the text into space-
lines were still recorded at the ends of the books.
Euthalius is credited with having written at least the
Acts and Epistles in this stichometrical sense-arrange-
ment; although it seems more probable that he only
revised the work of predecessors, also accurately mea-
suring the space-lines and numbering them as noticed
above. As might be expected, one arrangement of
the text of the Bible in rhythmical sentences or lines
of sense would not be consistently followed by all editors
and scribes; and hence we find variations in the length
of lines and sentences in the different extant Biblical
MSS.
TACHYGRAPEIY.
Greek.
The Greeks appear to have had a system of shorthand
at a very early date. A fragment of an inscription found
recently on the Acropolis at Athens has been shown by
Gomperz' to be a portion of an explanation of a kind of
shorthand, composed of arbitrary signs, as old as the fourth
century B.C. A passage in Diogenes Laertius was for-
Ueber ein bisher unbekanntes griech. Schrift-system aws der
Mitte des vierten vorchristliche; Jahrhunderts, Wien, 1884.
See also P. Mitzschke, Eine griech. Hºwrzschrift aus dem vierten.
Jahrhundert, in the Archiv für Stenographie, No. 434.
7|achygraphy. 83
merly interpreted to imply that Xenophon wrote shorthand
notes (iToo muetoo duevos) of the lectures of Socrates;
but a similar expression elsewhere, which will not bear
this meaning, has caused this idea to be abandoned. The
first undoubted mention of a Greek shorthand writer occurs
in a passage in Galen (Tepl Tów iètov 843Xtov Ypſibm),
wherein he refers to a copy made by one who could
write swiftly in signs, 8ta a muetov eis Táxos Ypſidstv; but
there is no very ancient specimen of Greek tachygraphy
in existence. The occurrence, however, in papyri
of certain symbols as marks of contraction or to repre-
sent entire words, and particularly the comparatively
large number of them found in the papyrus of Aristotle’s
Work on the Constitution of Athens, written about
A.D. 100, goes to prove that the value of such symbols was
commonly understood at that period, and indicates the
existence of a perfected system of shorthand writing.
A waxen book of several tablets, acquired not long
since by the British Museum (Add. MS. 33,270), and
assigned to the 3rd century, is inscribed with characters
which are surmised to be in Greek shorthand, the only
Words written in ordinary letters being in that lan-
guage. A system of shorthand was practised by the
early Christians for taking down sermons and the pro-
ceedings of synods.
But we must descend to the tenth century before we
meet with Greek tachygraphic MSS. which have been
deciphered. The first is the Paris MS. of Hermogenes,
which contains some marginal notes in mixed ordinary and
tachygraphical characters, of which Montfaucon" gives an
account with a table of forms. Next, there is a series of
MSS, which owe their origin to the monastery of Grotta
Ferrata, viz. the Add. MS. 18,231 of the British Museum,
written in the year 972, and others of the same period
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 28, 85, 86), which are full of partially
tachygraphic texts and scholia, and also contain passages
in shorthand pure and simple. And lastly there is the
Vatican MS. 1800, a volume of which forty-seven pages
* Talaeogr. Graec. p. 351.

84 Palaeography.
are covered with tachygraphic writing of the eleventh
century, which have been made the subject of special
study by Dr. Gitlbauer for the Vienna Academy. Some
shorthand passages which occur in a fourteenth century
MS., and a passage from a fifteenth century MS. in the
Vatican, have recently been published.’
The shorthand system of these later examples is
syllabic, the signs, it is thought, being formed from
uncials; and it has been concluded that it represents, if not
a new creation of the ninth or tenth century, at least a
modification and not a continuation of the older system
—in a word, that two systems of Greek shorthand have
existed. For it is found that the forms of contraction
and abbreviation in Greek MSS. of the middle ages are
derived from two sources, most of them springing from
an ancient system, but others clearly being contributed
by the later system of shorthand.
Latin,
According to Suetonius,” the first introduction of
shorthand signs, notae, in Rome was due to Ennius;
but more generally the name of Cicero’s freedman,
Tiro, is associated with the invention, the signs being
commonly named mofae Tironianæ. Seneca is said to
have collected the various notaº known at his time, to
the number of 5000. Shorthand appears to have been
taught in schools under the empire; and the emperor
Titus himself is said to have been expert in writing it.
There seems to have been, as it is natural there should
have been, a connection between Greek and Latin tachy-
graphy, certain symbols being the same in both.
Down to the ninth century the notes appear to have
been in common use. In the Frankish empire they are
found in the signatures and subscriptions of charters.
They were also used by revisers and annotators of MSS.
* T.W. Allen, Fourteenth Century Tachygraphy, in the Journal
of Hellenic Studies, xi. 286; Desrousseaux, Sur quelques Manu-
scrits d'Italie, in the Mélanges of the Ecole Française de Rome,
1886, p. 544. -
2 * “Vulgares notas Ennius primus mille et centum invenil."
.

Cryptography. 85
The scholia and glosses in a MS. of Virgil, at Berne,
of the latter half of the 9th century (Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 12) are partially written in these signs; but about
this period they passed out of ordinary use. And yet
there appears to have been an attempt made to check
their total extinction; for there are still in existence
MSS. of the Psalter, of the ninth or tenth century,
in shorthand, which, it has been suggested, were written
for practice. And the survival of Tironian lexicons, or
collections of the signs, copied at this time, seems to
point to an effort to keep them in the recollection of
men. Professional scribes and notaries continued to
use. them in subscriptions to charters down to the
eleventh century.
CRYPTOGRAPHY.
The various methods which at different periods have
been adopted for the purpose of concealing the meaning
of what is written, either by an elaborate system of
secret signs or “cyphers,” or by a simpler and less
artificial system, such as the substitution of other letters
for the true letters required by the sense, only inci-
dentally come within the scope of a work on Palaeo-
graphy. The cypher-system, like short-hand, has a
special department of its own. It is only the modified
practice of substituting letters and other common signs
which need for a moment detain us, as it is followed
occasionally in mediaeval MSS. This simple system, as
might be naturally inferred, appears to be of some
antiquity. Julius Caesar and Augustus, according to
Suetonius, both had their own private methods of dis-
guise, by substitution of consonants for vowels. In
the middle ages consonants for vowels, or vowels for
consonants, or other exchange of letters occur; some-
times we have the substitution of Greek letters or of
numerals or other signs. But the surviving instances
are not very numerous and generally appear in colophons
for the purpose of disguising a name or year of date, at
the caprice of the writer.

CITAPTER WIT.
ABBREVIATIONS AND CONTRACTIONS.
Greek.
ABBREVIATIONS and contractions' play an important part
in Palaeography. Two reasons in particular dispose men
to curtail written words: (1) the desire to avoid the
labour of writing over and over again words of frequent
recurrence, which can as easily be understood in an
abbreviated as in an extended form ; and (2) the neces-
sity of saving space.
From the earliest times there must have been a con-
stant striving among individuals to relieve the toil of
writing by shortening words. The author would soon
construct a system of contraction of his own, and, espe-
cially if he were writing on a subject into which tech-
nical words would largely enter, his system would be
adopted by other writers in the same field. In law
deeds, in public and private accounts, in the various
memoranda of the transactions of daily life, common and
oft-repeated words must have been always subject to
curtailment—at first at the caprice of individuals, but
gradually on recognized systems intelligible to all.
The simplest form of abbreviation is that in which a
single letter (or at most, two or three letters) represents
a word. Thus, there is the ancient Greek system of
indicating numerals by the first letter, as II = Tévre, A =
8éka, H (aspirate) = €karów, and so on. On ancient
coins, where available space was limited, we find the
names of Greek cities indicated by the first two or three
* I use the word “abbreviation " for the shortening of a word
by suppressing its termination ; “contraction ” for the shortening
of a word by omitting letters from the body.



Aóðreviations and Contractions. 87
letters. Certain ordinary words also occur in inscriptions
in shortened forms. The Roman usage of employing
single letters to represent titles of rank is familiar to us
from inscriptions, and has been handed down in the works
of classical authors; the S.P., Q.R. of the great Republic
will occur to the recollection of everyone. Such abbre-
viations by constant usage became a part of the written
language.
The fullest development to which a system of abbrevi-
ation can attain is, of course, a perfected shorthand; but
this is far too artificial for the ordinary business of life.
Something between simple single-letter signs and com-
plex tachygraphical symbols is required, and hence we
find in the middle ages a good working system developed
by Greek and Latin writers, which combined the advan-
tages of both kinds of abbreviation. The letter system
was extended, and certain tachygraphical symbols were
taken over as representatives of entire words in common
use or as convenient signs for prefixes and terminations.”
In tracing, then, the history of Greek and Tlatin abbre-
viations and contractions, as far as it can be ascertained
from existing documents, we must be prepared to find in
the systems of each certain elements which are of great
antiquity. When we see in the case of mediaeval
minuscule Greek MSS. considerable differences in the
system there in use from that which appears in uncial
* The art of reading contracted writing can necessarily only be
acquired by those who have a knowledge of the languages in
which the MSS. are written, and who will patiently persevere in
their study. The beginner will find the first difficulty of master-
ing the elementary forms of contraction of the middle ages most
easily overcome by transcribing passages in eatenso. For Greek,
MSS. in minuscule writing of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth cen-
turies; for Latin, charters of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
turies, are the best subjects to begin with. As regards the latter,
they are generally short, the contractions are numerous; but at the
same time particular phrases and contractions continually recur.
The student has thus the advantage of passing under his eye a
great variety of handwriting and of comparing the forms which
individual letters and contractions take in the several documents;
while the recurrence of legal terms and phrases, which soon
become familiar, gives him the key to correct reading.
-
*

88 Paleography. -
MSS., we might be led to infer that it was a new inven-
tion; but a closer examination will prove that in its
elements it is the same as that which was practised hun-
dreds of years before, in the third century B.C. We may
even carry our view still farther back. For, if in some
of the earliest documents which have survived abbre-
viated forms are in existence, not made at random but
following certain laws in their formation, we have suffi-
cient ground for assuming that the practice of abbrevia-
tion was, even at that remote time, one of some antiquity,
and that a long period must have passed for the develop-
ment of a system intelligible to all readers. A still
further, and even stronger, proof of the very ancient
origin of this practice is afforded by the numerous
symbols for particular words which are found in the
earliest papyri.
There does not exist, however, sufficient material for
the construction of a continuous history of Greek abbre-
viation between the two periods noted above, viz., the
third century B.C. and the ninth century of our era, when
the minuscule came into use as the literary hand. It
will be therefore convenient, first of all, to consider the
forms of abbreviation and contraction which are found
in the uncial MSS. of the Scriptures and liturgies,
which partially fill the gap of the vacant centuries. The
earliest dates from the fourth century. In such MSS.,
which were, more than others, required for public reading,
the rules followed are very simple, nor are the examples of
abbreviation numerous. The omission of N at the end of
a line is marked by a horizontal stroke, as Ol KO- : a
form common to all MSS. The middle of a word was
omitted, the first and last letter (or at most one or two
more) being given and surmounted by a horizontal
stroke, as 8C = 0eds. Words so contracted were con-
fined generally to sacred names and titles and words of
frequent occurrence, and their inflections. They are
(besides 6C): IC=’Imaoffs, XC=Xplotós, YC = vićs,
KC=kúptos, TTP and TTAP=Tátmp, MP=pºſtmp, ANOC
=ávěporos, OYNOC=otpavds, ÖköC=6eotókos, TTNA








Abbreviations and Contractions. 89
Tvejua, CHP=orotſp, CTPOC and CPOC=aTavpós,
AAA=Aavíð, THW and TC/\='Iopa.j\, THAM='Impov-
orax.ju. There are also a few other words contracted, as
K=|cal, j = poſſ, tº =uot; and the verbal termination
T =Tat. Occasionally a proper name appears abbre-
viated on a different system, as Tūj='Iodvums.
Leaving these sacred and liturgical contractions for
the present, we turn to the papyri of the third and
Second centuries B.C., which have been recovered from
the tombs of Egypt, and see that here the system of
simple abbreviation, or curtailment at the end of a word,
was followed. Either the word was indicated by its
initial letter alone with an abbreviating dash, as ū =
viol; or the letter which immediately preceded the
omitted portion was written above the line, as a key to
the reading, thus : Tex-Té\os; or two letters were so
written, as Ter-Tékva, opot-öpioios. It is true that
examples of such abbreviation are comparatively rare,
but there are quite enough to prove that the system was
recognized.” Certain of these over-written letters, even
at this early period, betray a tendency to degenerate
into dashes," and this natural degeneration becomes
more intensified in course of time. Thus, in the second
and third centuries after Christ, this dash system is found
to be developed to a considerable degree.
The same method of curtailing the endings of words
may be traced in the Herculanean rolls, which must be
at least as early as the first century of our era, together
with certain monogrammatic forms, as Tºr =Tpós, X =
Xpóvos; and the scribes of the recently discovered papyrus
of Aristotle’s work on the Constitution of Athens, of
* See Flinders Petrie Papyri, ed. Mahaffy (Royal Irish
Academy, Cunningham Memoirs), 1891; particularly No. xxiii.
* Dr. U. Wilcken, Observationes ad hist. Ægypti prov. Roºm.
p. 40), selects from the Paris Papyrus No. 5 (Notices et Eatraits
des MSS., pl. xvi.), of the year 114 B.C., the following, among other,
Contractions, rp- = Tpd[Trećav], TroMe T- Tro) ep[atov], agk\m"—
dok\mirſtáðms]. In these we have the cursive form of a (<), of
A (~), and of T (*), which we find in the most cursively written
documents of the third century B.G.


90 Palaeography.
about A.D. 100, employed a regular system of abbrevia-
tion for prepositions and other words." In the papyri
of succeeding centuries the same system is found at
work. To descend to a later period, the palimpsest frag-
ments of the Iliad in uncial writing of the sixth century,
in the British Museum, have several words curtailed, an
s-shaped mark indicating the omitted endings. More
numerous are the examples in the fragment, preserved
at Milan, of a mathematical treatise of the seventh cen-
tury, also written in uncials. In this MS., dealing with
a subject in which technical expressions constantly occur,
an opportunity for the full employment of abbreviations
presented itself, and, accordingly, not only the ordinary
abbreviated endings, but still more tachygraphical signs
are used. From the analogy of later MSS. it may be
taken for certain that all technical works, intended as
they were rather for the student than for public reading,
were subject to unrestrained contraction from very early
times. In the few remaining Greek documents on
papyrus of the seventh and eighth centuries, the same
system is employed. Thus, when the flood of the literary
minuscule writing of the ninth century suddenly rises
and sweeps over the uncial, it naturally brings with it
the old system of abbreviation which was still existent
in the cursive hand from which that writing sprang.
The history of that system, as we have seen, can be
traced only imperfectly, from lack of material, and is, as
it were, screened by the intervening system of the
uncial biblical and liturgical MSS., which, by the fact of
their surviving in fair numbers, have thrust themselves
into more general notice.
With the disuse of uncial writing, however, as the
w º
* They are: ? = termination at, & = dud, y=yſip, 6–8s, 6–
8tá, V-eival, /= &oti, a = eiot, 6–6al, k'-kai, k = kará, p.'-pév,
p'-perd, o'=oču, T =Tapá, T'-treptor Tep, s'=0 iſv, *=Tāv, t'=tús,
7'-róv, v'-jºrép, v)=\ſqró; and also sº. = xpóvos, and the unusual
|- aúráv. Many of these abbreviations are used for syllables as
well as for independent words. In addition, terminations are
occasionally abbreviated with the over-written letter as pa" -:



Aóðreviations and Com/ractions. 9 I
ordinary literary hand, the biblical system of contraction
did not perish. The same scribes who had copied out
the majuscule texts were now employed upon the new
minuscule, and naturally introduced into the latter the
contractions which they had been accustomed to write
in the former. In minuscule writing, therefore, from the
ninth century onwards, any form of contraction or
abbreviation may be looked for. At first, however, they
were, in general, very sparingly used in the calligraphic
MSS. of the period, although, when necessary, the
apparatus was ready at hand to be applied, as in the case
of marginal and interlinear scholia, where contractions
were always more freely used than in the text of a MS.
The horizontal stroke which marked contracted words in
the biblical uncial texts served the same purpose in minu-
scules; it also distinguished letters which were used as
numerals or special signs. But the ordinary terminal
abbreviations were marked by an oblique stroke drawn
under the line, as in a8/=&öéAſbós, Tox/=TóAegos,
although this stroke was also often dispensed with, and
a mere flourish added to the over-written letter. This
over-written letter was also subject to modifications,
It was doubled occasionally to indicate a plural, as,
Taº-Tatēov, gºi=aTlxot. It was also in some in-
stances the emphatic letter of the omitted portion of the
Word, as Aſſ=Xéyélu, kº/= kata. And the arrangement
of letters was sometimes inverted, as 3–X6'yos, Q =óatos.
But with the new minuscule writing also appears a
further development of contraction in the use of certain
signs, mostly tachygraphical, which are employed either
as component parts of words, or as entire, independent
words. They are employed to some extent also in late
uncial MSS. They generally are found as terminations,
but in MSS of the early minuscule period they are also
used in the middle or at the beginning of words. For
the most part, they are placed above the level of the
words to which they belong; in a few instances they are
pendent or in the line of writing. At the later period,
when the writing became more cursive, these tachy-
graphical signs were linked with the letters below them

92 Palaeography,
in a flourish. They also, even at an early date, show a
disposition to combine with the accents, as in G which
is the sign s (ms) combined with a circumflex. This com-
bination begins in the twelfth century.
We will now proceed to give these signs in the alpha-
betical order of their meanings, beginning with the
vowels. But it will assist the memory materially if it is
borne in mind that, as in Greek tachygraphic writing
one sign represented several syllables, different in spell-
ing but phonetically the same, so the signs which we
are now considering may be phonetically grouped. For
example, in the two groups : —
/\ mu. A/S etv. ZS ww.
s ms. ss ets. S is.
we see a sign representing a particular syllable differen-
tiated by being doubled or marked to represent its
homophones. The same system will be observed in
other instances.
a is early represented by the tachygraphical sign,
a horizontal stroke — ” It was written either above
or in line with the preceding letter, as 7 or T-, but in the
latter position, to aid the eye, it received the addition
of two dots, as Tº, or, coalescing, 7+. But this sign +
thus dotted also indicated Ta, as the two dots (:) were
also the tachygraphical sign for T. In course of time
the construction was forgotten, and + was taken to mean
simply a, and, last of all, the – dropped out, and the
two dots remained to represent the letter.
e is frequently represented by a short waved stroke, as
in the word aff=preya, and in participial terminations, as
Xeyópº =Xeyóuevos. This sign resembling that for the
diphthong at, the two may be identical, 6 and at being
bomophones. -
m is also occasionally found in a similarly waved-
stroke form, nearly always written in the line, as étrévê,
Tºw.
t is very rarely represented by two dots (a late usage),
as trº-Trépi.
* This mark for a appears in abbreviations in papyri of the
beginning of the third century. Wilcken, op. cit.

Aöðreviations and Contractions. 93
o appears in the tachygraphical form of a kind of
circumflex, as dijºye=ávoye.
at. The abbreviated sign of this termination is, in its
earliest forms, an oblique or angular or s-shaped stroke,
as k, tº k; later, ordinarily a waved stroke, as k, (which
was afterwards exaggerated into a flourish); sometimes
V, as juép = juépat.
als. The earlier sign was 1, as a Tij}\* = a Tij\ats; later
», as tatt”=TaúTats. This second form appears to be a
doubling of the sign for es, a phonetic equivalent.
av. An angular L and rounded l are found in early
MSS. Then a further development in the curve took
place, and a 6-shaped sign comes into use. ŠT* =ötav,
Táē-Táaav, fit=Tràu, yeuvá8"–yevvdôav.
ap. The horizontal stroke —, for a, and a ring repre-
senting p, were combined as the sign -o, as ºrvpeſ-
Auaptupeſ. Or it was turned upwards, dpårväva duaptſav ;
or written in the line, as p- otvs = uapTws, with dots
representing a.
as. The constant sign was J, as atty' = a Tlyas; Xpija'6at
=Xpjaaaffat.
av. From a combination of —, for a, and the upsilon,
- -v r -
comes the sign v, as Éadjet = 0avpuděst. A rare sign
is h, as Touhtm = TotaúTm.
euv. At first was used a single sign /\ (i.e. also the sign
- - /*
for mu, a phonetic equivalent), as étupév =éTupévetv.
Then this was doubled for distinction’s sake // ; after-
wards one or both of the hooks are thrown off //, //; and
finally the strokes are reduced in length //, eit’—
eitreºu, Neſt"=\etiretv.
els. The sign s, which represents ms, was sometimes
also used for els; more generally it was doubled, as
Tús a Tiësis. Another rare form is © which appears to
be the ordinary ligature of e and t with a cross stroke.
ev. An angle /-, as i = uév, which afterwards took
a more rounded form, as Yéyoi = yé yovév, degenera-
ting at a later period into L, or even into a looped
flourish like a wide a. The tachygraphic sign u is also
occasionally found in use.


94. Palaeography.
ep. The oblique stroke, the tachygraphic sign for e,
combines with a loop, for p, and makes the sign b, as
6a7ſ" =&a Tep, eit,-ei"Tep. More rarely a bar is used
as jiv = inſep, Ögiiv = 60 Tep.
es. The early sign was 7, as bâyout? = p(tyoutes. But
two dots, representing tachigraphically the letter T,
being frequently added in the common termination tes,
7, a confusion between j and 7 was the result, and at last
j came to be used for es, as Nūovt’ = Atſov'Tes, and super-
seded the simple 7. The sign, thus changed, varies
occasionally in form as, 5 3 G.
ºv. The angular form /\, as T^ ăp{ = Tiju äpyju, was
sometimes curved, as Totaviſ’- Totavtmv. Later it de-
generated into 4, 29, as āpeſ = dpetàu.
mp. A not common sign is ze, as dº = duºp.
ms. A sign resembling s, as F = Tºs. This sign
early combined with the circumflex as G. It is some-
times doubled. -
tv. The sign for mu was often used also for this ter-
mination. It was also differentiated by two dots, thus,
Tᚺ-Tdály. It passed through the same stages of
degeneration as its prototype.
us. The sign for ms was also used for us. It was also
differentiated by two dots, thus, at Tº = airls. The signs
for as and ms are sometimes confused.
ots. A horizontal stroke terminating in an angular or
round hook, -- ~ ; Ady' =Xóyots. In later MSS. the
sign is subject to flourishing. In some instances the
position is oblique, as TS =Tots.
ov. The oblique stroke \, as A6) = \6 yov. The danger
of confusion with the grave accent led to its being
lengthened; but this eventually resulted in the lengthen-
ing of the accent also, as t\ =Töv. In late MSS. the
sign degenerates into a flourish, or waved line.
os. The tachygraphical sign for os is sometimes used,
as Xo y =Xóyos ; sometimes the uncial c, as ékaoTea
ëkao-Tos. -
ov. An early form v appears in a few places, as * =

Aöðreviations and Contractions. 95
toūrov; this is afterwards curved, as #–Tod. The form
*, which is not uncommon, is a monogram of the two
letters.
ovu. The o with a waved stroke beneath, as Tot, 6–
Tototºvtos, jyº–jiyovu.
ovs. The sign uſ, which is formed by combination of
v=ov and s; as Aéryū =Xóyovs, TT H = (TTovs. The
double waved stroke * (as in els) is also used : as Xpov”=
Xpdvows; also single, as air-attoos.
ov. A sign resembling a circumflex; in early MSS., of
Small size, as Toº?=Toºtov ; afterwards, a sweeping
flourish, as 8tabáñ=ötapopó.
, op. A not common sign A or -º, as Ü6°-ijöop, firſt =
pſ)Top.
os. A curving line *, *, as oiſt" = oitos, CATep=
ôa Tep. Later, the sign turns downwards, as caxš-kaxós.
Certain prepositions and particles are represented by
special signs, as–
duti: D, a very rare sign.
âTo : *V and –V ; a rare sign is Q.
dpa : « .
Štó: A, or A with a waved pendant.
ºw
éti, ſi, the ‘l being the cursive form of T.
cy
(1/C),
º
kata ; º, V’, ‘: .
f
Tpós : 2, 8.
iTép : % , or $7.
iTd ; ;&, UV.
Tapá: #, also ſº.
Yáp: º, or ºx, rt , r3 ; that is, gamma crossed with an
inverted p, or with a bar or flourish.
pºév : ~L.
P M - - -
8é: 7, which becomes round ). In course of time it
Was confused with the sign for és (j); hence the scribes
came to add dots.
3/
*] YOUV : 77% .


96 Zºa/eography.
kai. From the tachygraphical form # (ke) came the
sign $, which went through various changes: 5% S $ 3.
ôpoſſ : *, very rare.
&rt : 4. & (the dots indicating the t); also ſº.
Öa Tep : #.
The auxiliary éati or éotiv was represented by the
tachygraphic I. (éati) or /\ (éativ); but this distinction
was not kept up. Later, from confusion with the sign
for tu (/), the position of the dots was altered, and the
sign became 78, which afterwards passed into the
flourished style, on the pattern of the signs for mu and
tv. A double éati, 'ſſ., was used for eiot; and in the
same manner //, or % =eioſiv. And, perhaps on the same
analogy, ºss-eival.’ The future éotal is found in the
forms 'S 2 %.
Certain signs were also used for technical words, as
& = dpuffuds, Šá–ápuðuot; tı, ü =toos, foot; X =éAdoorov.
And, finally, there were certain symbols for certain
words, as G)=kūk\os, 4 =#1épa, 2=vić, L=éros, ºr =
époupa, F, S, b=&paxpºff, and others.
Latin,
Of Latin abbreviations the most ancient forms, as
already stated, are those which consist of a single
letter (nearly always the initial letter), representing the
whole word. The most ordinary instances of such
single-letter abbreviations, or sigla, are those which
indicate proper names, or titles, or words of common
occurrence, and which are familiar to us, not only in the
inscriptions on coins and monuments, but also in the
texts of classical writers; being generally distinguished
from other letters or words by the full point which is
placed after them. The same system was followed in
the middle ages and survives at the present day.
But the representation of words by single letters
could only be carried out to a certain limited extent.
Obviously the same letter must do duty for many words
7. In Pap. cxxxvii., in the British Museum, probably of the
2nd century, these forms are used : /= €ati, N = eival, NS = eigt;
and 0 for the feminine cases of the participle, oùora, oùorms, etc.


Aóðrevia/ions and Com/rac/ions. 97
and confusion be the consequence. Hence arises a
farther extension of the system: the use of special
marks, or of two or more letters. The Romans wrote
M’. = Manius, to distinguish that name from M. =Marcus;
Cn.=Gnaeus, to prevent confusion with C.–Gaius. These
simple methods of abbreviation led on to others, the
development of which can be traced in the early legal
MSS., such as the Gaius of Verona, or the waxen
tablets, and particularly in the “Notarum Laterculi.” or
“ Notae Juris ‘’-the lists of abbreviations used in the
Roman law-books.” In these documents, as regards
single-letter abbreviations, we find not only such forms
as A. =aut, C.–causa, D.–dirus, E.-est, and so on,
any of which might occur independently in a sentence,
but also whole phrases, as, C. D. E. R. N. E. =cufus de
ea re motio est, or A. T. M. D. O. =aio te mihi dare
oportere, showing to what an extent this elementary
system could be employed in books of a technical
nature. Indeed, in technical works, single-letter
phrases continued to be used in MSS. down to the
invention of printing. But the inconvenience of such
abbreviations is seen in such double meanings as A.-aut
or annus, C.–causa or circa, D.-divus or dedit, F.-
feeit or familia or fides. Yet the sense of the context
might be depended upon for giving the correct inter-
pretation, and confusion was also, in some instances,
obviated by the addition of a distinguishing mark, such
as a horizontal stroke placed above the letter or an apo-
strophe or similar sign placed after it,as N=non, N’=mee.
The representation of words by two or more of their letters
is seen in such abbreviations as IT=item, ACT.-actum,
AN=ante, ED.—edictum, IMP-imperator, COM.–
comes, EO=eorum, CUT =cujus, FU=fuit, in which the
first letters of each word are written ; or in such con-
tractions as EXP=enemplum, OMB-omnibus, MMT=
momentum, BR-bonorum, HD=heredem, where the
salient letters are expressed, in some instances with a
-
See in Keil, Grammatici Latini, iv. 265, the Notarum Later-
cw/?, ed. Mommsen.

8

98 Palaeography.
view to indicating the inflections. From this latter
method was developed the more systematic syllabic
system, in which the leading letters of the syllables
were expressed, as EG-ergo, HR=heres, QD=quidem,
QB = quibus, QR = quare, ST=satis, MT=mentem,
TM=tamen, SN=sine, BN=bene, DD=deinde, and the
like.
But still there remained the need of indicating in-
flections and terminations more exactly than by this
simple process. This want was supplied in the first
place by the adoption of certain of the Tironian symbols
—others of those shorthand signs being at the same
time used for certain prepositions or prefixes—and also
by smaller over-written letters, as (j-quo, V"—verum,
Hi–hune, T=tune. This over-writing was not, how-
ever, confined to the indication of terminations: it was
also adopted for general use to mark leading letters, as in
S=sint, N=noster, Š-sors, and others. As will pre-
sently be seen, it holds an important place in the scheme
of later mediaeval contraction.
The principles of the different methods sketched out
above held good also throughout the later middle ages;
but of the simple letter-forms only a certain number
survived. They were too arbitrary to be continued in
general use, and more exact and convenient combina-
tions and signs took their place. Even where they still
survived in form their original meaning was sometimes
superseded; e.g. the early syllabic contraction TM =
tamen under the later system becomes tantum. The
period of transition from the old to the new system lies
in the course of the eighth and ninth centuries, at the
time when the Carlovingian schools were effecting their
great reform in the handwriting of Europe, and had the
authority to enforce the adoption of settled forms. By
the eleventh century the later system had grown to full
development. It reached its culminating point in the
thirteenth century, the period when contraction was
more excessively used than at any other ; but after that
Aóðreviations and Contractions. 99
date marks and symbols are less rigidly formed and
gradually degenerate into hasty dashes and flourishes.
Having thus traced the general construction of Latin
abbreviation and contraction, we may now briefly
notice the various signs and marks which are employed
for this purpose in the MSS. of the middle ages.
Abbreviated Latin words may be ranged in two
classes: (1) Those in which the ending is suppressed,
as fec=fecit.; (2) Those in which letters are omitted
from the middle, or from the middle and end, of the
word, as ca-causa, oio-omnino, pro=presbyter. To
the first class the French have given the title “ abbré-
viations par suspension”; we call them simply “abbre-
viations,” and include among them those early forms,
noticed above, which are composed of one, two, or more
of the first letters of a word, and the numerous examples,
particularly verbs, which, more especially in the ninth
and tenth centuries, simply threw away the last syllable.
The words in the second class are “contractions,” being
contracted by the omission of medial, or medial and final,
letters.
Marks or signs of abbreviation or contraction are
either general or special. General signs are those which
indicate the suppression of one or more letters without
giving a direct clue to what such letters may be. Special
signs indicate the suppression of particular letters.
Among the latter must be also included over-written
letters which, in some instances, have in course of time
changed their forms and have worn down into mere
symbols.
The earliest and simplest mark of abbreviation is the
full point, usually placed on a level with the middle of
the letter or letters of the abbreviated word as A'-aut,
FF--fratres, or—to give the commonest, and often the
only, abbreviations in early majuscule MSS.—B'-(ter-
mination) bus, Q’=que. In place of the full point, a
colon or semicolon was next employed, as in B: B; Q: Q;,
and the latter, becoming the favourite form, grew, by
rapid writing, into a 3-shaped sign, which appears from
the eieventh century onwards as by-bus, q3=quº.
- - - -
- º
-
- -
º -
- - -
--- - " -





IOO Palaeography.
From its frequent recurrence in the latter common word
it even came to represent the 4 as well as ale, in compo-
sition, as at 3=atſue, ne;=neque. But it was not con-
fined to the representation of terminal us and we ; it
also appears for termination et, as in deb3=debet, p15 =
placet, sj=set (i.e. sed): a survival of which is seen in
the z in our common abbreviation viz. –videlicet. At a
later period it also represented final m, as in na;=nam,
ite;=item, ide3=idem.
The same 3-shaped sign likewise is found sometimes
as the sign for est in composition, as in inter;=interest.
But here it has a different derivation, being a cursive
Pendering of the symbol +=est. -
The horizontal stroke is the most general mark both
of abbreviation and contraction, and in both uses it
may indicate the omission of many letters. We have
seen it in use in the “ Notae Juris.” It is usually either
a straight or a waved line. In early carefully-written
MSS. it is ornamentally formed with hooks at the
ends –. In the case of charters, it is sometimes fanci-
fully shaped, as an oblique crotchet, or as a loop or knot.
In its simplest use as a mark of abbreviation it is found
in majuscule MSS. at the end (rarely in the body) of a
line to indicate omission of final M or N. It was placed
above the line, at first to the right, as AUTET=autem. ;
and in some instances a point was added to distinguish
omission of M from omission of N, as ENIT=enim,
NOTE=non. Afterwards the simple stroke was placed
above the last letter, as ENT, NO. - -
Analogous to the horizontal stroke is the oblique
stroke, which takes the place of the horizontal chiefly in
words in which the tall minuscule letters b and l occur, as
ap}j=apostoli, mºto=multo, libe-libere, procła procul.
Of the same class is the waved vertical stroke (some-
times in the form of a curve rising from the preceding
letter), often used to signify the omission of er or re; as
bºuiter–breviter, cºtus=certus.
Less frequent, because it dropped out of general use,
is the final oblique stroke, also found in the earlier
abbreviations, usually for terminations us, wr, win
-

Aóðreviations and Comfractions. IOI
s
(after r), as an = anus, amam, = amamus, amatſ =
amatur, rez, - rerum. Of these, the last termination rum,
continued to be represented in this way, especially in
words in the genitive plural.” -
Another general sign of early use was the round curve
or comma above the line, which, as late as the ninth cen-
tury, continued to represent the terminations ur, os, als.
In later MSS. the curve alone was retained to indicate
the termination us (sometimes os), and so became a
special sign (see below). -
A long drooping stroke attached to the end of a word
is often found as a general sign to indicate the omission
of any termination. It is, however, specially used for
termination is. In the fourteenth century it develops
into a loop, as dicte-dictis.
A sign nearly resembling an inverted c or the numeral
9, Tironian in its origin, usually signifies the syllable con
or com, also more rarely cum or cum, as 9do= condo,
9munis-communis, cirgscriptus=circumscriptus, 90ti=
cuncti." It always stands in the line of writing. A
similar sign (to which reference has already been made),
above the line, represents the termination us, as bon".=
bonus ; also more rarely os, as n = nos, pºt-post. In the
last word it is sometimes used for the whole termination
ost, as p".
A sign somewhat resembling the numeral 2 placed
obliquely ºl, also derived from a Tironian note, is written
for the termination ur, as amat” – amatur. It is also
placed horizontally, as fert*=fertur. Being commonly
employed in the case of verbs, it also sometimes stands
for the whole termination tur, as ama”.
The letter p having a curve drawn through the down
stroke, p, is to be read pro. In Visigothic MSS., however,
it signifies per, very rarely pro, which is usually in such
MSS, written in full. P. crossed with a horizontal bar,
A curious result of the use of this sign is seen in the second
name for Salisbury, “Sarum.” The Ilatin Sarisburia in abbre-
viated form was written Samp, and came to be read Sarum.
* The letter c surmounted by a horizontal line also represents
('07. -



I O2 Palaeography.
p, is per, also par, por, as ptem=partem, optet, -oportet.
The same letter with a horizontal or waved oblique
stroke or curve placed above it (when not at the end of
a word) becomes pre, as psertim =presertim, p’bet=
prebet. -
The following conventional signs, mostly derived
from Tironian notes, are also used with more or less
frequency:—
F=autem, 3–6.jus, = = esse, … =est (which degene-
rates into a 3-shaped sign : see above), É =per, 7=et
7 =etiam, tu (later ++ and -H, and thence ºn.)=enim,
ri. =id est, f==vel, e = obiit, obitus, v and ü =ut.
In this place may also be noticed the Latin contracted
form of our Lord's name. The name of Jesus Christ
was always written in Greek letters by mediaeval scribes,
and in contracted form it appeared in majuscule MSS.
thus: IHC XPC, in Greek uncials. When these words
had to be written in minuscule letters, the scribes treated
them as purely Latin words written in Latin letters,
and transcribed them ific (or ihs) xpc. Hence arose the
idea that the form Thesus was the correct one, and by
false analogy the letter h was introduced into other
proper names, as Therusalem, Theronimus. Similarly
the terminating letter c, for s, was carried over by
scribes to other words, as epc-episcopus, spe=spiritus,
tpc=tempus.
Most ordinarily, over-written letters are vowels, to
which the letter r has to be supplied to solve the read-
ing, as gºtia=gratia, c*ta-carta, tºs=tres, u°ba=verba,
p'or=prior, ultus=virtus, ag's= agros, cºpus = corpus,
p"dens = prudens, t'ris–turris. The more usual con-
tractions of this character are those in which the r pre-
cedes the vowel. Other letters may also be understood,
as in q“= qua, bo"=boma, q'bus=quibus, m'-mihi, m*=
Anodo. The letter a when over-written frequently takes
the open form (w) which degenerates into a mere zigzag
horizontal line or flattened u (*).
When consonants are over-written the number of
letters to be supplied is quite uncertain : a single vowel
is omitted in such words as n°– nec, h"=hic ; several

Aðbreviations and Comfractions. IO3
letters are understood in such a contraction as p = potest.
The over-written consonant is usually the last letter of
the word.”
In some instances two or more letters are over-
written as hu"=hujus modi, incorp"= incorporales; but
such full forms are seldom wanted.
By metathesis, the contractions of certain common
words, in which the letter g is prominent, take a special
form, as g’ and g =igitur, g”=erga, g”=ergo.
The amount of contraction in a M.S. depended to a
considerable extent upon the character of the text. As
has been already observed, technical books were more
contracted than works of general literature. In MSS.
written in majuscule letters, and particularly in biblical
and liturgical codices, which were specially required for
public reading, the contractions are very few : the
omission of final M or N, Q =que, B =bus, QM or
QNM=quoniam, DS= Deus and its inflections, DMS or
DNS= Dominus and its inflections, the name of our
Lord (see above), SCS=sanctus, SPS=spiritus, and a
few other common words. With the introduction of
minuscule writing for the book-hand, and when MSS.
were employed for private use, there was more scope for
this convenient system of saving labour and space; but
in works intended for popular use there was seldom an
excess of contraction or the employment of arbitrary
forms such as to render the reading of the text difficult.
When once the elements and principles of the system
are understood, and the eye has been fairly practised,
no ordinary MS. will present difficulties to the reader.
As regards texts written in the vernacular languages of
those countries of Europe which have adopted the
Roman alphabet, it will be found that contractions
are more rarely used in them than in MSS. written
in Latin. A system suited to the inflections and
* With regard to over-written s, it may be.noted that in Visi-
gothic writing a sign resembling that letter is used in the word
q" que, which however is derived from the cursive form of over-
written u.



IO4 Palaeography.
terminations of this language could not be well adapted
to other languages so different in their structure.
Numerals.
In Greek MSS. we find two systems of expressing
numbers by signs, both being taken from the alphabet.
It appears to have been the older practice to use the
initial letter of the name of the number for its symbol,
as TT for 5, A for 10, H (aspirate) for 100, X for 1000,
M for 10,000. This has been called the Herodian
system, after the name of the grammarian who described
it. It is found in use in the papyri, especially in the
stychometrical memoranda of the numbers of the lines
contained in them ; and such notes are also found
transmitted to vellum MSS. of the middle ages.
The other system was to take the first nine letters of
the alphabet for the units, and the rest for the tens and
hundreds, disused letters being still retained for numera-
tion, viz., F, digamma, for 6, which in its early form
appears as q or s, and afterwards, in the middle ages,
becomes ‘ſ, like the combined aſ and T or stigma;
q, koppa, for 90; and a symbol derived from the old
letter san, which appears in papyri” as T or T, and at
later periods as 2, which, from its partial resemblance
to pi, was called sampi (=san-i-pî), for 900. This
system was in full use in the third century B.C.
The practice of numbering the successive books of a
work, as e.g. the twenty-four books of the Iliad, by the
successive letters of the alphabet, is hardly a system
of numeration in the proper sense of the word. In
certain cases, we find it convenient to make use of
our alphabet in a somewhat similar way, to mark a
S61°16S. - º -
The numerals were usually distinguished from the
letters of the text by a horizontal stroke : thus à. To
* See e.g. Cat, of Greek Papyri in the Brit, Mus., pp. 47, 55.

-
Aóðreviations and Contractions. IO5
indicate thousands a stroke was added to the left of the
numeral : thus (T=3000; which at a later period was
detached, thus /T. Dots were sometimes added to indi-
cate tens of thousands, as ā, Ā., B. Special symbols
were sometimes used for fractions, sometimes an accent
or a line above the numeral indicated the fraction : as
U or C = }, Y= }, Uy' = } +} =#, ſy” –3, 8'- #, etc. The o
which appears for the numerator in 3 is derived from the
cursive form of 8, and is found in other combinations in
papyri. The 8 for # also appears in form of a Roman d:
and # is represented by a variant of it, º]. The symbols
-, -, ſ, F, E, stand for obols, from one to five.
The Roman system of numerals was used throughout
the middle ages (and, indeed, it lasts to our own day),
and was not displaced by the introduction of the Arabic
system, although the latter, from its convenience, was
widely adopted. The Roman system was continued as
the more official, and money accounts were calculated in
its numerals.
This is not the place to discuss the origin of the
Roman numerals; it is sufficient to say that the system
was not an alphabetical one, for, although C (100)
has been said to be the first letter of centum and M
(1000) the first letter of mille, both these signs had a
different derivation, and by a natural process only took
the forms of the letters which they resembled most
nearly.”
To distinguish the numerals from the letters of the
text they were placed between points: thus XL. Be-
sides the ordinary method of indicating thousands by
repetitions of M, units with horizontal strokes above were
also employed for the purpose: thus, T., TI., TIT, etc.
Certain special signs occur in some MSS.; as the Visigothic
T = 1000, and X = 40, and the rot very uncommon
sign q=6 which has been derived from the Greek
symbol, but which may be only a combination of
. See Zangemeister, Entstehung der römischen Zahlzeicken,
in the Sitzb. der k. Preussischen Akademie, 1887.

IO6 Palaeography.
U (V) and I. A cross stroke traversing a numeral
sometimes indicates reduction by half a unit, as iij =
2}, X =9%, xx = 19%.
Arabic numerals first appear in European MSS. in
the twelfth century, their early use being general in
mathematical works; by the fourteenth century they
had become universal. They have not much changed
in form since their first introduction, the greatest
difference from the modern shapes being seen in Q =4,
and q =5.

CIIAPTER VIII.

GREEK PAI, AEOGRAPHIY.
Papyri.
THE first discovery of Greek papyri in Egypt took place
in the year 1778, when fifty rolls were found in the neigh-
bourhood of Memphis. Unfortunately, all but one were
carelessly destroyed; the survivor was presented to
Cardinal Stefano Borgia, under whose auspices it was
published in 1788, Charta papyracea Musei Borgiani
Velitrii, by Schow. It is of the year 191 after Christ.
This find was followed early in the present century by
the discovery of a collection, enclosed, according to the
story of the Arabs who found it, in a single vessel, on
the site of the Serapeum or temple of Serapis at
Memphis. The finders divided the hoard among them-
selves, and hence the collection found its way piecemeal
into different libraries of western Europe. Paris secured
the largest number, which have been published, with an
atlas of facsimiles, in the Notices et Eaſtraits des Mant-
serits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, etc., vol. xviii., 1865.
A certain number fell to the share of the British
Museum, and will be published in the Catalogue of
Greek Papyri in the British Museum. Some are in the
Vatican, and others are at Leyden. -
The larger number of the documents thus brought to
light have perpetuated a little domestic romance, and
have preserved the memory of two poor twin sisters and
the wrongs they endured in the second century B.C.
Thaues and Thaus were the daughters of a native of
Memphis, who in an unhappy hour married a woman
named Nephoris. Deserted by her, and maltreated by
IO8 Palaeography.
her paramour, he fled away and died; and the twins were
forthwith turned out of doors. But a friend was at
hand. Among the recluses of the temple of Serapis
was one Ptolemy, son of Glaucias, a Macedonian by
birth, whose father had settled in the nome of Mera-
cleopolis, and who had entered on his life of seclusion in
the year 173 B.C. As an old friend of their father, he
now came forward and obtained for the two girls a place
in the temple. Their duties, upon which they entered
in the year 165 B.C., included the offering of libations to
the gods, a service which entitled them to certain
allowances of oil and bread. All went well for a brief
six months, but then the supplies began to fall into
arrears. The poor twins tried in vain to get their rights,
and their appeals to the subordinate officials, who had
probably diverted the allowances to their own use, were
disregarded. Again the good Ptolemy came to the
rescue and took the matter in hand; and very per-
tinaceously did he pursue the claims. Petition after
petition issued from his ready pen. Appeals to the
governor; appeals to the king ; reference to one official
was referred again to another, who in his turn, passed it
on to a third; reports were returned, duly docketed,
and pigeon-holed; again they were called for, and the
game was carried on in a way which would do credit to
the government offices of the most civilized nation. But
Ptolemy was not to be beaten. We know that he at
length succeeded in getting for the twins payment of a
large portion of arrears, and at the moment when the
documents cease he is still left fighting. That his
efforts were eventually crowned with a full success we
cannot doubt; and thus ends the story of the twins.
These documents, then, and certain others including
other petitions and documents of the persistent Ptolemy,
form the bulk of the collection which was found on the site
of the Serapeum at Memphis. Its palaeographical value
cannot be too highly estimated. Here, thanks chiefly to
the ready pen of an obscure recluse, a fairly numerous
series of documents bearing dates in the second century
B.C. has descended to us. If the sands of Egypt had

Greek Palaeography. IO9
preserved a collection of such trivial intrinsic importance,
probably from the accident of its being buried in the
tomb of the man who had written so many of its docu-
ments, what might not be looked for if the last resting-
place of a scholar were found The expectations that
papyri inscribed with the works of Greek classical
authors, and written in Egypt or imported thither
during the reigns of the Ptolemies or in the Roman
period, would sooner or later come to light gradually
began to be realized.
Several papyri containing books, or fragments of
books, of Homer's Iliad have been recovered. The most
ancient appears to be the one (the “Harris Homer”)
containing a large portion of Book xviii., which was
found in 1849–1850 by Mr. A. C. Harris, in the Crocodile
Pit at Ma'abdeh, in the Fayoum, and is now in the
British Museum (Cat. Anc. MSS., i. pl. 1; Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 64). It is probably of the 1st century B.C. Of later
date is the “Bankes Homer,” containing the greater
part of Book xxiv., which was bought at Elephantine by
the traveller William Bankes, and is also in the British
Museum (Cat. Anc. MSS., i. pl. 6; Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 153).
A third important MS. of Homer, which has also lately
found its way into the national collection (Brit. Mus.,
Papyrus czXvi.), is the papyrus in form of a book, in-
scribed on the front of each leaf with the Iliad, from line
101 of Book ii. to line 40 of Book iv., the longest portion
of the poem that has hitherto been found on papyrus.
It was discovered in the same Crocodile Pit as the
Harris Homer, and also belonged to Mr. Harris. It is
not, however, of early date, being probably as late as
the 4th century; but it has a special interest from
the existence, on the back of three of the leaves, of a
portion of a treatise on Greek grammar, which gives an
outline of various parts of speech, and which bears in its
title the name of Tryphon, a grammarian who flourished
in the latter half of the first century B.C. The treatise,
however, is probably only an abstract of the work of that
writer. Besides these comparatively perfect Homeric
papyri, there are others of a more fragmentary character:


I IO Palaeograffy.
as the British Museum papyrus cyxviii., containing
considerable portions of the Iliad, Books xxiii. and
xxiv., and the fragments in the Louvre of Books
vi., xiii., and xviii. (Not, et Eatr., pl. xii., xlix.), all of an
early period; of later date, papyri cºxvii. and cºxxvi. in
the British Museum, containing portions of Books iii., iv.,
v., vi., and xviii. Lastly there are the fragments of Book ii.
in large characters, perhaps as late as the fifth or sixth
century, found by Mr. Flinders Petrie at Hawara, and
presented to the Bodleian Library (Hawara, etc., ed.
Petrie, 1889, pl. xxiii.).
An important addition has been made to classical
literature by the recovery of several of the orations of
the Athenian orator Hyperides. The papyrus containing
his orations for Lycophron and Euxenippus is in un-
usually good condition and measures eleven feet in
length. It may be of the 1st century B.C. Other
portions of the same roll contain fragments of his oration
against Demosthenes (see editions of Professor Babington,
1850, 1853; Cat. Anc. MSS., i. pl. 2, 3; Pal. Soc., i.
pl. 126). A fourth work of the same author is the
funeral oration which he delivered over the Athenian
general Leosthenes and his comrades, who fell in the
Lamian war in 323 B.C. (ed. Babington, 1858). The date
of this text was formerly placed in the 1st or 2nd
century B.C.; a horoscope of a person born in A D. 95
being inscribed on the other side of the papyrus. But
it has now been proved that the oration is on the verso
side of the papyrus (i.e. the side on which the fibres run
vertically), and therefore was written subsequently to
the horoscope; and, further, the faults in Orthography
and the rough character of the writing have led to the
conclusion that it is a student’s exercise. All the papyri
of Hyperides just enumerated are in the British Museum,
and in a collection of documents recently acquired by
the trustees there has also been found the concluding
portion of an oration, which is believed to belong to the
speech against Philippides, in writing earlier than the
Christian era. The Museum of the Louvre has also
purchased lately an important papyrus of the period of
Greek Palaeography. I I I
the Ptolemies, in which is a work which is identified as
an oration of Hyperides against Athenogenes (Revue
Egyptologique, 1892). When it is borne in mind that
none of the works of this orator was known to have
survived until the reappearance of these long-buried
papyrus rolls, the significance of the recovery of a lost
author and the promise which was thus held out of
possibly greater prizes have accustomed the world to be
ever on the look-out for the “semper aliquid novi” from
Africa.
The large collection of papyrus documents and
fragments which a few years ago passed into the pos-
session of the Archduke Rainer attracted considerable
attention. Slowly, and with the expenditure of much
patience and skill, they are being deciphered and
published. But sifted, as they chiefly are, from the sand
and light soil of the Fayoum, the rags and tatters of
ancient dust-bins, they could not be expected to yield
any text of considerable extent. A fragment of Thucy-
dides has come to light (Wiener Studien, vii. 1885), and
other such pieces may yet be found. But they would
rank only with such discoveries as that of the fragment
of the writings of the poet Alcman, now in the Louvre
(Not, et Eatr., pl. 1.), whetting the appetite it is true, but
adding very little to the stock of Greek literature. The
Rainer collection is, however, of very great palaeo-
graphical importance. It covers a wide period, and
illustrates in particular the writing of the early centuries
of our era, of which we have hitherto had but scanty
examples.
But the most important recent discovery that has been
made, as far as palaeography is concerned, is that of Mr.
Flinders Petrie at the village of Gurob in the Fayoum.
Here he found that the cartonnage coffins which he
obtained from the necropolis were composed of papyri
pasted together in layers, fortunately not in all instances
too effectively. The result of careful separation has been
that a large number of documents dated in the third
century B.C. have been recovered. These, together
With a few of the same century which are scattered in

II 2 Palaeography.
different libraries of Europe, and whose early date had
not in some instances been hitherto recognized, are the
most ancient specimens of Greek writing (as distinguished
from sculptured inscriptions) in existence above ground."
Besides miscellaneous documents, there are not incon-
siderable remains of registers of wills, entered up from
time to time, and thus presenting us with a variety of
different handwritings as practised under the early
Ptolemies. Still more interesting in a literary aspect
are the fragments of the Phaedo of Plato, and of the lost
play, the Antiope, of Euripides, which have happily been
gleaned from the Gurob mummy-cases. The tragedians
had already been represented by the finding some years
ago of a fragment of papyrus, on which were written
some lines supposed to come from the Temenides of
Euripides, and others from the Meda’a (H. Weil, Un
papyrus inédit de la Bibl. de M. A. Firmin-Didot, 1879);
and the date of the writing is at least as old as the
year 161 B.C. But by the recovery of the classical frag-
ments at Gurob, we are brought within almost measurable
distance of the authors. Indeed, this copy of the Phaedo,
written, as there is good reason to believe, within a
hundred years of the death of Plato, can hardly differ in
appearance, in a very material degree, from the copies
which were published in his lifetime. The only other
extant document that can be compared, as regards style
of writing, with these fragments, is the papyrus at
Vienna, inscribed with an invocation of a certain
Artemisia, which has been ascribed to the 4th century,
and may with certainty be placed as early as the
first half of the 3rd century B.C. It will be noticed
below. - - -
These discoveries, of such inestimable value for the
history both of Greek palaeography and of Greek litera-
ture, had been scarcely announced, when the world was
astonished by the appearance of a copy, written about
the end of the first or beginning of the second century,
* A selection of these papyri has been recently published in
the Cunningham Memoirs of the Royal Irish Academy (On the
Flinders Petrie Papyri, by Rev. J. P. Mahaffy, 1891).

Greek Palaeograp/y. II 3
!.
of Aristotle’s treatise on the Constitution of Athens,
the IIowTeia Tów 'A6)watov, a work which had vanished
from sight more than a thousand years ago. The papyrus
containing this valuable text came into possession of
the British Museum in the course of the year 1890.
Like the Funeral Oration of Hyperides, the work is
written on the back of a disused document, the account-
roll of a farm bailiff in the district of Hermopolis in
Egypt, rendered in the reign of Vespasian, A.D. 78-79.
Four hands were employed in the transcription, the first
of which is probably that of the scholar who desired the
copy for his own use ; for a text written so roughly,
and that, too, on the back of a waste papyrus, would
have had no sale in the market. This recovery of a lost
classic of such traditional fame has cast into the shade
all previous finds of this nature, however important
many of them have been ; and there is every reason to
hope that the more systematic and careful exploration of
Egypt in our days may achieve still greater results. By
the side of the work of Aristotle, other papyri which
have lately passed into the British Museum, containing
fragments of works of Demosthenes, of the 2nd or
1st century B.C., and of Isocrates of the 1st century
after Christ, may appear insignificant; but the acquisi-
tion of a papyrus of fair length, restoring to us some
of the lost poems of the iambographer Herodas, who
flourished in the first century B.C., is one more welcome
addition to the long lost Greek literature which is again
emerging into light.”
Outside of Egypt, Herculaneum is the only place in
which Greek papyri have been found, Here, in a house
which was excavated in the year 1752, a number of
charred rolls were discovered, which were at first taken
for pieces of charcoal, many being destroyed before
* Aristotle's IIoWireia has been published, together with an
autotype facsimile of the papyrus; and the poems of Herodas,
with collations of other papyri, are printed in Classical Teacts
from Papyri in the British Museum, 1891: both works edited by
F. G. Kenyon for the Trustees of the British Museum. A facsimile
of the papyrus of Herodas has also been issued,



9
I 14 Aalapography.
their real nature was recognized. Almost immediately
attempts were made to unroll them; and with more or
less success the work has been carried on, at intervals,
down to the present day. The process is a difficult one;
the hardened crust, into which the outer portion of the
rolls has been converted by the action of the heated
ashes which buried the devoted city, must be removed
before the inner and less injured layers can be reached,
and so fragile are these that the most skilful and patient
handling is required to separate them without irreparably
injuring the remains. Copies of the texts recovered have
been engraved and published in the series of volumes,
the Herculanensia Volumina, printed at Naples.
In the year 1800, the Prince of Wales, afterwards
George the Fourth, undertook the expense of unrolling
and copying the papyri; but the work was interrupted
by the French invasion of 1806. The tracings and
copper-plates which had been prepared by his agent
were presented by the Prince to the University of
Oxford in 1810, together with a few unopened rolls,
part of a number which had been given to him by the
Neapolitan Government. Four of the rest and the
unrolled fragments of a fifth were subsequently pre-
sented by the Queen to the British Museum in 1865.
In 1824 and 1825 two volumes of lithographs of some
of the Oxford facsimiles were published; and recently,
in 1885, others have been given in the Fragmenta
Herculamensia of Mr. Walter Scott.
But none of the facsimiles in these publications can
be considered sufficient for palaeographical study, and
unfortunately the blackened condition of the rolls is
such that little can be done by the agency of photo-
graphy. Two autotype plates copied from some of the
original fragments, will be found in the facsimiles of
the Palaeographical Society (i. pl. 151, 152).
Of the rolls which have been opened, a large pro-
portion are found to contain works of the Epicurean
Philodemus, while others are the writings of Epicurus
and the leading members of his school. From the fact
that several of Philodemus’s works are in duplicate,


Greek Paſapography 1 I 5
it has been suggested that the principal part of the
collection was formed by Philodemus himself, and that the
house in which it was found was that of L. Calpur-
nius Piso Caesoninus, the patron of the philosopher and
the father-in-law of Julius Caesar. However this may be,
the date of the destruction of Herculaneum, A.D 79,
forms a posterior limit for the age of the papyri.
Roughly, then, their period may be fixed at the end
of the first century B.C or the beginning of the first
century of the Christian era,
The Antiquity of Greek Writing.
The most important lesson which we, as palaeographers,
learn from these ancient papyri is, that throughout all
periods, as far back as we can reach, we have side by
side two classes of Greek writing: the Literary or Book.
hand, in which works of literature were usually (but
not always) written, and the Cursive hand of every-day
life; that, however remote the date of these documents,
We find in them evidence that then all sorts and con-
ditions of men wrote as fluently as we do now ; that the
scribe of those days could produce as finely written
texts as the scribe of later times; and that the educated
or professional man could note down records of daily
business with as much facility as any of their de-
scendants. And if we find these evidences of a wide-
spread knowledge of Greek writing so far back as the
third century B.C., and writing, too, of a kind which
bears on its face the stamp of matured development,
the question naturally arises, to what remote period are
we to assign the first stage of Greek writing, not in a
primitive condition, but so far developed as to be a
practical means of intercourse. There has hitherto
rather been a tendency to regard the earliest existing
Greek inscriptions as the first painful efforts of unskilled
hands. But it is far more natural to suppose that,
almost simultaneously with the adoption of an alphabet,
the keen-witted Greek trader must have profited by
the example of Egyptian and Phoenician and have
soon learnt how to express himself in writing. It is

II 6 Palaeography.
impossible at least to doubt that the Greek mercenaries
who were able to cut so skilfully not only their names
but also longer inscriptions on the statue of Abu Simbel
some 600 years B.C., were perfectly able to write fluently
with the pen.
But without speculating further on this subject, we
may rest content with the fact that in the papyri of the
third century B.C. we have styles of writing so confirmed
in their character that we have no difficulty in forming
an approximate idea of the character of the writing of
the best classical period of Greece. Indeed, judging by
the comparatively slow changes which passed over Greek
writing in the hundred years from the third to the
second century B.C., we probably have before us, in our
oldest specimens, both literary and cursive, styles not
very different from those of a hundred years earlier.

Divisions of Greek Palaeography.
It will here be convenient to state the plan adopted
in the following sketch of the progress of Greek writing.
The courses of the two styles of writing, which have
already been referred to as the Literary hand or Book-
hand and the Cursive hand, will be kept distinct for
the earlier centuries, previous to the adoption of the
minuscule as a literary hand in the ninth century.
Again, a general distinction will be observed between
MSS, written on papyrus (as well as examples on pottery
or wax) and MSS. written on vellum. The examples of
the book-hand on papyrus will first be considered; next,
the cursive writing on the same material. Then the
history of the uncial hand on vellum will be traced ;
and, lastly, the long series of mediaeval minuscule MSS.,
coming down to the sixteenth century, will be examined.
It will be observed that cursive writing is here only
specially dealt with under the early period. Although
the cursive writing of the day was moulded into a settled
style to serve as a book-hand in the ninth century, it
naturally still continued in use as a current hand in the
ordinary affairs of life ; and, if sufficient independent
Greek /a/eograft/y. I I 7
material had survived, this current hand would have
formed a separate division of the subject. But no such
material exists. We have no great collections of Greek
charters and documents cursively written, such as we
have in Latin. We must therefore look for the traces
of the progress of the Greek cursive hand in the more
hastily written minuscule literary MSS. of successive
centuries.
The different terms which are used to describe various
styles of letters may here be explained In both Greek
and Latin palaeography, large letters are called “majus.
cules”; small letters, “minuscules.” Of large letters
there are two kinds: Capitals, or large letters, formed,
as in inscriptions, chiefly by strokes meeting at angles
and avoiding curves, except where the actual forms of
the letters absolutely require them, angular characters
being more easily cut with the tool on hard substances
Such as stone or metal; and Uncials, a modification of
capitals, in which curves are freely introduced as being
more readily inscribed with the pen on soft material
such as papyrus. For example, the fifth letter is E as
a capital, and E as an uncial. The term “uncial” first
appears in St. Jerome’s Preface to the Book of Job, and
is there applied to Latin letters, “uncialibus, ut vulgo
aiunt, litteris,” but the derivation of the word is not
decided ; we know, however, that it refers to the alphabet
of curved forms.
In early Greek papyri, as well as in early vellum MSS.,
the ordinary character in use is the uncial. As will be
presently seen, in some of the very earliest specimens
on papyrus certain of the letters still retain the capital
forms of inscriptions. These instances, however, are
rare. At the earliest period of Greek writing of which
We have knowledge the uncial character was, no doubt,
quite developed.
Minuscule, or small, letters are derived from majus-
cules; but, although in early cursive specimens we find
at once certain forms from which the later minuscules
directly grew, a full minuscule alphabet was only slowly
developed. -





CHAPTER IX.
GREEK PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUED.
The Literary or Book-Hand in Papyri.
OUR first division of Greek writing is the Literary or
Book-hand in papyri. It is not, however, to be under-
stood that all surviving literary remains are written in
this hand; for there are exceptions, certain works having
been copied out, apparently, by scholars for their own
use, or at least by persons not writing for the book
trade, in less formal hands which we must class as
cursive. There is, indeed, in the case of the early papyri,
some difficulty in drawing the line of division between
the literary hand and the cursive hand, certain docu-
ments being written with sufficient care to give them a
claim to be separated from the cursives and yet with
not enough formality to be included under the book-
hand. On the other hand, there are one or two instances
of the formal literary hand being used for ordinary
documents. We would define the literary hand to be
that which professional scribes would employ in writing
books for the market ; and in the following review of
this division, only such MSS. are noticed as are thus
formally written, together with one or two (not literary)
documents in which this class of hand is adopted.
The earliest surviving specimens of Greek writing of
the book-hand are contained in the papyrus fragment
in the Imperial Library at Vienna, which is inscribed
with an invocation of a certain Artemisia against the
father of her child, and in the fragments of the Phaedo
Greek Pa/eography. II 9
of Plato and the Antiope of Euripides, recently discovered
at Gurob."
The invocation of Artemisia” may be placed at least
as early as the first half of the third century B.C. This
ascription is supported by the similarity of the hand-
writing of the other fragments mentioned above, which
there is every reason to believe are nearly of the same
period. The writing approaches the epigraphic style,
the letters standing quite distinct and unconnected, and
Some of them showing transitional forms.
ñº. E.
<ſe CeNſ ATHPKA
KAITH<&HKH & Elſa º
TEY r< E}ley HAAJKAEAE
^\}{TN}\fth EKris, A-Me
KATApoſh & #Neº TAk;
PAPYRUS OF ARTEMISIA—3RD CENTURY B.C.
(o) Sea Toto a spati kaffeſot]— m Šapagos ('vyatmp kaſtal
– kat Tms (m/cms et pieu ovºv– ||os]Tep ſlev ovu ačuka
épé– | pum tuxeuvek Tatēov 0 m/cms— kata/30tºms evövta.
ke|pleums]—)
It will be observed that the cross-stroke of the A is
horizontal, the bottom of B pointed, the top horizontal
of E extended ; 6 and O are small; the cross-stroke
* See above, p. 112.
* First described by Petrettini, Papiri Greco-Egizi del 7. R.
Museo di Corte (1826), p. 4, who gives a very rough facsimile;
afterwards by Blass in Philologus, xli. 746, and in Müller's
Handbuch der Klassischen Alterthums-Wissenschaft (1886), i. 280;
and again by Wessely in Elffer Jahreshericht iller das Franz-
Joseph-Gymnasium in Wien (1885), p. 4. A facsimile is given in
Pal, Soc, ii. pl. 141. -
-


I 2C) Pa/seography.
of T generally extends more to the left than to the
right; and the shapes of C and () are transitional, that
of the former between the angular and curved forms, and
that of the latter between the epigraphic Q and the 0) of
MSS. In this papyrus the double point (:) is also used
as a mark of punctuation, as found in inscriptions.
As already stated, the fragmentary papyrus of the
Phaedo of Plato may be placed in the first half of the
3rd century B.C., for it was found in company with
official and other documents which are actually dated in
the reigns of the second and third Ptolemies; and these
would naturally have been regarded as of a more common
and ephemeral character than a literary work of a great
writer, and would have been thrown aside in an earlier
period of existence.
* Ev. NJ F-c = | 8 •rea ºf th—-ºr-tº- -
JANA - ºf [] rºot Na NAH-3 ANATK H
2<P}-tº AIAW THNAFſ-fºr-TH - emº
A f -fco A. KALAerº [recº Air-Afalse
Xeºrge Al-Jerrerºes-º-Atºlºvº
THE “PHEDo ” OF PLATO.-3RD CENTURY B.C.
(—[aloth)]oreou Teutovo a 3e ék Towtou" | [as]v avaxopetv
odou.’ p.m avaykm | Xoma.[6]at avTriv 8 eſs eavtmu givX
Aeyeoffat kal affpoºsa flat Tapake | \evea [0]at Tug Tevetv
Öe plmöéut ax\ot)
This beautiful M.S. of Plato would no doubt have
been treasured by its original owner for many years,
if not for a lifetime, and it can only have been by
some accident that it was at length used up as waste
material. The small portion of the Antiope of Euripides
which has met with the same fate and has descended
* Final v is changed into p. before a following p.


Grceſe Pa/eography. 121
to us in the same way must be nearly of the same
date. But the writing of the latter is not quite so
good, and though there may be little to choose between
the two MSS., yet preference may be given to the MS.
of Plato. The text of the latter is written in narrow
columns of twenty-two lines, which are from 2% to
3 inches in length. The width of the papyrus appears
to have been about 8% inches. The facsimile represents
a few of the most perfect lines of one of the fragments.
The writing is a very beautiful uncial hand, minute
and exact, the chief general characteristic being the
great breadth, almost flatness, of many of the letters
(e.g. T, Z, H, M, TT, (0), as compared with their height.
That this is a characteristic of the period, and not a
personal usage of the writer of the MS., is proved by its
prominence in other documents of the third century B.C.
As in the Artemisia papyrus, in certain forms the writing
departs from the recognized curves of the uncial, and
approaches more nearly to the rectangles of lapidary
inscriptions. This is seen in the A, and in many instances
of E, in which the upper horizontal stroke is not only
perfectly straight, but also of disproportionate length.
Certain letters are distinguished by their small size, as 9
(which also often has only the dot in the centre instead
of the transverse bar), O, C, and (0. The head of the
iota is in many instances thickened a little, and some-
times it is slightly hooked on the right. This peculiarity
appears to mark the letter in early periods, the hook or
thickening being removed to the left side of the head in
later times.
The next papyrus from which we shall select a speci-
men of the literary or book-hand is the fragment of a
dialectical treatise, now at Paris, which was written
earlier than the year 160 B.C., as proved by the existence
on the back of it of memoranda of that year (Not. et Eatr.,
pl. xi., no. 2). There remain fourteen narrow columns
of the work, written in slightly sloping uncial letters,
not to compare in elegance with the writing of the Plato
fragments just noticed, but very simply formed and
evidently written by a professional scribe. In this

I 2.2 Pa/eography.
MS. is noticeable the tendency of the columns to work
downwards to the left, as is seen in other papyri of an
early period: that is, the marginal line of writing is not
perpendicular, but each successive line begins a little
more to the left than the one above it, with the result
that the last line of a column may begin as much as an
inch outside the true perpendicular drawn from the
commencement of the first line.

j\{A : ON_4 A-ka-CANOJ to 13-7 tº
ºrrºwcarce; a re-roox
k -cz.A. Nº 3-(p-Aſ-Poſ Kº o coºr-Aé
2-}<-A1 or € 10-ſº-T-C-c-AJºro
24a so-As-ricaer-re”-
Trc_A O C & A_{1 oºf...MA cº-T01 &
Dºc Poch (N -c.coºr AJ AK Pé
DIALECTICAL TREATISE.-BEFORE 160 BC.
(val ov axkpuav o Toum7'ms ovTaos atte‘balueTo ov || k ms
aump aypotkos ovée o katos et ovtos atto halvolt av Tis
êevT ep | Teó0s ept ové agtotal | Tpoo`mums ov avakpé–)
Where the letters are so simple, there is no special
remark to be made about them individually, except in
regard to the alpha, in which the left down-stroke and
the cross-stroke are made together without lifting the
pen, their point of junction being sometimes looped.
This form of the letter is seen also, with a more decidedly
developed loop, in the fragments of Demosthenes and
Hyperides, on papyrus, in the British Museum, which
may be of the 2nd or 1st century B.C., and in some
of the Herculanean papyri. It will be noticed in the
facsimile that the paragraphs of the text are marked off
by the insertion of marginal strokes between the lines,
according to the ancient system.
The papyrus containing the orations of Hyperides for
Greek Palaeography. I 23
Lycophron and Euxenippus is probably of the 1st
century B.C. The writing, of a round type, is remarkably
regular and elegant (see facsimile, ed. Babington; Cat.
Anc. MSS., pls. 2, 3; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 126)
A rej fit NJ.XJ & XJNJOY)\}
Keye ºr re-ºzºreo
2\! Nx&T 2 J JSXXUNO J1N &
KOJ & J to ONJTN 2 NJ 2-
£ft Of..AX Ol oce; | Nº
F-AJCYN ºf Tleo'ſt ºxao
}<exeroyc Noizures
is Tº
§ 2.JToxoris Yngſ
XYNo } Porº oº:--
*-
oRATION OF HYPERIDEs For Lycoph RoN.—1ST CENT. B.C.
(—öv Taſhmual éau ovy | ceXevmté o avöpes | Sukaotal caxa,
Tuva 8000mg outa ava &mói plot deodºt\e kal avvette o
tº exels | ceXevovatu ol Šuka a Tat atroXoyla vſep
Avico bpovos)
Here, as in the previous example, the columns of
writing trend away to the left. The facsimile represents
the last few lines of the oration for Lycophron, and
again affords an instance of the ancient system of
punctuation, and also of the slight degree of ornamenta-
tion in which a scribe of that period would allow himself
to indulge, namely, the flourish which is drawn in the
margin after the last words, and the light touches of the
pen which decorate the colophon or title of the speech.
The writing of the Harris Homer is of quite a different
cast from that which has just been examined. The


I 24 A 'aſa'ograp/y.
letters have more squareness and are more rigid ; they
are very delicately formed, and have all the simplicity
characteristic of age. This papyrus, containing portions
of Book xviii. of the Iliad, may be placed without hesita-
tion as early as the 1st century B.C.
HºN)\}. Tº EY rivºt)\ril 6 to 12-0 VPNN > CT-P-3-2-->
Hºrt-slott C# 670 Tºrºſs tº Ni
—cº-stºreAxxeſſ ess»Tytº
'N}>] { } NJTWHTS: Y CSF6FN)+(TLS)-1}>TX-Tec CXAD.
NYºut YTrºjant fºr fºr?) ºs
IIARRIs HomER.—1st CENTURY B.C.
(ka)\a Ta pºev Tnxml Geot 800 av ayNaa Soſpaj
muatt Tot ote ore Spotov avepos épôaxov eſvum)
os obexes a v pleu av6 pºet affavaTms axiſmla lul
vately Tm) evs 8e flumtov aya'yea'6at a kottuv]
vvv 8 ºva kat a v Tev6os evu bpeow pºwpuouſeum])
The papyrus is so much discoloured that there is great
difficulty in obtaining a good reproduction by photo-
graphy; but the plate given in the facsimiles of the
Palaeographical Society (ii. 64) is fairly successful. The
text has been considerably corrected and accented by a
later hand. For the sake of clearness these additions
have been omitted in our facsimile.
To follow chronological order, we now give a specimen
from one of the Herculanean rolls.
Fºycoryzgſ-tº-rocłACTNTHNTG Xerºr(N.
TXN2-e-r-ſc GºſſléSG-B1VoſkvºCHIKAS
# Aocks—ſoiceXfſoºkéxPP(Nkºlocy
#02 scºry:Hºcrg-Vorºr(PIASP-NG fºsſTVN
hº ON-Tº-G|NO’ſ XGNXX|c
FHA cytºtº =re TNNYTVHTONNri 2\GCGCé),
Tºſo cº-ro NAOT-ſz ONGNocos / A-PG.
TITINGTX-F0 NITRPONOYKG&GN/VS
PHILODEMUs.—ABOUT A.D. 1. .


Greek Pa/scography. I 25
(ttos oux enri tols peta Tmu TeXevtmu otav Še tts ev ye
{3e3toukos mt kat | bºots ačiots eavtov keypnuevos v || To
ôe Tuxms m Tovmpuas avöpotov || kekøAvgevov Tuxeu ov6
eXaxta | Tnt ovvečeTau AvT) to plmö eaea.0a | Tpos eavtov
\oytſouevos ou Yap e Tuyuvétat to AvTmpov ovk eakeu
a)—)
It is reproduced from one of the published copper-
plates, in default of more satisfactory facsimiles, as ex-
plained above; and represents a few lines from Philodemus
Tepi 6avatov. The date may be about the beginning of
the Christian era. The writing is neat and regular, and
the letters are simple in form.
All the MSS. from which the above facsimiles have
been selected may be said to represent the book-hand
as generally written on papyrus, as distinguished from
the uncial writing which is found in the early vellum
MSS. None of our specimens could be pointed to as the
immediate parent of this latter hand, although no one would
dispute that there is a relationship. The forms of indi-
vidual letters may be very similar, both in the papyrus
hand and in the vellum hand, and yet, if we were to place
two such MSS. as the Lycophron of Hyperides and the
Codex Vaticanus side by side, we should not venture to
derive the writing of the latter directly from that of the
more ancient MS. But here a most valuable document,
lately discovered, comes to our assistance in the task of
determining the parentage of the later uncial hand.
This is a fragmentary papyrus containing a deed concern-
ing property in Arsinoë in the Fayoum, which bears the
date of the seventh year of the Emperor Domitian, A.D. 88.
The writing is not in the cursive character that one looks
for in legal documents, but is a formal style, in which a
likeness to the uncial of the early vellum MSS. is at once
most obvious. In the first century, then, there was in
use a set form of writing from which that uncial hand
was evidently derived by direct descent. And it may be
concluded with fair certainty that this style of writing
must have been in existence for a considerable period of
time ; for here we find it common enough to be employed


I 26 Palaeography.
by an ordinary clerk." The fortunate accident of its
having been thus used in a dated document has provided
us with the means of settling the periods of other im-
portant MSS.
OXèſ-t A (2\} e^ref Te T-12NITO. A.
k3CI JITO'CTU (I (NH 2SIONCA)
JT COC (OC&TCUNTPſAKON
TAC) H NATIOTT (CJT PO réſ PA
CONVEYANCE.-A.D. 88.
(—[TT|0\epatów evepºyeTiêu Tov a- kat m Tovtov yuumt
Stoëoſpa]— | Tefleos os etov Tptakov[Tal— ſypaqºmu atro
Tms Tpoyeypaſſwevms]—)
It is to be noticed that the writer of this document does
not keep strictly to the formal uncial letters. As if more
accustomed to write a cursive hand, he mingles certain
cursive letters in his text: side by side with the round €,
there stands in one or two places the cursive (not shown
in the facsimile), in which the cross-stroke is only indi-
cated by the finishing curve; and, more frequently, the
cursive upsilon is employed as well as the regular letter.
Among the other letters, may be remarked the tendency
to make the main stroke of the alpha rather upright,
which eventually leads to a distinctive form of the letter,
as seen fully developed in the palimpsest MS. of the
Gospel of St. Matthew at Dublin (Codex Z); in some of
the titles of the Codex Alexandrinus; and above all in
the Codex Marchalianus of the Vaticanº—this being in
fact the Coptic form of the letter.
It is also remarkable that in one or two places the
* We have proof that uncial writing was used as the copy-hand
for writing lessons in schools, such copies being found on early
waxen tablets (see above, p. 23). -
* Lately reproduced in facsimile, with a commentary by
A. Cetiani, Rome, 1890.

Greek Paſapography. I 27
writer has employed large letters at the beginning of
the clauses into which he breaks up the text. This
practice foreshadows the use of large initial letters,
which it has been customary to consider as rather a
mark of advance in the early vellum Greek MSS.
The Bankes Homer, from which our next facsimile is
chosen, is the best preserved papyrus of the Iliad that
has yet been found, being nearly eight feet in length and
containing sixteen columns of text; and the material
being still fairly white and the writing quite legible.
Coceſſºrovºeticxx roe-eis, TTTCŞ.
Oy->ervt HTT2ANTXCIXPXXCXe-TO N
2.TXby Aegyū &xHNTOTTY.AXCON Ne
Troy-At-To Sir 23&oxoºcted NH kxt
T-12.xeceittleTTAuxxxis, esºrt oxo
XHToºei Al kepAXHcºvico N.A.
BANKES HOMER.—2ND CENTURY.
(Touſmtims].—ays ediat' ov86 Tis avToff evu TTöA[ei \tTet’avmp)
ovöe yvum Tautasyap adoxerouſikeTo Tev6os']
a'yxov če Ščv8Amuro TVXàtov veſtºpov a youTv)
TpoTat Töv y áNoxós Te ht)\m kat [Tótuta umtmp)
TÜNAéorèmu et apašav eitpoxov aſſaqal
&TTópºeval keba)\ºs' KAatov 8 apºpto Taff'6ptAos])
This M.S., which, with the data obtained from the
preceding document, may now be assigned with more
certainty than before to the 2nd century, shows a
further development of the uncial hand of vellum MSS.,
which is here reduced to the exact forms of letters which
were to remain essentially unchanged for many centuries.
It may be noticed that the horizontal strokes of € and 6
are placed rather low, and even vary in position: one of
those indications of carelessness or decline from a higher
standard which is generally looked for in a hand which
is beginning to fall into desuetude. Judging from the
analogy of later periods, and from the fact that the late
Hawara papyrus of Homer is also written in the same


I 28 Pa/eography.
cast of uncial writing, one is tempted to suggest that, in
producing choice copies of a work of such universal
popularity and veneration as the Iliad, a traditional
style of writing may have been maintained, just as in the
middle ages the sacred texts and liturgies still continued
to be written in a form of handwriting which had
generally passed out of use. If this view is correct, we
may find in it an explanation of the adoption of the
uncial character (the form of writing which before all
others had been consecrated to the texts of Homer)
for important copies of the sacred text of Scripture.
One or two points of interest in the Bankes Homer,
apart from the actual handwriting, may be mentioned.
The lines are marked off in hundreds by numerical letters
inserted in the margins; and the speeches of the different
persons are indicated by their names, and the narrative
portions by a contracted form of the word Totmºtijs, as
shown in the facsimile. With very rare exceptions, cor-
rections, accents and breathings and other marks are by
a later hand, -
As an example of a rougher style of uncial writing of
about the third century, a few lines from the recently
found papyrus of the iambographer Herodas are selected
(Brit. Mus., Papyrus czxxv.).
2-evºtºr *****arrºwer” exºse-
*N*E*A^*T*7t-º-º-trº 1.xle-oriº 6) */
& Trisy AAi Yº, J. N. Hexºrtreſ wºrk-r-ºl
kSºejeorrºres ovX"frce-fixitxvs No.
c 1 cºprº *6, ºr “Frºy-reflexo~4ttº
HERODAS.–3RD CENTURY,
(bovXmatt SovXms 800 Tav offplm 6A13es
aXX. muepm Te knitt pešov (offital
avrn ov pulvov m Óup'm Yap outcrat
Kaveið o Taotos ovy opmts bºm kvvvoi
Gu epºya kāſīnīy Tavt 600s affi)palmv)

Greek Paſºcography. I29
There is no attempt at calligraphy in this MS., which
is probably a cheap copy made for the market by a
scribe who was neither very expert nor accurate.
About the same period or a little later, we meet with
specimens of sloping uncial writing on papyrus, in which
the letters are laterally compressed, derived no doubt
from the round style and developed as a quicker method
of copying. It is remarked that the round uncial of
vellum MSS. develops exactly in the same way a style
of sloping writing at a later period. An early and elegant
example is given by Wilcken, Tafeln zur diſtern griech.
Palaeographie, 1891, taf. iii.; and another is found in
the papyrus of the Iliad, Books ii.-iv. (Brit. Mus,
Papyrus cºxvi.), which is probably of the 4th century.
A. c/7é2/22///e ×4:3 Ay-z-z, c2a-2%. A
ca-fé/22 AAA-ow/-o A/A6/2: eſſe A*/
A 7/47AN/AAN, N/A (3A//a/-AA-ſawa
2. Y/*/o/orc-A76%YA-AA-A2/ACVečA.
* //77éº-rx/A >A/22/AA c-Aze-ea/6
2/752A7Azzza 62-cov/79/~, a 1A//e aſ
HOMER.—4TH CENTURY.
(es Teštov Tpoxéouto a kaudvöſpuouſ—
opépôa Aéov kova/31& Troödov—
éo Tav 8 eu Alpöv okapuavö|pto]—
Avpuot ooga Te pv)\\a kat divěea—
müTe uvuadov abuvaou effveſ al—
at Té cata o Taff/vov Troupſumov–)
Accents are occasionally used; and in the left margin
is seen a paragraph mark formed by a couple of oblique
strokes.


CHAPTER X.
GREEK PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUED.
Cursive Writing in Papyri, etc.
WE now leave the Book-hand and turn to the examina-
tion of Cursive Greek writing as found in papyri,
ostraka, tablets, etc. For this branch of palaeography
there is comparatively larger material, which is being
increased every day by the numerous fragments which
are rapidly making their way from Egypt into Euro-
pean libraries. But yet, while in the aggregate the
material is abundant, there are certain periods, notably
the first century B.C., which are but scantily repre-
sented.
For the earliest specimens of cursive Greek writing,
as for the principal early examples of the book-hand, we
turn to the fragments discovered by Mr. Petrie at
Gurob in the Fayoum. As already stated, the coffin-
makers, in order to form the cartonnage of mummy-cases,
made use of much cursively written material, documents
of all kinds, and more particularly of a register or
registers of wills entered up periodically by different
scribes, and therefore affording the most valuable evi-
dences of the handwriting of the third century B.C.
The oldest fragment as yet discovered among these
remains is assigned to the year 268 B.C. The hands
vary from the most cursive scrawls to what may be
termed the careful official hand. But throughout them
all a most striking feature is the strength and facility of
the writing, besides in many cases its boldness and breadth.
The general characteristic of the letters, more especially
in the clerical or official hands of the registers, is great
width or flatness, which is very apparent in such letters
as A, M, N, TT, (0. In other documents this is less
-
|


Greek Paleography. - I3 I
-
apparent, and the writing does not seem far removed in
style from that of the next century. Some independent
pieces, such as correspondence, are written in very
cursive characters which have a peculiar ragged appear-
ance and are often difficult to read.
These documents, however, are not the only specimens
of cursive writing of the third century B.C. within our
reach. A few scattered pieces have already for many
years been stored in the various museums of Europe,
but the antiquity of some of them has not been recognized,
and they have been thought to belong to the period of
the Roman occupation of Egypt. At Leyden there is a
papyrus (Pap. Q), containing a receipt of the 26th
year of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 260 B.C. At Berlin,
Paris, and London there are three wooden tablets
inscribed with deeds relating to a loan of the 30th and
81st years of the same king, about 254 B.C. Among
the papyri of the British Museum, three, formerly
ascribed to a later date, are now more correctly placed
in the third century, viz., a petition for redress of
grievances (Pap. cwi.) of the 25th year, apparently, of
Ptolemy Euergetes I., B.C. 223; and two others (l. and
li.A) without dates. The Paris collection also contains
a long money account for public works (Not. et Eatr. xviii.
2, pl. xliv.) of the same century, which has been in-
correctly assigned to the Roman period. A facsimile of
a letter of introduction, evidently of this time, is given
by Passalacqua. Egger describes a papyrus at Athens,”
and various Greek endorsements and dockets on Demotic
papyri are noticed by Revillout.” Ostraka or potsherds
also have been found with inscriptions of this period.
Of cursive writing of the second century B.C. we
have abundant material in the great collections of
London, Paris, Leyden, etc., referred to above (p. 107);
of the first century B.C. very little has yet been found,
* Catalogue Raisonné des Antiquités découvertes en Egypte, Paris,
1826. Also described in Notices et Eartraits des MSS. xviii., p. 399.
* Journal des Savants, 1873, pp. 30, 97. -
ii. Chrestomathie Démotique, 1880, pp. 241, 277; Revue Egypt. ii.





I32 Palaeography.
except in Ostraka ; of the first century of our era,
several papyri have recentiy come to light, and there
are numerous ostraka ; and of the later centuries there
are abundant specimens at Vienna and Berlin, and an
ever increasing number in Paris and London and other
places, the searches in the Fayoum continually adding
to the stock.
Greek cursive writing, as found in papyri, has been
divided (Wilcken, Tafeln, 1890) into three groups: the
Ptolemaic, the Roman, and the Byzantine. Roughly,
the Ptolemaic comprises documents down to about the
end of the first century B.C. ; the Roman, those of the
first three centuries of the Christian era; and the Byzan-
tine, those of later date.
The character of Ptolemaic writing, as seen in papyri
of the third and second centuries B.C. is unmistakeable.
For the first century B.C. there is not material to enable
us to form a judgment; but it must have been a period
of marked transition, if we may judge from the great
difference between the writing of the first century of
our era and that of the second century B.C. And the
documents of the later centuries, of the Byzantine
period, show as much distinctiveness of character, when
compared with those of the Roman period of the early
centuries after Christ.
Our first example of cursive writing of the third
century B.C. is taken from one of the entries in the
registers of wills found at Gurob, being the will of
Demetrius, the son of Deinon, dated in the year 237 B.C.
(Mahaffy, Petrie Papyri, pl. xiv.).
This is a remarkably fine hand, to which the fac-
simile hardly does justice, and may be classed as a
good example of the official writing of the time, penned
by a skilful and experienced registrar. While not as
cursive as many other specimens of the period, and
while the letters are in general deliberately formed and
are not much connected with one another, there are
certain characters which appear in the most cursive
shapes, side by side with their more formal representations.
Greek Palaeograp/y. I 33
Y-
-
.
wº- •P-recºr-re)-e-Tº-rºt -re fºrt—
A- “Pile-ºpe-º-Trºi-o-Y
ac-->x_c^{-rketee-re-réiſ Fé-1
{2+rcerºlºr-rele--tre+1&2-
•)-2-1/-e-ºr-tº-ºn Te Yº-fc. Nºw I-reºrs
~rcN-yv-TProcèe Triºr'ecº-frie-Trcfſ
WILL OF DEMETRIUS.—237 B.C.
(ſ3aotl Mevoutos TToxepatov Tov TT– ||ače]\dov etovs t
ed wépeos atroAAovuòov— 6eou abéAbov cat 0sov evepºye-
Tſoul— || bºxabex) ſhow uévékpatetas Tms boxapſuovos]—
kplokoët)\ov ToMet Tov apolvoltov vſopov— | 6mumtpuos
ðelvovos xpmatmpſos]—)
In the third line, in the word kal, we have the cursive
angle-shaped alpha, that letter being elsewhere more
normally formed ; and in the termination ov, there is a
tendency to flatten out the omega into a mere line after
the initial curve, and to write the nu in a crooked
stroke.
We next take a section from a document of the 13th
year of Ptolemy Philopator, 211 or 210 B.C., recording
the payment of a tax at Thebes (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 143).
l-tr + -a <> r, tri-r-victºr” erº-re.
...I.T.
$º-ri A61 ...i fºr-º-
-z-exv+ cjdzew-for-ºt -- ..
e-levee-v-f-ro zerº **t %cº-
4-rº fre-e º **erſºn
TAx-RECEIPT.-211 OR 210 B.C.
(stovs tºy tw8, 8 TreTTokév ett to— | TeXovtov Tov sykv-
KAtov eq, ov ep[pok\ms]— | 3aotAéo Tapa 60tevtos Tou


134 Pa/eography.
Alreapuyſtos]– | [Te]Texovals affautovos to Yuuouevoſv |
eykvk\tov Tpooročov apovpov evöek [a]— eu treatevepºevodbe
Tov Taffvput [ov–)
In this specimen of the elegant cursive, which is not
easy to read, we have the angle-shaped alpha consistently
employed, and very cursive combinations of the termina-
tions ov and av, besides instances of the more rapidly
written forms of efa, lambda, and pi. How very cursive
this style of writing might become is seen in the two
last words of the facsimile.
As a contrast to the two carefully written examples
which have just been given, our third specimen of the
writing of the third century B.C. is selected from a
rough letter of a steward addressed to his employer
(Mahaffy, Petrie Papyri, pl. xxix.).
*7:612 ºf Pl er- 6× Pºtºzºa-ta'a'
:*::::: A y Pecë A-P-7°
* A khºa e ri ºff-- ºr 7° ºf
friar-r-A-, -\fr’• ‘7 kº-ſpºt
ºr 2-7 sc rt-ºrkºeekºſºls
‘re-ptºr-º-º-ºrrºſ
3,466-2 #####">tºrt” refºr’
(exet Övuts y expmaapmu Öe cat Tapa 8vvetos apta | 6as 8
kpuffo"Tupou avrov eTayyevouevov kal bºotipov | ovtos
Yuvoo::ce če kat ott vöop ekaa Tos Tov opov Tiju apºtrexov
ºbvrévoſteumu Tpotepov *)
* As the letter has more than a palaeographical interest, Pro-
fessor Mahaffy's translation is quoted: “. . . to Sosiphanes, greet-
ing. I give much thanks to the gods if you are well. Lonikos
also is well. The whole vineyard has been planted, viz., 300
stocks, and the climbing vines attended to, But the olive-yard
has yielded six measures, of which Dynis has got three. Also I
have borrowed from Dynis four artabae of bearded wheat, which


Greek Palaeography. I 35
The style of writing is similar to that of the Leyden
papyrus Q., which was written in the 26th year of
Ptolemy Philadelphus, B.C. 260 : and our letter may well
be as early as the middle of the century. It will be
seen that the letters are not linked together, but that
they are hastily and roughly formed. The writer,
though not a good penman, was evidently so far skilled
that he could write rapidly and with ease; and the
document may be regarded as a sample of the rough
business hand of the period. Among the individual
letters, the thoroughly cursive forms of eta, lambda, nu,
tau, upsilon, and omega, are to be distinguished. The
letter iota, with the thickening on the right-hand side
of the top of the letter, which has already been referred
to as a mark of antiquity, and the very small size of
theta and omikron, may also be noticed.
The more carefully written documents of the second
century B.C., do not differ so much from those of the
same style of the preceding century as might have
been expected. As far, however, as an opinion can be
formed from extant remains, it appears that the practice
of linking together the letters, particularly by slight
horizontal strokes attached to their tops, becomes more
prevalent. This is seen to best advantage in some of
the elegantly written papyri of this period, the links im-
parting a certain grace and finish to the line of writing.
The first example is taken from an official circular or
instruction on the mode of collecting the taxes, written
probably in the year 170 B.C. (Not. et Eastr., pl. xl.,
no. 62).
Here we have a very fine official hand, to be compared
with that of the will of Demetrius, of 237 B.C., given
above, of which it may claim to be an almost direct
descendant. In this writing there is a greater tendency
than in that of the earlier period to break up the letters,
he offered, was pressing to lend. Know also that each of the
watchers says that the planted vines want water first, and that
they have none, We are making conduits and wateriag, The
third of the first month (?). Good-bye.”



136 Pa/eography.
that is, to form their several limbs by distinct strokes.
Thus we see the tau often distinctly formed in two
portions, the first consisting of the left half of the
horizontal and the vertical, and the second of the right
half of the horizontal. The upsilon is also made on the
same plan.
T}\}\}~S-H-] sºngs -
‘e-f X-)-\}~C G-N'->N Tººt-U)-JNV
* * * * i--->|-in-
*P=esi sº cº-º-º-N G-ſº- sh
TREASURY CIRCULAR.—B.C. 170 (?).
([kata"Too Taxma'état peta (bvXakms | —[y]eypapplewoovyvo-
ums | —[vir]apčev ets Tmu eyAm!ºup)
The system of linking referred to above is here very
noticeable, such letters as partially consist of horizontal
strokes naturally adapting themselves to the practice,
while others not so formed are supplied with links, as
in the case of eta and nu,
++-hºº-, -1-42, aſk%24–
*º-rººf…"</r4 reaſ
LETTER ON EGYPTIAN CONTRACTS.— B.C. 146.
(—[ts]Tomutat oucououtau kat Ta ſovopatja avtov Tatpo-
6éu evtaggetu —[ypaſhletu muas evtetaxeval ets |[xpmua
Tuoluov Šm Mooravités Tov Te)


Greek Pa/eograp/y. I 37
-
A more cursively written specimen of this time is
found in a letter of a certain Paniscus regarding the
execution of Egyptian contracts, ascribed to the year
146 B.C. (Not. et Eatr., pl. xliii., no. 65 bis).
Here we have a full cursive alphabet in use, with
numerous examples of rapid combinations of letters, as
al, au, ov, ev, evu, and a tendency to write in curves
without lifting the pen, as exemplified by the gamma-
shaped fau, and the epsilon with the cross-stroke run
on in continuation of the lower curve.
The great papyrus at Paris, known as the Casati
contract, referring to a sale of property at Thebes, is
written in a rather closely-packed hand, of which a
specimen is here given. The date of the document is
114 B.C. (Not, et Eatr., pl. xiii., no. 5).
&r-ºrs Gn-xer crºtºtº
-viſ. A- a jºvetºt +cºnfin"
Pºłºrtrerº tºwer tº J_2-x_1 &twº
~~~~~ 24A-s •ler- z^*f
CASATI CONTRACT.- B.C. 114.
(avrot uépos égéopov ms yeltoves— ourobopºmpiévou Tmyeos
Tpºtov– kat ev Tuovvepovvet at ouctas– | Pueueous Algos
oukla Čuaup[eovs])
It will be observed that the letters are not altogether
so cursive as those of the last specimen, and that the
general appearance of the writing is more compact;
although continuous. This effect is chiefly produced
by the linking of the letters, both in the natural manner
I38 Palaeography.
and by the employment of added links after such letters
as eta, iota, nu, pi, and upsilon.
It is curious that hitherto scarcely any dated Greek
writing of the first century B.C. has come to light. But,
judging by the documents of the beginning of the first
century of our era, the progress made in the develop-
ment of cursive writing in the previous hundred years
must have been very considerable. For example, if we
examine such a document as that given in facsimile in
Wiener Studien, iv. (1882), p. 175, of A.D. 8, the advance
made in the cursive character of several letters is very
apparent (see Table of Letters).
We now give a specimen from a receipt, found in the
Fayoum, for rent paid in kind in the 8th year of Tiberius,
A.D. 20. (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 144).

-rºd-lººk-cºatº-ree
2-&#k: y
Rººg j Fºl º
***kwrº-Golgº-g
/********-*.s.
lºw-ſkatº-
RECEIPT.—A.D. 20.
(Tov 6 eTovs cata plmöev pov eXarov aevov vſtep ou odºet
wou pappms | Tetoo uptos etepa ekſhopta eTovs 'm Tifleptſov ||
KXavölov kata apos o'egaaTov || Yeppaukov avtokpatopos
unvos kato apmov \)
The handwriting is rough and irregular, and there is
a general slackness in the formation of the letters which
marks the late period of the writing, as compared with
the cursive specimens which have already been examined.
The prevailing use of the epsilon having its cross-stroke
Greek Pa/eography. I 39
-
W.
>
drawn, without lifting the pen, in continuation of the
upper curve of the letter should be remarked, as this
form now becomes very common.
The papyrus on the back of which the recently dis-
covered text of Aristotle’s work on the Constitution of
Athens was transcribed, was first used, as already stated,
to receive the farm accounts of land in the district of
Hermopolis in Egypt, in the reign of Vespasian,
A.D. 78-79. The following facsimile represents a portion
of one of the headings (Cat. Gk. Papyri in Brit.
Mus.).
G-grave (~ 2.649&Töö 23.70%
OY sº *t cºacrºc 2×
2.3Trºnºjºſo ex} Noa 2 12×
2-02.12 tº ſet (ºft|).9 ׺t G^\ºt 2
FARM ACCOUNT.-A.D. 78.79.
(eTovs evöekatov avTok[patopos]— ovso Taalavov ore&ao-
Tov Aſmuos]— | Sataval Tou unvos Youax— | To & avtov
eTipaxov epov 8ſvövaov)
This is a good example of the light and graceful hand
in which many of the tax rolls and other accounts are
found to be written. Among individual letters, attention
should be drawn to the much-curved sigma with its
head bent down, a form which, though found occasionally,
particularly at the end of a word or line, in earlier papyri,
now comes into more general use.
The first of the cursive hands employed upon the
Constitution of Athens is next represented. The date
is probably not much later than that of the farm account,
and may reasonablv be placed about A.D. 100.





I4O Aa/eography.
ſp.cº. Yºry-2M Hoyºrº" ("Vºx. Acºccy at
mºno-1 lonmºyo-kyoºyowa 10-14-vº
gºat ºdiºnºxº jºy
jºurnº *\cº-ºf-war
24, 24-yºmºrrº rººf, ºr
nºbºrºn” lc2.4Moºnwa Włot" (ºri Asº
r1P0 ºr promº ºrreówºovecºtºmorſ
ARISTOTLE, CONSTITUTION OF ATHENs.-ABOUT A.D. 100.
(Tpos Tovs effetašetu Ta Yeum 80UAouſevlovs eTeſtTa]—
Tevrmkovta et ékao Tſims] ºbvXms Tote 8 moſav ekaſtov]—
[avpilgaum peptºelu Tpos (corr, k[atal) Tas Tpointapyova as
Tput[Tvs]— avaputoryeo t'ſ at To TNmbols] Stevetpie 8 el
k[at] Tſmuſ Xopau catal— 8ſe]ca Öſel Tſims] peaſoyetov]
k[at] Tavtas eTovopagas Tputtſvs]— | Tavtov] Tſov
ToTou k[at] &mpuotas eTouma'ev ax\m Nov– | 7poorayopew-
outes éée)\eyxoglu Tovs veoToALTas])
The hand is cramped and employs many abbreviations
(see above, p. 90). The prevalent use of the epsilon
referred to under the facsimile of the receipt of A.D. 20,
and the occurrence of a peculiar form of eta, somewhat
resembling upsilon (see e.g. l. 2, TrevT) covta), should
be noticed. This form probably came first into use in
the first century B.C., as it is quite established at the
beginning of our era.
of rzº-ex-Trz 2,277. TCL.
ºf º —rovº’ vº-Arzºo 70 c
zo y^77 2-oxº~~~~~~~~ , Z-fºr;
*r- /ro cº-ºcſ.co.za"> -ºca- ºrée
DEED OF SALE.-A.D. 154.
(untpos TavaToxts to [v]— ||alepet cat Tov petmxAa-
xotos— | [T]o virapyov avTo pepos multorov– epuovos
alcoxov6aos Tſ))
Greek Paſeography. I4 I
Our next example, of the middle of the second cen-
tury, is taken from a deed of sale, from Elephantine, of
the 17th year of Antoninus Pius, A.D. 154 (Not. et Extr.,
pl. xxi., no. 17).
Here there is a considerable advance on the writing
of the previous century, the letters being carelessly
formed and misshapen, but still without any marked
exaggeration.
The following is a facsimile from a fragmentary
papyrus of official documents of the reign of Alexander
Severus, A.D. 233 (Not. et Eatr., pl. xlvi., no. 69 e).
cit 3-y-H ſo cºryTo rurk-T-X-
+º, -Yºſi 2-class 2 tº
tre+er H-Yºtte ºn ºf
erº) ºr of Trºtsiºs- ºr
of FICIAL DEED.—A.D. 233.
(—otpatmyos vTo vukTa— —to yupuaa to apa avpſ mºto]
- || –[e]aterev ets yupuaa tap[xov]— | –éAatau apTam-
otos tep–) -
Being an official hand, the writing is more regular
than the last specimen, the vertical position of the
strokes lending it an archaic appearance, with which
however the loose formation of certain letters is incon-
sistent. -
The cursive writing of the Byzantine period is gene-
rally distinguished by its loose and flourished style, in
which we see the development of the long strokes of
certain of the minuscule letters of mediaeval writing, as
the ordinary delta (6), the h-shaped eta, and the long
lambda drawn below the line. The following three



I42 Aa/aeograff/ly.
specimens must suffice to illustrate the writing of this
period.
(1) A section from an act of manumission of A.D. 355
(Young, Hieroglyphics, pl. 46).
o A Tro N × 31 Neºcoe
€/4 TH1N A2 &Y
O * \c & As Boc-ſt
o, c. 6k ronojc_
6%Zo N &# TH C-2 or
- MANUMISSION.—A D. 355.
(|T|poevrov kal vepeate— —Teuffeoffat eple Tmu exevſøe-
povital— | —[exev0e]poupévots kaffos T- ||—ſettle eTº
eTepots ekyovots— —aka)\vtov ea Tat Tms 8ov[\etas])
(2) Portions of a few lines of a deed of sale at Pano-
polis, A.D. 599 (Not. et Eastr., pl. xlviii., no. 21 ter).
DEED OF SALE.—A.D. 599,
.

Greek Pa/eography. I43
(—ms Tms avTms outlaſs||—[a]öéNºnu kata to viroNow
[Tow] |-|Ta]Tpoas mucov 8taôoxſms])
(3) Another example from a similar deed of sale of
A.D. 616 (Not. et Eotr., pl. xxiv., no. 21).
& %2 n-ya%22 2/vºz-z-z-T
Alº X-2%zz /*222 2\,
2-y2-77777 *~~)
2/~~ 2//z-x -
DEED OF SALE.—A.D. 616.
(eśms viroypadouros— kataypadºmu Kaff a"TAſ mul— | Tavri)
Tm évvopo Tpſaal)— | 8ta Tavtos—)
Reference to the Table of Letters will convey some
idea of the variety of the handwritings of this period.
The last document from which a facsimile is selected
to illustrate the division of early Greek Cursive writing
is the fragmentary papyrus, inscribed with a letter from
the Emperor, apparently to Pepin le Bref, on the
occasion of his war against the Lombards in A.D. 75.65
(Wattenbach, Script. Graec. Specim, pl. xiv. xv.).
*
* In a notice of this document in the Revue Archéologique,
tom. xix., 1892, Monsieur Omont is inclined to date it as late as
A.D. 839.



I44 Aºa/cograp/y.
/ 2^
- J fºLU()) (TC
‘j\{CO
ſ\ſ
TXUAE; º Mazo !
IMPERIAL LETTER.—A.D. 756.
(—eo to pºet, vpov' kal Tept to v]— —appoètov orot eatu
kal vTop- ||—|elpmv]evelv To Tpoômxa,0eutſt]—)
In this specimen of the writing of the Imperial
Chancery, most carefully written, we have the prototype
of the minuscule literary hand of the ninth century.
Making allowance for the flourishes permissible in a
cursive hand of this style, the letters are almost identical.
A fragment of similar writing is in the British Museum
(Pap. xxxii.). -
A glance at the accompanying Table of Alphabets,
selected from documents written more or less cursively
on papyrus and dating from about B.C. 260 to A.D. 756,
will satisfy us of the danger of assuming that some
particular form of a letter belongs to a fixed period.
The not infrequent recurrence of old forms at later
times forbids us to set up such criteria. On the other
Greek Palaeography. I45
hand, the birth and growth of particular forms can be
usually traced, and the use of some such form may
assist us in placing an anterior limit to the date of the
document in which it is found. Thus, the occurrence
of the open c-shaped epsilon might confirm an opinion
that the document was not earlier than the first cen-
tury B.C., the time when the letter, probably, took that
shape; but, at the same time, the occurrence of the
old simple form would be no criterion of age, as that
form keeps reappearing in all times. So, too, the down-
curved sigma appears in MSS. which may be assigned
to the first century B.C.; yet the old form continued in
common use for centuries later. The character of the
writing, however, distinctly changes with the lapse of
time; and, though particular letters may be archaic in
shapes, the true age of the text, judged by its general
appearance, can usually be fixed with fair accuracy. The
natural tendency to slackness and flourishing as time
advances is sufficiently apparent to the eye as it passes
along the lines of letters in the Table ; still more so if
it passes over a series of documents, in which the juxta-
position of the letters and the links which join them into
words are so many aids to forming a judgment.
Viewed as representative of three periods, Ptolemaic,
Roman, and Byzantine, the series of letters are fairly
distinguishable and capable of being grouped. The
first three columns, of the Ptolemaic period, stand quite
apart in their simple forms from those of the Roman
period which begins with the fourth column ; and this
distinction is made more striking by the absence of
anything to represent the first century B.C. The
columns of the Roman period blend more gradually
into those of the Byzantine period; but taken in their
entirety the flourished alphabets of the late centuries
afford a sufficient contrast to the less untrammelled
columns of the middle, Roman, period.
Certain letters are seen to change in form in a com-
paratively slight degree during the nine hundred years
covered by the Table, exclusive of the last column ;
Some are letters which are not very frequently used,
j.1
~
-

I46 Aa/aeogra//y.
others are such as do not very readily run on to fol-
lowing letters. How far the natural tendency of a
cursive writer to link together his letters could affect
their shapes is seen in even some of the earliest forms.
For example, the occasional horizontal position of the
last limb of alpha or lambda was due to its connection
with a following letter in the upper level of the line of
writing ; and the opening of the lower right-hand angle
of delta and the lifting of the right-hand stroke into a
more or less elevated position was owing to the same
cause. To the same tendency are due the artificial
links which appear attached so early to such letters as
eta, kappa, nu, pi; and in the case of tau this linking
may have decided the ulterior shape of the letter (as a
cursive), having the cross-bar extending also to the
right above the vertical, as in its normal form, instead
of being kept only to the left, as seen in the earliest
examples in the Table.
How soon certain letters in their most cursive forms
might become so alike that they might be mistaken for
each other is illustrated by the pretty close resemblance
between the curved early forms of lambda, mu, and pi;
and, again, there is very little difference between the
ordinary gamma and the lambda with horizontal final
stroke. Such similarities naturally increased as the
letters assumed more flexible shapes in the Roman
period. The v-shaped cursive beta and the v-shaped
cursive kappa are nearly identical ; and the u-shaped
forms of the same letters are very similar. Nu and pi
likewise bear a close resemblance in more than one of
their forms ; and the y-shaped tau and the long upsilon
are not unlike.
We may examine the course of change of some of the
letters in detail:—
The capital form of alpha written quickly falls
naturally into the uncial shape, in which the cross-bar
is connected by a continuous stroke of the pen with the
base of the first limb. To throw away the final limb
and leave the letter as a mere acute angle was a natural
step for the quick writer to take; and perhaps there

Greek Palaeography. I47
is no better example to prove the very great age of
Cursive Greek writing than this form of the letter which
is found in the earliest documents of the Table.
The history of beta is the history of a struggle between
a capital form and a cursive form. Throughout the
whole course of the nine hundred years from B.C. 260
to A.D. 633, the two forms stand side by side. The
variations of the cursive form are interesting; at first it
slurred the bows of the capital by a downward action of
the pen, the letter being thus n-shaped, closed at the
top and generally open at the base : in the Roman
period the action of the pen was reversed, and the letter
became u-shaped, open above and closed at the base.
In delta, we see quite early a tendency to lengthen
the apex in a line; but it was only in the Byzantine
period that it took the exaggerated form, at first
resembling a Roman d, from which was finally evolved
the minuscule letter which we write to the present day,
That epsilon, the letter more frequently used than any
other in the Greek alphabet, should have been liable to
many changes is only to be expected. In the Table
the most radical alteration of its shape from the formal
semicircle with the cross-bar, to the c-shape in which
the cross-bar survives only as a link-stroke, is seen
under the first century; and this is the period when
this latter form evidently became most prevalent,
although it no doubt existed earlier.
From the first, eta, in its cursive form, had already
assumed the shape of a truncated Roman h, the main limb
of which was extended in the Byzantine period to the full
height of that letter, to which it bears an exact resem-
blance in the last columns of the Table. The curious
shape which it is frequently found to assume in the first
century, like the numeral 7 or, rather, the Hebrew T,
appears, as far as we can judge from existing documents,
to have been restricted to about that period.
The shifting of the bent head of iota from the right
to the left in the course of time has already been
noticed. -
In kappa we have again, as in the case of beta, a con-
~


I48 Aa/eogra//y.
tinued struggle between the capital and the cursive
forms, both holding their ground to the end.
The flat and wide-spread forms of mu in the Ptolemaic
period are very distinctive. The letter appears in the
Roman period to have kept very much to its normal
capital shape, and only at a later time to have deve-
loped its first limb into the long stroke with which it
is always provided as a minuscule.
The early cursive form of nu, of the Ptolemaic period,
in which the last limb is thrown high up above the line,
did not hold its ground against the square forms, the
resemblance of which to certain forms of pi has already
been referred to. The variety of shapes of both these
letters is remarkable.
It might perhaps have been expected that sigma
would have developed the late round minuscule a sooner
than it did. One sees an approach to it in certain forms
of the first century. The down-curving letter of that
period might have led directly to it; and it is remark.
able that the normal C-shape should have lasted to so
late a period as the common form of the letter.
With regard to the closing letters of the alphabet, which
appear to have been less subject to variation than most
of those which precede them, little need be said. It
may be noticed how early the main-stroke of phi was
drawn outside the loop; and that, in its earliest stage,
omega was generally in the form of an unfinished w,
wanting the final curve, or even not far removed from
the epigraphic Q.


T- -
B. C. 26 O – 25 O. B. c. 240 - 210. - B. C. 180 - 110. is: c. 2nd Century. s: Century. A.D. 302–355 A.D. 487. A.D. 498. - A.D. 542. A.D. 592 – 633. A.D. 756. 2
a /~ / A. A // / A 2– 22 A- & UT 2, 2, ON 2N 0- 4 1 J- ov. « » & 9 o' v × 4 v A C/- 4× 0 2A () 2% w/ 2/\ z*- CŞ– 29- LL C- Cº- (A– (A. C. ce CC & a 6– ) & 2. QMU Oz
A /) 6 §§ 0 6 ºf | | R b & B n n ty y B K (I b w y U M ( & & a L. B & 6 y |26 × 6 & 8 ſº I Šu a (C 4 & 44 w w & 8
Y ſ F- ſº T |- I- |- F | r / ſ. r r Yºr /- T - F- r Yº Yº ſº. |- ſº ſ— r Yº Y y Y N Y ſº v / |\.
6 A * ~ * || 2 & 2 c- | | | 2N As 2 & C- & 2 tº A & 2 × 2- & A 2, 2 2s X & ZN & 2 XS ^^d & d &c. sºlº 2.
e € & 6- t e ( & & | |e E e & 4 & V. G. (2 € (- Q- tº 6 y, e. Y \ſ. (.. C- 6 Yu (S C- (U Cº-y- yet - c. 4 & a we |& e & (2/ 4 - ce & ſe’ tº º º
Č 7 z z z Z Z Z, | | Z X 2 2. z z z Z 2 2 z 7 Z - Z. z & 2 2 X. 3\ Cz zº. 2 .
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7 / /1 rº H. ru LN }^ H. H. R. v. R = rw m Fºr it - R ri y A R J -, *) - u o H A h R. H. H. }. Nº At H. JT 2. h.K ſº |, |}, ſ , , , , , , , | ||
6 || @ 6 ô- Đ 4) & © 6 €r 6 (+ J. 6 & 6 || 3 & 49 & 0– 6 –6). & ~9, -ē- 6. {} || |4} \9 é, é- 6 (9. 3,9-
U. / / ſ ſ ſ ſ ) ſ ] ) () ( )) ) ' ſ | ) // ) | 1 // ) | ſ !) | / !. | !
k k k F. K. K. K. K. *} - KK vs. k. u ∈ P. & J. M. A. K. A / K V 0-1 ), V w a ſº- K M L k & k k K. | K. k li k l, / ()- ), / / /
A || 2 | | | r A /\ |\ , , N \ }\ }\ }- A j- N * - 2\ ^ / A N N N A X)\ y\ X}\ \ }\ }\, Å N/- /* (V_ AºA nºvº
At / 1 TV Tº Tu N-U yº /~\ y \, N r- }-\ YT-1 /~\ y \ y\,\ /CC * M & AX X- /… Nº w & /A /*\ ^__ __ A^ /> //– M- |-- // /* “. . . . .” º
v tº cº- vº – ſº wor'e' N —ſ N J N N × - N r( N it ºr it it & /f N NT N ſu re j-t // rt N fºr N rºt Yt | N N // / / n n | N v h \\ ºn Nº r \J }^J (An) YU h (U) ſyſ
& 2 = 3 = 3. = x = 3 % 2 * * * * * 5 --- . º º
O o Cº O o o s ^ -/ O º O ... . * i. f *. *.*. Ó Cº !) .. . . . O
7T / ( /7/~ JY T-T r-t- JTC Pº | r H- T S- r → y wre rt ſº IV ſº nºr n ºn n. 7 2 77 TT T. r.) YY 01. kºl T-z jº). Yl TT TU W YY TT YY ſºy- 7 y-y- )7- TU Vºy Yº ſº, ſº UD JOU
p / / P f f : P || 7 | f | f f tº tº r f : f ; O ( * f P ſt ſ f ( )? P |ff t 2/ º ). º
O || C C / C C C D C C CT C C U \I "" " ' ' ' " C C C C C / ) C (~ (S 8- UT C V- C & C U C (2 C & C CT CS C / Ø aſ Ö OTON
7- | ( Z 7 7. ) T- O TT T. T. C. Y. T TT T. T. T. 7 YT 7 Y T 7 ) > Y ºr ºr 7 T T T Y T - T. T T- / Y NT T TY T Vº T TY U Y. Y. T
ºf ºf Y 7 Y Y ~ Y if Y V Y Y. Nº Sr ºf « * * Y Y Yº - . . . V Y ºr { v (, V. V Y ºf V. TY v. V. V Y U v. & Cº. T | V | Yin Y.Y. U Uſ
| | | f | | | | | | } { # , ; } { tº ſº tº | | | | | | | |
X X. K - 7 º' X- >< 2 24 - 2 * / Jº X 7S % 2- X X 7° 2S - 2. * }_ X
|* | * } f f | | | } * * : * */ | f | + 7. + || -- f ſº
tº Cº- Cº- J\ Cº. v.- U- w c- Cº- o US OO Co OU CAAL LJ Cº. (T (~/ (A) 4A) Lo Jos v. ) & V) woº vu u zv (A) | Cu (Ay | CO (A) (A) UA) UC) CO (C) (A) ZO CO
* * * * - | G R E E k C U R S I V E A L. P. H. A. B. E. T. S. - º,5, Weller:






f
|- .
CHAPTER XI.
GREEK PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUED,
Uncial Writing in Wellum MSS.
WE have seen the Uncial Book-hand in papyri, and
have had in the facsimiles of a conveyance of A.D. S8
(p. 126) and of the Bankes Homer (p. 127) specimens
of the round hand which is the direct prototype of the
writing on vellum which we are now about to examine.
The first thing to strike the eye in the earliest examples
of vellum uncial MSS. is the great beauty and firmness
of the characters. The general result of the progress of
any form of writing through a number of centuries is
decadence and not improvement. But in the case of
the uncial writing of the early codices there is improve-
ment and not decadence. This is to be attributed to
the change of material, the firm and smooth surface of
Vellum giving the scribe greater scope for displaying
his skill as a calligrapher. In other words, there appears
to have been a period of renaissance with the general
introduction of vellum as the ordinary writing material.
The earliest examples of vellum uncial Greek MSS.,
which have survived practically entire, are the three great
codices of the Bible : the Codex Vaticanus, the Codex
Sinaiticus, and the Codex Alexandrinus. The Vati-
canus is to all appearance the most ancient and may
be ascribed to the 4th century. It is written in triple
columns, without enlarged initial letters to mark para-
graphs or even the beginnings of the several books.
The writing in its original state was beautifully regular
and fine ; but, unfortunately, the whole of the text
has been touched over, in darker ink, by a hand of
perhaps the 10th century, only rejected letters or words
being allowed to remain intact.

I5O Aa/eogra//y.
T-P A Ti TCD N A e ſcu. Nº TA
As Nere 1 c : *c.183 rc ſieſ
ced tº k'ſ Poçe Me A tº exei
ze N F A c.12se ATH co, Kºſ
Me N H coºr P to cºroyle
I, HA Ké 6.2% c-rocks
e C H M H Ne N M Q 19 Ko
A o M H ca, i kºr-Tü, öj Kor
CODEx VATICANU.S.–41H CENTURY.
(ypatov Xeyov ta | 8e Aeyel o 8aat)\ews Tep a Öy
kūpos' épé àvéðel £ev 8aat)\éa Tſis oikov | Aéums 6 kūpuos
toū ia | paj)\ k[ptols 6 in to Tos' kai | Samumvév uot oiko
ouña at airtó oikov)
The accents and marks of punctuation are additions
probably by the hand which retouched the writing.
The Codex Sinaiticus, Tischendorf’s great discovery,
is probably somewhat younger than the Vatican M.S.
and may be placed early in the 5th century. -
TOD KANC Xel TOI PPS
FM AKAJeſ. O I H Cº
OY TOD C .
KX1 AN e PCDTIOCHIN
|OYAN C Ce N COY
COI CTH IT ON El KAJ
~ O N O M AAYWCD KANP
wr e6?cºve)S O X \l O COTOY | \S I
POYTOYCe NA eel O'ſ.
CODEX SINAITICUs.-EARLY 5TH CENTURY.
(to 8agºet to Tpa | yua kai eſromaeſyl ovros: | cat
avópotos mu iověatos év o'ow o'ots Tm Troxet kat | ovopa
avTo uap Öoxalos o Tov tact pov' Tov depeetov.)

Greek Pa/eography. I5 I
It is written with four columns in a page, the open
book thus presenting eight columns in sequence, and, as
has been suggested, recalling the line of columns on a
papyrus roll. Like the Vatican M.S., it is devoid of
enlarged letters; but the initial letter of a line beginning
a sentence is usually placed slightly in the margin, as
will be seen in the facsimile.
The chief characteristic of the letters is squareness,
the width being generally equal to the height. The
shapes are simple, and horizontal strokes are fine.
With the Codex Alexandrinus there is a decided
advance. The division of the Gospels into Ammonian
sections and the presence of the references to the
Eusebian canons are indications of a later age than
that of its two predecessors. The MS. may have been
written before the middle of the 5th century. There
can be little doubt of the country of its origin being
Egypt, for, besides the fact of its having belonged to
the Patriarchal Chamber of Alexandria, it also contains
in its titles certain forms of the letters A and M which
are distinctly Egyptian." It was sent as a present to
King Charles the First by Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of
Constantinople.
e is COY --> E.XYTCL) M. Orsi cloxx,
Ce I C . Mº XI H TXITG NXYIO iss
G H C i-V H M kx-I e CTHCG. N.S.N TO N
€T WITOT ri e Pyrror TOYieroy
133-I & ITTG r\, XYTCL) e BY"Ce ITOY,
KXXGCeXYTON e NTey’oeN 1-
I e I’I's iTX 1 12-roTrror C-Trex
*YTOYe Sºrexe Jr. eT se P J COY-TV
CODEX ALEXANDRINUS.–5TH CENTURY.
(6|eoju orov cat avTo pouo AaTlpevi | Gets kat myayev
avtov | ets (mpovaa]^mp kai eatmo.eu avtov || eTV to
TTepuytov Tov tepov | cat evtreu avta) et vſtols et Tov
|ffeov|| 3a)\e geavrov evtev6ev k[ato'] | yeypairTal Yap.
otv Tows ayye) ſols|| avtov evtexcºte Tept Gov t—)
* See p. 154.


I52 Pa/eography.
In this specimen we see instances of contracted words.
The MS. has enlarged letters to mark the beginnings
of paragraphs ; the initial standing in the margin at
the beginning of the first full line, whether that be the
first line of the paragraph, or whether the paragraph
begin, as shown in the facsimile, in the middle of the
preceding line after a blank space.
The writing of the Codex Alexandrinus is more care-
fully finished than that of the Codex Sinaiticus. The
letters are rather wide; horizontal strokes are very fine ;
and there is a general tendency to thicken or club the
extremities of certain letters, as T, T, E, and C.
Other uncial MSS. which have been ascribed to the
fifth century and a little later are: the Homer of the
Ambrosian Library at Milan, interesting for its illus-
trations, which were copied probably from earlier ori-
ginals and have transmitted the characteristics of
classical art (Pal. Soc. i. pls. 39, 40, 50, 51); the palim-
psest MS. of the Bible, known as the Codex Ephraemi,
at Paris (ed. Tischendorf, 1845); the Octateuch, whose
extant leaves are divided between Paris, Leyden, and
St. Petersburg; the Genesis of the Cottonian Library,
once, probably, one of the most beautifully illustrated
MSS. of its period, but now reduced by fire to blackened
and defaced fragments (Cat. Anc. MSS. i. pl. 8); the
Dio Cassius of the Vatican (Silvestre, pl. 60); and the
Paris Pentateuch (Ið. pl. 61). A facsimile of an ancient
fragment of Euripides at Berlin, which is certainly of a
respectable age and which has even been ascribed to
the 4th century, will be found in Wilcken’s Tafeln zir
ălțeren griech. Palaeographie, pl. iv.
Uncial writing of the sixth century shows an advance
on the delicate style of the fifth century in the com-
paratively heavy forms of its letters. Horizontal strokes
are lengthened, and are generally finished off with heavy
points or finials. The Dioscorides of Vienna (Pal. Soc. i.
pl. 177), written early in the century for Juliana Anicia,
daughter of Flavius Anicius Olybrius, Emperor of the
West in 472, is a most valuable MS. for the palaeographer,
as it is the earliest example of uncial writing on vellum


Greek Pa/eography. I53
to which an approximate date can be given. It is also
of great interest for the history of art, as, in addition to
the coloured drawings of plants, reptiles, insects, etc.,
which illustrate the text, it contains six full-page designs,
one of them being the portrait of the royal Juliana herself

Yxxxexerºpoiseacºx,
Adopadock AM E. H.C.'I'OAC
CDC:"IT"Gº DTH"p CD N' JºAVAO N
Tpºrt H - "I"TADA A.A.ACA
keºpaxxiomolxi'Młkoti
DIOSCORIDES.–EARLY 6TH CENTURY.
(‘PvNAa exei Kapota 8aat)\{km]— | x\opa os 8pap'8ms.
To be— oa Tep Tptov. KavXov— | Tput mxmi Tapaſhvaðas
aſ Tol- || keba)\al opotat pumkovſt]—
This is a specimen of careful writing, suitable to a
sumptuous book prepared for a lady of high rank. The
letters exhibit a contrast of thick and fine strokes; the
curve of both E and C is thickened at both extremities;
the base of A extends right and left and has heavy dots
at the ends; the cross-strokes of TT and T are treated in
the same way. In the second line will be noticed an
instance, in the word 8pau/3ms, of the use of the
apostrophe to separate two consonants,” a common
practice in this M.S. -
Other MSS. of this period are: the palimpsest Homer
in the British Museum (Cat. Anc. MSS. i. pl. 9; Pal.
Soc. ii. pl. 3), generally named, after its editor, the
Cureton Homer, and the palimpsest fragments of St.
Luke's Gospel (Cat. Anc. MSS. pl. 10), which together
With it were re-used by a later Syrian scribe; the frag-
* See p. 73.
I54 A-a/aeogra//y.
ments of the Pauline Epistles from Mount Athos, some
of which are in Paris and some in Moscow (Silvestre,
pls. 63, 64; Sabas, pl. A.); the Gospels written on
purple vellum in silver and gold, and now scattered
between London (Cotton MS., Titus C. xv.), Rome,
Vienna, and Patmos, the place of its origin ; the frag-
ments of the Eusebian Canons, written on gilt vellum
and sumptuously ornamented, in the British Museum
(Cat. Ame. MSS., i. pl. 11); the Coislin Octateuch
(Silvestre, pl. 65); the Vienna Genesis, with illustra-
tions of very great interest (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 178); the
Rossano Gospels written in silver on purple vellum
and also having a remarkable series of illustrations (ed.
Gebhardt and Harnack, 1880); and the Dublin palim-
psest fragments of St. Matthew’s Gospel and of Isaiah
(ed. T. K. Abbott, Par Palimpsestorum Dublin.), the
handwriting of the former using the Egyptian forms of
A and M, strongly marked (4, JUL).
There are also two bilingual Graeco-Latin MSS. which
are assigned to the sixth century, viz., the Codex Bezae
of the New Testament at Cambridge (Pal. Soc. i.
pls. 14, 15), and the Codex Claromontanus of the Pauline
Epistles at Paris (Pal. Soc. i. plº. 63, 64). But these
were almost certainly written in France or, at all events,
in Western Europe, and rather belong to the domain of
Latin palaeography, as the Greek letters are to some
extent modelled on the Latin forms. The Greek por-
tions of the great Laurentian codex of the Pandects at
Florence (Wattenbach, Script. Graec. Specim., tab. 7)
should also be noticed as of this period.
The decadence of the round uncial hand in the suc-
cessive centuries may be seen in the second Vienna
Dioscorides (Pal. Soe. ii. pl. 45), which is thought to be
of the early part of the 7th century, and in the Vatican
MS. of Pope Gregory’s Dialogues (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 81),
which was written, probably at Rome, in the year 800.
But in these later centuries Greek uncial MSS. were
more usually written in another style.
Soon after the year 600, a variety of the round unclia
came into ordinary use—a change similar to that which


Greek Pa/eography. I55
-
i
-
\
*
|
has been noticed as taking place in the uncial writing
on papyrus. The circular letters E, 6, O, C become
oval, and the letters generally al laterally compressed
and appear narrow in proportion to their height. The
writing also slopes to the right, and accentuation begins
to be applied systematically. At first the character of
the writing was light and elegant, but as time went on
it gradually became heavier and more artificial. A few
scattered Greek notes are found written in this style in
Syriac MSS. which bear actual dates in the seventh
century (Gardthausen, Griech. I’alaeog., table 1 of
alphabets); and there are a few palimpsest fragments of
Euclid and of Gospel Ilectionaries among the Syriac
MSS. of the British Museum, of the seventh and eighth
centuries; but there is no entire MS. in sloping uncials
bearing a date earlier than the ninth century.
As an early specimen we select a few lines from the
facsimile (Wattenbach, Script. Gr. Specim., tab. 8) of
the fragment of a mathematical treatise from Bobio,
now in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, which is assigned
to the 7th century.
Tø/ eyºr ºf 7/4 ce.co/J ov/ce/A/ca,
C&J C & © P-7A/7 &A' A y/KA / J C A/S//<A H o
X//cow/* º/cºy (*AL” —
7. wººſa/vic/º/, e eyex"H CM’
r/ o e 77AA 6'7"f cop * //fy's ºpe c T62
x^ry ſks o Afs H C or 7 o'7A fºy eſcº/<e, ſº
MATHEMATICAL TREATISE.-7TH CENTURY.
(Tolovtſov &ntmoreov ouweta Kat— os effmy to 8tratos
al, KAm{}[eutt]— | vºo Tpoo`mkova'a. IIpotſov) a ſep
7|ap] Tavtſos] a Tepeov oxmuſatos]— | Tpos tº peteopop
ºf "ºº- | Xavikſms] ox/cms oftotau ek Tſov kept
pov
It will be seen that in this M.S., intended for students’
use and dealing with a secular subject, abbreviations are
fairly numerous.

I56 Aa/eography.
In a more compact style, and rather heavier, is the
Venetian codex of the Old Testament (Wattenbach,
Script. Gr. Specim., tab. 9), which is of the 8th or 9th
century. Descriptive titles are written in round uncials,
evidently in imitative style and devoid of the grace and
ease of a natural hand, as will be seen from the facsimile.
frazz/fº, ryaa //a/Aewed 7&ayfaeºff,
_* a —º - - «» 2- *
777'oyºrogºrza,6-oxércury %. e. 77/ y
/Zézºuzcázzoycycamºzerzoye-zcáza, Zeze a
fražexyºzºa 7/7tzó4/470 y :-
föxäråcórendMeno&npocrepelui
j OTGärte cºre 1AG tinpoc Ayro,
6&
~ - - / - -
olaevcces,é1&ſac-Torracy:00p. Y
OLD TESTAMENT.—8TH OR 9TH CENTURY.
kai pºſtpa ovXXijuareos alóvias ºva | Ti Tojto €fix00u éc
pºſtpas. Tod [8Aéj Telu kóTovskai Tôvows: Kai SvetéMedav)
éu aloxºum at juépat uov — | f |O Adyos 6 yewópevos Tpos
... | Tapó k[vpto]v. Öre &Téa TelAew Tpos airtov |
à 8aat)\ews o'ečektas' Tou Tào xop' iſſtov])
At length, in the middle of the ninth century, we have
a MS. with a date: a Psalter of the year 862, belonging
to Bishop Uspensky (Wattenbach, Script. Gr. Specim.,
fab. 10).
£rvozvoazazzzzzra/Tacº -
%.(. 77'y/<A/zºvºyºx/R//
º/*. 2}/z. Aſ
Arvey//zº- #/. /*p/
£7 ºxe/vværf7% o/V/AA
72%uorº. /*ca. º *Wºvº.
rſ4y/<>anºvºyjay/pe
USPENSKY pSALTER.—A.D. 862.
-ſ-
||w



Greek Pa/eography. 157
º
(Eu ovopati Tàs dylas & | xpdvtov Kai (oapyukňſs|| Tptač0s,
Tſat pſols kai vſ to]v kai &ylov Tuſevpatols' épáſhm
kai | teNeudö0m To Tapov ra)\ | Tiptov. keVečael Toà
& | yov kai pakaptov Tatloſols)
In this specimen further progress is seen in the con-
trast of heavy and light strokes.
Other MSS. of this character are: a small volume of
hymns in the British Museum, Add. MS. 26113, of the
8th or 9th century (Cat. Anc. MSS. i. pl. 14; Pal. Soc.
ii. pl. 4); a copy of Gregory of Nazianzus, written
between 867 and 886 (Silvestre, pl. 71); the Bodleian
Genesis (Gk. Misc. 312), of the 9th century (Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 26); a Dionysius Areopagita at Florence, also of the
9th century (Vitelli and Paoli, Facsim. Paleogr., tav.
17); and a Lectionary in the Harleian collection, of the
end of the 9th or beginning of the 10th century (Cat.
Anc. MSS. i. pl. 17).
But by this time uncial writing had passed out of
ordinary use, and only survived, as a rule, for church-
books, in which the large character was convenient for
reading in public.
intnjić prinſia M.
M TT, © 2 *
Miiriraw 0Motwºrth
KAtlMtiatwriñºwn
2. rów , 'X.
Aſkatº 2 f iſ G.
EVANGELISTARIUM.–A.D. 980.
('Eſtep 6 tº. Tiju Tapaſo | Nºw Tavt muj čuotóðm
Sagºeta Tóvowſpalvov | 8éka Tapdevous]. To ſo] §ypaſſp;|
aağ8ato]) -


I58 Pa/eography.
In this capacity it underwent another change, the
letters reverting from the sloping position to the upright
position of the early uncial, and again, after a period,
becoming rounder. This was evidently a mere calli-
graphic development, the style being better suited for
handsome service books. Of this character are the
Bodleian Gospels (Gk. Misc. 313) of the 10th century
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 7); the Laurentian Evangelistarium of
the 10th century (Vitelli and Paoli, Facsim. Paleogr.,
tav. 7); the Harleian Evangelistarium (no. 5598), of the
year 995 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 26, 27); and the Zouche
Evangelistarium, of 980 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 154), from which
a few lines are given above.
There are also a certain number of MSS. in which
uncial writing appears to have been used for distinction,
or contrast. Thus, in a MS. at Florence, of A.D. 886–
911, containing Fasti Consulares and other matter
arranged in tabulated form, the entries are made in a
beautifully neat upright uncial (Vitelli and Paoli, Facsim.
Paleogr., tav. 13, 25, 31); so also in the Florentine
Dionysius Areopagita of the 9th century, referred to
above, while the text is in large slanting uncials, the
commentary is in smaller upright uncials; and we have
the Bodleian Psalter with catena (Gk. Misc. 5), of the
year 950, in which the text of the Psalms is written in
upright uncials, while the commentary is in minuscules
(Pal. Soc. ii. 5; Gardthausen, Gr. Palæogr., p. 159, tab.
2, col. 4.)
The use of small uncial writing for marginal com-
mentaries and notes in minuscule MSS. is not uncom-
mon during the earlier centuries after the establishment
of the smaller style of writing as a book-hand. As a
late instance of the uncial being used for the text, a
page from a MS. of St. John Chrysostom, which is
ascribed to the 11th century, will be found in Vitelli and
Paoli, Facsim. Paleogr., tav. 28. It appears to have
lingered on till about the middle of the 12th century.

•
CHAPTER XII.
GREEK PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUED,
Minuscule Writing of the Middle Ages.
GPEEK Minuscule MSS. of the middle ages have been
divided into classes, as a convenient method of marking
periods in a style of writing which, being used for the
language of a limited area, and being subject to no ex-
terior influence, underwent, like all isolated branches of
writing, only a gradual change. These classes are :—
(1) codices vetustissimi, the most ancient MSS. of the
ninth century and to the middle of the tenth century;
(2) codices vetusti, those which range from the middle
of the tenth century to the middle of the thirteenth
century; (3) codices recentiores, from the middle of the
thirteenth century to the middle of the fifteenth century;
(4) codices novelli, all MSS. of later date.
There are still some thousand dated Greek MSS. in
existence, in the different libraries of Europe, which
were written before the year 1500; a list is given by
Gardthausen, Griech. Palaeogr., pp. 344, sqq. Of these
almost all are written in minuscules. More than three
hundred facsimiles, nearly all produced by photographic
methods, and dating from the year 800 to 1593, have
been published. Of the ninth century there are not a
dozen dated MSS. extant ; nine are represented in fac-
simile. Of the tenth century there are nearly fifty; and of
these there are nearly forty facsimiles. Of the eleventh
century, the number rises to nearly one hundred, and
more than sixty are given in facsimile. It is curious
that dated MSS. in the twelfth century are comparatively
few—about seventy; twenty-five of which have been


I6O Paleography.
represented in facsimile. In the later centuries, of
course, they become more numerous.
It has already been explained that the minuscule hand,
which almost suddenly makes its appearance as a literary
hand in the ninth century, was nothing more than the
cursive writing of the day written with care. The
trained scribes made the best use of the smooth vellum
to exhibit in their work that contrast of fine and heavy
strokes which has always been held to impart a beauty
to handwriting. Under this careful treatment the
sloping tendency of a current hand was resisted, and
the writing in its new set form became upright.
There are, however, a few MSS. in existence which
seem to prove that a calligraphic style, or reform, of the
cursive hand, for literary purposes, was in partial use
before the period of the literary minuscule of the ninth
century.
77/49
Cº- tººl
©
2 3.
&
THEOLOGICAL WORKS.—8TH OR 9TH CENTURY.
(reguoueums' m Tnt actuato [Kat] a vyatóloſ, Kat 6] | Poova tot
Tptaël uétaryevso Tepas Tivoſs m) | Krugms h eTepoovatov
divoreos eTetaſayoſué ums [Kat] tou Tept tºs évauðpoTm-
geos [Tov kvptov] | Noyou ačiao Tpodov gočopeu [Kat]
Tiſpoëe0s] | 8e 6 eXoupos 6 Tis axmdeias ex0pos—).
The writing of these MSS. slopes after the manner
of a current hand, and yet the letters are formed with a





-
Greek Paſeography. I6 I
uniform precision which stamps it as a hand which had
been developed in some school of writing, which, how-
ever, to judge from the paucity of existing specimens,
probably had no very wide influence. A facsimile from
a MS. of this character, and ascribed to the 8th century,
is given by Gardthausen, Beiträge zur Griech. Palaeo-
graphie, 1877; and another from a liturgical roll at Mount
Sinai, of the 9th century, accompanies a paper by the
same writer, Différences Procinciales de la Minuscule
Grecque, in Mélanges Grauw, 1884. A third M.S., con-
taining a collection of theological works, from which the
facsimile above is taken, is in the Vatican Library, and
is probably of the end of the 8th or beginning of the 9th
century (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 126).
Many of the forms of letters in this writing which are
distinctly cursive, such as a looped alpha, the inverted
epsilon, the h-shaped eta, and the n-shaped nu, disappear
from, or are modified in, the more settled literary
minuscule hand.
But before examining in detail the progress of this
literary hand through the different periods or classes
which have been enumerated, its general course of
development may be traced in a few words.
In the cursive writing there was never an entire Sup-
pression of the original capital forms. For example, the
large B, A, H, K, N, and others are found side by side
with the more cursive forms of the same letters. It was,
therefore, only to be expected that, however rigorously
such capital forms might be excluded from the set
literary minuscule hand when it was written in its first
stage of exactness, they would by degrees creep in and
show themselves side by side with their purely minuscule
equivalents in literary works, just as they did in the
ordinary cursive writings of the period. This, in fact,
happened ; and the presence of capital forms in lesser or
greater numbers affords some criterion of the age of a MS.
Again, the degeneration of writing from the earliest
models of the ninth and tenth centuries to the hurried
styles of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is apparent
enough if we turn over a consecutive series of MSS. or



I62 Palaeography.
facsimiles. But this degeneration only became rapid,
and, so to say, acquired its full impetus, in the later
centuries. And certain classes, such as liturgical MSS.,
which custom had retained for special uses, were less
tolerant of change, and served in some measure to
retard the disuse of the formal hands of older times.
In the earlier centuries breathings and accents are
applied in a style in keeping with the exact writing of
the text; the breathings are rectangular and the accents
are short. Afterwards, the former being more rapidly
written become curved ; and the latter are dashed on
with a bolder stroke. Their last stage is when they
even blend with the letters which they mark.
The writing of the period of the codices vetustissimi,
of the ninth century and to the middle of the tenth
century, as far as is shown by surviving examples,
is very pure and exact. The letters are most symmetri-
cally formed; they are compact and upright, and have
even a tendency to lean back to the left. Breathings
are rectangular, in keeping with the careful and
deliberate formation of the letters. In a word, the
style being practically a new one for literary purposes,
the scribes wrote it in their best form and kept strictly
to the approved pattern.
The earliest dated example of this class is the copy of
the Gospels belonging to Bishop Uspensky, written in
the year 835. A facsimile, but not very satisfactory,
appears in Gardthausen’s Beiträge and in Wattenbach
and von Welsen’s Evempla Codicum Graecorum, tab. 1.
Next comes the Oxford Euclid (D’Orville MS.), which
belonged to Arethas, Archbishop of Caesarea, and was
written in 888.
The breadth of the letters will be noticed, as well as a
certain squareness in the general character and the
slight inclination to the left. Exact finish is best seen
in such letters as a and 8, the final stroke of the former,
when unconnected, being brought up to the top of the
line, and the down-stroke of the latter being drawn right
down to the base. The set forms into which the cursive
-


Greek Paleography. I63
A.
i|
*
(3, m, and k are cast should also be noted. The orna-
mental effect of the writing is added to by the slight
turn or hook in which down-strokes terminate. Certain
of these characteristics remain in the minuscule writing of
succeeding centuries: others wear off and are lost as
time advances.
tº 4-1-ra, Xºc pºzºpºrºga. **
•ra, ov's “tº &gt;9-ruwétéº-wapº
-re aruro Tºp 4 eval ºpey *Pºsſrºy
ya, is a G+a+vvy averra. wresºłº,
u (sº-ra, ºthel, a £ aſ &al 39-ºxº
+++ tº u asſº, sirrºru (elºve ºf
arºlyai. 3raft #4444.3° tº
EUCLID.—A.D. 888.
(uev start Ta AET Pºž Tp(yova, arevſavtov Šs] | ra
OMN 3TT 6ate k[at] ta a repea trapax|x|Aeritreča
Ta &To Töv etpmuévou Tptopatov [ävaypaſbople] | va
tooinſºn tv/Xavovta. Toos &AM)\d [etow 6s all | 84aets
k[at] Ta mutan apa egrat &s à AFT [8aats Tpos] | Tmu
Pºž 8aatu. offTo ta dipmuéva Tp(ſanata Tpos] | a\\m\a
ôTep Ščev Šešat :)
Our next facsirhile, from a M.S. at Paris (Omont,
Facsimilés, pl. 1), illustrates the same class of writing,
of rather larger type and more laterally compressed,
the uprightness of the character being thus more
evident.

I64 Aa/eograp/y.
ºulqū? º:
Toy Q); ovel
º:
ºrchéºu-Wºº
/hº jTop gojóºcº.
Túðrúugºvayººttº&
LIVES OF SAINTS.–A.D. 890.
(—Tuarápmu 670ſos ºv' [kal] toč | Tov \eyopetov. čoiſ-
pia’ev ka | T avtºs é 8pdikov Tapośvy | 6′eis a boëpa
8è àyia Šoć | \m Toà éſeo |0 Tov at ſavlpov čT offmaiev | Tó
pºetóTo [kai) év Tavri Tô a 6–)
A third specimen is taken from a very beautiful MS.
of St. Clement of Alexandria (Omont, Facsimilás, pl. 2).
written for Archbishop Arethas, abovementioned, in the
year 914.
tº Guot Gºve ve-wººgº q(qaavarate yº way.
+ss-tuay over. -vewºº & ***w-r-guts-was- tan
$234,41...a64.6/4-ſware---wºvºzert,
<&ºisºtº-: tº•ºry-ºw
$...º. -*
ST, CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.—A.D. 914.
(uevov ć0vóv. čTaveX6óvta eſs aſyvºſtov Štrayayſéa flat
Texut} | tas 7kavois' Tov oſſu đaupu, Töv TpoTátopa
[Töv airoij || 8éða\0ſwat ékéAevolev airós Toxvtexó .
Greek Pa/eography. I65
Nº.
*
.
k[ataakevá|| get 88 airóv 8púa£is 6 &mutovpyós' oix 6
à0muſatos' &AAos] | 8e Tís 6pºvvuos, ékéivot Tót 8pwdévôtº
ës, ix)|t|) ~
And lastly of this period we give a few lines from a
MS. of Basil's commentary on Isaiah, of the year 942
(Omont, Facsim, pl. 4), written in a rather larger cha-
racter, but showing very little advance on the earlier
examples. Indeed, the writing of this first division of
the minuscule literary hand is subject to so little change
in its course, that it is extremely difficult to place the
undated MSS. in their proper order of time.
c4 seventº 2 ouctº: o-et S v 8.
-wºr-wavedrº. ºp sº.
--tors to guist'' on ſuº-toes tº ou
-êu Pussos §ess-tº- O Seóscu a
4Un é-u_{-6&s &n-tº esco-errº
ST. BASIL.—A.D. 942.
(aſathyalu ##ovatv' &rt of preſu kata Tá čğum] | Tepita-
Toëvres év a dºo eiſai Stå Tiju Čav | Töv kaklav' of Śē
Töv voiu [éautów reca) || 6appévol xoutes: 6s 3vouá
[šétat a lov čTet] | 6’) éké:0évéat, to a cotrevſtiptov)
We now pass on to the codices vetusti, from the middle
of the tenth century to the middle of the thirteenth
century. But before surveying the more formal hands
of this period, a few words should be said regarding a
style of writing which is noteworthy, as certain impor-
tant MSS. of classical literature, whose date it is of
interest to determine, are written in it.
It is not to be supposed that MSS. of the earlier
period of minuscule writing which has been discussed,
were only written by the most accomplished scribes and
in the best style. The working copies of students and


166 Aa/eography.
scholars were no doubt then as rough and cursive in
comparison with the facsimiles given above as a modern
scholar’s own composition is in comparison with a printed
text; and, except for choice copies, written for some
special purpose, such, for example, as the Bodleian Plato
of 895 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 81; Evempla, tab. 3), or the Harley
Lucian of the British Museum, of the beginning of the
tenth century (Cat. Anc. MSS. i. pl. 18; Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 27), the extreme calligraphic style was not called
for in books which were intended for private use.
Hence a more fluent character of writing appears to
have been practised as a book-hand for copies which
would serve ordinary purposes: a good working hand,
perfectly clear and well formed, more set and formal
than a common cursive hand would be, but yet not
finished off with precise care. In the tenth and eleventh
centuries then, we find MSS. written in this style, and
no doubt still earlier examples existed. We give fac-
similas from two MSS., separated by an interval of
nearly one hundred years: a Chrysostom of 954 and a
St. Ephraem of 1049 (Omont, Facsim., pls. 5, 21).
kee, 3 fºx, 6- ºr 4,420 zed w
we carás-ºse w 4…. cºre-
% ºr revº- &rºvºxes.
2% a warraze w-r-4s-cºrrex,
a * * * /*
*****. k-crº-ººkº,
CHRYSOSTOM.–A.D. 954.
w r 3.
(kal 6 pºv čv epmuia Tóv | Tpoatmoouévov ºv' offtos
\ 3- w r -
8è eixeu Tovs étueMovuévovs, of kal &aa Taşovres at Töv
épépov kai Toi Tao puév dynaſtv)

Greek Paleography. 167
M.;| `|º
|f
y
-29 ****evº - 224 we -ré–3 re.
Hz" ºr z** *** --- a--, -2.
#24-2 rºa-a- & arrº- * 26Qeſ
/* y c. * /*
z*-*zxº~~...~~Ajºs-
Áº-3 6 & * were x7~~~.
ST. EPHRAEM.—A.D. 1049.
(Toi kvptov orov piſtote 6 Tà [äävla ovu] | utém to
Töv ibiov. č00s yap airó Gatt ölä Toij | dyadoù To kakov
Katepyāčeoffat’ [Tapa kvptov Šm) | Tºjo opeu Xàptu, iva juiv
oſpija mTat yuájou" || kai) at vegu Toi) viſºbeuv čv Tâat:
[káuvos 60] | cudget àpyiptov k[al] xpvatov)
In the older specimen the writing is rather stiffer
and not quite so fluent as in the other; and both are
good characteristic specimens of their respective cen-
turies. The St. Ephraem is the work of a very ex-
perienced penman, who must have written with great
ease and rapidity, without in the least degenerating in
his style.
The four following facsimiles will give an idea of the
formal style of writing of the eleventh, twelfth, and
early thirteenth centuries; and from them it will be
seen how very gradual was the change in the actual
forms of the letters.
In the first, from a Chrysostom of 1003 (Omont,
Facsim., pl. 11), the exact regularity of the tenth
century is still remembered, but the writing is hardly
so graceful as in the earlier examples,

I68 Aa/eography.
p: alepep-ti-busiàn-la,
pévº&-rººts A&vep •%
la-roo pop, a kū&u Noyla
—ºop punks, 4.4. kalºo.
•ro Cordiachuur-rea º discºuts'
CHRYSOSTOM.–A.D. 1003.
f * - f
(—plottav čvtt övoias, # veyke Tó 6ſe]o Aéyou el m
to Övoua k[vpto]v et Aoym puévou" viv kai dei kai eis
Tovs alóvas Tów aidºvoſv
The next is half a century later, from Saints' Lives
of the year 1055-6 (Omont, Facsim, pl. 23). Here
there is a little more tendency to roundness and rather
less compactness.
airvºietºrtº.
*ra ic carru G n >, o N
gº º * e.g *
-rouaſſ, 3P os-coop 1
Cr; A cuſ ſtag • O Or ºf
Ll, run f lºl. Jº currè.
LIVES OF SAINTS.—A.D. 1055-6.
(attoſ, Štokºmtuavoſ, Tà kata Ø\ov || Toj čvöpès &yout
ºw *- ,” *
ouata' os tív déo kijtto ºbjum cata)


Greek Pa/eography. I69
The third, a good characteristic specimon, from
sermons of St. Theodore Studites, of 1136 (Omont,
Facsim., pl. 47), is more freely written ; strokes are
lengthened, marks of contraction and accents are more
prominent, and breathings lose their old angular shape.
~ 2: Tº-
Gº
Kai-tro -rºw K Cº. A tº 8 eve &_
U o'-mºtiv Kai-ri as we ºw (a cº-º-
Pºzor-º-º-ºw, iwarº -
$p ºf Oſlº & gºrizes tºº,
AA-CR_PTou Cr-, , -vexas, ºper
ST. THEODORE.-A.D. 1133.
(kal Totićety kai otov Šta | cottetv kai Téavelu kal &to-
Kaffaipeiv. iva yé unaffe àuTeXos eik\m platova'a, Toxºv
ºbéſpovaal)
The fourth specimen is selected from a Lectionary
of 1204 (Omont, Facsim., pl. 51), in which the old style
of hand is maintained, but betrays its more recent date
by its irregular formation and exaggerated strokes.
> N • * N Q.N. a 2-7
_2 Cº. ºOro ( et 8 & 1 & O TTE
__” Z º
Tø/og sºrrº-
&\tº: N-º,
J & ! O CUl
Gvºl.
-44-8 CE you/TO Udi Jo J
*ºvix, Jaiyā’
LECTIONARY.--A.D. 1204.
A


17O A-a/aeography.
(āTokpwéets 8e 6 Tré! Tpos Xéyet airó | at el 6 xſplato]s.
Kai étréti | pºmaev attous iva plmöevi Aéyoguv Te—)
The marks above the line, in addition to the accents,
are to guide the intonation.

The two hundred years, from the middle of the
thirteenth century to the middle of the fifteenth century,
which are given to the codices recentiores, witness more
rapid changes than have been seen in the previous
periods. This was naturally to be expected with the
wider diffusion of learning and the consequent multi-
plication of copies of books of all kinds.
We will first examine the writing of the thirteenth
century, taking our first facsimile from a typical MS.
of the latter half of the century, written in the ordinary
formal style—a Chrysostom of 1273 (Omont, Facsim,
pl. 60).
+...ºr-ºrna-rºtº,
/ rº. --
|<!-6-2-ºx-3-2-rºº
+lºr-e-6-44. •o k&bººks alsº
º > ! &-
wrºtº-rºw,” Sºrºs-
rº- f ſ !eſ roºf,
Otºč, **** & N i X
-revTex4", ºr A9" | *T***
CHRYSOSTOM.–A.D. 1273.
(—Touju, [kalj Tairm Stä Toff atſav.jpoſ Tſſis] | catápas
&rax\á£as Tāsetti | Ti, Tapaſºdoet, oùk dºñke 6ta | Tegelu
Thy &TayyeXlav 6tav | Ośv Aéym budkovou Tepitouſms]
Toſºro Aéym, 6Tv ŠAffou [Kat] Tauta)
As a characteristic of the writing of this period, the
persistence of enlarged or stilted letters strikes the
Greek Palaeograp/y. I 7 I
i
eye. These forms are used sporadically in the pre-
ceding centuries, but not so commonly as to become a
feature as they do now.
Next is given a specimen from a MS. of Theophy-
lactus on the Gospels, of 1255 (Omont, Facsim., pl. 55),
a MS. not of so formal a type as the last, and therefore
bearing a more distinctive character of advance.
-č.º jºrt -º-º-º-rºº prºteiuk.
§§-wººgºvº.
º Rotate”y $5%gasaulēiyººs 3-ri
㺺-jºotº-ºx
-tréophºcytºse-º-tºne&#-ºš
THEOPHYLACTUS.—A.D. 1255.
(6aºuſaltſal oite Tà éiri Tô Tádio papTupoiſºeva– | Tö
iðto Tătei tº bºxapyvpia intovo0etſovail— |&geºča Tepov
$6éyéagèat k[al] &vom Tótſe]pſov], 6T- || ot, 8ta Tſov (b6801,
&Tokxela 6evtſes], k[al] pin Toxſuávrés] — | Téðvmaikov
iſotepov 8 airtou kmpºrtovt.ſes] 6)
And here we turn aside from tho more beaten track
to notice the small cursive hand of this period, which is
found occasionally in that class of MSS. to which re-
ference has already been made as students’ books. The
occurrence of a dated MS, written in this hand is of
great assistance, for the freedom with which it is
written rather influences the judgment to assign un-
dated specimens to a later period than that to which
they really belong. It may be observed that, though
a good deal flourished, the innate character of the
Writing is a certain stiffness and, if we may use the
term, a wiry aspect, which disappears in the later
cursive hands. The MS. which supplies the facsimile
is a commentary on Porphyry's Introduction to Aristotle,
of 1223 (Omont, Facsim., pl. 52),

A
-r a 4 - - | 3 &
3.4 ºrº, $º Tº:
< , \ Kº Y & 47 Cº. Nzºº' bººk-e-, 2.3
rew 2: (AN'+* >{d}*** **C) •gºv err
- *; : . 3. - \ ſ”. tv/) 2
• Tº T -
c. * ׺rt - ºw * fi
ºf Kºłº ,ºtiº
ośći, º tº r"; Wºr,14 Tºrr-º-º:
PORPHYRY.—A.D. 1223.
(Toiſtſoul, éket elaiv, [kai ai ÜTóAoutſot]. §Tſo]v [83] pla
... | £kei [Kat] Tſáo at ék\elºtovoſt eipmkóT[es]
Tås koupoviſas] [xop;|| Goulev][kail éti Tàs 8|tal hoſpás].
ðevtſepa] [8é] 8|tal popā at Tſov) [Tépxetal.] | 6 Tpotoſs]
T[ſs] Katmyopias]. ai pºſév] ſyſap] §v Tó Tí |éatul Katmyo
[poſſites|| 6a Tep To yévos kai To eiðo[s] at [Šēl éu Tó
6Totov [Tí Éattv || 6a Tep # 8|a|poſpa], [kaiji Tô iètov,
K|ail to avage/3micó[s].)
To compare with this, a few lines follow from a MS.
written in the same style a hundred years later, the
History of Barlaam and Josaphat, of 1321 (Omont,
Facsim, pl. 78), the writing of which, it will be ob-
served, is slacker.
3%.S. sº-tºº-º-º-º:
ov./redºve s”. ***-a-vs-gºv
2x; <>3 ºf G32-rººſ. %3 W.ſ.º.
*4. 34 a cº.<2<$-viº kº K c/£ºº
24, 3-ºxºſ, -īºrköx-ſº
BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT.—A.D. 1321.

Greek Pa/eography. I 73
(bùaeſos] juſºv), où8é év Towto Tô uépêt à bijſkew ăgăs |
dutăTpevta voo'eiv), dAN' dos Távo opos ia [Tpos Tſ)] | 6\t-
affilpa huſov || kail bºxapaptiuovº yuáum, [Juvéuče] || To
'bápuakov Tſis] petavotſas] kmptſ&as TaüITyu eis] | dºbeaſtw)
duaptiſov. peta yap To Aa3ſeill–)
To illustrate the writing of the fourteenth century,
we first select a Psalter of the year 1304 (Omont, Facsim,
pl. 75), just one hundred years later than the formally-
written Lectionary of 1204, of which a facsimile is
given above.
eitrºnirº, G
PSALTER,-A.D. 1304.
(4tapeve; eis Tov ſaidºva èvá | Tuov toº. 6 ſeo]5: "EAeos
kai d'Ajøe ſay at Toff Tis] | cºntijo e : | "Ovta's lºaX6 Tó
Öſuouatt gov|| eis Tows aiſºva's] :)
The very conservative nature of the formal writing of
liturgical books could not be better illustrated than by
this large hand of the fourteenth century, which reverts
so distinctly to early models. But its artificial character
is at once apparent when it is compared in detail with





I 74 Aa/eography.
the more ancient writings of the tenth and eleventh
centuries which it imitates.
Next follow two specimens of a more general character,
in which the transition from the style of the middle
ages towards that of the modern school of writing is
very marked. The first is taken from a Manual of
Jurisprudence by Constantine Harmenopoulos, of 1351;
the second is from a M.S. of Herodotus, of 1372 (Omont,
Facsim., pls. 85, 96).
In both of these specimens there will be observed
instances of the late practice of writing accents as if
integral parts of the letters.

-n bºw, KXAºi Su-nºpa-rº24xe &
&A'gn. *Anotas, $ººp -re A
Siagra-n-retrade ASwns & A
***run ºf #sºrºrºla.S.
Cºvia Tso-ºps3.giº Fosº
CONSTANTINE HARMENOPOULOS.-A.D. 1351.
(Túðétat, KaNeſa-6at Tapa Toi Sukaatſoſ) – | Škdo-Tms
KXijaſeos, oùk éAaTToy Tpadſkov.Tal— | 6tao Tijuatº Tept-
KAelopéums' |kai éaſul— | Tapayéumtat, j) éutoAéa Tépalºm,
8í[8000a |-| Tépov čviavtot, Tpoffea pia' is évſ Tos]—)
S v 2. º *A > * ſ <-
Thy &rſ-A \AAJ3 or oo & W Trot w co º
/ ſ ~ r
Výšºv rescº Cro. Teived Trèf 4
*N 2 - º / ,
-nº cºrrºw.J., tº cºs w cueos t st-irpo &
ſ - - -
Cºot to ºr vs. ci $º ,-roºº-Nºrmo we y cºu
cºrrºwcºſosºv to vº-owee rºy: A—,
HERODOTUS.—A.D. 1372,
Greek Pa/eography. I 75
º
(t)\! dyyevimu, ätt oióēu Toujoopſev]— juéoy Tpoore-
8éeto' Tpiv ºu Tapeſ[vat]— | Töv dºttukiju, juéas kalpós
éatt Tpoğſom67aat |-| 3ototimu' of pºev, TaüTa iTokpuapa
ſévou]— atta\\dagouto €s a Täpt'nu.)
In the fifteenth century the varieties of handwriting
become most numerous, and it is impossible to do more
than select a few specimens to illustrate the period."
For the first half of the century two examples may
suffice, the first from a Polybius of 1416 (Pal. Soc. i.
pl. 134); and the other from a MS. of Simplicius upon
the Physics of Aristotle, written by John Argyropoulos
at Padua in 1441 (Omont, Facsim... a v. et avi. s., pl. 24),
in a style which recalls the cursive hand of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries represented above.
.V / ->
cew. Qiwºo, ſº sº; alows Vºjvoivºj
º, -> \ ve *~
Kºłº cº-eco-a-dog. Oi dº 6 Concºol,
z \ r- ºve ~ a • *. w
O' Tee) v. cºatſwoºd Tºol •rºſbico ºrtswºl
º \ ". . . . . 2- Gº." \\
<2\ot. Kscºpiadqiaov-ae, avce, ~
... rºe rº .* NA _2 º
azºo gºv Trot c (pi Aot G "rocer 94 Sey ºr K*.
-> O-Z 2 - ſº
at: is oesºes ***6% ris. 35
POLYBIUs.—A.D. 1416.
(—av, (bi)\ivo uèv Távra 80x000 up oi kap — kaxós
duêpoèós, oi Śē flouafou, —[to]ºrov' év plºv oſſu Tô Nottò
8ſto Tàu Tov || –[ék 8]&AAow kai yap ºptAódùov čeſ éivat
Tſoul | —[avajuioreſv toſs (bf\ots Tows exflpots kai —Tijs
to Topiſas] §00s &va)\apºdium Tis, éti).
The frequent dotting of the iota in this MS. is peculiar.
* Monsieur Omont's Fac-simi/És de Manuscriţs Grecs des arv"
et aviº siècles, 1887, contains an interesting series of specimens of
the writing of various Greek professional calligraphists of those
centuries, who settled in Italy and Western Europe under stress
of the Ottoman invasion and were employed as copyists by
pñtrons of literature, or as correctors for the press.

176 Aa/eography.
º - 7-9 - **
G; '). 6 º's oeyjaci, '),…; ecºver,
\ º \ *A
vºyºla's ºe: sºlº
º * •º º *
Teºº" is . Wayus GP3. "toº Q2; cºlºr
º * f
e3, ely; yerºws cer'solº lºot.
º
3'). 4 ſo 5, 6-2 stools: @Y?) Sº
*/ * wº º
"), n° tº ©%-ſºº's \ºmºkaz-Gºeu
zº º * - A
©-A. 6-rººt,3 u%-3, 6’), ‘).' ºf,
•) * |
in Al 423, Gº &a-k/2-6, aſkſ
simplicIUS.—A.D. 1441.
(—a at Te Ikai Bao'avia at Tóu (bvouków Tås a Touxel-
dºes àpxas āv evptaket | Tp(6Tas. Öeukui's ék Töv čvautiou
eivat Tâs yeuſa'els' 60 coupétatov, Tó, Te eiðos, [kal] m
a Tépmats. [kai Ti, Čk | Tot Toſs évauTiots introkeupévov.
[kal) 8)[kal] Tſepji Tàs i \ms, Ött Tě éo Tiv | dºtočeišas,
Lºcal] 6tu ÜTokeipievou Tois)
To illustrate the codices novelli of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, first a few lines are taken from a
formally-written Menaeum, or offices for saints' days, of
the year 1460 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 233), the writing of which
recalls the style of the thirteenth century.

•e 4” Z y \ zº - > *\
*2 ºxeybºwº-ºº-ººººººwº,
\ \ - •y - en
Tpo co-wopapiegovuarte%2c. © §§-13
\ tº . . / \ a • ºn \ /
Aſſºwy nºtºcºrraſcºigtºvia,
ºn A \ , / * A \ \
º-rººp vºipºvº. tº cºvar wºrvp art,
/
JTV A * -- Z , , \ \
tº-ºva-rºyoc vºyoogacºrtlvusayev pott
^ I n *N ? Z
f
tºp wrºvaz - 6)-rºop-pºp twº Pºlº cº-arcº
MENAEUM.—A.D. 1460.
Greek Paſºcograp/y. I 77
(eiðiðAſov flomoxias €7th Tºv Tóu Xpta Tudvöv– | Tpos are
Kouvoviau oi kataðéxoplat. Ó Sé Tó– pº) 8vvmtévros
ôé Toi Tſat]p|0|s d"To Tijs eis XIpua Tolu Tia Teſos]— | Tó
Tô pluma Tipt kai étrapyo eis Tújv Kata Tovs Kpatoſ ovtas]—
ô Ös toū Xutóvos yupuudaas at Tiju kai vetpots— | Töv
Katašavas. [Kat] Tów Tptyóu äkkpepºdoſas)
The next example is from a carefully written copy of
the Odyssey, the work of the calligraphist John Rhosos,
of Crete, who was employed in Rome, Venice, Florence,
and other cities of Italy. It is dated in 1479 (Pal. Soc,
i. pl. 182).
• * > * • * * ~ * > .. & • * .4
CŞ Cºpan- oudºni 9s at Trºpi *periºriº
* º * > / C. & aſ - - º * > -- *
*gºrzydłowºrvpx3, 9%iev, darie; 32.Éastic
232 is prºsty, tºpop roº
ºricºHämtºn agaiºanwºº?
3. - -
*ſovº. wań was ºpiufovapirºz º
cºxlºvska. * 4 ºt us-ºxSpºp §eſ."
HoMER.—A.D. 1479.
("ſls éqat'où8 &Tíðmore Tepubpov eipwk\eta:
#veykei, 8 &pa Tºp kai &mtov, attap ºvggets
eč Šteffelooſev péyapov cai 86/1a cai aux [mu].
Ypſius 8' aft' dºré8m Stá Šopata káN 68vojos,
dyyeXéovaſa Yuvatā kai Örpvuéovo a véeoffat
at 8 to av čk uéydpoto Śāos uetà Yépaiv čxova'at.)
Finally, to conclude this section of Greek Palaeography,
the following five facsimiles represent some of the many
styles of the more or less cursive handwriting of the
century between 1497 and 1593:-
i. Pausanias, written at Milan, in 1497, by Peter
Hypsilas, of Ægina (Omont, op. cit., pl. 44), in a good
and regular upright hand, compressed.

13
178 Pa/eograp/y.
wº lºgº º wrhºº!
cºll, .. wººd W . tºlº, ºntoſ
ºnwºº, łºsſº tººlſ ºl.
Nº ſ ºlºrrº \ {
ºwa, twº "rºleſcºw
J (
Allº! Basºgº AW w º tºº, dºt;
‘lºu.S. sºuwºrk: tº wºkº
PAUSANIAS.—A.D. 1497.
(cat-fléuſevlos Tás 're 800s Tavtſas] [kai) āpx?p tº
éavToij. Tretroimke 6é— àutmvopos Tà Toàta Tów Śēvov
ékatov 300s tºu Tev6epô– || Tovs Tóte Xapetu ad)\tata
dv6póT]ovs. švéuouTo 8é éuoi čokeiu at to— inton, applés
Te Māp|ég Tuv Ós éTitav Töv Tuxtov Xopa [kai] Tóav—
papTupé. 88 pot [call 6pmpos év uumum véatopos étriXéyòy
dei– || Toff Auévos Sé à a baktijoſa vija os Tpoğé8AmTſav)
ka04Tép)
ii. Ptolemy’s Almagest, written at Mantua, in 1518,
by Michael Damascenos, of Crete (Omont, op cit., pl.
36), in a compact hand, not unlike that of the last
specimen, but a little more elaborate.
y *%. Vºivºs º ºf ſº wº
s\ \ ^\ º WA, f • \ w '...' .. ^
tº lººk **** C޺w: & ſº Cº. wu º º: º
º, 2 / -- º - | - -
Šºš sºyººs & tºy. *y
*}. $4...Nº Má, **ść. : -
§§ **** sº “. tº- 4; hºw § *g
2,48, "... ". {\. ***** ºf º wº
ptoLEMy.—A.D. 1518.

Greek Palaeography. I 79
A.
º
(Kai Tapa Töv čTukvićNov, Šykeiðupévows étri Távtov–
Tpos to Toi Sua pºéatov čTúrešov. «[ail Töv čTikvk\ov
w - r » w - “, > -
Tpos– | 6′s épapſev] 8ta toûto yuuopéums &#10A0)ov
- r >\ w » / rº- > -
Tapa)\\ay[ſ]s]— | Tapóðov. ) Tâs āToëétées Tóu ävoua)\tów
a. e y - y z- a e/ w -
péxpt ye— ||6s]ev Tots edieśńs a Tijaropºſev]. Švek[ev] [8é] tod
ôua Tóv k[a]Tſä) puépoſs]— aüTóv 6tav 6 Te Toi Suevkpt-
vmpévov pumkovs, kal 6–)
iii. The Manual of Jurisprudence by Constantine
Harmenopoulos, written in Chios, in 1541, by Jacob
Diassorinos, of Rhodes (Omont, op. cit., pl. 23), in the
loose straggling hand characteristic of the period.
3 * tº , & ! \ …" * A .
3% cºaſt, 7&#w ºvgºry CA) 994
ſ
f q2 ſ V
% Woºf!, *****4,w 76.
C.
* ~ */ W . fu fº \
ſ
ºf Fly!; 474v. wº whº,
\ w
| */ - ſ º - fy
wºmwy.0%ibañw.wºſº.
CoNSTANTINE HARMENopoulos.-A.D. 1541.
(–9éNov čv airſ, ypáyal, kai Üatepov čvövg|móñ taſtall
Töre ypad.[éroj xapriov čAAo, öta\ap/8ávov Tépi ſºv
éréká6érol v Tijöiaffic[m] eitely. Kai AéYeltſ all Towſo
KošiceXX|os, #yovy at] kpóu XaptăTow\ov, # 818Niðtov. Øs
Tow pºv)
iv. AElian’s Tactics, written at Paris, in 1564, by
Angelus Wegecius, of Crete (Omont, op. cit., pl. 2), in
quite a modern style of hand, but compact.



18O Pa/aeography.
2) \ , 2.67 a € / / AA t /
Tººgºº, a 47-wowº-
! t / 3/ * / 2 V ſ //
Ž2%, 254/.3%, &#waj; ;62 ºvé, ºw?
| \ • 2/7. N \ -
2% eidºsº, dºg, ſº cº,
\ 5 | C. \ ^2 / e/2 y/
@44. ovº/ wº cºde&#1; as £3
e () \ \ e / / /,
2% %2&2&tº &tº *% 4.9% ,46 –
w8)Aé 6) º ºs º J’
3.9%)4%) ºs &
AELIAN.—A.D. 1564.
(Tóv 8é éu To's pop/80etšéat oxijuaqt Tújv (TTov avuta- |
£avtſov), oi aev oitos étašav čo Te Tovs iTTéas k[al]
a Touxſeiv] | <|ai] ºvyetv. oi 8é, a Touxetu uéu, oùk étu
8è ºvyeiv. oi Öe, |{vyetv pºv, où a Touxeiv 8é, ékáo Tm 8é Tağls
oùtos éxel. of pºev Tovs 6óp/8ovs [kaijatolyetv kai) gºyei.
SovXmtévres, Šta | £av Tov Aéyta Tſoul Tov ću Tà l’An ºvyov
puéa Lov] &# dpuðuoi)
v. The Syntagma Camomum of Matthew Blastares,
written at Rome, in 1593, by John Hagiomauros, of
Cyprus (Omont, op. cit., pl. 31), in a loose hand of
modern type.
§aſp? yga'ogy *Yºnkey of ºliv ºé nº.
ãºzo zy ºvºv; 33%. ,-A9 &
swºrwº 7-off Č 2&yºy, % vºzz
*Lly vºn; غrway º'cº 37&zok. , sº
# *w, lazºo, gadº º
BLASTARES.-A.D. 1503.

Greek Pa/eogra//y. 181
º%º **-*
.
º
(-64 bet ſpadew ſitelpmeer of uſu &XXà kai — |
ôta’ſpaghetu duevöldo Tos étualcºttet [Kat] §§aA- a vu"rat-
oùuſevlov toſs Bačićovatu, Găv6piſotro— judºv vicms
TpóTalov. To kai Suavota, aloot— | —uſevlov, Kai Aóyº
êtadºpóvtos daupaśuſeujov ka—)
Greek Writing in Western Europe.
Before closing the division of our work which relates
to Greek Palaeography, a few MSS. may be quoted
which illustrate the course of Greek writing in Western
Europe. We refer, however, only to those MSS. which
are written in actual Greek letters or in imitative letters,
not to those in which Greek words or texts are inscribed
in ordinary Latin letters, of which there are not a few
examples.
Two celebrated MSS. of the 6th century containing
bilingual texts have already been referred to * as having
been written in Western Europe. The “Codex Bezae,”
of the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles, at Cambridge,
and the “Codex Claromontanus,” of the Epistles of St.
Paul, at Paris, are both written in Greek and Latin in
uncial letters. But in these MSS. the Greek text is in
letters which are of the ordinary type of Greek uncials
of the period. In a third example of a bilingual text,
the Harley MS. 5792 (Cat. Anc. MSS. pt. i. pl. 13;
Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 25), which contains a Graeco-Latin
Glossary, written probably in France in the 7th century,
the Greek writing betrays its western origin very
palpably. Still more distinctly imitative is the Greek
text in the “Codex Augiensis,” of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, in which the Epistles of St. Paul were written
in Latin minuscules and Greek bastard uncials, in the
latter part of the 9th century, at Reichenau in Bavaria
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 127); in a Graeco-Latin MS. of some of
the Psalms, in the Library of St. Nicholas of Cusa, of the
Same character, written early in the 10th century (Pal.
2 See p. 154.


I 82 Pa/aeography.
Soc. i. pl. 128); and in the “Codex Sangallensis” and
“Codex Boenerianus’’ of Dresden, which once formed
one M.S. and contain the Gospels in Latinized Greek
letters of the 10th century, with an interlinear Latin
version (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 179).
A few instances survive of the employment of Greek
letters in Latin signatures and subscriptions to docu-
ments of the sixth and seventh centuries from Ravenna
and Naples (Marini, T Papiri Diplom., 90, 92, 121 ;
Cod. Diplom. Cavensis, ii. no. 250; Pal. Soc. ii. 3);
and the same practice appears to have been followed in
France and Spain as late as the eleventh century.”
But we may regard such a superfluous use of a foreign
alphabet, at least in most instances, as a mere affectation
of learning. In the ornamental pages of fanciful letters,
also, which adorn early Anglo-Saxon and Franco-Saxon
MSS., a Greek letter occasionally finds a place, serving,
no doubt, to show off the erudition of the illuminator.”
* Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, (2nd series) tom. i. p. 443;
Delisle, Mélanges de Paléographie, p. 95.
* Delisle, L’Evangéliaire de Saint-Vaast d'Arras.


t
CHAPTER XIII.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY.
WE now proceed to trace the history of Latin Palaeo.
graphy; and the scheme which will be followed in this
division of our subject may first be briefly described.
Latin majuscule writing, in its two branches of (1)
Square capitals and Rustic capitals, and (2) Uncials—
the most ancient forms of the Latin literary script—
naturally claims our first attention. Next, the modified
forms of Uncial writing, viz., the mixed hands of uncial
and minuscule letters, and the later developed Half-
uncial writing, will be examined. We shall then have
to pass in review the various styles of Roman Cursive
Writing, beginning with its earliest examples, and from
this we shall proceed to follow the course of the Con-
tinental National Minuscule hands, which were directly
derived from that source, down to the period of the
reform of the Merovingian school in the reign of
Charlemagne. The independent history of the early
Irish and English schools forms a chapter apart. From
the period of Charlemagne to the close of the fifteenth
century, the vicissitudes of the literary handwritings of
Western Europe will be described; and this portion of
our work will be brought to a close with some account
of the Cursive writing, and particularly of the English
Charter-hands of that time.
Majuscule Writing.— Capitals.
Latin Majuscule writing, as found in early MSS., is
divided into two branches: writing in Capitals, and
writing in Uncials. Capitals, again, are of two kinds,
Square Capitals and Rustic Capitals. The most ancient





I84 Z’a/eography.
Latin MSS. in existence are in Rustic Capitals; but
there is no reason to presume that the rustic hand was
employed in MSS. before the square hand, nay, rather,
following the analogy of sculptured inscriptions, the
preference as to age should be given to square letters.
Capital writing, in its two styles, copies the letterings
of inscriptions which have been classed under the heads
of “scriptura monumentalis” and “scriptura actuaria,”
as executed in the time of Augustus and successive
emperors"; the square character following generally
the first, and the rustic the second.
In square capital writing the letters are generally of
the same height ; but F and L are commonly exceptions.
The angles are right angles, and the bases and tops and
extremities are usually finished off with the fine strokes
and pendants which are familiar to all in our modern
copies of this type of letters.
Rustic capitals, on the other hand, are, as the name
implies, of a more negligent pattern, but as a style of
writing for choice books they were no less carefully
formed than the square capitals. But the strokes are
more slender, cross-strokes are short and are more or
less oblique and waved, and finials are not added to
them. Being thus, in appearance, less finished as perfect
letters, although accurately shaped, they have received
the somewhat misleading title which distinguishes them.
More than is the case with square capital writing, there
is a greater tendency in certain rustic letters to rise
above the line. -
The fact that a large proportion of the surviving
MSS. in capital letters of the best class contain the
works of Virgil points to the same conclusion as that
suggested by the discovery of comparatively so many
copies of the Iliad of Homer in early papyri, and by the
existence of the Bible in three of the most important
Greek vellum codices which have descended to us:
namely, that a sumptuous style of production was, if
not reserved, at least more especially employed for those
* See Ea’empla Scripturae Epigraphicae Latinae (Corpus In-
Script. Lat.), ed. Hübner, 1885.
-

Załin /a/acography. I85
books which were the great works of their day. Homer
in the Greek world, Virgil in the classical period of
Rome, and the Bible in the early centuries of the
Christian Church, filled a space to which no other books
of their time could pretend. And the survival of even
the not very numerous copies which we possess is an
indication both that such fine MSS. were more valued
and better cared for than ordinary volumes and that
they must have existed in fairly large numbers. With
regard to the works of Virgil and their sumptuous pro-
duction, it will not be forgotten that Martial, xiv. 186,
singles out a M.S. of this author to be decorated with
his portrait. -
Of Square Capital writing of ancient date there is
very little now in existence, viz., a few leaves of a MS.
of Virgil, divided between the Vatican Library and
Berlin, which are attributed to the close of the 4th
century (Z. W. Ea. 14) *; and a few from another MS.
of the same poet, of the 4th or 5th century, preserved
in the library of St. Gall in Switzerland (Z. W. Ea. 14 as
Pal. Soc. i. pl. 208). We take a specimen from a
facsimile of one of the latter:
IDALIAELVCOSVRIM
FLORI BVSETDVLCIAD
IANAC I BATDICTO PAR
VIRGIL.—4TH OR 5TH CENTURY.
(Idaliae lucos ubi mollis]— | Floribus et dulci ad – | Iamgue
ibat dicto parſens]— -
It is certainly remarkable that this large character
should still have been employed at the time to which
these fragments of square-capital MSS. are attributed,
* Zangemeister and Wattenbach, Erempla Codicum Latinorum
litteris majusculis scriptorum, Heidelberg, 1876, 1879.




I86 Aa/eography.
so long after the classical period of Rome. The use of
so inconvenient a form of writing, and one which
covered so much material in the case of any work of
average extent, would, it might be thought, have been
entirely abandoned in favour of the more ready uncial
character, or at least of the less cumbersome rustic
capitals. Its continuance may be regarded as a survival
of a style first employed at an early period to do honour
to the great national Latin poet ; and may, in some
degree, be compared with the conservative practice in
the middle ages of keeping to an old style of writing
for Biblical and liturgical MSS. The same remark
applies also to the comparatively late employment of
Rustic Capital writing under similar conditions.
This latter style of writing is found in the earliest
extant Latin MSS. In some of the papyrus fragments
recovered at Herculaneum it is of a character copied
closely from the lettering of inscriptions on stone or
metal (Z. W. E.g. 1, 2); in others it is of a less severe
style. We give a specimen from the fragments of a
poem on the Battle of Actium (Fragmenta Herculanensia,
ed. W. Scott, 1885), written in light, quickly-formed
letters, which must have been very generally used for
literary purposes at the period of the destruction of
Herculaneum in A.D. 79.
G. KQ1 (13 Nº ſ \ſſib{xxol.
NJNATRNH ITU KQ\t L18 D.
B K ºff y1, HYJ N C ; 1N NAOK
Ny | | N Rſ. 1 NJ l l TA TX KN)}\ \)
POEM ON THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM.–BEFORE A.D. 79.
(cervicibus aspide , mollſem] | [somnjum , trahiturque. libidi
[ne. mortis.] I brevis hung sine morſsibus. anguis.] I
[ten jui. pars. inlita parva v[eneni.])


Zafim Palaeography. 187
º
ſ
º
Here the words are separated from one another with
the full point, as in inscriptions. Long vowels are also, in
many instances, marked with an accent ; in the case of
long i, the form of the accent (if accent it be) is rather
that of the letter itself, and the scribe may have in-
tended to indicate the length of the vowel by doubling it.
Specimens of nearly all the existing vellum MSS.
written in rustic capital letters are represented in fac-
simile in the Ea’empla of Zangemeister and Wattenbach,
the publications of the Palaeographical Society, and
other works. The writing on this material is of a more
careful type than that which we have seen in the last
facsimile from a papyrus MS. The estimation of the
age of the earliest of these MSS. is necessarily a matter
of uncertainty, as we have no specimen to which a date
can be approximately assigned before the end of the
fifth century. But some of them may be placed earlier
than that period. For example, the palimpsest frag-
ments of the Verrine Orations of Cicero, in the Vatican
Library (Z. W. Ea. 4), are generally assigned to the
fourth century. But the MSS. which before all others
approach nearest in the forms of their letters to those
of inscriptions, are the two famous codices of Virgil,
known as the “Codex Romanus,” and the “Codex
Palatinus” (Z. W. Ep. 11, 12; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 113-115).
In these the style of lettering found in formal inscriptions
of the first century of our era has been closely followed;
and although no one has ever thought of placing the
MSS. in so remote a period, yet it has been suggested
that scribes may have kept up the style without de-
generation for one or two centuries, and that they may
therefore be as old as the third century. Others are of
opinion that they are merely imitative, and that the
Codex Romanus in particular, on account of the bar-
barisms of its text and the coarse character of the
pictures with which it is illustrated, must be of a later
date. These objections, however, are not conclusive,
and taking the writing alone under judgment, there
seems to be no reason for dating the MSS. later, at all
events, than the fourth century.



I 88 Palaeography.
The following facsimile is from the Codex Palatinus
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 115) –
VOIVIIVANIf \ODONI[CI15IV
1NTVSSAXASONANIVACVAS
ACC1D11t(\fCif$51$fIl MMIO
OVAſ.IOIAMIVCIVCONCVSS||
VIRGIL.—4TH CENTURY (?).
(Wolvitur ater odor tectis tum]— | Intus saxa sonant vacuas
— Accidit haec fessis etiam foſrtuna]— | Quae totam luctu
concussit—)
In this writing the contrast of the thick and fine
strokes is as strongly marked as in inscriptions on stone
or metal. Shortness of horizontal strokes, smallness of
bows, as seen in letter R, and general lateral compression
are characteristic. The formation of the letter H is
easily explained by referring to the same letter in the
second line of the facsimile from the poem on the Battle
of Actium. It recalls the formation of the common
truncated h-shaped eta in Greek papyri. The points
are inserted by a later hand. -
Another famous MS. of Virgil in rustic capitals is
that known as the “ Schedae Vaticanæ,” which is orna-
mented with a series of most interesting paintings in
classical style, no doubt copied from more ancient proto-
types (Z. W. Ea. 13; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 116, 117). It is
assigned to the 4th century.
But the first rustic MS. to which an approximate date
can be given is the Medicean Virgil in the Laurentian
Library at Florence (Z. W. Ea. 10; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 86).
A note at the end of the Bucolics states that the MS.
was read, pointed, and corrected by the “ consul ordi-
narius’ Asterius, who held office in the year 494.


Alatin Pa/eography. 189
*
*
.
Consequently, the text must have been written at or
before that date. A specimen is here given :-
NSN illu M N C St N if 05 5 u NI NA ul NR: 1 NR 0
Nºts if M C 0A1 5. A totus.H FM Nu Nº Q ſº B N An
sittacN INS Q. Niu is H. Muss up N Rºus N
N ( 5.1 (u A* NA0 &l Ł N.S.N. l I N ll ºf A N & f l ; S. ul
VIRGIL.—BEFORE A.D. 494.
(Non illum nostri possunt mutare laboſ res.]
Nee si frigoribus mediis. Hebrumque bibamſus.]
Sithoniasque nives hiemis subeamus aſquosae.]
Nec si cum moriens. alta Liber aret in ul moly.
Among the remaining older MSS. of this style the
most important is the Codex Bembinus of Terence
(Z. W. Ea. 8, 9; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 135) in the Vatican
Library, a M.S. of the 4th or 5th century, which takes
its name from a former owner, Bernardo Bembo, in the
fifteenth century, and which is valuable on account of its
annotations.
This handsome but inconvenient style of literary
Writing could not be expected to last, even for 6ditions
de luae, for a very long period. There still survives,
however, one very finely executed M.S., the poems of
Prudentius, in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris
(Z. W. Ea. 15; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 29, 30), written with great
skill, but thought not to be earlier than the 6th century.
In the Turin Sedulius (Z. W. Ea. 16) of the 7th cen-
tury the rustic letters have altogether passed out of the
domain of calligraphy in its true sense, and are rough
and mis-shapen. Lastly, we may notice a MS. which,
On account of its contents and history, has attracted
more than usual attention—the Utrecht Psalter, which is
written in rustic capitals and yet can be scarcely older
than the beginning of the 9th century. Copied from
an ancient original which was illustrated with drawings,




190 Aaleograp/y.
it seems that, in order to maintain the same relative
arrangements of text and drawings, the scribe found it
the simplest course to copy the actual character of the
letters, the text thus filling the same space as the original
and leaving the proper intervals for the insertion of the
drawings. And yet the text was not so exactly copied
as to be quite consistent with ancient usage; for titles
are introduced in uncial letters—an intrusion which would
have been quite impossible in the earlier and purer period
of rustic capital writing. In a word, the form in which
the Utrecht Psalter is cast must be regarded as accidental
—a mere imitation of a style which had practically passed
a WaW.
J idging by the specimens which have survived, capital
writing may be said to have ceased to exist as a literary
hand for entire texts about the close of the fifth century.
In the middle ages it survived, in both square and rustic
styles, as an ornamental form of writing for titles and
initials, and occasionally for a few pages of text. For
example, in the Psalter of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury,
of the beginning of the 8th century, now one of the
Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum, there are several
prefatory leaves written in imitative rustic letters (Pal.
Soc. i. pl. 19 ; Cat. Anc. MSS. ii. 12, 13), and in the
Benedictional of Bishop Æthelwold (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 143)
of the 10th century, and in a MS. of Aratus at Boulogne
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 96) written quite at the end of the 10th
century, pages in the same style are to be found. In the
profusely ornamented MSS. of the Gospels and other
sacred texts of the period of the Carlovingian kings the
bountiful use of capitals is a prominent feature of their
decoration.
Uncials.
The second form of Majuscule writing employed as a
literary hand for the texts of MSS. is that to which the
name of Uncial has been given.” It is a modification
of the square capital writing. As the latter was the
* See above, p. 117.

Załin Palaeography. I 9 I
*
easiest form to carve on stone or metal, so was it more
simple, when writing letters with the reed or pen on a
material more or less soft, to avoid right angles by the
use of curves. Uncial, then, is essentially a round hand,
and its principal characteristic letters are the curved
forms & O e b on. The main vertical strokes generally
rise above or fall below the line of writing. This style
appears to have come into common use as a literary hand
at least as early as the fourth century. How much
earlier it may have been employed must remain uncertain ;
but as in the most ancient specimens it appears in a fully
developed shape, it is not improbable that it was used
for books even in the third century. The period of the
growth of the hand has been determined, from the
occurrence of isolated uncial forms in inscriptions, etc.,
to lie between the latter part of the second century and
the latter part of the fourth century." From the fifth to
the eighth century it was the ordinary literary hand of
the first rank. In MSS. of the fifth and sixth centuries,
and particularly in those of the earlier century, the uncial
writing is exact, and is generally formed with much
beauty and precision of stroke; in the seventh century
it becomes more artificial; in the course of the eighth
century it rapidly degenerates, and breaks down into a
rough, badly-formed hand, or, when written with care, is
forced and imitative. As a test letter of age the letter
m has been selected, which in its earliest forms appears
with the first limb straight, or at least not curved inwards
at the bottom, as it is seen in later examples. And the
shape of the letter G may also be of assistance for deter-
mining the period of a MS. : in the earlier centuries, the
cross-stroke is consistently placed high, but when the
hand begins to give way in its later stages the stroke
varies in position, being sometimes high, sometimes low,
in the letter. In fact, as is the case with the handwriting
of all periods and countries, the first examples of an
* Z. W. Erempla, p. 5. Uncials were used in Latin inscriptions in
Africa in the third century. The Makter inscription (Pal. Soc. 11,
pl. 49), which is certainly as early as the fourth century, is in uncials
with some small letters.



I92 A 'aſa'ography.
established hand are the purest and best ; the letters are
formed naturally, and therefore consistently.
Of MSS. in uncial writing there are still a not incon-
siderable number extant, and the earliest and most
important have been represented by facsimiles in various
palaeographical works. The palimpsest fragments of
Cicero De Republica (Z. W. Ep. 17; Pal. Soc. i.
pl. 160) in the Vatican Library are generally quoted as
the most ancient example, and are assigned to the 4th
century. The letters are massive and regular, and the
columns of writing are very narrow. A few lines will
give an idea of the amount of material which must have
been required for the whole work, there being only
fifteen such lines in each column, or thirty in a page.
qulb ONJXNćc
yUIXY-e NéCX?
yellxFlescle XI
cluobex Ruſm
Kekuobulêc
CICERO, DE REPUBLICA.—4TH CENTURY.
(qui bona nec | putare nec ap pellare soleat quod earum
rerum videſatur].)
Probably of a nearly equal age are the fragments of
the Vercelli Gospels (Z. W. E.g. 20), a MS. which is
traditionally said to have been written by St. Eusebius

Začin Palæography. 193
l
.
1
*
himself, who died A.D. 371, and which may safely be
placed in the fourth century. In this MS. also we have
another example of the early practice of writing the text
in extremely narrow columns.
Among MSS. which are placed in the fifth century two
of the most famous are the codices of Livy at Vienna
and Paris (Z. W. Ep. 18, 19; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 31, 32, 183).
The writing of the Viennese MS. is rather smaller than
that of the other. It is also historically an interesting
volume to Englishmen, as it is conjectured, from the
occurrence of a note in it, to have belonged to the
English monk, Suitbert, or Suiberht, one of the apostles
to the Frisians, who became their bishop about the year
693. We select from it a specimen as a good example of
uncial writing of the fifth century.
* leff Scrosséſ Nºte: 17s ºnvernmeº
c189831 tulco rox.cxeSc Nuj-e Cux J51 fºx-
‘tut 153 10^XPRX-3:86 t e i t >31&$3×11x-ro
or for tutº uº ºx-ce &or its usee cur.
Suon cu (YNét locCét ſ' RXes 18 icuxt joc its
LIVy.—5TH CENTURY.
(—ri oppido posset ante ipsam Tempe in fau cibus situm
Macaedoniae claustra tutissima praebet et in Tessaliam |
opportunum Macedonibus decur | sum cum et loco et praesidio
valido in) -
For an example of uncial writing of the sixth century
we are able to turn to a MS. which can be approximately
dated—the Fulda MS. of the Gospels and other books of
the New Testament, which was revised by Victor, Bishop
of Capua, in the years 546 and 547, and is itself probably
of about the same period (Z. W. Ea. 34).


14

I94 Paſaeography.
Clerie Ras I acetionisbespi
•ricicoplanes. Clciº Iscis
exporic Exilest Ricaris
Reč; tıcıcı YöT. Sqxoekisq.
elsoe ſhºrexleceovosie;
pilot'Eve Tiszko Y2Klects<!"
FULDA NEW TESTAMENT.-ABOUT A.D. 546.
(Venerunt ad eum in hospi | titlm plures. Quibus | exponebat
testificans | regnum dei . Suadensque eis de Iesu ex lege
Mosi et prophetis a mane usque)
Even in this MS., as early as the middle of the sixth
century, there is a certain falling off in ease and firmness
of writing as compared with the earlier examples which
have been quoted. But fine distinctions between the
handwritings of different MSS. can only be satisfactorily
studied by a comparison of the MSS. themselves, or of
delicate photographic reproductions of them. The fac-
similes here set before the reader, representing only
brief passages and being simply in black and white,
cannot serve for more than the elementary purposes of
this book.
Our next facsimile illustrates writing of a century and
a half later, and is taken from the great MS. of the
Bible known as the Codex Amiatinus (Z. W. Ea. 35 ;
Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 65, 66), in the Laurentian Library at
Florence. It is one of three MSS. which were written
by order of Ceolfrid, who became Abbot of Jarrow in
Northumbria in 690; and it was taken by him on the
journey to Italy, during which he died, in 716, for pre-
sentation to the Pope. The date of the MS. is therefore
about the year 700. It should, however, be remarked
that uncial writing of this type appears to have never
gained favour in England; and it is probable that the
MS. was produced by Italian scribes brought over to
this country.
Za/zm /^a/aeograp/y. I95
eTCONl ©queBANTùix
AÒINUIIC€KYY ÖICeNTeS
quoòesT bocueRBqoo
qux INpoTesTATeeTqIRTCrte
iompeRxTspiRiTiBus
INCYYCINÒIS €T€X€ClNT
CODEX AMIATINUS.—ABOUT A.D. 700.
(Et conloquebantur | ad invicem dicentes | quod est hoc
yerbum | quia in potestate et virtute | imperat spiritibus |
inmundis et exeunt)
The text is arranged stichometrically, and the cha-
racters are bold and in harmony with the large scale of
the MS., which measures nearly twenty inches in height
and contains more than a thousand leaves,

CHAPTER XIV.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY.-CONTINUED,
Mixed Uncial and Minuscule Writing.
THE fact must not, however, be lost sight of that, after
all, the majuscule forms of writing, both capital and
uncial, which have been under discussion, represent only
one class of the handwritings of the periods in which
they were practised, namely, the literary hand, used in
the production of exactly written MSS., and therefore a
hand of comparatively limited use. By its side, and of
course of far more extensive and general use, was the
cursive hand of the time, which under certain conditions,
and particularly when a book was being produced, not
for the general market, but for private or limited cir-
culation, would invade the literary domain of pure
majuscule writing and show its presence by the intrusion
of letters which are proper to the cursive alphabet."
Thus, some of the notes of scholars in the margins of
early majuscule MSS., or sometimes a few inserted
leaves of additions, are found written in a mixed style
of negligently formed uncials and certain cursive forms
in limited numbers. For instance, the notes of Bishop
Victor in the Fulda codex, quoted above (p. 193), are
thus written; and, as an example of the employment of
this hand for additions to a text, a few lines from a MS.
of the Chronicles of Eusebius of the 6th century, in the
* In describing these mixed hands it is necessary to anticipate the
discussion of the Roman cursive writing.

Zafim A^a/eography. I97
f
Bodleian Library (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 130), are here
given :-
us 92 drawfeuw demºurnewspex serviſo
guib designxrºsſ-emport&Facrºext-
recºvrrpoºrpassroaendºwoxxxviii,
«TxesTºwnworn peºuterus?cut 1N quxperRusé-
*postol, gloatose-occuéu eruarrº
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES.–6TH CENTURY.
(usque ad consulatum eundem quotiens persecutio —quibus
designatis temporibus facta est | –regnavit post passionem
domini anno xxxviiii —[o]rta est anno imperii eius xiii in
qua petrus et | –apostoli gloriose occubuerunt)
Here the general character is a sloping uncial, but
the letters b and d are cursive forms, and the cursive
influence shows itself in the lengthening of vertical
strokes.
The adaptation of this mixed hand, growing as it
were by accident into a recognized style of writing, to
more formal literary purposes would naturally follow.
In the MS. of Gaius at Verona (Z. W. E.g. 24) of the
5th century, besides the ordinary uncial forms, the
cursive-shaped d and s 2 are used. In the Florentine
Pandects, written by many scribes, several cursive forms
appear (Z. W. E.g. 54; Pal. Soc ii. pl. 108) in one
portion of the MS. And fragments of a Graeco-Latin
glossary on papyrus (Comment. Soc. Gottingen. iv. 156;
Rhein. Museum, v. 301) are also written in mixed
* A curious instance of misunderstanding of the cursive or long s
(r) by an ignorant scribe is afforded by the Harley MS. 5792, which
contains a Graeco-Latin glossary, written probably in France in the
seventh century. The archetype from which the MS. was transcribed,
evidently had this form of the letter in several places. The scribe of
the Harley M.S., not understanding it, copied it sometimes as an i
without a dot (), sometimes as an i with a dot (i) =Glossae Latino-
graecae, etc., ed. Goetz and Gundermann, 1888, praef. xxii,


198 Palaeography.
characters.” From these examples it appears that
secular MSS., such as those relating to law and grammar,
were not always subject in their production to the same
strict calligraphic rules as MSS. for church use or of a
specially sumptuous character. The scribe, writing
rather for the scholar than for the public reader or book-
collector, allowed himself a certain freedom and adopted
a style which he could write more rapidly; and yet at
the same time the preponderating element remained
uncial. In the following facsimile from the Pandects of
the Laurentian Library at Florence (Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 108), probably of the end of the 6th or beginning
of the 7th century, it will be noticed that the cursive
forms are used at the ends of lines, generally the weak
point, so to say, of handwritings, where innovations
make their first appearance.

unexistiſmantissiquwêocompp»ece/
oilsallabup Reexquxcousisoom,
Aéessècoe Pepitstuepokoripplectſ
Clſ’SOGuðū Klöödhyutobekyuct, cst
PusſoilsalikpactAquacoseºterºz
PANDECTs.-6TH-7TH CENTURY.
([proba]vi existimantis siquidem praeces | –[sponsalia durare
ea quamvis in domo || -- nupt]ae esse coeperit si vero non
praeces. -[hole ipso quod in domum deducia est | —[videlri
sponsalia facta quam sententiam)
* The same mixed style is found in Latin inscriptions of Northern
Africa; e.g., the Makter inscription (Pal. So, i. pl. 49). It also
*PPears. the recently discovered inscription of Diocletian's edict,
de pretiis venalium ” of A.D. 301 (Pal. Soo, ii. pl. 127, 128). Even
* inscriptions in square capitals small letters sometimes iſºtruded:
** an instance of a small,b in an inscription of A.D. 104, given in
Letronne, Inscriptions de l'Egypte, 1842, 1848, atlas, pl. 31.
Za/in Pa/eogra//y. I99
From the same MS. we give another specimen (Z. W.
Ea. 54) of a hand which employs the cursive forms
more generally, not only at the ends of lines, but pro-
miscuously with the uncial forms, and illustrates a
further stage of development.
legumth Arnuxern \l lºbu (l
Fern poſit tour', txe ºf:
hurri Akixes Aywaſh secAPAért
§ºſscuxt tº ºn; ºne'rno
rtitutionerërnésidsºe
PANDECTs.-6TH-7TH CENTURY.
(legum tramitem qui ab urſ be]— temporibus ifa esse con-
fuſsum]— humanae naturae capacitate]— [stujdium sacra-
tissimis retro— |[conjstitutiones emendare)
But these examples represent the mixed hand in its
simpler stages. A reference to the early MSS. in
which it is employed by the writers of annotations
shows that the proportion of the uncial and cursive
forms depended a good deal on the taste or practice of
the writer. He was necessarily limited in the space
left for his notes, and was therefore constrained to use
a more formal kind of writing than his ordinary current
hand would have been, somewhat in the same way as
in annotating a printed book we, at the present day,
often employ a half-printing kind of writing, accommo-
dated to the narrow margins at our disposal. He
therefore naturally used a disconnected and not a cursive
form of writing; and the negligent uncial, referred to
above, seems to have been generally found most suitable
for the purpose, qualified, as already described, by an
admixture of cursive forms. It is the varying extent to
which these cursive forms were admitted by different
writers that here claims our attention. The marginal
directions for the artist in the Quedlinburg fragment of



2CO Pa/aeography.
an illustrated early Italic version of the Bible (Schum,
Theolog. Studien, 1876); and the scholia and notes in
such MSS. as the fragments of Juvenal in the Vatican
(Z. W. Ea. 5), the Codex Bembinus of Terence (Z. W.
Ea. 8; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 135), the Medicean Virgil (Z. W.
Ea. 10; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 86), the Bible fragment at
Weingarten (Z. W. Ea. 21), and others, exhibit the
hand in various phases between the uncial and minus-
cule (or formal cursive) styles. In the scholia on the
Bembine Terence, we have the hand in the fully de-
veloped condition, in which the minuscule element asserts
itself so strongly that but few of the purely uncial
forms remain, and to which the title of Half-uncial
writing has been given. We find it employed as far
back as the fifth century as a literary hand in the pro-
duction of formally written MSS.
Half-Uncial Writing.
This writing, as will afterwards be seen, plays a very
important part in the history of certain national hands.
A modified form of the uncial, as just explained, and
recommending itself no doubt from the greater ease
with which it could be written than the more laborious
pure uncial, it was quickly adopted as a book-hand;
and the not inconsiderable number of examples which
are still extant prove how widely it was practised, at
least within a certain area, chiefly comprising, it seems,
Italy and Southern France. The earliest example
appears to be the Fasti Consulares of the years 487-494
in a palimpsest at Verona (Z. W. Ela. 30). Of more
importance is the MS. of St. Hilary at Rome, written
before 509 or 510 (Z. W. Ea. 52; Pal, Soc. i. pl. 136).
Other examples are the Sulpicius Severus of Verona, of
the year 517 (Z. W. E.g. 32); a list of popes to 523, and
carried on to 530, together with a collection of canons,
in a M.S. from Corbie (Z. W. Ea. 40–42; Alb. Pal." 11);
a similar MS. at Cologne (Z. W. Zaº. 37, 38, 44); a
* Album Paléographique, avec des notices eaſplicatives par Za.
Société de l'Ecoſe des (Jhartes, Paris, 1887.

Za/in Pa/eography. 2O I
||
Bible commentary at Monte Cassino earlier than 569
(Z. W. Ea. 53); various MSS. at Milan, originally in the
monastery of Bobio (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 137, 138, 161, 162);
a MS. in the Libri collection (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 10);
a Hilary on papyrus at Vienna (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 31);
and several MSS. at Lyons, Paris, and Cambrai (Alb.
Pal. 6-9, 11, 18)—of the sixth or seventh centuries.
As in this style of writing a large proportion of the
forms of letters which are afterwards found in the
minuscule hand of the Carlovingian period are already
developed, it has also been called the Prae-Caroline
minuscule. This title, however, being anticipatory, it is
better to give the hand an independent name, and that
of Half-uncial is sufficiently distinctive; unless indeed
the still more exact title of Roman Half-uncial is pre-
ferable.
In the following specimen, taken from the MS. of St.
Hilary on the Trinity in the Archives of St. Peter's at
Rome, which, as a note records, was revised in the
fourteenth year of Trasamund, King of the Vandals,
that is, in A.D. 509–10, an almost complete alphabet is
represented; and it will be seen that while the round
style of uncial writing is still maintained, there are very
few of the letters which are really uncials.
clamscleioslem deterre
ce abol º
tº unfºrcibol idaert Gü
incopunct sluminusocese
Şıcım bioscid filmlodi uncoſ,
ST. HILARY. —BEFORE A.D. 509–10.
(damnationem fidei esse | –te aboletur per alteram– rursus
abolenda est cuſius]– episcopi manum innocenteſm]— |
[linguam non ad falsiloquium coeſgistil-)



2O2 Palaeography.
The most beautifully executed MS. of early date in this
style of hand is the Biblical commentary of Monte
Cassino, written before the year 569 (Z. W. Ea. 53).
A specimen is here selected from it as a standard example
of the perfect half-uncial which formed the model for
certain forms of the national hands which will be
described afterwards.
Ciboletsev scºrciſer-zoe
accio deprinocuroFecers
Crsecurseccles to per-cr-rºo
roorºccio CicſerryFeras
BIBLICAL COMMENTARY.-BEFORE A.D. 569.
(aboleret. natus ergo e— ut quae primum fecerſat]— createt
quia per erroſ rem]— mortua ut semper in—)
We must here break off our examination of the formal
book-hands to take up that of the Roman Cursive
writing which, as we have just seen, essentially affected
the half-uncial, and which had an all-important influence
in forming the later handwritings of Western Europe.

} CHAPTER XV.
TIATIN PALAEOGRAPHY. —CONTINUED.
Roman Cursive Writing.
SoME of the earliest material which has survived for the
study of Roman Cursive writing is found among the wall-
inscriptions of Pompeii. These inscriptions have been
divided into two classes: (1) those traced with the brush,
generally in formal and not cursive capitals, and consist-
ing of advertisements, recommendations of candidates,
announcements of public games, of lost articles, of houses
to let, etc.; and (2) scrawls and scribblings, sometimes
in charcoal, chalk, etc., but more generally scratched
with a point (the so-called graffiti), and written in cursive
letters, being quotations from poets, idle words, reckon-
ings, salutations, love addresses, pasquinades, satirical
remarks, etc. A few are of ancient date, but most of
them range between A.D. 63 and the year of the destruc-
tion of the city, A.D. 79. Similar inscriptions have been
combs of Rome. Most of them have been collected by
Zangemeister in the Corpus Inscriptionalm Latindrum
of the Berlin Academy, vol. iv., which also contains a
carefully compiled table of the forms of letters employed.
Some of those found in Rome are represented in the
Hºoma, subterranea Christiana of De Rossi.
Contemporary with these wall-inscriptions are the
found at Herculaneum, and in the excavations and cata-























2O4 Palaeography.
waxen tablets found in 1875 at Pompeii, in the house
of L. Caecilius Jucundus," inscribed with documents in
cursive writing, and ranging in date chiefly from A.D. 53
to 62. Of similar character are the waxen tablets, some
of which are dated between A.D. 131 and 167, found in
the ancient mining works of Verespatak in Dacia,” and
published with a table of forms of letters in the Corpus
Inscription um Latinarum, vol. iii. With these also must
be grouped the tiles which have been found on various
sites, scratched, before being baked, with alphabets,
verses, or miscellaneous memoranda.”
The examples of Roman cursive writing which have
been enumerated above represent the ordinary writing
of the people for about the first three centuries of the
Christian era. The letters are nothing more than the
old Roman letters written with speed, and thus under-
going certain modifications in their forms, which eventu-
ally developed into the minuscule hand. These same
original Roman letters written carefully became, as we
have seen, the formal capital alphabets in use in inscrip-
tions under the Empire and in the sumptuous MSS. of
the early centuries of our era. It is probable that the
wall-scribblings of Pompeii essentially represent the
style of writing which had been followed for some two
or three centuries before their actual date; for, in the
other direction, the difference between the style of the
Dacian tablets and that of the Pompeian period, although
they are separated by a long interval, is not so marked
as might have been expected.
If we turn to the Table of letters which are found in
the graffiti of Pompeii and other Roman sites, we see
how in the first century the original capital forms stand
side by side with other modified forms which even at
* See above, p. 25. * See above, p. 24.
* See above, p. 15. Some of them are inscribed with memoranda
of the brickfields. One found at Aquileia bears the warning of a
severe taskmaster to some unfortunate workman: “Cave malum, si
non raseris lateres Do; si raseris minus, malum formidabis.” Corp.
Ins. Lat. v., no. 8110 (176),

Za/in Paſeography. 2O5
that date had begun to tend towards minuscules. In A
the cross stroke falls, so to say, out of its horizontal
position and hangs as a short middle stroke or entirely
disappears. The slurring of the bows of B, in quick
writing, produces the form of the letter resembling a
stilted a, the waved stroke representing the bows and
the loop the original upright mainstroke. This is the
most complete transformation of any letter in the alpha-
bet. C and G exaggerate the length of the upper part
of the curve. The letter D developes gradually the
uncial form, which afterwards produced the minuscule,
by lengthening the upper stroke of the bow, while the
straight main-stroke, like that of the B, turns into a
curve. The letter E is represented in two forms, the
second being the double vertical-stroke letter used also
in inscriptions and in the Faliscan alphabet. F in like
manner takes the form of a long and a short stroke, both
more or less vertical, the short stroke gradually degenera-
ting into a curve. In the changes of H we see the
origin of the minuscule in the shortening of the second
main-stroke. Besides the normal capital form we have
M. represented by four vertical strokes, III, the first being
longer than the rest; and so, too, N appears in the form
of three strokes, III. The hastily written O is no longer
a circle, but is formed by two curves; and, the natural
tendency when writing with a hard point being to form
Concave rather than convex curves, the second curve of
the letter also becomes concave. In the letter P we see
the gradual wearing down of the bow into a mere oblique
stroke; in R the slurring of the bows into a curved
stroke; and in S the straightening of the lower curve
and the development of the upper one into an oblique
stroke.
In the alphabets of the Dacian tablets many of these
modifications are seen to be carried still farther, as for
example in the straightening of the exaggerated head-
curve of C and G into the fli head which in the latter
letter afterwards becomes so marked a feature. The
similarity now existing between certain letters is also
V*y striking, and it is obvious how easily one may be



2O6 £a/eography.
misread for another. A and R, B and D, C and O,
C and P, C and T, E and U, bear, under various con-
ditions, more or less resemblance to each other; and,
to add to the difficulties of decipherment, linking and
combination of letters was carried in the cursive hand of
this period almost to an extreme.
The two following facsimiles are taken from the
Pompeian graffiti. First we select the beginnings of
four lines, two from Ovid (Amor. I. viii. 77) and two
from Propertius (IV. v. 47), written in a style which we
may call formal cursive, the normal shapes of the old
letters being fairly maintained (Corp. Insc. Lat, iv. 1893,
1894, tab. xxv. 7).
NA\\ ſº
Nº. 6 × bºſºſ la
Xi teN } \, X AT- 1ſº V\ Lºr
| ſºu(ſºut > N. ſº
WALL-INSCRIPTION.—1ST CENTURY.
(Surda sit oranti tua [ianua laxa ferenti | audiat exclusi verba
[receptus amans] |ianitor ad dantis vigilet [si pulsat inanis] |
surdus in obductam so[mniet usque Seram])
Next is given a specimen of the more cursive style in
which the normal shapes of the letters are considerably
modified and the vertical-stroke forms of E and M are
used. The shape of the O may also be noticed, being
formed by two convex strokes as explained above.
(Corp. Inse. Lat. iv. 1597, tab. vii. 1).


Alatºn Palaeography. 2O7
~~
\ Q\\\\ \ VA º As \\\ \ \ As
\ (\ ſº º wº
| sº º º -N
:
\\ Gº
WALL-INSCRIPTION.—1ST CENTURY.
(communem nummum— censio est nam noster— magna
habet pecuniam]) -
We now turn from the large hasty scrawls of the
plaster-covered walls of Pompeii and take up the delicate
specimens traced with the fine-pointed stilus on Smooth
Waxen surfaces.
In the waxen tablets found at Pompeii we have two
styles of writing: that of the deeds themselves, inscribed
on the waxen pages with the stilus in the decidedly
cursive character which may be compared with the fac-
simile of the wall-inscription just given; and that of the
endorsements and lists of witnesses written in ink upon
the bare wood of the pages which were not coated with
Wax," in a more formal character which may be compared
With the preceding facsimile. The following specimen
is a fragment of one of the tablets which record payments
made on account of sales by auction (Atti dei Lincei,
1875-6, p. 218, tav. 1), written in the full cursive style.
See above, p. 25.

2O8 Palaeography.
ŠtúNA
\\\\\\\
|\ |\,
N(\\\\\\\ el-
WQ4(\\ sº
Kº Yº N {{LS Nº | &\d -
2- __r *. - 2 ~~ſ
ºffºr º |\le\\ e) ſº Č
WiN NAA wº \AN. <c\s -
, , ...,\!\!\!\!\!\!\!\ct WN twº-
* Nº 'I' T 1-dº
jºyſ ſº ſº
**@SN Şılºtºs
POMPEIAN WAXEN TABLET.-1ST CENTURY.
(—[S]aturniſnoj– —[Scipi]one— iv idus Novembr | –s
Umbricae Antiochidis se[rvus] | —[ealm accepisse ab L.
Caecilio] | [Iucundo] sestertios nummos sescentos |[guadra-
gijnta quinque [ob au]ctionem | . . . . . . . . . rebus
innisiticis vſenditis]— ex qua summa–)
The handwriting is very firm and distinct, and the
letters are formed upon the same pattern as those of the
last facsimile. Nor is the hand complicated by the
linkings and monogrammatic arrangements of two or
more letters, which will be presently shown in another
example. Indeed, the letters are inscribed so distinctly
that there is no difficulty in deciphering the text when
once the forms are mastered.
Two facsimiles from the Dacian tablets of the second
century are now given. The first is taken from one of
the pages of a tablet recording the dissolution of a burial
club at Alburnus Major, or Verespatak, in the year 167.
It is written clearly, and the letters generally stand
distinct without much linking (Massmann, Lib. aur.
tab. 2; Corp. Insc. Lat. iii. 926-7).


Latin Pa/aeogra//y. 2O9
í
-I.
�\v X.(î, T?TNN \\-\\\ ( Gyu] Ü\l \…
f (r',NWXJI J^ aJ VN^?2
fît, (\\{\Nt NÄr»ij N>6\yò
NVNNW @u j\g %j.
ΠΥυγ\ V\NNT- J^^© Κ£-
MT\y^\ ^Famato ^) A fí\~
'j Èåí';!;. ά} -
Ni (§*{γ^ιιτA£i5^N\\t}- & fi Agç%
W%\*y \u(\\\
*%τ\ιάζ U9 }'! ?U\®-
%Uy$%τωμφΒις) U'\
'%}άεύύγέλός-
<\S\N (\ue T-\ „,, „, >< *,.
D ACIAN WAXEN TABLET.—A.D. 167.
(Descriptum et recognitum | factum ex libello qui propo | situs
erat Alburno maiori ad státio | nem Resculi in quô sérip |
tum erat id quot infra serìptùm est | Artemidorüs Apolloni
Ęgister | collegi Iovis Cerneni et Valerius | Niegnis et Qffas
Menofili questo | res collegi eiusdem | posito hoc libello publice
testantur | ex cóllegis supra scríptis tibi erant homines liiii |
ex eis non plus remasisse Alburni quam quot homines xvii :)
The facsimile represents the beginning of the deed
Written, in duplicate, in the left-hand compartment of
the fourth pagè of the tablet, as described abòve (p. 26);
the right-hând compartment being reserved for the names
of the witnesses.
The Second example is taken from the very perfecti
remains of a triptych, to which the witnesses' seåls still
remain attached. The contents refer to the purchase of
a girl in the year 139 (Corp. Insc. Lat. iii. 936-7).
15








2 IO Aa/eograft/y.
\\\\\\\\\\\\\ ^ Yºº R-
bºsſºsyº ſº-'ºſs
\\ º \; \;\{\ºws -
\) C- CŞ \ \SS V\\\\\ \ º sſ ºf SAS-
\
Xsſº Swºſſº & RN;\-
ſº \{W. \ſºſºsºſNsº
DACIAN WAXEN TABLET-A.D. 139.
(et alterum tantum dari fide rogavit Maximus Batonis fide
promisit Dasius | Verzonis Pirusta ex Kaviereti | Proque ea
puella quae Supra scripta est k ducen tos quinque accepisse et
habere se dixit Dasius Verzonis a Maximo Batonis)
The writing here is more complicated than that of
the other example, and it will at once be seen that the
difficulty is not caused by any deficiency in the character
of the hand, which is on the contrary particularly bold
and well formed, but by the number of linked letters, or
rather monograms, which occur. This system of linking
dismembers the letters and leaves the initial stroke of a
letter attached to its predecessor, while the rest stands
quite separate, thus intensifying the natural disposition
to write in disjointed strokes upon such a material as
wax, and increasing the difficulty of reading. With such
a condensed form of writing before us, we are tempted
to speculate what would have been the cast of the hand-
writing, derived from the Roman, of the middle ages and
modern times, had waxen surfaces been the only, or
principal, material to receive it. We should certainly
have had no loops to our cursive letters and curves would
have disappeared.
To complete the illustration of the early Roman cur-
sive hand we give a few lines inscribed on a tile found at
Silchester, probably of the 1st or 2nd century. They
seem to be the material for a writing lesson, the teacher
apparently first writing certain words as examples of the
Zafim Palaeography. 2 II
| formation of certain letters, and then dashing off the
“conticuere omnes” of Virgil.
N \\ i>[… \ wrºſ
ſºft, G6 \N Q.
- (2^^X.y o/
INSCRIBED ROMAN TILE.—lsT OR 2ND CINTURY.
J.(x &\w o jSNYSw
(Pertacus Perfidus | Campester Lucilianus | Campanus conti-
cuere omnes)
The alphabet employed is identical with that of the
waxen tablets. It will be noticed that the initial C is
marked with an extra dash at the top in continuation of
the curve of the letter, and that the linked form of the
letters ER occurs several times.
Examples of the Roman cursive hand now fail us for
a period of some centuries. We have to wait till the
fifth century to find its representative in Italian deeds of
that period. But we must step aside to examine some
interesting fragments of papyrus, in Paris and Leyden,
inscribed in a character which is quite otherwise unknown :
a modification of the Roman cursive, cast in a mould
which stamps it with a strong individuality. The docu-
ments contained in them are portions of two rescripts
addressed to Egyptian officials; and they are said to have
been found at Philae and Elephantine. The writing is
the official cursive of the Roman chancery, and is ascribed
to the 5th century. Both documents are in the same
hand. For a long time they remained undeciphered, and
Champollion-Figeac, while publishing a facsimile (Chartes
et MSS. sur papyrus, 1840, pl. 14), was obliged to admit
-




2 I 2 Pa/aeography.
his inability to read them. Massmann, however, after
his experience of the writing of the waxen tablets,
succeeded in reading the Leyden fragment (Libellus
aurarius, p. 147), and the whole of the fragments were
subsequently published by De Wailly (Mém. de l’Institut,
xv. 399). Mommsen and Jaffe (Jahrbuch des gem. deut.
Rechts, vi. 398; see also Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 30) have dis-
cussed the text and given a table of the letters com-
pared with those of the Dacian tablets. The following
facsimile (Lib. aur.) gives portions of a few lines on a
reduced scale.
%
ſº
%.
IMPERIAL RESCRIPT.—5TH CENTURY.
(portionem ipsi debitam resarcire nec ullum precatorem exin-
strumento– pro memorata narratione per vim conſfecto]—
sed hoc viribus vacuato)
The writing is large, the body of the letters being
above three-quarters of an inch high. A comparison of
the letters, as set out in the Table, with those of the
alphabet of the waxen tablets leaves no room to ques-
tion their connection, but at the same time shows the
changes effected by the flourished style of the later




Zazziz Aa/eography. 2 I 3
hand and also by its more cursive formation with pen
and ink upon papyrus, the natural slope of the writing
inclining, under the altered conditions, to the right,
instead of inclining rather to the left, or at least being
upright, as in the waxen tablets. It is interesting to note
the change in the shape of B, to suit the system of con-
necting letters practised in the more cursive style, from
the stilted a-form of the tablets with closed bow, to an
open-bowed letter somewhat resembling a reversed
modern cursive b. The tall letters have developed
loops; O and v-shaped U are small and written high in
the line. The shapes of E, M, and N are peculiar; but
the first is evidently only a quick formation, in a loop,
of the old double-stroke E (II), and the other two,
although they have been compared with the Greek
minuscule mw and nu, as if derived from those letters,
appear to be nothing more than cursive shapes of the
Latin capitals M and N.
This official hand, however, as already stated, is quite
exceptional, and we turn to the documents on papyrus
from Ravenna, Naples, and other places in Italy, dating
from the fifth century, for examples of the less trammelled
development of the Roman cursive into a bold straggling
hand, which, however, is not wanting in effectiveness.
The largest number are brought together by Marini
(I Papiri Diplomatici), and other examples will be found
in the works of Mabillon (De Re Diplomatica), Cham-
pollion-Figeac (Chartes et MSS. sur papyrus), Mass-
mann (Urkunden in Neapal und Arezzo), Gloria (Paleo-
grafia); in the Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the
British Museum, iv. nos. 45, 46; and in Pal. Soc. i. pl. ,
2, 28, ii. pl. 51-53. The following facsimile is taken
from a deed of sale of property in Rimini, now in the
British Museum, drawn up at Ravenna in the year 572
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 2). The papyrus roll on which it is
inscribed is of great length, measuring as much as
8 ft. 6 in., and is a foot wide. The writing, not only of
the deed itself, but also of the attestations, is on a large
scale, which has been reduced to nearly half-size in the
facsimile.




2I4 Pa/seography.
al l/ º
mºore,
/? «»ºrº
#}/ */3º
DEED OF SALE.—A.D. 572.
(quantum supra scripto emptori interfuerit— mancipationique
rei supra scriptae dolum]— que esse vi metu et circumscrip
[tione]— | unciis superius designatis sibi supra scriptus)
As compared with the alphabet of the waxen tablets the
letters have here undergone a great alteration, which must
be chiefly attributed to the variations arising out of the
system of connecting the letters together currente calamo.
Most of the letters, indeed, have now assumed the shapes
from which the minuscules of the literary hand of the
Carlovingian period were directly derived. The letter a
has no longer any trace of the capital in its composition ;
it is now the open u-shaped minuscule, derived no doubt
through an open uncial form (x y) from the parent
capital; it is sometimes written in a small form high in
the line ; and it is to be noticed that it is always con-
Inected with the next following letter, and on this account
may be distinguished from the letter u, which is never thus
connected. This link of the a no doubt has its origin in

Za/in Pa/eogra//y. 2 I 5
the sweeping main-stroke of the early cursive letter as seen
in the waxen tablets. The letter b has thrown away the
bow on the left, as seen in the chancery hand of the fifth
century, and has developed one on the right, and appears
in the form familiar in modern writing. The letter e,
derived from the ordinary capital, not from the two-
stroke cursive letter, varies in form in accordance with
the conditions of its connection with other letters, and
affords a good illustration of the influence of linking-
strokes in determining alterations of shape. Among the
other letters the fully formed minuscule m and n are
seen; long r is easily derived from the cursively-written
letter of the waxen tablets; and s, having developed the
initial down-stroke or tag, has taken the shape Y, which
it keeps long after.
The general application of the Roman cursive hand to
the purposes of literature would hardly be expected ; but
a few surviving instances of its employment for annota-
tions and even for entire texts are found in the notes
written probably in the fifth century by the Arian bishop
Maximin in the margins of a M.S. at Paris containing
the Acts of the Council of Aquileia; in a short Graeco-
Latin vocabulary on papyrus (the Greek words being
written in Roman letters), perhaps of the 5th or 6th
century (Not. et Eartr. des MSS. xviii. pl. 18); in the
grammatical treatise of the 6th century in the palim-
psest MS. of Licinianus in the British Museum (Cat. Anc.
MSS. ii. pl. 1, 2); and in the texts of the Homilies of
St. Avitus at Paris, perhaps of the 6th century (Pal.
Soc. i. pl. 68), the Ambrosian Josephus on papyrus,
ascribed to the 7th century (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 59), and
the Homilies of St. Maximus of Turin, also in the
Ambrosian Library of Milan, of about the same period
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 32); and in other MSS. From the
survival of comparatively so many literary remains in
this style of writing, it may be inferred that it was used
as a quick and convenient means of writing texts in-
tended probably for ordinary use and not for the
market. As an example, we give a few lines from
the MS, of St. Maximus.




2I 6 Palaeography.
*myºclº-ºxº~&zaziº,
ºniº-kirczaſº, «» 27 o 23rn4-lane.
rº-loculurdulakurºcuse aer
dimur &-cycºccy?loquelonmºle
“gºveral-ºrs"
HOMILIES OF ST. MAXIMUS.–7TH CENTURY.
([paltrem specialiter exsuperantium— | [milnister in Sacerdotio
comes in martyrio] — | [labore in cuius vultibus sanctum
quoque — |[credimus et quasi in quodam speculo – | [imagi]
nem contuemur facile enim cognoscimus])
For our present purpose we need not follow in this
place the further course of Roman cursive writing. It
was still used in the legal documents of Italy for some
centuries, ever becoming more and more corrupt and
complicated and illegible. Facsimiles of documents of
the eighth and ninth centuries are given by Fumagalli
(Delle Istituzioni diplomatiche), by Sickel (Monumenta,
Graphica), in the Codea. Diplomaticus Cavensis, vol. i.,
in the Paleografia artistica di Montecassino, tav. xxxiv.,
xxxv., and by Silvestre (Palaeography, i. pl. 137). The
illegible scrawl into which it finally degenerated in
notarial instruments of southern Italy was at length
suppressed by order of Frederic II. in the year 1220.”
* In the thirteenth century the Roman cursive was unintelligible.
Simon of Genoa, Clavis Sanctionis (1514, f. 37), says: “Ego vidi
Rom㺠in gazophilaciis antiquorum monasteriorum Roma libros et
privilegia ex hac materia (sc. charta) scripta ex litteris apud nos non
intelligibilibus, nam figura, nec ex toto Graeca nec ex toto Latinæ
erant.” And again, when speaking of papyrus (f. 47), he uses these
words: “Ego widi Roma in aliquibus monasteriis antiquissima
Volumina ex eisdem litteris semi-gracis scripta ac nullis modernis
legibilia.” See De Rossi, Codd. Palatini Latini, 1886, Introd. p. ci.
| |
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CHAPTER XVI.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY –CONTINUED.
Minuscule Writing.—National Hands.
WE have now to investigate the very interesting sub-
ject of the formation of the national handwritings of
Western Europe, derived from Roman writing. On the
Continent the cursive hand which has just been noticed
became the basis of the writing of Italy, Spain, and
Frankland, and from it were moulded the three national
hands which we know as Lombardic, Visigothic, and
Merovingian. The common origin of all three is suffi-
ciently evident on an inspection of the earliest charters
of those countries.
In the book-hands elaborated by professional scribes
from the cursive, with a certain admixture of uncial and
half-uncial forms, we see the lines of demarcation between
the three kinds of writing at length quite clearly defined.
But it was only to be expected that particularly in the
earlier stages there should be examples which it would
be difficult to assign definitely to either one or other of
these national divisions; and, as a matter of fact, the
difference between a MS. written in France and another
Written in Italy is not always so strongly marked as to
enable us to call the one decidedly Merovingian or the
other decidedly Lombardic in its style.






2 I 8 Palaeography.
We will examine the three hands in the order in which
they have been above referred to, reserving the Mero-
vingian for the last, as that form of writing leads on to
i. Caroline Minuscule, which eventually displaced all
three.
Lombardic Writing.
That the national handwriting of Italy, founded on
the old Roman cursive, should not have developed on
the same lines throughout the country is attributable to
political causes. The defeat of the Lombards in northern
Italy by Charlemagne subjected it there to new in-
fluences, and checked its development in the direction
which it continued to follow in the Lombard duchies of
the south, and particularly in the monasteries of Monte
Cassino near Naples and La Cava near Salerno. There-
fore, although the title of Lombardic is given as a
general term to the writing of Italy in the early middle
ages, that title might be more properly restricted to its
particular development in the south, covering the period
from the ninth to the thirteenth century, and reaching its
climax in the eleventh century.
In an example of the book-hand of Northern Italy in
the seventh century, the Verona Augustine (Sickel,
Mon. Graph. iii. 1), we find the half-uncial element very
strong, and what would be termed the Lombardic
element, the peculiar adaptation of certain cursive forms,
rather subordinate. Again, in the Sacramentarium
(MS. 348) of St. Gall (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 185), which
belonged to Remedius, Bishop of Chur (A.D. 800-820),
and which may therefore be placed at least as early
as the beginning of the 9th century, if not at the end
of the 8th century, the writing, though classed as Lom-
bardic, is rather of the type which we should prefer to
call modified Lombardic. In the facsimile here given,
while the descent of the writing from the Roman cursive
can pretty readily be traced, the national character of
the hand is not very marked, and it is only the letters a

Zafim Palaeography. 2 I9
Y
(in the double-c form) and t which are absolutely Lom-
bardic in shape.
becace ..] up.) intſ queub. O ffenmür Fº
&: deſia crucc ſº. cocaholica queen Pacifi
cccſ.e. cuſtodºre ced uncere earrešere dig-
newſ avao ov-be arevºrcerun, Tumacum
SACRAMENTARIUM.–8TH OR 9TH CENTURY.
([inlilbata : Inprimis que tibi offerimus pro ecclesia tua
Sancta . catholica . quam pacifi care . custodire . adumare . et
regere dig neris. toto orbe terrarum : Una cum)
To illustrate the Lombardic hand in one of its earliest
stages, written cursively, we take a few lines from a
deed of Grimoaldus IV., Duke of Benevento, of the year
810 (Paleografia artistica di Montecassimo—Longobardo-
Cassinese, tav. xxxiv.).
tº-sº
Y&c.;
º Riº - º
º: ſºng ULY, CSU (2C-C la
ºiſ CC º -



22O Palaeography.
(—invitis seu sponte ante cuiuscumque perso[na] | —abbatissam
seu prepositos wel qui hab eis sunt ordinatij | –semper iam
phatus cenobius abbatissa vel —omnesque sibi subjectis abs(ſue
omni)
Here we have a writing which is essentially the Roman
cursive, but subjected to certain exaggerations and
peculiarities of formation which, being filrther developed,
afterwards mark the Lombardic hand. The open a, the
looped t, and the e with an indented or broken back are
letters to be noticed. The manner of writing the letter
a above the line in a zig-zag stroke commencing with a
curve (hab in 1. 2, and phatus in l. 3) is only an exag-
geration of the practice which was referred to above in
the remarks upon the Ravenna documents.
The next facsimile is from a MS. of Albinus Flaccus
“De Trinifate,” of the year 812, in the monastery of
Monte Cassino (Pal. art. di M. C. tav. xxxvii).
censiºn quccèſ-cºncrecrjºr herdictise
crºnac canaan als) nº farcen&ncr:
esºp3.churn, ceetpſ:cſ ccoiceocarp & flui,
crºsynsac füp shccr Launuſ tº £ilin &r-cco
G1c & cºbſzcnn.cſ£ cc.gºcſyiſcuſſºn gy
ALBINUS FLACCUs.-A.D. 812.
(centum quadraginta tres hos divide—I triginta centum viginti
remanent.- egyptiorum . ad ipsas adice Octo et fitn|t|| –
triginta superat unus ipsum est ad–- || Sic et ceteros annos per
aeras discurrentes—-)
In this example the hand is formally written as a
book-hand, with the characteristic shapes of the letters
e, and f now quite developed. And even at this early
- -
Lºº
- -º- º


Za/in A'aſaeograft/y. 22 I
period there is discernible the tendency to give a finish
to short vertical strokes, as in m, n, and u, by adding
heavy oblique heads and feet. This style of ornamental
finish was carried to its height in the course of the
eleventh century, and had the result of imparting to
Lombardic writing of that period, by the strong contrast
of the fine and heavy strokes, the peculiar appearance
which has gained for it the name of broken Lombardic.
The facsimile which follows is a good specimen of this
type. It is from a Lectionary written at Monte Cassino
between the years 1058 and 1087 (Pal. art. di M. C.
tav. xlv.).
ncſ & Lacutºr noſ
cºpécca'ſ aff lin
ſocinguing ſac. ºf:
LECTIONARY,-A.D. 1058–1087.
(nos et lavit nos | a peccatis nostris in sanguine suo,' et fe
cit nostrum regnum | Sacerdotes deo et)
After this period the Lombardic hand declines in
beauty and becomes more angular. A specimen of the
later style is found in a commentary on monastic rules
by Bernard, abbot of Monte Cassino from 1264 to 1282
(Pal. art, di M. C. tav. liii).






22 2 Aa/aeograp/y.
fam.r» &. &£kuæ$ §<>&vax, se&ens
{ìcae (erua »ri3 acet;& íèxx*uvabit
»t& & {ervettrv«& y{x(lere. à n£;t;
swm , ta*&c»&.*axem. •iljgen&
&%w»v«{è.»&€wen? h«&é & cct{jt.vo
MONASTIC RULES.—A.D. 1264-1282.
(sum . id est tributum quod ex debito debent , sicut servi
domino videlicet septem vicibus in | die et semel in nocte
psallere . non negli | gant reddere . id est reddant diligenter |
et studiose , debent enim habere a biblio[theca])
Wisigothic Writing.
Wisigothic is the title given to the national writing of
Spain derived from the Romam cursive. It runs a course
very close to that of the Lombardic, developing a book-
hand of distinctive character, which is well established
in the eighth and minth centuries and lasts down to the
twelfth ceritury. Its final disuse was due, as in the case
of the other continental national hands, to the advance
of the Caroline minuscule hand, which, however, as was
to be expected, could only displace the native hand by
degrees, making its presence felt at first in the morth of
the Peninsula.' In the collection of photographic fac-
similes Eæempla, Seripturae Visigoticae, edited by P.
* * Dans un des volumes acquis par nous se trouve le catalogue des
livres que le monastère de Silos possédait au commencement du xiiie
siècle . . . . Le redacteur du catalogue a pris soin d'avertir que
plusieurs des livres de som abbaye étaient écrits en lettres frangaises
- - - - - - C'est une allusion à la révolution qui s'introduit au xiie
siècle, et peut-être dès le xie, dans les habitudes des copistes espagnols,
probablement sous l'influence des colonies frangaises que notre grande
abbaye de Cluni envoya dans plusieurs diocèses d'Espagne."—Delisle,
Mélanges de Paléographie, p. 59.


Alatin Palaeogra//y. 223
Ewald and G. Loewe (Heidelberg, 1883), the course of
the Visigothic writing can be fairly followed. In the
cursive hand of the seventh century we find little varia-
tion from the Roman cursive; but almost immediately we
are in the presence of a half-cursive book-hand (Ea. 4)
which is attributed to the 7th or 8th century, and
which has already assumed a distinctive character, as
will be seen from the following facsimile. It comes
from a treatise of St. Augustine in a M.S. in the Escurial.
.A “Aest strºwº-
rººfs: scº -
VA Crºwn *a***** {*L
ºccº's Rºº, **ś-ºs-
****** * crºV"
“vºtewººt. <&n
ST. AUGUSTINE.—7TH OR 8TH CENTURY.
(ſqulod scit medicus esse noxium sanitati | –medicus ergo ut
egrum exaudiat —voluntatem . denique etiam ipsa —accipit
propter quod ter dominum rogabit —mea nam virtus in in-
firmitate perficitur —tur a testimulus carnis quem accepisti)
In this specimen the old forms of the Roman cursive
letters are treated in a peculiar method, the inclination
of the writing to the left imparting a compressed and
angular character. The high-shouldered letter r and
the ordinary tare already in the forms which at a later
period are prominent in Visigothic MSS., and the letter
g is beginning to take the q-form which makes it the
most characteristic letter of the Visigothic alphabet.
It is interesting to notice the shapes of a and u (the
linking of the first letter which distinguishes it, as in




224 Pa/eography.
its Roman prototype, from the independently written u,
still being observed), the forms of p, and the different
changes of t when in combination with other letters—
all referable to their Roman ancestors.
In many of the specimens of the eighth and ninth
centuries we find a small evenly-written hand, in which
the light and heavy strokes are in strong contrast, the
inclination of the letters being still rather to the left.
But we choose our next facsimile from a MS. which is
of a rather more formal type, and is a more direct link
in the development of the later style. It is from a MS.
of the Etymologies of St. Isidore, in the Escurial, of
the first half of the 9th century (Ea. 14).
Yunanou..., Tsaºsaur
Jam ºscilleronarcº
guidances, sensºrld
bºrcuna. rºle..…
*ukura-epºxiam's pa
ST. ISIDORE.—9TH CENTURY.
(sunt nova. Testamentum | autem novum ideo nuncupatur.
quia innovat., non enim illum | discunt nisi homines reno-
vati | ex vetustate per gratiam et perti—)
The letters of the Visigothic hand are here fully
developed ; and at the same time the thickening or
clubbing of the tall vertical strokes seems to indicate
the influence of the French school. Attention may be
drawn to the occurrence in the last line of the abbre-
viated form of per peculiar to the Visigothic hand,
which in other countries would represent pro.

Zatºn Pakeography. 225
We advance some hundred years, and select our next
facsimile from a Martyrology in the British Museum
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 95), which was written in the diocese
of Burgos in the year 919.
lutarama, tº flºa. quij
declauſ Črſ&’ bºatſ produ
ºut ºutſix; philippa
abſ al C11311 file hado fuſūlfm.
in Ocote- corporwº cw. erlusono
MARTYROLOGY..—A.D. 919.
(iussit eum capite plecti: quumque | decollatus esset beatus
Prota |sius.' ego servus Christi Philippus abstuli cum filio
meo furtim nocte corpora sancta. et in domo)
It will be seen that this specimen differs from the
last one in being rather squarer in form of letters and in
having the vertical strokes finer. There is, in fact, a
decided loss as regards actual beauty of writing. The
MS. is one which may be classed as a specimen of calli-
graphy, and therefore rather in advance of others of
the same period which still retain much of the older
character, and is dominated by the increasing influence
of the French hand. In passing, the use of the con-
junction quum in our specimen may be noticed, a practice
of Visigothic scribes, while those of other nations employ
the form cum.
The squareness and thinness of type which we have
seen appearing in the above specimen increases in course
of time, and is most characteristic of later Visigothic
Writing of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. In

16
226 Palaeography.
this change, too, we may trace the same influence which
is seen at work in other handwritings of Western Europe
of that period.
Our last Visigothic facsimile is supplied by a MS. of
the Commentary of Beatus on the Apocalypse, now in the
British Museum (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 48), which was written
in the monastery of St. Sebastian of Silos, in the diocese
of Burgos, in the year 1109.
ashaneºfanpºucºustº nk.
ſocioſ ** . cuſgueſ Pºplanar º
hºne A- sºn's milsº
and 6-axouéncrum di paſtandalº
ln alsº južeſtanaquagift,
paſtrum Apſarum - & ſcomy- sºft,
COMMENTARY ON THE APOCALYPSE.-A.D. 1109.
(ad hanc ecclesiam pertrait ut semper sibi socios requirat .
cum quos precipitetur in geenna, semper enim hec mulier
etiam ante adventum domini parturiebat in doloribus suis.
que est antiqua ecclesia patrum et profetarum . et sanctorum
et apostolorum)
Merovingian Writing.
The hands which have been classed as Merovingian,
practised as they were over the whole extent of the
Frankish empire, were on that account of several types;
and, as has been already stated, the boundary line
between the different national hands is not always to
be accurately traced. First to consider the style of
Writing to which the name of Merovingian may par
eacellence be applied, we turn to the many official

Załin Pa/eogra//y. 227
}|
f
Aarº
documents still in existence of the Merovingian dynasty
which are to be found in facsimile in such works as
Letronne’s Diplomata (1848), the Facsimile de Chartes
et Diplomes Mérovingiens et Carlovingiens of Jules
Tardif (1866), the Kaiserurkunden in Abbildungen of
von Sybel and Sickel (1880, etc.), and the Musée des
Archives Départementales (1878). In these the Roman
cursive is transformed into a curiously cramped style of
Writing, the letters being laterally compressed, the
strokes usually slender, and the heads and tails of letters
exaggerated. As an example we may take a section
from a charter of Childebert III., in favour of the Abbey
of St. Denis, of the year 695 (Tardif, Monuments His-
toriques, p. 28).
&ºmº, pºſs gº
Kºmbº &iſtºlº
Q. m{n}{m\}} --- j's
º Mò º: AQ.
*\t * *WWW
*W * w!,
CHARTER of CHILDEBERT III.-A.D. 695.
([sexcentus eum roganti pro ipso composuisset et pro
[noncolpanti Hosdini, in pago Belloacense ad inteſgrum]
per suo estrumentum delegasset vel firſhmasset] | –ibidem ad
presens aderat interrogatum fuiſ —sua in suprascripto loco
Hosdinio ipsius Haiſnoni] | —[w]el firmasset sed ipsi Boc-
tharius clirecus in) -




228 Palaeography.
There is no difficulty in tracing the descent of the
various forms of letters here employed from the parent
stock, the Roman cursive. But, besides such shapes
as those of the varying t and the high-written a and
the coalescing form of the same letter in combination,
as in the word ad, which at once arrest the eye, special
notice may be taken of the narrow double-c shaped a,
which is characteristic in this hand, and, in a less degree,
of the u, worn down into a curved or sickle-shaped stroke
—a form which is found in the book-hand, not only as
an over-written u, but also as a letter in the body of
the writing.
The book-hand immediately derived from this style
of writing, which is, in fact, the same hand moulded into
a set calligraphic style, appears in various extant MSS.
of the seventh and eighth centuries. We select a speci-
men from a Lectionary of the Abbey of Luxeuil, written
in the year 669.”
Wºecºustºmsulºuse
lº. laš. .
falsº stºlf, tºxºner,
&ºme. Wisłºws\wºn
§cKū &lºw, QMººns
LECTIONARY OF LUXEUIL.-A.D. 669.
(hic est qui verbum audit et continuo cum gaul | dio accipit
illud non habet autem in se radicem] | Sed est temporalis,
facta autem triſbulatione] | et persecutione . propter verbum .
conſtinuo] scandalizatur, qui autem est seminaſtus])
* See Wotice sur un Manuscriţ de l'Abbaye de Tureuil, by L.
Deisle, in Wotices et Eartraits des MSS., tome xxxi.; and Questions
Mérovingiennes, no. iii., by J. Havet (1885).
Zafim Palaeography. 229
As an example of the same type of writing, but of
later date, the following facsimile is taken from a MS.
of Pope Gregory’s Moralia, probably of the latter part
of the 8th century, in the British Museum (Add. MS.,
31,031; Cat. Anc. MSS. ii. pl. 33).
ST. GREGORY’s MORALIA.—8TH CENTURY.
(deseratur. Quia et frustra velociter currit— veniat deficit.
Hinc est enim quod de Teprobis— | Sustinenciam. hinc est enim
quodde electis Suis— mansistis mecum in temtacionibus meis.
hinc– ad finem iustus perseverasse describitur)
Of other types of handwriting which were used within
* the limits of the Frankish empire and which must be
considered under the present division, there are some
which bear a close resemblance to the Tombardic style—
so close, indeed, that many MSS. of this character have
been classed as Lombardic. We are here, in fact, in
presence of the same difficulties as have been noticed
under the section dealing with Lombardic writing ; and
% have to deal with examples, any classification of which,
- in face of their mixed character, cannot but be to some
º extent arbitrary.
The following specimen is from the Harley MS. 5041,
in the British Museum, containing theological treatises.
º and homilies, of the end of the 7th century. It can-
not be doubted that the volume was written in France,











230 Pa/eography.
and in the character of individual letters it is of the
Merovingian type, while in general appearance it has
rather a Lombardic cast.
Cuw ºcéðſ hºunarmaments qasººl
ld lenſ swing rqºquia prºtºcºlſ
Qquºcºmpálcocºnºmir ſurqpur cdoctrirudine-
16:Ctiouſ Xbºxcelſac ºxmrécca (+&rºm
quiſibl cºmmiſſiſºnz spéſie axmſcóndocr
HOMILIES.—LATE 7TH CENTURY.
(Cum praees hominibus memento quia tibi est deus iudicans
homines scito quia ipse iudicaveris— | Qui locum predicationis
suscipit ad altitudine boni actionis ad excelsa transeat et
eorum qui sibi commissi sunt opera transcendat)
The letters which may be specially noticed are the a
and the sickle-shaped u which were referred to above.
There are also a certain number of extant MSS. of the
eighth and ninth centuries of a particular type, of which
some were certainly written in France, while others
appear to have been written in Italy. There seems then
to be a doubt whether we should class this hand as
Lombardic or as a variation of Merovingian. It cer-
tainly approached more nearly to the Lombardic style.
It appears, for example, in the Paris MS. 3836, con-
taining a collection of Ecclesiastical Canons, of the 8th
century (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 8, 9); in some leaves of the early
part of the 8th century added to a MS. of Homilies, etc.,
written at Soissons early in that century"; and, on the
* See Notice sur un Manuscrit Merovingien de la Bibliothèque
Royale de Belgique, by I. Delisle, in Notices et Eartraits des MSS.,
tome xxxi. Mons. Delisle classes these leaves as Lombardic, and
remarks: “Il nous fait voir combien l'emploi de l'écriture lombardique,
importée chez nous par des moines italiens, devait 6tre ordinaire dans
les abbayes franques.”

Za/in A'a/eogra//y. 23 I
other hand, in the IIarley MS. 3063, the commentary of
Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Pauline Epistles (Cat.
Anc. MSS. ii. pl. 35), of the 9th century, which, from
internal evidence seems to have been written in Italy.
We select a few lines from the Soissons MS.
º ºld sºlº
Ulm i. º º ...!
Cºſmu lin It! {{cinj Til
l ºt dºll.
t
* łętcnimtcé,
|hºur Th? Clutcºtcq
SERMON OF ST. CAESARIUS.—STH CENTURY.
(aliis maledicere propter illud quod scriptuſm]— regnum dei
possedibunt , Numquam iurarſe]— vir multum iurans im-
plebitur iniquitatſe]— de domo illius plaga . Quod autem
dicit de do— plagam.' non de domo terrena sed de anima ei).
Hut it must not be forgotten that the Uncial and Half-
uncial styles were still employed for the production of
the greater number of literary MSS. ; and that the pro-
fessional scribes, who were of course expert both in
those formal book-hands and in the more cursive characters
of the Merovingian, would naturally, when writing with-
out special care or in a rough and ready style, mix the
characters of the different hands. Thus we are prepared
to find the influence of the uncial and half-uncial showing
itself in modifying the extravagances of the cursive

232 Aa/eography.
Merovingian, and, on the other hand, the cursive breaking
out among lines written in a more formal character.
Two very interesting MSS. in a variety of hands in
which these influences are marked have been described
by Monsieur Delisle : Notice sur un Manuscrit Mero-
vingien d’Eug/ppius (1875) written early in the 8th
century, and Notice sur un Manuscrit Merovingiºn de la
Bibliothèque d'Epinal (1878) of the Epistles of St.
Jerome, written in the year 744. The two following
facsimiles represent two of the many hands employed.
epoal ºrdho deºraſader, Jcar,
calºid Hurū3rc4/612-ir- cularc
d; pºpes-d narcóz, arbon&rA
wutºcrete city race-crececarlmu
#driencefraced Tur" creelse.
dye spri Wparrºt - prºse-
EUGYPPIUS.–8TH CENTURY.
(—e potuerit quod per serpentem dictum | –fructu ligni illius
vescerentur quia sci | –deus propter dinoscentiam boni et ma
—[bo]num creature suae creator invi —[spir]itali mente
praeditus credere | —[cre]dere ipsi non possit . propterea
mu-)
Here we have a hand cast into a fairly simple form,
but in some words using more cursive letters than in
others.
In the next example the influence of the half-uncial
style is more evident, and the minuscule book-hand has
here advanced to that stage of development which only
required a master to mould it into the simple and elegant
form which it was soon to receive.


Zafim Paſeography. 233
* -
rtopofºszarre-mbun. P
Wºrleruppeoargerovnuelong
teafºorthaſon-quizmagnæ
(1 CC, erºam denoºr docCorsoon
Clf-ſuccºp ſo remº, e. ſump
mentaction & eº allogg, &
ST, JEROME.-A.D. 744.
(—ri oportet . ante tribunal Christi | —[co]rporis sui. prout
gessit sive bonum . —te virgo. filia Sion. quia magna | –
[t]ua effunde sicut . aqua cor. conſtra] —[man]us tuas . pro
remedium pecca torum] | —[la]mentationem. et nullo quidem)
Later examples of the eighth century continue to
show an advance towards the desired minuscule literary
hand which should take the place of the less convenient
uncial writing.
The Caroline Reform.
The period of Charlemagne is an epoch in the history
of the handwritings of Western Europe. With the
revival of learning naturally came a reform of the writing
in which the works of literature were to be made known.
A decree of the year 789 called for the revision of church
books; and this work naturally brought with it a great
activity in the writing schools of the chief monastic
Centres of France. And in none was there greater
activity than at Tours, where, under the rule of Alcuin
of York, who was abbot of St. Martin’s from 796 to 804,
Was specially developed the exact hand which has received
the name of the Caroline Minuscule. Monsieur Delisle,
in his Mémoire sur l’Ecole calligraphique de Tours au



234 Palaeography.
ia' siècle (1885) enumerates as many as twenty-five
MSS. of the Carlovingian period still in existence which,
from the character of the writing, may be ascribed to
the school of Tours or at least to scribes connected with
that school.
Of the capital writing employed in the titles and other
Ornamental parts of such MSS. we need not concern
ourselves; but, besides the minuscule hand, there is a
hand, employed, in a sense, as an ornamental form of
writing, which is characteristic of the school and is
adapted from the Roman Half-uncial hand of the sixth
century. We select a few lines from one of Monsieur
Delisle's facsimiles, taken from a M.S. at Quedlinburg.
secreutt Croºm pulla cundo
Leo quodbesedixerczeſaper-
cosſtraturomycºr-nooreropc-
uinyes curo carecidic cr 1-
te-s-rºck eſt 1sueszcº
SULPICIUS SEVERUS.—EARLY 9TH CENTURY.
(ne crevit et ampulla cum o leo quod benedixerat super | con-
stratum marmorem pa vimentum caecidit et in tegra est
inventa)
Tf reference is made to the facsimiles of half-uncial
writing above (p. 202) it will be seen how in this hand
the sentiment of breadth in the older hand is maintained,
as e.g. in the sweeping strokes of r and s, and in the width
4 Eartrait des Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres, tome xxxii.




Załin Palaeograp/y. 235
and curves of a and m. The shape of g is also to be
noticed; and not less the employment of the capital N.
The habit of copying this fine bold type of early
writing undoubtedly contributed to the elegance of the
minuscule hand which was developed in the French
school. Of this hand the following example is selected
from the same MS. of Quedlinburg.
|
exuberib:caprarum aucouturmpaſ *
torum manupraeſſiſ: Longaune-
copioſilacaſeffuereſpuer. fºr-
rexietncolomiſ Noſobrapefact,
ranraereintraculo, 1dquod pſ3.
ſ cogebar ueritaſfºrebarnur. ſºon
SULPICTUS SEVERUS.–EARLY 9TH CENTURY.
(ex uberibus caprarum aut ovium pas torum manu praessis •.
longa linea copiosilactis effluere.' Puer. Sur rexit ineolomis.
Nos obstupefacti | tantae rei miraculo , id quod ipsa . cogebat
Veritas fatebamur . non)
..
We now leave for the present the further consideration
of this new style and devote the following chapter to an
examination of the early Irish and English schools of
writing, which followed a different line from that of the
continental national hands.


-
CHAPTER XVII.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY. —CONTINUED.
Irish Writing.
THE origin and development of the early handwritings
of our own Islands differ from those of the continental
nations of Western Europe which have been examined
in the last chapter. While on the continent the Roman
Cursive hand formed the basis of the national forms of
writing, in Ireland and England the basis was the
Roman Half-uncial. -
The foundation of the early Church in Ireland and
the consequent spread of civilization naturally fostered
the growth of literature and the development of a
national school of writing; while at a later period the
isolation of the country prevented the introduction of
new ideas and changes which contact with neighbouring
nations invariably effects. Ireland borrowed the types
for her handwriting from the MSS. which the Roman
missionaries brought with them ; and we must assume
that the greater number of those MSS. were written in
the half-uncial character, and that there was an unusually
scanty number of uncial MSS. among the works thus
imported; otherwise it is difficult to account for the
development of the Irish hand on the line which it
followed. - -
In writing of the course of Greek Palaeography we
had occasion to notice the very gradual changes which
came over the handwriting of Greece, confined as it was
to a comparatively small district and to a single language.
In Ireland this conservatism is still more strongly marked.
The hand which the modern Irish scholar writes is

-
t
Załin A'aſaeography. 237
essentially, in the forms of its letters, the pointed hand
of the early middle ages; and there is no class of MSS.
which can be more perplexing to the palaeographer than
Irish MSS. Having once obtained their models, the
Irish scribes developed their own style of writing and
went on practising it, generation after generation, with
an astonishing uniformity. The English conquest did
not disturb this even course. The invaders concerned
themselves not with the language and literature of the
country. They were content to use their own style of
writing for grants of land and other official deeds; but
they left the Irish scribes to go on producing MSS. in
the native characters.
The early Irish handwriting appears in two forms:
the round and the pointed. Of pure uncial writing we
have to take no account. There are no undisputed
Irish MSS. in existence which are written in that style;
although the copy of the Gospels in uncials, which was
found in the tomb of St. Kilian and is preserved at
Würzburg, has been quoted as an instance of an Irish
uncial MS. The writing is in ordinary uncial characters
and bears no indication of Irish nationality (Z. and W.,
Ea'empla, 58). -
The round Irish hand is half-uncial, and in its characters
there is close relationship with the Roman half-uncial
writing as seen in the MSS. of Italy and France dating
from the fifth or sixth century. A comparison of the
earliest surviving Irish MSS. with specimens of this
style leaves no room to doubt the origin of the Irish
round hand; and, without accepting the traditional as-
cription of certain of them to St. Patrick or St. Columba
or other Irish saints, there can be no hesitation in
dating some as far back as the seventh century. We
may therefore place the period of the first development
of the Irish round hand somewhat earlier, namely, in
the sixth century, the Roman half-uncial MSS. of which
time evidently served as models.
Among the oldest extant Irish MS. of this character
is the fragmentary copy of the Gospels, of an early
version, in the library of Trinity College, Dublin (Nat.
-
º











238 Pa/eography.
MSS. Ireland, i. pl. 2; Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 33), which is to
be ascribed to the latter part of the 7th century. The
writing bears a very close resemblance to the con-
tinental half-uncial hand, but at the same time has the
distinct impress of its Irish nationality, indicated gene-
rally in a certain angular treatment of some of the
strokes which in the Roman half-uncial MSS. are
round.
curtneuriupciºuet arccleucia
<!-lotuhabec citiccipokian cº-
actitteeleisrcurrerpotºcºcºr-
litmilli trozcº-cutterre laundrau
ere cº-pilerºtt-ıcubiculo incurrº
biotºpertim nut-serve-cºcłcave-
GOSPELS.—LATE 7TH CENTURY.
([ami]cus meus supervenit de via aſd me] | et non habeo quod
ponam anſte illum] ad ille deintus respondens [dicit noj li
mihi molestus esse iam Ostiuſm clusum] | est et pueri in cubi-
culo mecum [Sunt] | non possum surgere et dare)
The MS. may be cited as a specimen of a style of
writing which was no doubt pretty widely used at the
time for the production of MSS. of a good class—a
careful working book-hand, which, however, did not
compete with the sumptuous style for which the Irish
scribes had by this time become famous. The same
kind of writing, but more ornamental, is found in a
Psalter (Nat. MSS. Ireland, i. pl. 3, 4) traditionally
ascribed to St. Columba, but probably also of the same
date as the Gospels just described.
No school of writing developed so thoroughly, and,

Za/in Palaeography. 239
apparently, so quickly, the purely ornamental side of
calligraphy as the Irish school. The wonderful inter-
laced designs which were introduced as decorative
adjuncts to Irish MSS. of the seventh and eighth
centuries are astonishing examples of skilful drawing
and generally of brillant colouring. And this passion
for ornamentation also affected the character of the
Writing in the more elaborately executed MSS.—some-
times even to the verge of the fantastic. Not only were
fancifully formed initial letters common in the principal
decorated pages, but the striving after ornamental effect
also manifests itself in the capricious shapes given to
various letters of the text whenever an opportunity
could be found, as, for instance, at the end of a line.
The ornamental round hand which was elaborated under
this influence, is remarkable both for its solidity and its
graceful outlines. The finest MS. of this style is the
famous copy of the Gospels known as the “Book of
Kells,” now in the library of Trinity College, Dublin
(Nat. MSS. Ireland, i. pl. 7-17; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 55-58,
88, 89), in which both text and ornamentation are
brought to the highest point of excellence.
CCTOCUC IIUl ICOCCRUICC-
museſ ColipidſCII ICHIO
bero-eun Suutº UWIC
Bºok OF KELLS.–7th CENTURY.







24O Aa/eography.
(fecit. Se ipsum non p[otest sal] vum facere si rex Israhſel
est des] cendat nunc de cruceſet crede] | mus ei. Confidit in
domino ſet nunc lij || beret eum si vult dixit)
Although tradition declares that the MS. belonged to
St. Columba, who died in the year 507, it does not
appear to be older than the latter part of the seventh
century.
It was a volume of this description, if not the Book
of Kells itself, which Giraldus Cambrensis, in the twelfth
century, saw at Kildare, and which he declared was so
wonderful in the execution of its intricate ornamental
designs that its production was rather to be attributed
to the hand of an angel than to human skill. The oftener
and the more closely he examined it, the more he found
in it to excite his admiration."
Another M.S. of Irish execution, which is of the same
character, but not nearly so elaborate as the Book of
Kells, is the copy of the Gospels of St. Chad, at Lich-
field (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 20, 21, 35). But the grand style of
round half-uncial writing which is used in these MSS.
was not adapted for the more ordinary purposes of
literature or the requirements of daily intercourse, and,
after reaching the culminating point of excellence in the
Book of Kells, it appears to have quickly deteriorated—
at all events, the lack of surviving examples would
appear to indicate a limit to its practice. The MS. of
the Gospels of MacRegol, written about the year 800,
now in the Bodleian Library, is a late specimen, in
which the comparative feebleness and rough style of the
writing contrast very markedly with the practised
exactness of the older MSS. -
* “Sin autem ad perspicacius intuendum oculorum aciem invitaveris
et longe penitius ad artis arcana transpenetraveris, tam delicatas et
subtiles, tam arctas et artitas, tam nodosas et vinculatim colligatas,
tamgue recentibus adhuc coloribus illustratas notare poteris intri-
caturas, ut were haec omnia potius angelica quam humana diligentia
jam asseveraveris esse composita. Haec equidem quanto frequentius
et diligentius intueor, semper quasi novis abstupeo, semper magis ac
magis admiranda conspicio.”—Topographia Hibernia, ii. 38. See
Nat. MSS. Ireland, ii. pl. 66.
Za/in A'a/eography. 24. I
prophetus quiclicknctuo
ubrachum see GIGuis ºxino
Celtdoºm uſemGroucuſtern TUL
th ulciumcheqslatus £KImolz
GOSPELS OF MACREGOL.--ABOUT A.D. 800.
(prophetas audiant illo[s]— abracham sed si quis ex moſrtuis]
– ſpaeni]tentiam agent ait autem ill[i] | —non audiunt neque
si quis ex mortuis])— -
The pointed Irish nand was derived from the same
source as the round hand. On the continent we have
seen that the national cursive hands were but sequels
of the Roman Cursive subjected to varying conditions,
and were distinct from the literary or book hands which
were used contemporaneously by their side. The Irish
Scribes had, or at least followed, but one model—the
Roman Half-uncial. The pointed hand is nothing more
than a modification of the round-hand, with the same
forms of letters subjected to lateral compression and
drawn out into points or hair-lines, and is a minuscule
hand. There cannot be much doubt that this style of
writing came into existence almost contemporaneously
with the establishment of a national hand. The round
hand no doubt preceded it ; but the necessity for a
more cursive character must have made itself felt almost
at once. The pointed hand, of an ornamental kind,
appears in some of the pages of the Book of Kells, a
fact which proves its full establishment at a much earlier
period. The Book of Dimma (Nat. MSS. Ireland,
i. pl. 18, 19) has been conjecturally ascribed to a period
of about the year 650, but can scarcely be older than the
eighth century. The first example to which a certain
date can be given on grounds of internal evidence which





17
242 Aa/eograft/y.
are fairly conclusive is the Book of Armagh (Nat. MSS.
Ireland, i. pl. 25-29), a MS. containing portions of the
New Testament and other matter, written, as it seems,
by Ferdomnach, a scribe who died in the year 844.
avoice web nº rahgu 5tranſm.é-
1919 manºuahrâus ºpew wned:
in?utmir, ñné linn pluſ: quamá
Čvº ..". ãºrd, wºm;
1°rplatf uglaſſilla del qīnārā;
nig. Genºfºvarrhowrra - paſſ
11% ... Firºrºll., mé üof
matºr plună fºr thr-
BCOK OF ARMAGE.-BEFORE A.D. 844,
([Id]eo dico vobis ne soliciti sitis animae quid manducetis aut
corpori vestro quid induanini nonne anima plus est quam
aes | ca et corpus quam ačšca vestimentum respicite volatilia
caeli quoniam non serunt neque congregant in horrea et pater |
vester caelestis pascit illa nonne vos magis plures estis illis)
There is a close resemblance between the writing of
this M.S. and that of the pointed hand written in
England at the same period.
The MS. of the Gospels of MacDurman, in the
Iambeth Library (Nat. MSS. Ireland, i. pl. 30, 31)
of the end of the 9th or beginning of the 10th century
may be referred to as a specimen of the very delicate
and rather cramped writing which the Irish scribes at
this time affected.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the pointed
hand took the final stereotyped form which it was to
follow in the future, and had assumed the angular shapes
which are henceforth characteristic of the Irish hand.
As a good example of the early part of the twelfth cen-
tury we select a passage from the Gospels of Maelbrighte
(Nat. MSS. Ireland, i. pl. 40–42; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 212),
written in the year 1138, and now in the British Museum.

Małin Paſºcography. 243
*ºntºlºmºnºisirº
termcº Gab ab 16vurchma. º:
tº Garhori Yego mººnrfumprºr
mêmioſ Mork recº-elém.cnna 4ao
acºrmouanninrateſ, ºata’. &otſ\ºte-
*ecrºmbetham&m.ć-eleuaar manik;
. ...! turne.
J. abºr Teertebº m&lſº Trºw apewan
GOSPELS OF MAELBRIGHTE.—A.D. 1138.
(Penitentiam et remisionem peccatorum in omnes gen | tes
incipientibus abierusolima. Vos autem tes|tes estis horum.
Et ego mitto promissum patris mei in vos. Vos autem sedete
hic in civitate quo | adusque induanini virtute exalto. Eduxit
autem eos usque in bethaniam. Et elevatis manibus suis
benedixit eis. Et factum est cum benediceret illis re cessit ab
eis et ferebatur in celum et ipsi adoranſtes])
In the writing of this MS. the old forms of letters
have undergone but little change, but yet they have
assumed the essential character of the Irish mediaeval
hand. Attention may also be drawn to the use of certain
forms of abbreviation which are found almost exclusively
in Irish and English MSS.
But while the writing of Ireland remained untouched
by external influences, and passed on from generation to
generation with little change, the influence which, in
revenge, it exercised abroad was very wide. We shall
presently see how England was almost entirely indebted
to Ireland for her national handwriting. In the early
middle ages Irish missionaries spread over the Continent
and founded religious houses in France and Italy and
other countries, and where they settled there the Irish
form of handwriting was practised. At such centres as
Luxeuil in France, Würzburg in Germany, St. Gall in




244 Aa/eogra//y.
Switzerland, and Bobio in Italy, it flourished. At first,
naturally, the MSS. thus produced were true specimens
of the Irish hand. But thus distributed in isolated spots,
as the bonds of connection with home became loosened
and as the influence of the native styles of writing in
their neighbourhoods made itself more felt, the Irish
writers would gradually lose the spirit of their early
teaching and their writing would become traditional and
simply imitative. Thus the later MSS. produced at
these Irish settlements have none of the beauty of the
native hand; all elasticity disappears, and we have only
the form without the spirit.
English Writing.
The history of writing in England previous to the
Norman Conquest takes a wider range than that of
writing in Ireland, although, at least in the earlier
periods, it runs on the same lines. Here we have to
take into account influences which had no part in the
destinies of the Irish hand. In England there were two
early schools of writing at work: the one originating
from Ireland, in the north, from which emanated the
national hand, holding its own and resisting for a long
time foreign domination; the other, the school of the
Roman missionaries, essentially a foreign school making
use of the foreign styles which they brought with them
but which never appear to have become naturalized.
We may commence with stating what little can be
gathered regarding the foreign school from the few :
remains which it has left behind. That the Roman
Rustic capital writing was made use of by the missionaries
and was taught in their school, whose principal seat
must have been at Canterbury, is proved by the occur-
rence of such specimens as those found in a Psalter of
about A.D. 700, in the Cottonian collection, which belonged
to St Augustine's monastery at Canterbury (Cat. Anc.
MSS. ii pl. 12, 13), and in one or two charters, or, more
Załin Palaeograp/y. 24.5
properly, copies of charters. The Psalter just referred
to also affords an example of the character which the
foreign uncial assumed in this Canterbury school—an
unmistakably local character, of which, however, so few
specimens have survived that perhaps no better proof,
negative as it is, could be found of the failure of the
Roman majuscule styles of writing to make their way in
the country. The celebrated copy of the Bible, the
“Codex Amiatinus,” ” which was presumably written in
Northumbria about the year 700, must not be taken as
an example of native uncial writing. The style is quite
foreign ; the MS. is probably the work of foreign scribes,
and has none of the local cast which belongs to the
Canterbury uncial hand. We must suppose that the
Canterbury school of writing ceased to exist at a com-
paratively early period; and, as it had no influence upon
the native hand, its interest for us is merely incidental.
The introduction of the foreign minuscule hand in the
tenth century is due to later political causes and to the
growth of intercourse with the Continent ; and it must
be considered as altogether unconnected with the early
foreign school which has just been discussed.
Now, as to the native school of writing—
St. Columba’s settlement in Iona was the centre from
whence proceeded the founders of monasteries in northern
Britain; and in the year 634 the Irish missionary Aidan
founded the see of Lindisfarne (Holy Isle), which
became a great centre of English writing. At first the
writing was indeed nothing more than the Irish hand
transplanted into new soil, and for a time the English
style is scarcely to be distinguished from that of the
sister island. But gradually distinctions arose, and the
English school, under wider influences, developed more
graceful forms and threw off the restraints which fettered
the growth of Irish writing.
We have, then, first to follow the course of English
Writing on the same lines as that of Ireland, and to
examine the two styles, the round and the pointed, which
a see above, p. 194,

246 Pa/eography,
here, as in Ireland, were adopted as national forms of
writing. The round hand again is a half-uncial hand.
Uncial writing, as we have seen, was excluded from
Irish writing and therefore finds no place in the English
school of St. Aidan’s followers.
The earliest and most beautiful MS. of the English
round half-uncial is the copy of the Lindisfarne Gospels,
or the “Durham Book,” in the British Museum (Pal.
Soc. i. pl. 3-6, 22; Cat. Anc. MSS. ii. pl. 8-11), said
to have been written by Eadfrith, Bishop of Lindisfarne,
about the year 700.
*-ºs-e-
- A. e.856 bººn 3aºe sem4 mar
@) º, G (ugurc -
CIUCIn 100T. IſºSI
5 ºzº e-ºwed by *2n
tº couso'cºulroun—
iss. twº;e- bºon }a 36- hy.ncgww3.
GDeºg Cules, ITIUILICT
3. *6 7 ;?»r-rray re?? &rew tyre-
CºSICIULIUTUIfüUICCIn
LINDISTARNE GOSPELS.–ABOUT A.D. 700.
•ws:
º-
;
-
-
(Beati qui lugunt quoniam ipsi | consolabuntur || Beati qui
esuriunt et sitiunt institiam || Gloss : eaſige biöon Öa 86
gemaenas for Son Sa |gefroefred biöon eadge biöon &a Se
hymcgra’ and Syrstas sočfaestnisse)
. This very beautiful hand leaves nothing to be desired
in the precision and grace, with which it is executed,
and fairly rivals the great Irish MSS. of the same period.










Alaſin Palaeography. 247
|
The glosses in the Northumbrian dialect were added by
Aldred, a writer of the tenth century.
The round hand was used for books, and, less fre-
quently, even for charters, during the eighth and ninth
centuries; but, although in very carefully written MSS.
the writing is still solid, the heavy-stroke style of the
Lindisfarne Gospels appears generally to have ceased at
an early date. We give a specimen of a lighter character
from a fragmentary copy of the Gospels which belonged
to the monastery of St Augustine, Canterbury, though
not necessarily written there (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 8; Cat.
4ne. MSS. ii. pl. 17, 18). It is probably of the end of
the 8th century.
enue eum 6pmoice cobsce-
| ôojium, q61 esc Cum uno ocučc
Ilıurcoan Tirquºne quo duos
* oCuðos hocóencern mTCC]
| Highennom Ignis .
CANTERBURY GOSPELS.—LATE 8TH CENTURY.
(erue eum et proice abste. bonum tibi est cum uno oculo | -
in vitam intrare quam duos oculos habentem mitti in
gehennam ignis)
In its original state this MS. must have been a volume
of extraordinary, magnificence, adorned with paintings
and illuminated designs, and having many leaves stained,
after the ancient method, a beautiful purple, a few of
which still remain.
Other specimens of this hand are found in the Durham
Cassiodorus (Pal. Soc 1. pl. 164), the Epinal Glossary
(Early Engl. Teat Soc.), and in some charters (Facs.
Ame. Ch. i. 15, ii. 2, 3; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 10). One of the
latest MSS. in which the hand is written in its best
form is the “Liber Vitae,” or list of benefactors of Durham


248 Aa/aeography,
(Cat. Anc. MSS. ii. pl. 25; Pal. Soc. i. pl. 238), which
was compiled about the year 840.
For study of the pointed English hand there has sur-
vived a fair amount of material. This form of writing
was used both for books and documents; but, as might
be expected, it is chiefly seen in the latter. The Fac-
similes of Ancient Charters in the British Museum and
the Facsimiles of Anglo-Saaron MSS. (Rolls Series),
besides many plates published by the Palaeographical
Society, contribute largely to our knowledge of the
different varieties of the hand as practised in various
parts of the country, and we are even able to distinguish
certain forms as peculiar to certain districts. The period
covered by existing documents in the pointed hand,
properly so called, ranges from the eighth to the tenth
century; later than this time, the changes effected in
its structure by contact with southern influences mark a
new departure. In the oldest specimens the writing
generally exhibits that breadth of form and elegance of
shape which we have noticed in other handwritings in
their early stages. Then comes the tendency to lateral
compression and fanciful variations from the older and
simpler types. In illustration of the progress of this
hand it will be convenient to select facsimiles from both
books and documents in chronological order, the dis-
tinction between book-hand and cursive hand being not
very marked, although here, as elsewhere, we must
expect rather more care in the writing of books than in
that of documents.
Our first example shall be selected from the remark-
ably handsome copy of Bede’s “Ecclesiastical History,”
in the University Library of Cambridge, written probably
not long after the year 730 and, it has been conjectured,
at Epternach, or some such Anglo-Saxon colony on the
Continent. The MS. is also famous as containing the
original Anglo-Saxon of the song of Caedmon (Pal. Soc.
i. pl. 139, 140),

Załum Pa/aeography. 249
*
ſ
-r
:
neurazºramgrarm.candº
&mpuacamoanatºrraº
lisiongnæan orcreusºc, aſ:
bºarclay-uſa-accºrp
car mºnumaliansenbloºr
laaraae cauyaoceramitrº
BEDE’s ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY-MIDDLE OF 8TH CENTURY.
([divinitus adiutus, gratis camendi— et supervacui poematis
facere— [re]ligionem pertinent religiosam eius— ||hajbitu
Seculari usque ad tempora pro–. carminum aliquando didicerat
— laetitiae causa decretum ut)
Nothing could be finer of its kind than the broad,
bold, style of this hand, and it requires no demonstration
to explain its evolution from the perfect round hand of
the early Irish and English scribes who could execute
such books as the Book of Kells and the Lindisfarne
Gospels.
We make an advance of some half-century and next
take a few lines from a charter of Cynewulf, King of the
Mercians, of the year 812 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 11),
|n\ction-u. {sm 4.04 5toſuorimm Ylº'
easºy tº stant taxate taquº-mº
ecºum conſenqārūbuş Yaſumicer peºvᚺ
hūncar acticantaſ ºcca or ſubuqonóñ
lono appellatº *m teſtivam wide
MERGIAN CHARTER.—A.D. 812.

25o Aa/eography.
(Indictione v. Regni quoque gloriosissimi Meſrciorum]— |
eventós verbi gratia placuit itaque regſil— —eorum consen-
tientibus firmiter perager[e]— hlinéas vocitantur iuxta distri-
butionem— —lond appellatur. Quam terramſ vide[licet])
The writing of this document is more laterally com-
pressed than the preceding example, and is refined and
elegant. Many of the existing charters of Mercian
origin of this period are in this style, and prove the
existence of an advanced school of penmanship in the
Mercian kingdom. Comparing with those deeds other
finely written specimens which belong to the kingdom
of Kent, we are disposed to discern in the latter the
influence of the Mercian school. -
In contrast with this elegant style of writing we find
a hand practised chiefly in Wessex, and less widely in
Kent, in which the letters are roughly formed and adopt
in some instances peculiar shapes. The following
specimen is taken from a M.S. in the Bodleian Library,
which was written at Winchester, apparently before the
year 863, and contains collections relating to the paschal
cycle and other computations (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 168).
wn wo wºv-2 e, co caba, b gaziſ'ſ mo.ac
porcotico. m. h. as por: Pºrn pluv-
à colán?o. ſeafa. Léon: ſearca ºntº
<! - &\pogro locaue uvri ecº-
O - Aviaziºn ºrancé. €ccleſ}} g.ºlue-
9. wrce.pc.pt qué nuèrriaca, wagº.
COMPUTATIONS.—MIDDLE OF 9TH CENTURY.
([Dojmino vere . sancto addue beatissimo ac |[alpostolico.
mihique post dominum pluri | [m]um . colendo Papa Leoni.
Pascasinus | [episcopus Apostolatus vestri scripta | [diaconjo
Panormitanæ Ecclesie . Silva ||no deferente percipi quae
nuditati meae)



Zafim A^a/eography. 251
It will be observed that in this MS., although the
Writing is cast into a fairly regular mould as a book
hand, the letters are rather straggling in shape, as for
example in long s and r, and particularly in the t, the
bow of which terminates in a short thickened stroke
or dot.
The rugged nature of this southern hand is more
apparent in the less carefully written charters, as will
be seen from the following facsimile taken from a
Kentish charter of the year 858 (Facs. Anc. Chart. ii. 33).
ſw; *lavlºcłlumazaw
Jºll W) inăţă lap 5, aſſuo
© y) {}- Fup ſq. COV) pne-hºon.
'cuna &mwuwiſpwane-a-
KENTISH CHARTER.—A.D, 858.
(TPassingwellan hancque livertatem | –tum liventer largitus
sum | —[dominatione furisque conprehensione | –[se]cura
et inmunis permaneat)
The change which took place in the English pointed
hand in the course of the tenth century is very marked,
and towards the close of the century the influence of
the French minuscule hand begins to assert itself, and
even, under certain conditions, to usurp the place of the
native hand. Characteristic is the disposition to flatten
the upper part of the round portion of such letters as
a and q, and, so to say, cut it off at an oblique angle.
This will be seen in an example selected from a charter
of AEthelstan of the year 981 (Facs. Anc. Chart. iii. no. 3),
a good instance of a carefully written document which,
while exhibiting the new forms just referred to, retains
much of the graceful character of the earlier century.

252 Pa/eography.
š. top oa, Sonon a puotiºnſhe
S. J. º sabol
%aminationſ ºi. cla
tº a accº cil,
º i.º: iſ. f º
CHARTER OF ACTHELSTAN.—A.D. 931.
(to ottes forda ; Sonon to wudumere— | Si autem quod absit.
aliquis diabolico]— examinationis die . stridula claſngentel
— | qui à Satoris pio Sato. filius perditionis]— atque invente
voluntatis Scedula. Anſno.]) -
With this we may compare the writing of a Latin
Psalter of about the year 969 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 189),
having an interlinear Anglo-Saxon gloss of the early
part of the 11th century. The text is written with
regularity in well-formed minuscules; but the influence
of the foreign school can be detected in the fluctuations
of certain forms, as e.g. in the letter s, the round shape
being more generally used than the long Saxon letter.
Wa {\o cy ſonámme …sº
- gud 2-. aa ->
guitacian bonunomºuſq. abund
cºrn %f heptºtia. be cea yah - c£ere leave
iroecºlo Fisſº suppliºs
Tn4n " \\A. J.: 1.6 ° Slf iſ '** 11 tº
hominum:(uguſoeae siestſ incellº.
§ºn ºf chºr ſeven Jº 4hth clºth
Sºns alºuſneſs.º.º.
- e fram alyldavi wrSwder. * withyr
my orcunauêſums. simul mirales
PsALTER.—ABOUT A.D. 969.




Zalin Paſaeogra//y. 253
f
*-
(qui faciad bonum non est usque ad unum | [Domi]nus de celo
prospexit super filios | hominum.'ut videad siest intelle gens
aut requirens deum | [O]mmes declinaverunt simul inutiles ||
Gloss : pa do god na op on anne | drihten of heafena besceawap
ofer bear | manna part geseo gif is ynderstan dende opóe
secende drihten ealle fram ahyldan aetgaedere unnyt)
This is not the place to discuss the establishment
of the foreign minuscule hand as an independent form
of writing in England. This subject will engage our
attention when the history of that form of writing will
be treated as a whole and its progress throughout the
different countries of Western Europe will be taken
into one view. It is enough at present to notice the fact
that foreign minuscules generally take the place of the
native hand in the course of the tenth century for Latin
texts, while the Saxon writing still held its own for
texts in the vernacular. Thus, in charters of this period
we find the two styles standing side by side, the body of
the document, in Latin, being written in the foreign
minuscule hand, and the boundaries of the property
conveyed, expressed in Anglo-Saxon, being in the native
hand. This foreign invasion naturally made its chief
impression in the south, if we may judge from the fact
that three important MSS. of English origin, which still
survive, and which are written in the continental style, viz.
the charter of King Eadgar to New Minster, Winchester,
of the year 966 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 46,47), the Benedictional
of Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester, earlier than the
year 984 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 142, 144), and a M.S. of the
Office of the Cross in the British Museum (Pal. Soc. i.
pl. 60), which, though not quite so early, falls in the
first years of the next century, A.D. 1012-1020, were all
executed in the southern royal city. -
The beginning of the eleventh century is an epoch of
decided change in the native minuscule hand. It cannot
any longer be called a pointed hand. The body of the
letters becomes squarer, and the strokes above and
below the line become longer than before. In a word,
the writing has by this time lost its compactness; and


254 Aalaeography.
the change must be attributed to exterior influence, the
sentiment of the foreign style of the period being
instilled into the native characters. This change is
well illustrated by a M.S. of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
of about the year 1045 (Pal. Soc. i. 242).

Thirlpºontac tdotnut, o afelins eaſ
acrºcºrpuſoatsin. ernbebtunna
dafon. hºopon heafo Linba, hamofala
praffort. ſpahimgafelºper fºamcn
campeopc. pº lafrashpºnt Lamoral
ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE.—ABOUT A.D, 1045.
(and his broëor eac eadmund aepeling ealſdor]— aet sacce.
swurda ecgum. embe brunna|nburh)— clufon heowon heapo-
linda. hamora laſfum]— weardes swa him geaºpele wies. fram
cnſeol— campe oft. wip lapra gehwane land eal[godon])
The same characteristics are seen in the series of
charters of this century. From one of these, dated in
1038 (Facs. Anc. Ch., iv. no. 20), we select a few lines.
The writing is very neat and uniform. It is interesting
to notice the survival, in an altered shape, of the
fashioning of the top of the letter a into a point by an
oblique stroke, which was noticed above as characteristic
of the tenth century. Here the top stroke, made inde-
pendently of the body of the letter, is generally a hair-
line nearly horizontal. The practice of marking the letter
y with a dot, as seen in this facsimile, is a survival from
about the sixth century, when it appears to have been
first followed in uncial MSS. for the purpose of distin-
guishing the Y from V.
Ala/in Aaſeography. 255
*
-
r
|
º
S
º
ſ
avo eallon an - bºon
ºtrºs †††.
in ribe he lve 2 rºttuvºlaza &
hº
i.º.º.º.
Fº
wallon ºne-yſ. «L2Tºº e
CHARTER.—A.D. 1038.
(begen pa to eallon gebropran and bacdon— heom ealie
togaedere endemes pact he hit— |pa gyrnde he papt he moste
macian formaſngen]— and searcebisceop eadsige let hit eall
to heora— wolde past scip ryne sceolde parinne licgean]—
willan . and se abbod let hit eall pus. and se hire[d]— sancte
augustine . pis is eall soč gelyfe se pe— eallon a on ecnysse .
amen),
This is a favourable specimen of the charter-writing
of the period. Many of the surviving documents are
Written in a far rougher style, but in all cases the
lengthening of the main strokes, as well as deteriora-
tion in the forms of letters, marks the hand of the
eleventh century.
With the Norman Conquest the native English minus-
cule hand disappeared as an official hand. The con-
querors brought their own form of writing, and the
history of later charters and legal and official documents
written in England is the history of the law-hand—
the hand used in the courts of law and for legal busi-
ness generally. The nativo hand had already practically
disappeared as the handwriting of the learned. There
remained only books composed in the native tongue is
which to employ the native form of writing ; and there



256 Palaeography.
it continued, for a certain time, to survive, more and
more, however, losing its independent character, and
being evermore overshadowed and displaced by the
new writing of the continental school, until at length
the memory of the old hand survives only in the para-
doxical employment of the letter y to represent the old
Saxon long thorn p, particularly in writing the definite
article, ye for pe. We break off, then, with the period of
the Norman Conquest as virtually marking the end of
the English hand of the Anglo-Saxon type.


f CHAPTER XVIII.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUED,
The Literary or Book-Hand in the Middle Ages,
WE have now examined the various national handwrit-
ings of Western Europe, as they were developed within
the borders of different countries. We have seen how
they had their origin in different styles of Roman writ-
ing, and how they followed their own lines and grew
up in different forms under different conditions. And
yet, with all their variations from one another, they
followed one general law of development, passing from
the broad simple style in the early periods through
stages of more artificial calligraphy to eventual de-
generation from their first standards. We have now to
father the threads together and follow the course of the
handwritings of Western Europe along a new line. One
form of handwriting had been developed, which by its
admirable simplicity recommended itself at once as a
standard hand. The Caroline Minuscule, which we have
already seen brought to perfection at Tours and at other
monastic centres of France, spread quickly throughout
the confines of the Frankish empire, and extended its
influence and was gradually adopted in neighbouring
Countries. But at the same time, with this widespread
Ilse of the reformed hand, uniformity of character could


18 -
258 Pa/eography.
not be ensured. National idiosyncrasies show themselves
as manifestly in the different handwritings of different
peoples as they do in their mental and moral qualities,
and, although the Caroline minuscule hand forms the
basis of all modern writing of Western Europe, which
thus starts with more chance of uniformity than the old
national hands which we have been discussing, yet the
national character of each country soon stamps itself
upon its handwriting. Thus in the later middle ages we
have again a series of national hands, clearly distinguish-
able from each other, although in some degree falling
into groups. º
First we follow the course of the minuscule hand as
a book hand, reserving the examination of the more
cursive styles used for legal and other documents for a
later chapter.
In a former chapter we have examined the develop-
ment and final moulding of the Caroline minuscule
hand, and we left it established as the literary hand of
the Frankish empire. Its course through the ninth
and tenth centuries, particularly on the Continent, can
be traced with fair precision by means of the excellent
facsimiles which have been published during recent
years. Its general characteristics during the ninth
century, at least in the better written examples, are
these : the contrast of fine and heavy strokes is marked,
there is a tendency to thicken or club the stems of tall
letters, as in b, d, h; the letter a is often in the open
form (0), and the bows of the letter g are often left
unclosed, somewhat after the fashion of the numeral 3.
In the tenth century, the strokes are usually of a less solid
cast , the clubbing gradually disappears; the open a (in
its pure form) is less frequently used, and the upper bow
of g closes. No fixed laws can, however, be laid down for
distinguishing the MSS. of the two centuries, and the
characteristics which have been named must not be too
rigidly exacted. As in all other departments of our
subject, practice and familiarity are the best guides.
In illustration of the finest' style of writing of this
class in the ninth century, we may take a few lines

Za/in Palaeography. 259
-
from the Gospels of the Emperor Lothair, executed in
the middle of the century in the Abbey of St. Martin of
Tours and now preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale
in Paris (Album Paléogr. pl. 22). For such a book the
most skilful writers were of course employed, and the
handwriting was formed in the most accurate and
finished style of the new school.
Ateparalraco, cabidico
ſurge eccotletcca,
tuum. crux de 1ndomu
zu Am A Cºconfeſam
ſurgenſcoramitur
ſculicinquotacebaz 2-’
erabtreundornumſtix,
GOSPELS OF LOTHAIR.— MIDDLE OF 9TH CENTURY.
(Ait paralytico tibi dico surge. et tolle lectum | tuum... ºt
vade in domum tuam ; Et confestim surgens coram illis |
tulit in quoiacebat et abiit in domum suam)
This MS. shows scarcely any advance upon the style
of the MS. of Quedlinburg quoted above (p. 235). We
may notice the prevalent use of the open-bowed g to
which reference has been made as characteristic of this
time; but an instance of the open a does not happen to
occur in the facsimile. The general style of the Writing,
however, is quite typical of the ninth century. Greate.
variety is seen in a M.S. containing commentaries of
St. Augustine, written by order of Bishop Baturich
of Ratisbon in 823, and now in the Royal Library
of Munich (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 123).


26o Aa/aeography.
fle &aerºnecrºeccer in ºn amºuetal re.
e diſease. É. Terrrern diligrºrerracerard
quid heam. drerºr’ sen •adee deereºxin
audamue es” elix d ºfar sºlºola.
all-refle &flu-larrow-eled lisere. -
COMMENTARY OF ST. AUGUSTINE.—A.D. 823.
(sie et vos maneatis in eternum : quia talis est—, eius dilectio
est; Terram diligis : terra eris; d- quid dicam . deus eris!
Non audeo dicere ex m— | audiamus : ego dixi dii estis. et
filii excelsio— vultis esse dii et filii altissimi, Nolite diligere—)
The writing here is in some respects rather archaic,
and may be quoted as an example produced outside the
direct influence of the French school, but at the same
time conforming generally to the new style of the
period.
Next we select two specimens from two MSS. of
Lyons, the one a commentary of Bede, written before
852; the other containing works of St. Augustine,
written before 875 (Album Paléogr. pl. 20).
tycoriſetur abigail imperuencee ecnumeribut
decem diermoſuo nabalipreaccipre uxore
detezrabel. darauxore ſua michel faba fit
Zºpheir prodenaburſaaldercendit come
prenocre deſcendenr dormercibur can
COMMENTARIES OF BEDE.—BEFORE. A.D. 852.

Zafim Pa/eography. 26 I
º
*
º
.-
A.
§
r&
}
s
(uxoris eius abigail interventa et muneribus— decem dies
mortuo nabalipse accipit uxoreſm]— de iezrahel. data uxore
Sua michol falti fil— Zipheis prodentibus saul descendit
contſra]– ipse nocte descendens dormientibus cunſctis]–)
This MS. is more carelessly written than the preceding,
and shows. in the general character of the letters a
falling off from the earlier models of the Caroline minus-
cule hand and rather an advance towards the more
meagre style of writing of the next century, when the
graceful contrast of heavy and fine strokes is gradually
lost. The survival of the old high-shouldered letter r
may be noticed in the word mortuo in the second line.
allo appean ſign, ficand. preſſ ſealiquid alia -
noſa faciline. ſicurieſ: fumarſigificanſºng,
aclenſfiguftcºredface. ſedrerum expera
adu erſion exºnorationecognoſČíttiyº- lºne”
fifum uſſoluſ.appareazy Şed eruefugium ºr
ST. AUGUSTINE.—BEFORE A.D. 875.
(ullo appetitu significandi preter se aliquid aliuſd]— nosei
faciunt . sicuti est fumus significans ignem — | volens signifi-
care id facit sed rerum experta[rum]— adversione et nota-
tione cognoscitur. Ignem— si fumus solus appareat., Sed
et vestigium tr—) -
This MS., while it is later than the other, is written
in rather better style, but a facsimile of only a few lines
can hardly make this very evident. º
The two specimens may be taken as typical examples
of the ordinary French minuscule book-hand of this
time.
The very gradual change which came over the writing
of the tenth century as compared with that of the ninth
century is well illustrated by a MS. in the British

|

262 Pa/eography.
Museum, containing the commentary of Rabanus Maurus
upon Jeremiah (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 109), which, from
internal evidence, could not have been written earlier
than the year 948.
ſuc utporiar terraad inſoliruding cuſtateſ
+habarete |ne suedºm'acruſhabucho
adurſ.ariuſmºd taboluſquaſilvrºgenſar
inquaſreliganduſ-ſk. <nemierał exorite º
true utt dequodical é. Omniãtrumcouiſitor iſ
RABANUs MAURUS.—AFTER A.D. 918.
(—suo ut ponat terram tuam in solitudinem civitates | —que
habitatore. Iste est ut diximus verus nabuchoſdonosor]
adversarius noster diabolus quasi leo rugiens cirſcuit] | –in
quas religandus est. et ne mittatur exorat . —levavit de quo
dictum est. Omnium inimicorum suorum) -
The not infrequent occurrence of the open a and the
general regularity of the writing would have inclined us
to place this MS. within the ninth century, had not its
approximate date been clearly ascertained. It may be
the work of an old man who had not grown out of the
training of his younger days. At all events it is an
interesting instance of an older style of writing surviving
into a new generation, and emphasizes the difficulty of
accurately assigning MSS. of the period of the ninth
and tenth centuries to their true positions—a difficulty
which is enhanced by the comparatively few MSS. of
the tenth century which bear dates.
In illustration of the ordinary minuscule hand of the
Caroline type in this century, we may take a facsimile
from a Sacramentary of Corbie in the Bibliothèque
Nationale (Delisle, Cabinet des MSS. pl. 31).
Za/º APa/eograp/y. 263
Hoſhbiſemp gubiº graciaſ.agere
...acºurdſ: honor-Gauc
titor omnitidºgnrrari-pºlièPfic
ſa-pduectincta firmanriu-. Am
ſ:erup inneliuſHarura-racionaliſ
SACRAMENTARIUM.—10TH CENTURY.
(Nos tibi semper et ubique gratias agere— pater omnipotens
aeternae deus, Honorum aucſtor]— | [distrijbutor omnium
dignitatum - per quem profic[iunt] [univer] sa . per quem
Cuncta firmantur. Amſplificatis] | Semper in melius naturae
rationalis) -
It will be seen that the letters are not so well formed
and are less graceful in stroke than in the earlier
examples. They are also rather squarer and are more
slackly written. Comparing this example with the
facsimile from the Gospels of Lothair (p. 259), a single
glance is enough to satisfy the eye of the change which
the lapse of a century can effect in a style of handwriting.
It is true that the Lothair Gospels are written in the
finest style of the ninth century, and this example is an
ordinary one of the tenth century, and the contrast
between two MSS. of the two centuries would not in all
cases be so marked. For the present purpose, however,
strong contrast is a first object.
All the specimens which we have given of this class
of Caroline minuscule writing represent the normal
hand of the Frankish empire. Another style, however,
was also followed in the eastern districts, which de-
veloped later into the hand which we recognize as
German. The special characteristic of this style is the
sloping of the letters and a certain want of finish,
which, perhaps, may be due to distance from the in-
fluence of the French centres of Caroline writing. A
MS. of this class is the Fulda, Annals at Leipzig, written



264 Pa/eography.
at the close of the ninth century but before the year 882
(Arndt, Schrifttafeln, pl. 44).
ratureſ?- quod ill non inficienterdaaſdain aſſercuon
factonum aer ſimilium quibuſ grfere: qālreatern
rentſ, ſurrr. obpoſticrurre- caſtiue lirterrcomprehe
ur-lºgar, afhanggerferint- Pergundbariam *g
colonie- &rheorgandan -rrruercriſern gallic be
ANNALS of FULDA.—BEFORE A.D. 882.
(ſtes]tatus est quod illi non inficientes quasdam assercion[ibus] |
racionum verisimilium quibus geste rei qualitatem [muni] re
nisi sunt obposuerunt easque litteris conpraeheſnsas] ut legati
apostolici suggesserunt per gundharium agrippine] | colonie et
theotgaudum treverensem gallie belgicel)
And another example of the same period, but written
in a rougher manner, may be selected from a MS. of
Canons, in the Library of St. Gall, of about the year 888
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 186).
eño apamie frrie Čaphrara religoſ'ſ
- !, -
ange Theodoro régioſiſſimo effº hiero
Beporao religioſimmo eño neoceſar'e
eligioſiſſimo, epo Bofºre- hilippo relig
miroyº --theºdororóg ino efs ſele-
CANONs.—ABOUT A.D. 888.
(episcopo apamie Syrie. Euphranta religiosis|simo)— |[Ty].
anorum. Theodoro religiosissimo episcopo hieroſpolis] | –
Bosporio religiosissimo episcopo neocesarie || ||[r]eligiosissimo
episcopo bostre Philippo religiſosissimo) || – mirorum .
Theodoto religiosissimo episcopo seleſtie])
In both these examples is apparent the lack of sense
of grace which is so marked a failing in mediaeval Ger-
man writing.
Załin Palaeography. 265
It will here be convenient to follow briefly the pro-
gress of the continental minuscule hand, as practised in
France and Germany, into the eleventh century, before
touching upon the course which it took in England. In
that century lies the period in which the handwritings
of the different countries of Western Europe, cast and
consolidated in the new mould, began to assume their
several national characters, and which may be said to
be the starting-point of the modern hands which em-
ploy the Roman alphabet. In the course of the century
many old practices and archaisms which had lingered
are cast off, and general principles are more systemati-
cally observed. The words of the text are now more
generally separated from one another; abbreviations
and contractions are more methodical; and the hand-
writing makes a palpable advance towards the square
and exact character which culminates in the MSS. of
the thirteenth century.
The general characteristics of the writing of the first
half of the century are shown in the following facsimile
"..." MS. of Saints' Lives at Paris (Cabinet des MSS.,
b - 2 *
crlam dominical que. Aduencarnocre acate
tnam penchoram quaraxtranſiru dir] guy
baur maglo concurſ, fidelium mutaq, de
tabaurºra ur-nodºtu & interdlu ongº
LIVES OF SAINTS.–11TH CENTURY.
(etiam dominica que advenerat nocte ac die— | [vesper]tinam
pene horam quarti a transitu diei que— |[habejbatur. magno
concursu fidelium multaque de— | [frequen]tabatur . ita ut
noctu et interdiu congregat—)
In a later and more compressed style is a MS. of
the Life of St. Maurillus, at Paris, written about the
year 1070 (Cabinet dos MSS., pl. 34).

266 /^a/aeQgrap/y.
suradu££. Quocftfine mora. uenufi&c. «£ace
vutvr;;red. spiff&ranteqa adpox£ leu6% p.
loci, ipfiur webcncdiccuonil; fifülurfir-marumare
dcu&aaf fh-atuni] níq uof parentercuíáã pu
ma. vmfirtnttare excëpore {rauarii fçcufìuãp.
JIFE OF SAINT MAURILLUS.—ABOUT A.D. 1070.
(—tur ad urbem . Quo eum sine mora venisset. et pace— | tuta
regredi cepisset : antequam ad pontem leuge per— | loci ipsius
V- •
ut benedictionibus presulis firmari mere[rentur] | devotius
prestolabantur , Inter quos : parentes cuiusdam pu[eri]— |
[ni]mia infirmitate extempore gravatum secus viam per)
And of a bold type of the close of the century is the
next facsimile, from a Bible written at Stavelot in the
Low Countries betweem the years 1094 and 1097, and
now in the Brit1sh Museum (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 92),
trtnone tuae'Jnfànabilifcf dolortuu
rer^mufrraidincm tntqurtariftur, &pr
d;:ra peccata tua fkcthcc tibi' Propter
qui comcdumrte deuorabuntur: & uniu
ftrftut tn captiurrrrrm ducentur:&qu
BIBLE.—A.D. 1094—1Ù97.
([con]tritione tua ? Insanabilis est dolor tuu[s Prop] | ter mul-
titudinem iniquitatis tue et pr[opter] | dura peccata tua feci
hee tibi. Propter[ea omnes] | qui comedunt te devorabuntur .
et univ[ersi hô] [stes tui in captivitatem ducentur . et qu[i])
When examining the early English forms of writing
in use before thè Norman Conquest, we noticed the


Zatin Palaeography. 267
result of the introduction of the continental minuscule
hand in England as a general form of writing, for
Latin texts, in the course of the tenth century. The
character which the English scribes impressed upon
this imported style is that of roundness—a character
which indeed continued to mark the Latin writing
of MSS. executed in England for a long time. No
better example of this round English hand could be
quoted than the Benedictional of Æthelwold, Bishop of
Winchester from A.D. 963 to 984 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 142).
The MS. is not only a valuable example of English
writing of this period, but is also famous for the inte-
resting drawings which it contains,
urginicatc. IY) aſ MCI MCC - ITY OUlºu
ſºmparprolofccund&-fida
& Carltataſuoſmundre replear
cºſuac inuobuſ bencaicaonſd
na infundat' A co e N
BENEDICTIONAL...—A.D. 963–984.
(virginitate manente . nova semper prole fecundét . fidei
[speil | et caritatis vos munere repleat et suae in vobis
benedictionis dLojna infundat. Amen)
It is interesting to notice that, while the letters are of
the foreign type, there is a strongly-marked English
character in the writing which is unmistakable, even if
it Were not known that the scribe was an Englishman.
And the difficulty which English scribes appear to have
experienced in laying aside their native style when
Writing the continental minuscule hand is remarkably
well illustrated by a MS. of Pope Gregory’s “Pastoral
Care,” in the Bodleian Library, which is probably of the
beginning of the eleventh century (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 69).


268 Aºa/eography.
mambuſdeliberando costuary
ſtaq-eftgula priuſ foramen mpariete.
cermur ºuncºdemum occultav
demonſhirºquiammirum uniuſaff
riuſ ſignaforinſecuſ demdetanua,
DE CURA PASTORALI.-EARLY 11TH CENTURY.
(imaginibus deliberando cogitatur ; —itaque est quia prius
foramen in pariete —cernitur.' et tunc demum occulta || –
demonstratur.' quia nimirum uniuscuius —[p]rius signa
forinsecus. deinde ianua)
The thoroughly Anglo-Saxon form of the letter t will
be observed, as well as the compromise between the
flat-headed Saxon g and the 3-shaped French minuscule
which the scribe has effected in his rendering of the
letter. But in the course of the century, and consequent
on a closer intercourse with the Continent, the foreign
minuscule, as written by English scribes, lost all such
marks of the native writer and developed, on the lines
of the writing of the AEthelwold Benedictional, into a
beautifully exact hand, with correct forms of letters, and
distinguished by the roundness which has been described.
In a work of limited scope, such as the present one,
it is impossible to do more than select a certain number
of specimens to illustrate the different hands of the
successive centuries of the middle ages. Dating from
the twelfth century onwards, the number of existing
MSS. is comparatively large, and the varieties of hand-
writing to be found in them are numerous, each country
at the same time having its own style and developing
individual peculiarities. But there is not space to illus-
trate the writing of each individual country. The most


Zatin Palaeography. 269
that can be done, in order to give an idea of the main
line of development from century to century, is to place
before the reader a few facsimiles of typical MSS. of
the different periods, which may serve as a general,
though imperfect, guide; and in making this selection
we shall depend mostly upon MSS. of English origin, as
being probably of more practical value to those who
will make the chief use of this book.
The twelfth century was a period of large books, and
of forms of handwriting on a magnificent scale. The
scribes of the several countries of Western Europe seem
to have vied with each other in producing the best types
of book-writing of which they were capable, with the
result that remarkable precision in the formation of the
letters was attained, and that the century may be named
as excelling all others for the beauty of its MSS. in
general. Great advance was made at this period towards
the compressed and angular style which marks the
Writing of the later middle ages as compared with the
rounder hands of the centuries immediately succeeding
the Caroline reform.
The following facsimile is a good example of the bold
style of writing which is found in numerous MSS. of
English origin in this century. It is taken from a
commentary of Bede upon Ezra, which was written at
ºte: not long after the year 1147 (Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 72). -
cºbagomilmodiſurdom?
qugdriia figurăompouſ
tracbabiuiſa:eoannoui
numeroondatºintertin.
ãdigrinumeropſidtii,
opinutcrourginiſſač
BEDE on EzRA.—AFTER A.D. 1147.

270 Aalaeography.
([de]cebat omnimodisut domus quedominicifiguramcorports |
erat habitura.” eo annorum numero conderetur in ierusalem
quo dierum numero ipsum domini corpus in utero virginis
Sacro)
The handsome appearance of this English hand of the
twelfth century can hardly be surpassed. It certainly
bears most favourable comparison with the other hand-
writings of Northern Europe of the same date; and we
must go to Italy to find anything so fully pleasing to
the eye.
In this calligraphic style the growth of upstrokes from
the base of the main strokes in the form of hair-lines
lends an ornamental effect to the writing. It is the
beginning of a practice which, when carried farther,
tends to cause confusion in the decipherment of the
short-stroke letters i, m, n, u, when two or more of them
happen to come together. The form of the general mark
of abbreviation and contraction, the short oblique curve,
may also be noticed as very general in MSS. of English
rigin in this century.
As an example of French writing of this period we
select a facsimile of a MS. of Valerius Maximus, written
in the year 1167 (Cabinet des MSS., pl. 37).
náčícipio.tuplurimuſiclaritſi
miſfamilwfuzcognomunibab.
undarºv.unfºrtulòſcrapidiſap,
pdlanonſuſgſ.rmeneiº
*qāºuſenøtſunétimatioğfuntº
wALERIUS MAXIMUS.—A.D. 1167.
([Cornelius Scipio cum plurimis et clarissi | mis familie Sue
cognominibus ab | undaret : in servilem serapionis ap I pella-
tionem vulgi sermone impactus est quod huiusce nominis Vic-
timario quam simiſlis])

Zafim Palaeography. 27I
And to illustrate the less elegant style of the German
hand of this time, we take a few lines from a MS. of
Origen's Homilies, of the year 1163 (Arndt, Schrifttaf,
pl. 51).
grim &participanoné delapdlamruroti'oe
& aub, ſcriptutadić, Čºp dpi dii ºffiſ. :
ăstrar in ſynagºa drive. Sihl quamºuſ capa'
ceramp diºbºjcmme donati pgām use”
antuº nulluſtam dro ſimuluſ tuitºutuk,
HOMILIES OF ORIGEN.—A.D. 1163.
(gratiam et participationem dei appellantur dii: de quibus et
alibi scriptura dicit. Ego dixi dii estis . et iterum deus
stetit in synagoga deorum. Sed hi quamvis capa ces sint dei.
et hoc nomine donari per gratiam vide antur . nullus tamen
deo similis invenitur)
We may be content with these three specimens to
represent the writing of Northern Europe. In the south
a different style prevailed. The sense of grace of form
which we perceive in the Lombardic writing of Italy
is maintained in that country in the later writing of
the new minuscule type, which assumes under the pens
of the most expert Italian scribes a very beautiful and
round even style. This style, though peculiarly Italian,
extended its influence abroad, especially to the south of
France, and became the model of Spanish writing at a
later time. We select a specimen from a very handsome
MS. of Homilies of the first half of the 12th century
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 55), written in bold letters of the best
type, to which we shall find the scribes of the fifteenth
Century reverting in order to obtain a model for their
MSS. of the Renaissance. The exactness with which
the writing is here executed is truly marvellous, and was
only rivalled, not surpassed, by the finished handiwork
of its later imitators.


272 Pa/eography.
fuerat tradituruſ. S/c quem ſecun
preſidem poſtſe facere diſpc.net,
eundern faceret plenum atq; per
babenrem inſect dignitatem qua
celleret. et poteſtatem dua cunc
HOMILIES.–12TH CENTURY.
(fuerat traditurus. Ut quem secunſdum] | presidem post se
facere disponebſat) | eundem faceret plenum atque per[fectum]
habentem in se et dignitatem qua [pre] | celleret .. et potes-
tatem qua cunc[tis])
It will of course be understood that this was not the
only style of hand that prevailed in Italy. Others of a
much rougher cast were also employed. But as a typical
book-hand, which was the parent of the hands in which
the greater proportion of carefully written MSS. of
succeeding periods were written in Italy, it is to be
specially noticed.
The change from the grand style of the twelfth
century to the general minuteness of the thirteenth
century is very striking. In the latter century we reach
the height of the exact hand, in which the vertical
strokes are perfectly formed but are brought into
closer order, the letters being laterally compressed, the
round bends becoming angular, and the oblique strokes
being fined down into hair-lines. In the second half of
the century there appears to have been a great demand
for copies of the Bible, if we are to judge by the large
number of surviving examples, and the minuteness with
which many of them are written enabled the scribes to
compress their work into small volumes, which stand in
extreme contrast to the large folios so common in the
preceding century. An interesting example of the
transitional hand of the end of the twelfth century, in
which the writing is reduced to a small size, but yet is

Zafin Pa/eography. 273
not compressed with the rather artificial precision of
some fifty years later, is found in a MS. of the Historia
Scholastica of Petrus Comestor, written for Elstow
Abbey in the year 1191 or 1192.
taararutoſºlatobo ºf bathtuniſſionale
the paripodianſ atc.)attºoſtiè eam.
tº finiţămbo capite truncanſfºctriate
aftbāſīntifickoveti atten tº ſuicy &tino.
rºiluteauºzoºtºutloºd ar-
cit:%toiteå cuſtomeus.tiff. §tutoniº miliſ,
HISTORIA SCHOLASTICA.—A.D. 1191-2.
(martirium ; dixit iacobo. Pater. da mihi remissionem. At
ille partimper deliberans . ait. Pax tibi: et osculatus est eum. |
Et simul ambo capite truncati Sunt. Petrum autem appre-
hensum misit herodes in carcerem . quia in diebus azimo |rum
non licebat aliquem occidere. Ef preter custodes car ceris :
tradidit eum custodiendum quatuor quaternionibus militum.) :
As a good illustration of the perfect style of the book-
hand of the first half of the thirteenth century, we
next select some lines from a Bible, written at Canter-
bury between the years 1225 and 1252 (Pal. Soc. i. pl.
73), which exhibits great regularity and precision in the
compressed writing.
mamento.fcfancſhtta.totatnrºfirma
metainſtruſcºlumtritingſtudſpeama.
nräusſtää. Mºrurotrus ſongtrürmttir
aque qtteſtibodoſtmºtillotim tintim:
ºpmataribaftingſtmaſcuotaurès
ărithm ſtriamtongſtºdontSqaqitaſ:
appellaturmarta.Cºmditdttisgätton
ºffic.6:rminetteriahrriamtmentºm,”
fadtmºmſºminalignum;ºmiſtyńd
BIBLE.-A.D. 1225-1252.


19
274 Aa/aeograp/y.
([fir]mamento. Et factum est ita. Vocavitque firma | mentum
deus celum. Et factum est vespere et ma | ne dies secundus.
Dixit vero deus. Congregentur | aque que sub celo sunt in locum
unum: | et appareat arida . factumque est ita. Et vocavit deus |
aridam terram : congregationesque aquarum | appellavit maria.
Et vidit deus quod esset bonum | et ait. Germinet terra herbam
virentem et | facientem semen et lignum pomiferum faci[ensj)'
And of a still more ornamental type, of the second
half of the century, is a Lectionary of the year 1269,
which was written by an English scribe, John of
Salisbury, at Mons in Hainault (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 113).
#ę. nono furti6
Κέ tfttftmptus.
ÈÈ jobamntsdt
lumcmtrdtt.fluquatpr^
tttqutabxmtradulfi %-., .A, 1
LECTIONARY.—A.D. 1269.
inpotrftatr nonbabunt
(—cussione mirifica tremen | do palpitasse . Cuius mox | manu
tenuit . et eum pa | tri viventem atque inco | lumem dedit.
Liquet pe | tre quia hoc miraculum | in potestate non habuit |
nono . fuit liber | iste scriptus. | Iohannes de | salesburi
scrip[sit])
These two specimens have been selected as presenting
the style of book-writing of the thirteenth century in
its most decided form. There is no mistaking the
period to which they belong. Variations from this high
standard are of course to be found in the more ordinary
MSS. written with less exactness; but in all writing of
* The oblique double hair-lines above the words “ Vocavitque * and
** firmamentùin ° (liiies l aud 2) are marks of transposition.
i


Zafim Pa/eography. 275
this time, whether formal or cursive, the rigidity, which is
its strong characteristic, never fails to impress the eye
almost at the first glance.
With the fourteenth century we enter on a new phase
in the history of Latin palaeography; and the latter
part of this century and the following century are a
period of gradual decadence from the high standard
which had been attained in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. As if wearied by the exactness and rigidity
of the thirteenth century, handwriting now becomes
more lax, the letters fall away in beauty of shape, and
in those MSS., such as biblical and liturgical works, in
which the old form of writing still remains prevalent, it
degenerates into an imitative hand. At this period also,
and including the latter part of the thirteenth century,
we have numerous instances of the cursive or charter-
hands being employed in the production of books as
well as for documents. In England particularly a large
number of law MSS., which date from the reigns of
Edward I. and Edward II., are written in the charter-
hand. But we here confine our attention to the more
formal styles.
As a specimen of a class of writing which is not un-
common in the first half of the century, when the
reminiscence of the teaching of the thirteenth century
still remained and exercised a restraining influence, we
may give a few lines from a MS. of the Legenda Aurea.
of Jacobus de Voragine, which was written at Paris in
1312 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 222). Comparing this hand with
the specimens of the previous century, the advance is
apparent in the decreasing regularity of the strokes
generally and in certain changes in the formation of
some of the letters. For example, the letter a, which
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries normally has an
open upper bow, now generally appears with the bow
closed ; and the vertical stroke of the letter t, which at
an earlier date, in the best specimens, does not rise
above the transverse, now betrays an increasing dis-
position to do so.
º

276 Aa/aeogra/)/y.
£&£tafit gcntcufarúéùfàa£ |
&αίε£iaucfietvtisoa aoif:
τος κ{ειτέρέφεῖacccntib;
$xcogîgîe£ngiegyr*&***&
*¥¥¥a£λ£ bçãïe&uif* móìmog *
cttäccyfhCmadabúébaoïf
vctcxatumtfòlépa6at. £a«%y
LEGENDA AUREA.—A.D. 1312.
(testamenti.' occidentalis autem non facit | festum ae sanctis
veteris testamenti . eo quod ad infe | ros descenderunt. preter-
qvam de innocentibus | ex eo quod in ipsis singulis occisus est
Chrìstus.' et de | machabeis . sunt autem quatuor rationes
quare | ecclesia de istis machabeis licet ad inferos | descend-
erint? Solempnizat . prima est propter pre)
Next, we will take a specimen from a liturgical MS.,
a Psalter written in England about the year 1339 (Pal.
Soe. i. pl. 99), in which the formal style of an older date
is retained.
utautùmis+npmptmtt?
bfttum;nustatrrogsm
ffniiftìmmûmfmfifbif?
ommtisabtrtrfttt,
tius:gftrgttibuttrtfuettgr.
PSALTER.—ABOUT A.D. 1839.
*
' * Original termination unt, corrected into ìnt by an underWrittem
deleting dot. -









Zafim Pa/eography. 277
([I]uravit dominus et non penite bit eum: tu es sacerdos in
eternum Secundum ordinem melchisedecº | [D]ominus a
dextris tuis : confregit in die ire sue reges.)
Apart from the actual shapes of the letters in which
indications of the true date are to be detected, there
are forms of decoration employed which would not be
found in writing of the preceding century.
A formal French style of writing of the latter half of
the century is well represented in a MS. of the “Grandes
Chroniques " which was copied about the year 1377, and
which illustrates the constantly increasing debasement
of the individual letters from the old standard, although
the setting and general run of the text are sufficiently
regular (Album Paléogr. pl. 42).
utic launricuoint qutruatitſä toutri
attolt cipal balucturur ſite Irpittitutit-le
voincantaſte, icºctruiruuſe tº ſaua
tiny cutta cit laviutſoroupaucitt ſan;
11tilic fibuſſcutz + ſalt; tıullcapiniprloit
:auſſiºnic ti cuſt faitcupiatti int1 ºr fit
title biiuulettre sorg fivºró muſovctia
trilouattir quilatiotrfattvaſſanibletrut
trutso; tolſtitutgurujulctrſigiirfrid
GRANDES CHRONIQUES.—ABOUT A.D. 1377.
(une lampe de voirre qui devant son tombel ardoit chai da-
venture sus le pavement. le voirre qui assez legierement brise
de Sa na |ture entra en la duresce du pavement Sanz nulle
froisseure et sanz nulle corrupcion | aussi comme il eust fait en
plain mui de fa rine bien bulettee. Ses freres qui Sorent la
desloiaute quil avoit faite assamblerent leurs Oz et distrent
que homme de si grant felon) --
* The syllable dec is written at the end of the line below.

278 Aa/*ography.
As a contrast to this, we select a facsimile of a not
uncommon type of the English hand of about the same
time, which has a slightly cursive element in it, and
which developed into the ordinary hand of the fifteenth
century. It is taken from a chronicle of English history,
written about the year 1388 (Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 3634).
gºt ºr ſiſts ºutpéâtrinamºtº
tutºſłuńctuffé scăş gas trutuſ?ago &
tituttſ Būfītiſgttlétuatu pictatiottiió3 vo
tis ºpeftiſºwt ſhºws agvctiºn Sofit
toxicº ant tout tº acquièg pºttistativ
tºucitafiº, ºw; ſheltºſultiglicatièoffs
sh ºutſºoths ºn totºfºcºſo ºut
isºmºſºsºftºn craft
CHRONICLE.—ABOUT A.D. 1388.
(E5 ecce subito princeps iuncils manibus et erectis in celum
oculis deus gratias inquit tibi ago de cunctis beneficiis tuis
tuam pietatem omnibus vo tis expostulo ut mihi concedas
veniam delic torum eorum que contra te nequiter perpetravised
et a cumc tis mortalibus quos scienter sive ignoranter offen di
remissionis gratiam tote corde poseo Cum hee dixisset in
plena fide catholica spiritum exalaſvit])*
Finally, to close the facsimiles of the handwritings of
the fourteenth century, we take a few lines from a copy
of Horace, written at Cremona in the year 1891 (Pal.
Soc. i. pl. 249), in the fine exact hand of Italian type
which is found in so many surviving MSS. of the hundred
years between 1350 and 1450, and even later—the direct
descendant of the beautiful hand of the twelfth century,
which is illustrated above (p. 272) by a facsimile from a
MS. of homilies of that period.
* This passage describes the death of the Black Prince.
---


Alatin Palaeography. 279 . .
TN 3. bozº ſcu tyrannits
TS cqpucoutſugumº
Tº i. mitill 1bill modo
& onſentit aſtrum triculg unpio
TS uttia ſatinaloitfitiqtl16
& riputuolucrleq, fatt
HORACE.-A.D. 1391.
(Natalis hore seu tyrannus | Hesperie capricornus unde
Utrumque nostrum incredibili modo | Consentit astrum te
iovis impio | Tutela saturno refulgens | Eripuit . volucrisque
fati)
The course of the fifteenth century witnessed the final
dissolution of the mediaeval minuscule book-writing.
When printing was at length established, MS. books
were no longer needed and only survived as specimens
of calligraphy, especially in the Italian school. In this
century there is, necessarily, an ever-increasing number
of varieties of hands. The charter-hand is now very
generally used for books as well as for documents. And
while the formal minuscule hand is still employed for
liturgical and other books, and under certain conditions
is written with great exactness, it generally betrays an
increasing tendency to slackness and to malformation or
exaggeration of individual forms of letters: there is, in
a word, an artificiality about it by which it is to be dis-
tinguished from the purer style of two hundred years
before. Between MSS. in the cursive charter-hand and
the formal minuscule book-hand, there is that large mass
of MSS., all more or less individual in their characteris-
tics, which are written with a freedom partaking of the
elements of both styles—an ordinary working hand,
which has no pretensions to beauty of form, and which,

28O Paleography.
º
in course of time, grows more and more angular, not t
with the precise angular formation of letters as in the
thirteenth century, but with the careless disregard of h
curves which accompanies rapid writing. And finally,
in the latter part of the century we find those different
styles of handwriting which were so markedly peculiar
to the several countries of Western Europe, and which *
formed the models for the types of the early printers. \
We cannot here do more than select a few specimens |
to illustrate the general styles of the many varieties of .
handwritings of this century. !
The first is from a MS. containing a treatise on
the Passion, by an Austin friar named Michael de
Massa, which was written at Ingham, in Norfolk, in the
year 1405 (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 134). -
|
- -
talutuſ; tulaſious finau: ſă iſitº
º:
\
ºw
bicuás autºbia litupaſſione.
kfibántáutiñºutiautºgºlºidy
---------- - - --
-.
TREATISE ON THE PASSION.—A.D. 1405.
([exojravit usque in passionis finem.' quando corpus Christi
de | positum fuit de cruce . et sepultum in sepulcro. Un de
subsecute sunt mulieres que cum ipso uenerant de galilea et
vi derunt monumentum .. et quemadmodum positum | erat
corpus Iesu. Luce xxiii. Prima pars que inci | pit in die
veneris ante dominicam in passione.) -
The writing is in the formal square literary hand,
maintained chiefly in liturgical books from the earlier -
style, but is entirely wanting in the old regularity. The
forms of the letters are weak and debased, and the
general character is irregular and imitative.

Zafim Pa/eography. 28 I
Of the same class of writing, but of rather later date
and taken from a liturgical MS., is the following fac-
simile from a selection of Psalms written for Humphrey,
Duke of Gloucester, who died in 1446 (Brit. Mus., Royal
MS., 2 B. 1). This is the common hand of the liturgies
of English origin throughout the fifteenth century, and
it maintains a monotonous uniformity for a comparatively
long period.
51ſtitungſſcutum muſtpitcqugötleſ
ſtilituuſirilatituáriſtiaºrºn...,
ºugh irſtribitingianurſtitutiitieſ.
ſigifragiſtringurſuitrſtudy innigiitiſió.
iºiſonifiiniſtrianăuitºulinusir.
Häingiitin:#ilitain liſkillſtadium.
PSALMS.–BEFORE A.D. 1446.
(Sicut unguentum in capite.' quod des | cendit in barbam bar-
bam aaron | Quod descendit in oram vestimenti eius sicut
ros hermon qui descendit in montem sion | Quoniam illic
mandavit dominus be nediccionem : et vitam usque in secu-
lum.)
As a contrast to this formal book-hand we next select
a specimen from a M.S. of the chronicle of Robert of
A vesbury, written, in a small half-cursive hand founded
on the charter-hand, in the first quarter of the fifteenth
century (Brit. Mus., Harley MS. 200).
*-** was lººsauan five wasma & 8
* @ Sutcºats *tºuáS cłºń #. Shººtº:
* alº so sanguº % Jä 1944%
a 3 tº aſſics. tipes at såutate ;: tº 3. aggiº's
fºr *āAttamºttº ºffin pºss. §ºffataºusſº
º: Şūgett, cºatás Rá
cºi
4t *** (*
£ aſºta w Baº }º 3&aiº cusſº a figua 4ta ſa)
R. DE AVESBURY. —EARLY 15TH CENTURY.



282 Pa/eography.
([vin]culum quo ipse et nos noscimur adinvicem fore coniuncti
necnon ob [specialem] affectionem et sinceram dilectionem
quas erga personam suam. [super] omnes alios de Sanguine
nostro merito gerimus et habemus ac pro eo ſquod ipse] | qui
alios principes in strenuitate precellit melius quam aliquis
[alius] | poterit maliciam dictorum rebellium per dei gratiam
refremare mero [metul ac nostra pura et spontanea voluntate
diligenti et matura deliber[acione] | prehabita in hae parte
dedimus concessimus et presenti carta nostra co[nfirmavimus])
This style of hand and a more hurried and angular
form of the writing shown above (p. 278) in the facsimile
from the chronicle of about the year 1388 were very
generally used in England for MSS. of ordinary litera-
ture in the fifteenth century, always becoming more
slack and careless as time progressed.
Turning to foreign countries, we first give a specimen
of a common class of handwriting found in MSS. of the
Netherlands and northern Germany at this period.
There is a marked angularity and pointed style in the
forms of the letters, besides their individual shapes,
which impart to the general character of German and
Flemish writing its peculiar cast. The facsimile is taken
from a MS. of St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, which
belonged to Parc Abbey near Louvain, and was written
in 1463 (Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 17,284).
Rommones be quefºre gravatabán.”
ſéſ ct gentº ſaw twº ſº, mºn&ct omnice
Gentº belº ºfteeteºpolicente Stºrms;
qugaomoea complcanºpolºnis tempm pse
*wrvcº be rudrae moºntuº. &mi duºſºp;
lović tºbº wºp as vºwſ: oawº factº &fnºſ,
owſ ab coeftegno qātā ſuſceptoopſ ſuffrt
ST. AUGUSTINE.—A.D. 1463.


Zafin Pałeography. 283
º
([P]romissiones dei que facte sunt ad abraham cuius semini
et gentem isfaheliticam secundum carnem, et omnes gentes
deberi secundum fidem deo pollicente didicinus quemadme-
dum compleantur per ordinem temporum pro currens dei
civitas indicavit. Quoniam ergo superi oris libri usque ad
regnum david factus est finis: nunc ab eodem regno quantum
suscepto operi sufficere)
More strongly marked is the German character in the
next facsimile, from a MS. of the Epistles of St. Jerome,
written at Lippe in the year 1479 (Arndt, Schrifttaf, 59).
Accule ºccuºlacº *Acwgay cºvetan
wotato calcuttas ſa lacataa. Sirtatiº.
co watūsī wººtingto awa ºriavtſºvakia
vcław wagava. Mºza. web-ſºn, a&ſo
Suaaccurvanciſcº qºug *g," alsozc.
ſºn allaºua Siguà uoſºvo. ſåeva. tºolw
ST. JERCME.-A.D. 1479.
(lectulo decumbentes . longaque egrotaciſone]— notario cele-
riter scribenda dictavimus.- |sed me tibi in principio amici-
ciarum aliquid]— |[vide]remur negare Oranobiscum a dºmino
— duodecim menses, quibus iugi labore— sim aliquid dig-
num vestre scribere voluntati)
The handwritings of northern and eastern France of
the fifteenth century run on the same lines as those of
other countries, sometimes following the set square style,
more often developing varieties based upon the cursive
charter-hand of documents. Among the latter there is
one which should be specially noticed. It is found part
ticularly in MSS. derived from French Flanders and
Burgundy, and afforded a pattern of type to the early
printers. It is a heavy, sloping, and pointed hand,

284 Pa/eography.
which is in very common use for general literature, par-
ticularly in the middle and latter part of the century.
The following specimen of this kind of writing is taken
from a volume of Miracles de Nostre Dame written for
Philip the Good, of Burgundy, about the middle of the
century (Album palēogr., pl. 43). -
tubicm diaritoit cºlauſtētw.
clavictºr matic picſcruax
111ſº quctor) toºſtcotºniott
chalue:gluc fut:3ab16v wº.
quit; aloycnt touélcºſamicºt;
MIRACLES DE NOSTRE DAME.-ABOUT A.D. 1450.
(—ſq]ui bien chantoit et hault Eru —ſqujel la vierge marie .
preserva de — [A]nice que lon nomme orenmort | — on
auvergne fut Ladis une | –quilz aloyent tous les samediz)
Lastly, we give a specimen of a hand of the Italian
Renaissance, a revival of the style of the eleventh or
twelfth century, and a very successful imitation of a MS.
of that period. It was this practice, followed by the
scribes of the Renaissance, of reverting to that fine
period of Italian writing (see p. 272) to find models for
the exquisitely finished MSS. which they were compelled
to produce in order to satisfy the refined taste of their
day, that influenced the early printers of Italy in the
choice of their form of type. The facsimile is from a
MS. of Sallust, written at Florence in the year 1466
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 59). -


Zafim Palaeography. 285
negoaatranſferunt Quodſ bomnibuſbonaiſ.
nºbilprofitaramultogetampericuloſapetit.
ne? regerentaraafibºnagſ,regerentaſiſ.
dºed magnitudniſ ºubi promorta-
nurn compoſitum excorpore&ameraſeſłºttareſ
SALLUST.—A.D. 1466.
negocia transferunt. Quod si hominibus bonarum rerum
tanta cura esset : quanto studio aliena ac nihil profutura mul-
toque etiam periculosa petunt: neque regerentur à casibus,
magis quam regerent casus.' ſ et eo magnitudinis procederent."
ubi pro morta | libus gloria eterni fierent. Nam uti genus
homi num compositum ex corpore et anima est.' ita res)
It is unnecessary to pursue the history of the Latin
minuscule literary hand beyond the fifteenth century.
Indeed, after the general adoption of printing, MS.
books ceased to be produced for ordinary use, and the
book-hand practically disappears in the several countries
of Western Europe. In the comparatively small number
of extant literary MSS. of a later date than the close of
the century it is noticeable that a large proportion of
them are written in the style of the book-hand of the
Italian Renaissance—the style which eventually super-
seded all others in the printing press. The scribes of
these late examples only followed the taste of the day
in preferring those clear and simple characters to the
rough letters of the native hands.
The English Book-hand in the Middle Ages.
A handbook of Palaeography which is intended chiefly
for the use of English students would be incomplete




286 Pa/eography,
without a special examination of the styles of writing
employed by English scribes of the later middle ages
when writing in English.
We have already followed the course of English
minuscule writing down to the period of the Norman
Conquest. From that date, as we have seen, the foreign
hand became the recognized literary hand and was
employed for Latin literature; and the old Saxon hand was
discarded. With the native English, however, it naturally
continued in use; and eventually, after its cessation as a
separate style of writing, a few special Saxon forms of
letters, the g, the thorn (p and 8), and the w, still survived
to later times. But it must be remembered that, as we
have seen above, the influence of the foreign minuscule
had already begun to tell upon the native hand even
before the Conquest. In the eleventh century the spirit
of the change which marks the general progress of the
handwriting of Western Europe is also visible in the
cast of Anglo-Saxon writing, and after the Conquest the
assimilation of the native hand to the imported hand,
which was soon practised in all parts of the country,
naturally became more rapid. In some English MSS.
of the twelfth century we still find a hand which, in a
certain sense, we may call Anglo-Saxon, as distinguished
from the ordinary Latin minuscule of the period; but,
later, this distinction disappears, and the writing of
English scribes for English books was practically nothing
more than the ordinary writing of the day with an
admixture of a few special English letters. On the other
hand, it is observed that there was a tendency to prefer
the use of charter-hand for English books, and in many
MSS. of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries
we find a kind of writing, developing from that style,
which may be called an English hand, in the sense of a
hand employed in English MSS.
To illustrate the handwriting of the twelfth century
referred to above, we select a specimen from a copy of
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle written about the year 1121
(Skeat, Twelve Facsimiles, pl. 3), in which the writing
may still be called Saxon as regards the forms of letters
Zafim Palaeography. 287
employed. At the same time, it has the impress of the
general character of twelfth century writing.
rwiſen.ſrsson ſhihiròyörn for &rmynfineſ hol&ſape.
§§onsºnhºuſapºpcºrnhomodº, bewhun
fºr Waailla başºnſume ja Acneſ& ment, pen&on ſh.
ſwºon officumenta fpencirca men favo&ſterºon
calle Hamuncker belºr ſº nºn butanańºntinec he
pºſscharenterpinelanºbelaſvenkaſenºman
ANGLO-SAxon CHRONICLE.—ABOUT A.D. 1121.
(taellen . saegdon pet hi hit dyden for Šes mynstres holdscipe.
Syööon geden heom to scipe. ferden hedm to elig betaehtan | paer
pa ealla pa gaersume pa denesca, menn wandon pet hiſ sceoldon
ofer cumen . pa frencisca men pa todrefodon ealle pa munekes.
beleaf paer man butan án munee he was gehaten leofwine
lange . he laci Seoc in pa secraeman)
A rough but strong hand of the beginning of the
thirteenth century, founded on the charter-hand of the
time, is employed in a M.S. of homilies in the Stowe
collection of the British Museum (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 94).
ac' (0%ap. $3& WA ſta to 3.5ht’s retu traitº,
^k tººk § sºas wałca tº gº sazá,
ſ: y'ſ dº yſlidic iſ ſºlićwarneyſkº
§ańincts: cabiſ acºbºtau.ac. Kºłº
gº 9tbdº anongºanº. Tºgºuc
bºdié, Fºrkſ alſº tºddessybwl be
IOMILIES.–EARLY I31.H CENTURY.


288 Zºa/eography.
(ne so 3eap . ne swa witti to donne Sat tu scalt don . [bute §u
habbe] | Sese strengpe of god : me miht tu non god don . Du
[miht isien sum] wel wis clerec. Se wisliche him selven naht
ne wisseå [and pinch Sat he] hafè inoh; on his witte Se he
cann . ne Sese strengſbe ne besekö nauht at] gode for Si he
belaefè among San be non god me [cunnen. And hem] he is
ilich of werkes. alswa lihtliche očerhwile he)
And a very pretty and regular hand of the same period
appears in a copy of “The Ancren Riwle,” or rule for
anchoresses, in one of the Cottonian MSS. (Pal. Soc. ii.
pl. 75), which may be compared with the Latin facsimile
of that time given above (p. 273).
fº
º ºf . º:
ºr ºtharclyd?bitz garnbºtºking” ,”
jºury tº ...; &
º
Alatnºbºtºyºuſº mobila»foºlieta'ºrg.
$iifºrnivtzofalbálkºwy, \, makeše.
º, &nºmºwoyº
THE ANCREN RIWLE.——EARLY 13TH CENTURY.
(elle per ho lai i prisun fowr pusent 3er and mare ho and
hire were bače and demde al hire of sprung to leapen ||al after
hire . to deat, wi&uten ende | Bininge and rote of al pis ilke
reow | 8e was a lute sih Se pus. Ofte as mon ||[pa] triarches.
and a muche burh forb earnd . and te king and his sune and
te burhmen isleine. pewum || mon ilad for S. Hire fader and
hire bre%re utlahes makede se noble princes as ho weren .
pus eoſdej)
Following on the same lines as the Latin hands, the
transition from the stiff characters of the thirteenth cen-
tury to the more pliant style of the fourteenth century
is seen in the “Ayenbite of Inwyt,” or Remorse of Con-
science, written in the year 1840 by Dan Michael, of
Northgate, in Kent, an Augustinian monk of Canter-
bury, in heavy minuscules of the charter-hand type
(Pal. Soc. i. pl. 197),



Zafim Palæography. 289
- AYENBITE OF IN WYT.—A.D. 1340.
(workes of wysdom to pe zone ; alsuo pe worke[s]— wor guod-
nesse is ase Zayp sanyt Denys to lere— pet him najt ne costnep :
pet ne is najt grat guo[dnesse]— se zeve yeſpes spret him
Zelve ine oure hert[en]— streames . pervore hi byep propre-
liche yeleped ye[fpes]— welle . hy byep pe streames. And pe
oper scele is—)
Next, as a contrast, we take a few lines from a
Wycliffite Bible of the latter part of the fourteenth cen-
tury, written in a square hand akin to the formal writing
as seen in Latin liturgical MSS. (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 75).
fºto waite tºrrſtinpig peprittempe
ofyrinonep º; § bivoyle of
firſt-yefirſt my of martoſhtāgī;fºr
pºſtymgigton ageinºupſûânot tofpt
tºniº vetºtrºubtetbit of ctruegrant
iivtſºvingið (thal maltram trutº of
1902i}/tſoyfli; if wet tastatDºbry to
wYCLIFFITE BIBLE.—LATE 14TH CENTURY.
(for to have wirschiping pe prittenpe day of pe monep adar.
Pat is seid bi voyce of sirie : pe first day of mardochius, per-
fore pese pingis don affeinus nychanore . and of pe | tymes pe
Cytee weeldid of ebrues ; and | I in pese pingis schal make an
eende of word, and sopeli 5if wel and as it acordip to)





2ſ)
29O Palaeography.
Of the latter part of the fourteenth century, perhaps
about the year 1380, is a MS. of the Vision of Piers
Plowman, in the Cottonian collection (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 56),
written in a set minuscule hand, partly formed upon the
charter-hand of the time. This specimen may be com-
pared with the facsimile from the chronicle of about
the year 1388 above (p. 278).
Wang me &alſº ques dºlcebi tºp-bit m
$dai no ſºld moting be mºnet-fº me bid
pºkélour ye ploulmameyāt-&mpungmcs
bjme amºngvaeang alle ºne
$auctoue arts letttzoans lousneſſ of ºcyte
arts no taxt-to takesto p2cue Yºué fººtwelke.
PIERS PLOWMAN.—LATE 14TH CENTURY.
(Have me excused quod clergie. bi crist but in [scole] | Schal
no swich motyng be mevet . for me buſt pere] | For peres love
pe plouhman. Pat enpungned ſe me ones|| Alle kyne cunnynges.
and alle kyne craftes | Save love and leute . and lownesse of
herte | And no tixt to take . to preve pis for trewe)
And of about the same date, but written in a more
careless style, and partaking rather of the character of
the fifteenth century, is the original MS. of Hereford’s
Wycliffite translation of the Old Testament, at Oxford
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 151), which is probably of the year
1382.
tº ºutptolºgiſepºt vel»ghloº Sºlº
iº. §§ mcºvcſ
ſºngs of ºnciaſº "[yºtt
ºlºtºwºcºſºevºlºſºpºtº,
% Włºup ºjº.
aiigiſ of weſº/foxtºwic;edytc.
Öttvy"pleſiæ towelcºttough Weißcutcº
wYCLIFFITE BIBLE –A.D. 1382.

Za/in Pa/aeography. 29 I
(rereden up to hevene, and pe holi lord god herde anoon pe
vois of hem, he remembride not pe | synnes of hem . ne 3af
hem to per enemys : but purgide hem in pe hond of isaie pe
holi prophete he prew doun pe tentis of assiries: and hem
to broside pe aungil of pe lord, forwhi ezechie | dide pat ple-
side to pe lord . and strongli he wente)
Early in the fifteenth century, in some of the more
carefully written MSS., a hand of the charter-hand type,
but cast in a regular and rather pointed form, is
employed. Such is the writing of a copy of Occleve’s
poem De Regimine Principum in the Harleian collection
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 57).
*noneymascºſº maſsº
Kyºtt Qº
a crºcurºiſ & it of
º
OCCLEVE.-EARLY 15TH CENTURY.
(Yit somme holden oppynyoun and sey | Pat noneymagesschuld
imaked be pei erren foule and goon out of pewey || Of trouth
have pei scant sensibilite Passe over pat now blessed trinite |
Uppon my maistres soule mercy have | For him lady eke pi
mercy I crave)
And to illustrate two other varieties of the writing of
this century, we select the following —
(i.) Some lines from a MS. of Bokenham's Ilives of
Saints, written in the year 1447 in a formal hand (Pal.
Soc. ii. pl. 58).
-


292 Palaeography.
305 re (cucue upright deppo lptura
<50.pfoundly pitt Stetſ; tıcı ſuial
*hºng tho deth fuuna in pittaitiv
hubtit cite lyc uſet or of tugatt &gtv
331ſt yūtſūcuºyſ ſºmi ayuacantuluic
tºſſittſbulê 3 quhe offſprefortune “I
*}vci) túas twijt. Grctly for agg *
* Hyugyg tougljtye the wagtanc
LIVES OF SAINTS.—A.D. 1447.
(Of pe sevene wych be clepydlyberal | So profoundly pat greth
ner smal Was no clerk founde in pat cuntre | What evere he
were or of what degre | But pat she wyth hym coude com-
une | What shuld I speke of hyre fortune | Wych was ryht
greth for as Iseyd before | A kyngys doughtyr she was bore)
(ii) A passage from a MS. of Chaucer’s “Legend of
Good Women’’ (Skeat, Twelve Facs., pl. 10), written in
the pointed charter-hand of the middle of the century. ,
q .*.. <ſº ſº 4:9 twºve
#: - : §: . +6aº **
ºf:
º:3:...;
CHAUCER.—15TH CENTURY.
(Madame quod he, it is so long agoon | That I yow knewe, so
charitable and trewe | That never yit, syn that the worlde was
newe | To me, ne founde y better noon than yee | If that ye
wolde, save my degree | I may ne wolnat, werne your requeste
Al lyeth in yow, dooth wyth hym, as yow liste | I al foryeve,
withouten lenger space)






CHAPTER XIX.
LATIN PALAEOGRAPHY-CONTINUEI).
Cursive Writing.
THE history of the Cursive Writing of Western Europe
in the middle ages covers as wide a field as that of the
literary hand. Practically, however, a full knowledge of
the peculiarities of the different official hands of Europe
is not so necessary and is not so easily attainable as
that of the various kinds of literary MSS. Each country
has naturally guarded its official deeds with more or less
jealousy, and such documents have therefore been less
scattered than the contents of ordinary libraries. While,
then, the student will find it of chief advantage to be
familiar with the history of the book-hands of all coun-
tries—as in his researches, which, in most instances, will
be connected with literary matters, his labours will lie
among MS. books—he will be generally content with a
slighter acquaintance with the official handwritings of
foreign countries, for the study of which the available
material is limited. An intimate knowledge, however,
of the official and legal hands of his own country is as
necessary to him as the knowledge of the literary hands,
if he wishes to be in a position to make use of the vast
mass of historical information to be extracted from the
official and private records which lie ready to hand in
the national repositories.
In this chapter, then, it is not practically necessary
to examine the several forms of the cursive handwritings


294 Palaeography.
of the continent, but we propose to deal more largely
with the official and legal hands of our own country.
In following the history of Roman cursive writing
and of the national hands which sprang therefrom we
traced the rise of the cursive writing of Western Europe
in its three distinct forms of Lombardic, Visigothic,
and Merovingian. We do not propose to follow the
later cursive developments of these different forms; but
there are two great series of official documents which,
on account of their extent and political importance, it
is necessary to examine a little more closely in regard
to the styles of writing which were employed in their
production. These are the documents which issued
from the Papal Chancery and from the Imperial Chan-
cery of the middle ages.
In the Papal Chancery a form of writing was deve-
loped which, from its likeness, in some respects, to the
Lombardic cursive, has been named Littera Beneventana.
It was, of course, derived from the Roman chancery
hand, but took a different line from that followed by
the writing found in the cursive documents of Ravenna.
The peculiar letters which belong to it are the a made
almost like a Greek o, the t in form of a loop, and the
e in that of a circle with a knot at the top. These
letters also take other forms when linked with other
letters. Specimens of it are in existence dating from
the end of the eighth century; and facsimiles are to be
found in various palaeographical collections, and espe-
cially in the great work of Pfluck-Harttung, Speci-
mina selecta chartarum pontificum Romanorum, 1885-
1887. The following facsimile is taken from a bull of
Pope John VIII., of the year 876, written on a very
large scale, which is here greatly reduced (Pf.-Hart.,
tab. 5). The artificial nature of the writing can be detected
in the construction of some of the letters. For example,
tall strokes are not necessarily made by one sweep of
the pen : it will be seen that that of the second d in
the first line is distinctly formed in three pieces, the two
upper ones being evidently added to the lowest one.

Zafin Palaeography. 295
Cluj'ſ) C. Ouy coº-uy *c.
*~~~
**** w"O Aut
&ebec-bºot-wowoodooc
BULL OF JOHN VIII.-A.D. 876.
(Quando ad ea quae catholicorum]— bus sunt monitis pro
Vocanſdal —ente gratiam succenduntur— et leto sunt animo
conced ſenda—)
This hand continued to be practised down to the
beginning of the twelfth century, becoming in its later
stages peculiarly angular and difficult to read. We give
a facsimile of this late style from a bull of Urban II., of
the year 1098 (Pf-Hart., tab. 47).
ºr “rºl-ºr-lºw-
* ~~~~iºlº
slal- * tº rt-
tº- ~! inuéwns:
BULL OF URBAN II.-A.D. 1098.
(ſemendalverit . potestatis honorisque sui dignitaſte]—
corpore ac sanguine dei et domini redemptoris— | eidem loco
iusta servantibus sit pax— premia eterne pacis inveniant)
The peculiar forms which the long r and the t and
other letters assume in combination will be specially
noticed.
This kind of writing, however, did not remain supreme
throughout the period of its existence noted above. In
the course of the eleventh century the writing of the
Imperial Chancery became the ordinary hand for papal
documents also. This hand was at that period, as we
shall presently see, the ordinary minuscule, derived from
the Caroline minuscule, mixed, however, for some time
with older forms. In the twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies, and subsequently during the later middle ages,
the papal hand follows the general lines of the develop-
ment of the established minuscule, cast, it must be remem-
bered, in the mould of the symmetrical Italian style.
A very peculiar and intricate style adopted at a late













Zatºn Pa/eography. 297
º
period for papal documents may here be just mentioned.
This is the so-called Littera, Sancti Petri or Scrittura,
bollatica, a character which appears to have been in-
vented for the purpose of baffling the uninitiated. It
first appeared in the reign of Clement VIII., A.D. 1592–
1605, and was only abolished in our own time, in 1879."
As the special form of writing developed in the Papal
Chancery is to be traced back to the Roman cursive as
practised in Italy, so the writing of the Imperial Chan-
cery is derived from the same cursive, as practised in
France and represented by the facsimile of the Merovin-
gian hand of the year 695 given above (p. 227).
Facsimiles of the early Imperial Chancery writing are
to be found scattered in various works; but a complete
course may be best studied in Letronne’s Diplomata, in
Sickel's Schrifttafeln aus dem Nachlasse von U. F. von
Kopp (1870), and especially in the recent work of von
Sybel and Sickel, Kaiserurkunden in Abbildungen (1880,
etc.). In the earliest documents, commencing in the
* A very interesting paper, giving much information with
regard to papal documents, in a condensed form, was contributed
to the Revue des Questions Historiques, tom. xxxix., 1886, with
the title Les Eléments de la Diplomatique Pontificale, by Count
de Mas Latrie. In the Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes,
series 4, tome iv. (1858), Monsieur Delisle has also written a
valuable paper, Mémoire sur les Actes d'Innocent III., in which
some points of palaeographical interest are brought out. In the
thirteenth century, the leaden papal seal (bulla) was attached by
silken threads (red and yellow) to a bull which conferred or con-
firmed rights and was of a permanent nature; it was attached by
a hempen string to a bull which conveyed orders and was of a
temporary nature. Certain distinctive marks in the text of the
documents gave at a glance the clue to their character. In
(1) silken bulls, the intial letter of the pope's name was drawn in
open work, in (2) hempen bulls it was solid; in (1) the pope's
name was written in elongated letters, in (2) in ordinary letters;
in (1) a large majuscule letter began the word following the
words servus servorum Dei, in (2) the letter was an ordinary
majuscule; in (1) the mark of contraction was looped, in (2) it
was straight; in (1) the letters ct and st occurring in the middle
of words, as dictus, justus, were separated by a space and con-
nected by a link above, as dicºtus, justus, in (2) they were written
in the ordinary way.

298 Palaeography.
seventh century and continuing to the middle of the
eighth century, the character is large, and in the earlier
part of this period is not so intricate as afterwards. The
writing then grows into a more regular form. The fol-
lowing specimen represents the style of the close of the
eighth century, as found in a document of Charlemagne
of the year 797 (Facs. Ecole des Chartes).
ºw Yººt tº
\!\!\! º * * \ : ‘w sm
tº wº. * &\\ º &\m
&sº t * {N \,\! {u}
DEED OF CHARLEMAGNE.—A.D. 797.
(adscribitur quod pro contemplatione servitii | [fillius noster
cum aliquibus dei infidelibus ac nostris | –ex ipsis in nostra
praesentia convicti et secundum —cui et nos omnes res pro-
prietatis suae iuxta eius)
In the ninth century a small hand of increasing regu-
larity and gradually falling into the lines of the Caroline
minuscule is established; but while the influence of the
reformed hand is quite evident, old forms of letters are
retained for some time, as might be expected in a style
of writing which would, in the nature of things, cling to
old traditions more closely than would that of the

Zafim Palaeography. 299
literary schools. And so it progresses, affected by the
changes which are seen at work in the literary hands,
but still continuing to maintain its own individuality as
a cursive form of writing. As an illustration of a middle
period, we select a few lines from a deed of the Emperor
Henry I., written in the year 932 (Kaiserurkund, tab. 22).
2 \| 1:4
tº 111 CC& Cºl Cut
**** º ſº
+44CC&CC fºr:
DEED OF THE EMPEROR HENRY.—A.D. 932.
(potestatis esse videbatur . cum curtilibus . ecclesia– in
comitatibus meginuuarchi et sigifridi . local– nuncupata .
cum curtilibus . aecclesiis . ceteris)
In this writing of the Imperial Chancery, as indeed in
all other cursive styles derived from the Roman cursive,
the exaggeration of the heads and tails of letters is a
marked feature. And this exaggeration continued in-
herent in this hand and was carried over into the

3OO Palaeography.
national official hands of France and Germany and Italy,
which are but later developments of it. In England we
see the influence of the hand of the Imperial Chancery
in the official hand which the Normans brought with
them and established in the country.
Each of the nations, then, of Western Europe de-
veloped its own style of official and legal writing, and in
each country that writing ran its own course, becoming
in process of time more and more individualized and
distinct in its national characteristics. But at the same
time, as we have seen in the case of the literary
hand, it was subject to the general law of change;
in each country it passed through the periods of
the large bold style of the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies, the exact style of the thirteenth, the declining
style of the fourteenth, and the angular style and
decadence of the fifteenth century. With its later career
we have not to do, except to note that certain forms
of it still linger in law documents, as for example in
the engrossing of modern English deeds; and that
every ordinary current hand of modern Europe might
have been as directly descended from the old legal
cursive hand as the modern German is. What saved
Europe from this diversity of current handwriting was
the welcome which was given to the beautiful Italian
cursive hand of the Renaissance, a form of writing which
stood in the same relation to the book-hand of the
Renaissance as the modern printer's Italics (the name
preserving the memory of their origin) do to his ordinary
Roman type. As the Italian book-hand of the Renaissance
was not infrequently adopted at the end of the fifteenth
and beginning of the sixteenth centuries as a style of
writing for the production of select MSS. in England
and France and other countries beyond the borders of
Italy, so the Italian cursive hand at once came into
favour as an elegant and simple style for ordinary use.
In the sixteenth century and even later an educated
Englishman could write two styles of current writing,
his own native hand lineally descended from the charter-
hand, and the new Italian hand; just as a German

Zafim Palaeography. 3O I
scholar of the present day can write the native German
and the Italian hands. And in concluding these remarks
it is worth noting that the introduction and wide
acceptance of the Italian hand has constituted a new
starting-point for the history of modern cursive writing
in Western Europe. As the Roman cursive was adopted
and gradually became nationalized in different forms in
different countries; and, again, as the reformed minus-
cule writing of Charlemagne’s reign was taken as a fresh
basis, and in its turn gradually received the stamp of the
Several national characteristics of the countries where it
was adopted ; so the Italian hand of the Renaissance has
taken the impress of those same characteristics, and
specimens are easily distinguished, whether written by
an Englishman or a German, by a Frenchman or an
Italian or a Spaniard, as the case may be.
English Charter-hand.
As already stated, the handwriting employed in
England for official and legal documents after the
Norman Conquest was the foreign hand introduced by
the conquerors, and generally of the cursive type. An
exception might be found in the few charters issued
by William the Conqueror in the language of the
people, which presumably were written by English
scribes and are in the native hand. But these docu-
ments are so few that they are hardly to be considered
as affecting the principle of the introduction of a new
order of things in the issue of official and legal
instruments.
But while we find it convenient to treat the cursive
or charter-hand as a separate branch of mediaeval
English writing apart from the literary or book-hand,
it must not be forgotten that both are derived from
the same stock, that each influences the other and
occasionally crosses its path (we have already seen how
often the cursive hand was employed in a more or less
modified form for literary purposes), and that the same


302 Pa/eography.
laws of progress and change act contemporaneously
upon both the one and the other. We shall accordingly
have to note the same course of development and
decadence in the cursive hand as we have followed in the
set literary hand.
The official hand of the first hundred years succeeding
the Conquest does not very materially alter. In the few
surviving charters of the early kings of the Norman line
it appears in a rough and angular character with the
exaggeration of long limbs which we have noticed in the
earlier hands derived from the Roman cursive. In such
documents as the Pipe Rolls the writing is more careful
and formal; in the great volume of Domesday, while it
still retains the official cast, it has a good deal of the
literary style of lettering, perhaps from the fact of the
work being drawn up in form of a book. The character
into which it soon settled for royal charters may be
exemplified by the following specimen drawn from a
grant of Henry II. to Bromfield Priory in the year 1155
(Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 41).
º - tº ſiſ.
tºſs.l.
- *A4 º 4. ſ S&S...a tnc pro
Slºvé tº ſº,
tle, 7 aſ a new on tº trialſº, Vécita
funcutit |- ſº .7 Jºli. X2
CHARTER OF HENRY II.--A.D. 1155.
!!
(Comes Andegavie . Archiepiscopis . Episcopis . Abbatibus.
Comitibus. | –suis totius Anglie : Salutem. Sciatis me pro
—dedisse. et Carta mea Confirmasse . Ecclesiam | –[per]ti-
nentiis suis . Priori. et Monachis ibidem deo)


Zafim Palaeography. 3O3
In this class of deeds the profuse employment of large
letters is very striking ; and it should be noticed that
the long strokes are drawn out into fine hair-lines, and,
as is seen in one or two instances in the facsimile, are
occasionally provided with an ornamental spur near the
top of the stem, which thus has the appearance of being
cloven.
In the next example of the official hand, from the
charter of King John to the borough of Wilton, of the
year 1204 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 214), the writing is a little
more regular and cloven stems are more frequent.
lºgº (stºſ.ſ,
º \º wº!)coo sº
tº ſlaº
chARTER or KING JoHN.—A.D. 1204.
(ſorisfacturam . sicut carte Regis. Henrict, proavi nostril– |
testantur. Testibus . Gileberto filio Petri Comitis Essexie.
Ricardo Coſmite]— | Nievilla . Roberto de Vețeli ponte :
Petro de Stoka– Cicestrensis Electi. Apud Oxoniam . xxi.
die Aprilis)
A style of the charter-hand very common at the end
of the twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth century-
rather squarer in its forms of letters and less exaggerated
than the official hand of the period—is shown in the
following facsimile. It is taken from a deed of the Hos-
pital of St. John of Jerusalem, written at Ossington in
Nottinghamshire in the year 1206 (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 117).

3O4. Pa/eography.
otüſte § {{{ſºutſºſué Q8tgoſº Adº
*i; crofºn *:::::: aſſenſu §:
Çataconfirmauligºchtoff, Juonwººtbam”
Sºfiiquefugºuonºpauſénºdap:Stay
ſuppenettºw Waleºlalanpaugºva. Wirmé.
gºat ſubwºuſtoatia&ſapeaguega,
CHARTER OF THE HOSPITALLERS.–A.D. 1206.
(Notum sit Omnibus presentibus et futuris Quod Ego frater
Rober[tus]— [Hospi]talis Ierosolymitani in Anglia de com-
muni assensu et voluntate fratrum— | Carta confirmavimus
Roberto filio Ivonis de Wicham et— | Croftum que fuerunt
Ivonis patris eius in Wicham. et unam pſortionam]— super
Benecroftewelle. et aliam portionem terre ad Wirmode— | Bosci
ad frithwude .. et unam Gairam terre super Hagenegate)
Except for its being rather looser in the formation of
its letters and more subject to flourishes, there is no
great difference between this writing and the ordinary
book-hand of the period; and it is to be observed that
not infrequently the style of writing employed in
monastic charters is rather of the literary than of the
legal type, that is, it is more set than cursive.
This preference of the more exact style of writing is
conspicuous in many of the charters of the thirteenth
century—the period when, as we have seen above, a
more minute character was practised, contrasting strongly
with the bold writing of the preceding century. Under
this restrictive influence, a highly decorative class of
documents was produced, in which the scribe exercised
with effect his powers of penmanship in fanciful orna-
mentation of the capitals and the stems of tall letters.
A specimen of this style is given from a lease of land to
Abingdon Abbey, of the year 1230 (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 99).


*
Załin Palaeography. 3O5
>
\
º
s
-
.
s
|
-
º---
zºpº Sºsaw-lºſis ºuai.£º
beliſsa's lºsse- º Fººt
&sll=14er-º-º-º:
LEASE TO ABINGDON ABBEY.—A.D. 1230.
[Estov]erium suum usque ad terminum dictorum decem anno-
rum. Si vero dicta Iuliana infra dictos decſem]— et cum
eorum pertinentiis usque ad terminum dictorum decem annorum
tenebunt . faciendo inde tantum for insecum]— |[conjven-
tionem firmiter et sine dolo esse tenendam : dictus Abbas et
Conventus per manum Roſgeri]— [maiorem huius conven-
tionis traditionis et dimissionis securitatem : presens scriptum
in moſdum]— | Hiis testibus. Henrico de Tracy. Ricardo
Decano de Dumbeltuna. Willelmo de Dicſ lesduna]— | Elia
de Dumbeltona Rogero Nepote. Thoma de Dreitona. Rogero
Malescallo.)
Nothing can be prettier, as specimens of calligraphy,
than these delicately written charters of the thirteenth
century, which, moreover, are scarcely ever broader than
the hand, and in their little compass present so many
pleasing varieties of the penman's handiwork.
But the true cursive hand was more generally em-
ployed in the majority of legal and official deeds of
the period. In the course of the reign of Henry III.,
while the letters generally retain the stiffness character-
istic of writing of the thirteenth century, a certain
amount of looping of the tall stems is gradually estab-
lished—an advance upon the earlier practice of notching


21
306 Pa/eography.
or cleaving the tops, as noticed above. The following
specimen is taken from a charter of Bitlesden Abbey, of
the year 1251 (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 118).
&Aºs wnſ&rºwns £ºeskewnºw
fºgº ºustºm ºn nº
canaſºgºmonaſººyonoºn *ac-Roma
~$3%avonºwº awasafºſ, sº
erºsiº flºo & manašks S. &ne ºz
bows caſſººrſ, cavuſaas ºn tºwdham Tuotatº
CHARTER OF BITLESDEN ABBEY.—A.D. 1251.
Walterus miseracione divina Norwicensis Ecclesie minister
humilis]— —patris domini Tohannis Regis non viciatam
non cancellatam nec in— —Monachis et monasterio de Bittles-
dena concessam in hac forma— | —[Com]itibus . Baronibus
Iusticiariis. Vicecomitibus. omnibus amicis et fidelibus suiſs]
— –Ernoldus de Bosco fecit deo et monachis de ordine Cis-
tercieſnsi]— —[or]dinis Cisterciensis . et de tribus carucatis
terre in syresham que vocatur)
At this period, under a more extended system of link-
ing the letters together and the consequent establishment
of a really current hand, many of the older forms of
letters become modified. The looping of tall letters has
already been referred to. The top stroke of the letter
a is gradually more bent over, and already in several
instances touches the lower bow and forms a closed loop;
i, m, n, and u, when two or more come together in a
word, are composed of uniform strokes; and, above all,
the small round s becomes more frequent, and is finished
off in a closed loop below. This form of the latter letter,
as we shall see, afterwards became exaggerated, the
loop growing to a disproportionate size.
The official hand of the reign of Edward I., as seen in

Latin Pa/aeography. 3O7
his charters, is in a regular and rather broad style,
showing a further development in the open order of the
letters, and the tendency to roundness characteristic of
the fourteenth century.
lºe is rt ls
º i.
umm mºbs §§edishabism vs. tº."
m but in gola º comemaſº
º: Fºr incºln axle illus aſ Gno capita
CHARTER OF EDWARD I.—A.D. 1303.
(Aquitanie Omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint || –
[fildelis nostri Henrici de Lacy Comitis Lincolnie concessi-
mus —[quant]um in nobis est dilectis nobis in Christo Abbati
et Conven ſtui] | —[cujm pertinentiis in Mora que vocatur
Inkelesmore continentem | –longitudine per medium More
illius ab uno capite)
In the specimen here given from a charter of the year
1803 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 254), a further development is to be
noticed in the looped a and s referred to under the last
facsimile. Here also is to be seen a new change in the
formation of the tall letters: the spur or flourish on the
left side at the top of the stem is in some instances dis-
pensed with (e.g. in b in the second mobis and Abbati, in
line 3), leaving the letter provided with a simple curve
or loop on the right instead of a cloven top.
Further progress in these particulars is seen in the
official hand of the period of Edward II, as exemplified
by the following specimen from a writ of Privy Seal of
the year 1310 (Facs, of National MSS., no. 27).

Palæography.
ºº: otowtror Sº fººd
Stºre- * * prºſa is a was
“r ºn arre, sºft's Siſſºs ſov -echºes /
WRIT OF PRIvy SEAL.-A.D. 1810.
(Edward par la grace de dieu / Roi Dengleſterre]— mons|ire]
Aymer de Valence Counte de Penbroke – la ville seint Johan
de Percheſ et noz autres— Escoce: nous ont fait saver que noz
enemys— iour en autre I Chasteux / villes ſet terres)
But, on the other hand, an equal rate of development
of the new forms is not to be found contemporaneously
in all documents. Charters written in the king's courts
would be the work of the more expert scribes trained in
the newest style ; elsewhere the changes need not be so
regular or so rapid. In a grant from the Bishop of
Norwich to Flixton Priory, of the year 1321 (Pal. Soc.
i. pl. 254), the old form of tall letters with cloven tops is
still followed.
GRANT or THE BIshop of Norwich.-A.D. 1821.



Lazim /^a/aeograp/y. 3O9
|.
(Iohannes permissione divina Norwycensis Episcopus j volu[n-
tate]— | — [Trin]itatis Norwycensis necnon de licencia speciali
domini nostri— | — [clarta nostra / confirmavimus j pro nobis et
successoribus nost[ris]— | — [B]ungeye / ac Religiosis Mulieri-
bus // Emme Priorisse— | —iuxta Bungeye nostre Dyoceseos :
que ad nos et Ep[iscopatum]— | —[eius]dem loci pertinebat
temporibus preteritis . Habend[um])
Βut there are late forms among the letters, which,
besides the general character of the writing, mark the
document as one of the fourteenth century.
The progress made in the latter part of the century is
very marked. Towards its close the letters begin to
take angular forms, without, however, all at omce assum-
ing the universal angularity which belongs to the
fifteenth century. The following is a specimen of a
rather rough style of the period, from a licence granted
by Croyland Abbey in the year 1392 (Pal. Soc. i.
pl. 257).
£ $ $ $ qnos £Rn« f;8, §}&-
ÄÈÊ „ 4.°) j$££ §
ΛηO §¤! ζΊΓ
g&j$%á- Syagìtta & Quam acjas roffo.
wåßáránæ &nàm &£(ktámvj&Saxo- o-wv
DEED OR CROYLAND ABBEY.-—A.D. 1392.
([Conven]tus Omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint |
—et licenciam dedisse. pro nobis et successoribus | —[Wil-
lel]mo Spenser et Iohanni Waldegrave de | —gardina . Sexa-
ginta et unam acras terre | — [de]nariatam et unam oblatam
redditus cum)






3 IO Paleography.
In this hand will be remarked the exaggerated loop
of the round s, and the reversed or o-shaped e. The
forms of these and of other letters may be compared
with those of the facsimile of the set book-hand from the
chronicle of 1388 (p. 278 above).
As a specimen of carefully written charter-hand of the
last year of the fourteenth century, we may select a
few lines from an official document of Henry IV., of the
year 1400 (Pal. Soc. ii. pl. 160).
3%*ē weſtwº sº ºf wººftº: -
St. & $º <ſpale aſºw G accº at *f;
ww3 º &W &sº *
ºrusts ºw-ſº Wºy &\\ty ****** • à
&W, ... ºut are spalººs wºc?”
º
LETTERS OF HENRY IV.-A.D. 1400.
(quod dominus Ricardus nuper Rex Anglie Secundus post con-
questum apud | –de Sa grace especiale par assent et accord de
toutz seignurs espiriſtuelz) || –[demurjantz en Irland qils
reviendront en Engleterre illoeqes | —[nientclontresteant le-
statut ent fait lan du regne nostre dit seignur | –vestris in hac
parte specialiter providere Suscepimus et ponimus —[moran]do
in proteccionem tuicionem et defensiones nostras speciales)
By this time the letters have become pointed and
angular ; and through the course of the fifteenth century
this is their general character, with an ever-increasing
tendency to careless formation. The following is a
specimen of an ordinary rough hand of the reign of
Henry V., from an official deed relating to a pledge of
crown plate, of the year 1415 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 258).

Zafim Palaeography. 3 II
Sºfts “f** Hººsie,
<Gaj9ew. sº a Getº-
#Rººses” “tººs. s.45, pºwer
Fºy Seyew & &náwasows ºr *; ſº at
ſº p_{e, wavas & Sºſºy Sewg
º “ 3v-9. i º: S&
PLEDGE OF PLATE.—A.D. 1415.
(Ceste endenture fait parentre Richard Couſrtenay]—
Gardein de ses ioialx dune part et Robert— | present viage as
parties doultre la meer— par vertu et commaundement dez
lettres pat[entes]— signe par lez mains de Tresorer den-
gleterre— poisant ensemble iij unces i quarterone pris del)
Although, however, the letters are roughly formed,
there is still a certain simplicity in the general character
of the writing, which later in the century gives place to
more elaborate flourishes and to more fanciful shaping
of the letters.
To illustrate the charter-hand of the middle and latter
part of the century, we must be content to select the
two following specimens, which may serve to give some
indication of its later development ; but a really adequate
idea of the changes effected in the course of the fifteenth
century can only be gained by examination of a series of
documents.
The first is taken from a lease, in English, of the year
1457, written at Canterbury (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 260). The
old tradition of dotting the y here shows itself in the
careless little curved stroke which flies above the line
and is quite separated from the letter to which it belongs.
In the word Payinge in the second line this stroke might
at first sight be taken to mark the i.

31 2 Pa/aeography.
f awaaéº ows ** engise
As fººt. - *:::::: tº ses ab
Sºcesſºvº”. 3A.S. ſº ‘...t. tºt as to
“ext ºwnse ss”? &eºpelagºsº
3.48 : Aº Segº 3rvºr, tºs & tºué
º Asſººns ‘f tºs
LEASE.-A.D. 1457.
(of annunciacioun of oure lady next comynge aftir– I and
fully to be endid Payinge yerely the seid Aliſsandre]— | Suc-
cessours in hand . halfe yere afore . that is to— | next suyinge
xxiii. s. iiijd. by evene porciouns The- and staves . and
Seyleclothes duringe the seid terme— as of yrounwerke
Tymberwerke . and helyng of the)
The second, in a much more pointed hand, is from a
charter of John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to Notley
Abbey, granted in 1485 (Pal. Soc. i. pl. 260).
- º €6% ºf 44% oze -
etºº lºſſe. . Čkóð.4% -
gºº.
GRANT TO NOTLEY ABBEY.—A.D. 1485.
(predictam . prefato Abbati et Conventui durante min[ori]—
nulla proficua terrarum nec maritagium eiusdem perce-
perunt– | dedi et concessi ac do et concedo prefato Petro
Abbati) — | reddituum reversionum et Serviciorum ac
aliorum possessionuſm]— nuper de Stoke Lysle in Comitatu
Oxoniens. . qui de me– dicti Willelmi et racione minoris
etatis . Iohannis)



Załin Pa/eography. 3 I 3
It is not the design of this work to pursue the history
º of Latin Palaeography beyond the end of the fifteenth
century; and the examination of the literary hand was
accordingly brought to a close when it had reached that
s limit. With regard, however, to the cursive form of
writing which has just been passed in review and which
l was not superseded by the printing press, as was the
| case with the set literary style, it will not be out of place
º -
| to lay before the reader a few specimens of later
varieties, among which some were elaborated in certain
of the law courts and became the styles peculiar to
those courts.
The ordinary class of charter or cursive hand in the
reign of Henry VIII. was a rather coarse development
of the style of the fifteenth century. The following
specimen, taken from an ordinary conveyance of the year
1530 (Brit. Mus., Add. Ch. 24,843), may suffice as an
illustration.
| *s-ketºecºſygianſ,
:::::::::::::
- “car. cººt: ºcie "p. X* mse 16,
“We tents Pºreſite ºf *
DEED.—A.D. 1530.
--
º
(Sond ac Georgio Taylour omnia illa terras teſnementa]—
—[i]acentia et existentia in Wescote in parochia de Dorkyng
- || -[conclessione et feoffamento Roberti Borne de Dorkyſng]
- || –Maydeman aliam vero medietatem inde nuper— | –Cap-
º: parentis ac filii et heredis Alicie nuper uxoris meeiaſm]— || –
; predicta terras et tenementa redditus et servicia cum suis per-
tlinentiis])





3I4 Palaeography.
In most of the English cursive handwriting of the
first half of the sixteenth century a certain heaviness of
style was the fashion ; but afterwards this gave place to
a lighter and more elegant character, which was fully
established by the reign of Elizabeth, and was most
commonly used from that time onwards far into the
seventeenth century, and then gradually toned down
into a form modified by the Italian letters of the ordi-
nary current hand of the day. The following specimen
is taken from a deed of the year 1594 (Brit. Mus.,
Add, Ch. 24,798).
*:::::::: £eſ. º
44% º: ºft-iſºk
§
cººf; ºr ſºrº.
as as ecºgniewº-ºve-ovº --" nº ºr
DEED.—A.D. 1594.
(To be holden of the Cheefe lorde or lordes— Administra-
tours and for every of them, Doth— |att thensealinge
and deliverye of these presentes is— all and singuler
thappurtenaunces in Fee simple without]— and every parte
thereof to the saide Thomas Tanner]– att all convenient
tyme or tymes within the-)
In this hand we have a good fluent style to which
none of the cursive writing of previous centuries had
attained in England. In fact the close of the sixteenth
century may be referred to as the epoch of the rise of
the modern current hand, as distinguished from the
more slowly written and more disjointed cursive writing
of the middle ages.
Lastly, in taking leave of this ordinary style, we
select a specimen of a form which it assumed early in
º
º-



Zlatin Palaeography. 3 I5
º
the seventeenth century, from a deed of the year 1612
(Brit. Mus., Add. Ch. 24,000).
*ewºfs 3) &º fav /rºco.
:* §Çifteå º
w to viºu?&zo. To Yu o C’ ſº tu yi
C/
tan - reo, a to 6v (630. 3. Yt ºf 2)
º º, \
“ſºfte: o://www.oz. gº cºates
DEED.—A.D. 1612.
(powndes of good and lawfull mony— himselfe fully satis-
fied, And therof- || And in consideracion of twoe hunſdred]
— confirmed, and by thease presentes doth]— |[A]ll that
the Mannor of Butlers scituate]— |[M]esuage or Mannor
howse of Butle[rs])
Now to turn to the peculiar official legal hands
referred to above. From the earliest times succeeding
the Norman Conquest there were, as we have seen, cer-
tain styles followed, though not uniformly, for particular
official documents; and a series of examples of these
during the several reigns may be found in the public
records. But it was not until the sixteenth century
that a perfected system of particular styles for certain
courts was finally established.
Without regarding the class to which has been given
the name of “secretary,” and which is in fact the hand
which has been illustrated by the two preceding fac-
similes, there are two main styles which practically cover
the varieties enumerated in the special works on the
subject, viz., the Chancery hand and the Court hand.
The former was used for records under the great seal;
the latter was employed in the courts of King's Bench
* Wright, Court Hand Restored, cd, Martin, 1879, p. xii.















316 Palaeography.
and Common Pleas, for fines and recoveries, placita,
etc. These two kinds of writing do not vary very
materially; both may be described as fanciful render-
ings of the ordinary law hand. The Chancery hand,
of the pattern found in its developed form in the six-
teenth century, appears in an incipient stage in the
latter part of the fourteenth century, and is therefore of
an earlier origin than the Court hand, which indeed is
rather a modification of the Chancery hand itself. It
will be enough to select one or two examples of each
style in order to give a general idea of their character.
First we take a few lines from an exemplification of a
Chancery decree of the year 1539 (Brit. Mus., Add. Ch.
26,969) in illustration of the Chancery hand of the reign
of Henry VIII.
Vº Alcºciotº' cºlº tº 4. º **
§§. £e. w8vº. 3 u
At CM&t it
Yº sº. -
§as ...: (ºf emº ºr
C/ Aſti,
Suutic <3 Guestſ <ſ e59 •wºwe au:3",
ExEMPLIFICATION.—A.D. 1539.
(revencionum Corone nostre quoddam decretum- || –Xxiiij
die Novembris Anno regni domini Regiſs]— | –[reve]ncionum
Corone sue Et protulit ibidem quandam]— | –[ver]ba. This
Indenture made the - || –the grace of god of Englond and
Fraunce– –Englond Betwene Raf Burell doctor in- || –
[C]ountie of Leicester of the oon partie and)
Next, an example is taken from a grant of wardship
and marriage of the year 1618, which illustrates the
form which the hand had assumed in the reign of
|
to Aššut shit &sº
S3 owz, Suº, & eaſte ºw quauş.
ºśnº,
t& sº v sºugſouth aw? flºwev
º
-
\
|
|
|
|
|
|

|- Zafim Palaeography, 3 I 7
James I. (Brit. Mus., Add. Ch. 28,271), a form
*. altogether of the modern type which continued in
practice to quite a recent date.
º aww.ºctecuſ a “yº Gºguct&ctwº
sº Št téſº toupoto & tºa
º towfugittuštrº &cošº &victitute
ant utºgº•uct cºstutº &lucº t\igur.&
i. uttſaſº. 㺠&uct tu
*
ºutcºetuſ' º, (O41 treuſºtºcº &
GRANT OF WARDSHIP.-A.D. 1618.
(quousque eadem Maria Gwynet executor— —vel habuerint
Et hoc absºlue compoto seu aliqſuol— —contingat predictum
- Georgium Gwynet anteſquam]— ||—Maria Gwynet executores
!- sive assignati Sui- heredibus masculis eiusdem Georgii
Gwynet tuſncl— | –presentes damus et concedimus prefate
|- Marie Gwynet])
In these two examples of the Chancery hand it will
~ be seen that the chief characteristic is a fanciful angular
and upright treatment of the letters without deviating
from the setting of ordinary writing.
With the Court hand the treatment is different.
- While the shapes of the letters (with the exception of
e, which in this style is in the circular form) are prac-
tically the same as in the Chancery hand, the cast of
s the writing is quite altered by lateral compression,
which cramps and narrows the letters in an exaggerated
º Imall 1161°.
, Our first example of the Court hand is of Henry VIII.'s
* reign, and is taken from a final concord, or foot of a
fine, of the year 1530 (Brit. Mus., Add. Ch. 23,539).


3 I8 Aa/aeography.
1
&. fufiesus:Aa E+) §\*;•
$\ taggef- suejus ig& &
ieâus^à; yf || §. 1$li${»
1|||| §. £- $ $s&ai,
§¤gu- »j«pi ô <$
FINAL CONCORD.—A.D. 1530.
(Hec est finalis concordia facta in Curia domini Regis— |
domini Hibernie a conquestu vicesimo primo coram Robert[o]
— | Inter Antonium Wyngfeld Militem Iohannem Audele[y]—
et Reginaldum Dygby Armigerum deforcìentes de Mameri[o]
— | predictum Manerium, cum pertinentiis esse Ius ipsius
Humfrídi et)
Next we select a passage from am exemplification of
a plea of Elizabeth's reign, dated in the year 1578 (Brit.
Mus., Add. Ch. 25,968).
EXEMPLIFICATION.—A.T). 1578.
*-- 3.
|






Zafim Palaeography. 3 9
(facit Ideo consideratum est quod predictus Ionannes Collyn
recuperet —[misericordila et cetera Et super hoc predictus
Iohannes Collyn petit breve —[Trinit]atis in tres septimanas
* **a Ad quem diem hic | —[u]ltimo preterito habere fecit
Prefato Iohanni Collyn | —[presencjium duximus exemplifi-
°ºnda. In cuius rei testimonium)
-
-
There is practically no great difference in style between
these two specimens. The latter is perhaps to some ex-
tent the better hand and shows a very slight advance
on the other; but the forms of the letters are so stereo-
typed in this class of writing that the space of nearly
half a century which lies between the two documents
has impressed but little trace of change on the later
OT16.
Lastly, to show further how very gradual was the
alteration wrought by time in the character of the Court
hand, an example is taken from a final concord of the
reign of Charles II., bearing the date of 1673 (Brit.
Mus., Add. Ch. 25,871), nearly a century and a half after
the date of the final concord above, of the time of
Henry VIII., with which it is to be compared.
2.46 § tºtt'ſ º
†. º
wººſh!
FINAL CONCORD.—A.D. 1673.
(Hec est finalis Concordia facta in Curia domini– defensoris
et cetera a Conquestu vicesimo quinto Corſam]— | Willelmum



32O Palaeography.
Yates Generosum et Dinam uxorem eius— duabus acris terre º
decem acris pasture et tribus— cum pertinentiis esse ius -
ipsius Willelmi utilla que ide[m])
The more recent date of this document is to be recog-
nized by the coarser style of the writing and by the
broken appearance of the letters, which is effected
by their more strongly defined angularity.
The Court hand continued in practice down to the
reign of George II. ; the Chancery hand still sur-
wives in the modern engrossing hands employed in
enrolments and patents. |



A DT)|ENIDA.
Page 49.—A metal pen, about two inches long, shaped
and slit after the fashion of a quill-pen, was recently
found by Professor Waldstein in the so-called tomb of
Aristotle at Eretria.-Nineteenth Century, May, 1891.
Greek Palaeography.—Since the sheets of this volume
passed through the press, Monsieur Omont has published
his Facsimilés des plus anciens Manuscrits Grecs en onciale
et en minuscule de la Bibliothèque Nationale du ivº au.
aii" siècle (Paris, 1892). Among the plates are facsimiles
of the Codex Sarravianus of the Old Testament, pl. 2
(referred to above, p. 152, l. 20, as an Octateuch); of the
Codex Ephraemi, pl. 3 (above, p. 152, l. 19); of the Pauline
Epistles from Mount Athos, pl. 4 (above, p. 154, l. 1);
of the Codex Claromontanus, pl. 5 (above, p. 154, l. 22,
and p. 181, l. 19); of the Coislin Octateuch, pl. 6 (above,
p. 154, l. 9); of a series of MSS. in late uncial writing,
8th–11th centuries, pl. 8 to 21 (to be added to the lists
on pp. 157, 158); and of an Evangelistarium in large
ornamental round-uncials of the 12th century, pl. 22.
To the MSS. mentioned under the head of Greek
Writing in Western Europe (p. 181) we can now add
references to the following facsimiles in M. Omont's
series:—Pauline Epistles, in Greek and Latin, the
Codex Sangermanensis of St. Petersburg, 9th century,
pl. 5 bis; a Latin-Greek Psalter, Coislin MS. 186, 8th
century, pl. 7; a Latin-Greek Glossary, MS. Latin
7651, 9th century, pl. 23; and a Psalter, Arsenal MS.
8407, 9th century, pl. 24. -


22
322 Palaeography.
Systems of Dating.—It may be of practical use to add
a few words on the different systems observed in dating
manuscripts.
Mediaeval Greek MSS. are dated sometimes by the
year of the indiction, sometimes by the year of the
world according to the era of Constantinople, sometimes
by both indiction and year of the world.
The Indiction was a cycle of fifteen years, which are
severally styled Indiction 1, Indiction 2, etc., up to
Indiction 15, when the series begins afresh. The in-
troduction of this system is attributed to Constantine
the Great. From the circumstance of the commence-
ment of the indiction being reckoned variously from
different days, four kinds of indictions have been recog-
nized, viz.:-
i. The Indiction of Constantinople, calculated from
the 1st of September, A.D. 312.
ii. The Imperial or Caesarian Indiction (commonly
used in England and France), beginning on the 24th of
September, A.D. 312.
iii. The Roman or Pontifical Indiction (commonly
used in dating papal bulls from the ninth to the
fourteenth century), beginning on the 1st of January (or
the 25th of December, when that day was reckoned as
the first day of the year), A.D. 313.
iv. The Indiction used in the register of the parlia-
ment of Paris, beginning in October.
The Greeks made use of the Indiction of Constan-
tinople."
To find the indiction of a year of the Christian era,
add 3 to the year (because A D. 1 = Indiction 4), and
1. An independent mode of reckoning the commencement of the
indiction was followed in Egypt under the later Roman Empire.
The indiction there began normally in the latter half of the
month. Pauni, which corresponds to about the middle of June;
but the actual day of commencement appears to have been vari-
able and to have depended upon the exact period of the rising of
the Nile.—Catalogue of Greek Papyri in the British Museum,
pp. 197, 198. -



Adalenda. 323
divide the sum by 15: if nothing remains, the indiction
will be 15 ; if there is a remainder, it will be the number
of the indiction. But it must not be forgotten that
the Indiction of Constantinople begins on the 1st of
September, and consequently that the last four months
of a year of the Christian era belong to the next
indiction year.
The year of the Creation of the World was calculated,
according to the era of Constantinople, to be B.C. 5508.
The first day of the year was the 1st of September.
To reduce the Mundane era of Constantinople to the
Christian era, deduct 5508 from the former for the
months of January to August ; and 5509 for September
to December.
A chronological table, showing the corresponding
years of the Mundane era, the Christian era, and the
Indiction, from A.D. 800 to A.D. 1599, will be found in
Gardthausen's Griechische Palaeographie, pp. 450-459.
Latin MSS. are dated in several ways: by the year
of the Christian era or of other eras, by the year of the
indiction, by the regnal year of the reigning sovereign or
pontiff, by the year of episcopate, etc. In England it
was the general practice to date charters and other legal
documents by the saint’s day or festival on which, or
nearest to which, the deed was executed, and the regnal
year of the reigning sovereign.
The year of the Christian era, as now observed, is of
the same form as the Julian year, which was settled by
C. Julius Caesar in A.U.C. 708, the first year of the
system running from the 1st of January to the 31st of
December, A.U.C. 709.
The Christian era is according to the calculation of
Dionysius Exiguus (A.D. 533), who reckoned the birth
of Our Lord, which took place in the 28th year of
Augustus, as falling in A.U.C. 754, that is, dating from
the time when the Emperor took the name of Augustus.
The early Christians, however, placed the birth of Our
Lord four years earlier, calculating the 28th year of
Augustus from the date of the Battle of Actium (A.U.C.


324 Palaeography.
723), and thus beginning the Christian era in A.U.C.
750.
The Dionysian year is supposed to have commenced
on the 25th of March.
But the commencement of the year has been reckoned
from different days in different countries:–
In England and Ireland, from the sixth century to
1066, it was reckoned from Christmas Day, or from the
25th of March ; after the Norman conquest to the year
1155, from the 1st of January ; and between 1155 and
1751, from the 25th of March.
In Scotland, down to the close of 1599, it was reckoned
from the 25th of March. The 1st of January was the first
day of the year 1600.
In France, the year began variously in different
dioceses and districts: on Christmas Day, Easter Eve,
or the 25th of March. The 1st of January first began
the year in 1564.
In Germany, the year anciently began on Christmas
Day. The 1st of January began the year in 1544.
In Italy, generally, the year was reckoned from
Christmas Day; the 1st of January was adopted in 1583.
In Tuscany, however, the 25th of March was the first
day, down to 1751, which commenced with the 1st of
January ; and in Venice, before 1522, when the 1st of
January was altogether adopted, the legal year began
on the 1st of March, and the civil year on the 1st of
January. -
In Spain, the year began, in Aragon before 1350 and
in Castile before 1383, on the 1st of January; and in
those years and subsequently, down to 1556, at Christmas.
In 1556 the 1st of January was adopted. -
In Portugal, the Spanish system was followed before
1420; and in 1420 and subsequently, down to 1556, the
year began at Christmas.
The era of Spain is reckoned from the 1st of January,
B.C. 38, that is, the year following the conquest of Spain
by Augustus. This era was adopted in Africa, Spain,
Portugal, and the South of France. Its use was aban-
doned in Catalonia in 1180, and in Spain generally in

-
Adalenda. 3.25
-
1350 and 1883; in Portugal, in 1420. To reduce a year
of the era of Spain to one of the Christian era it is
therefore necessary to subtract 38 from the number.
The Julian calendar was followed down to the
sixteenth century. The Julian calculation of the solar
year was 365 days and 6 hours; to be correct, 11
minutes and 12 seconds should have been added. Con-
sequently, by the year 1582 there was an accumulation,
representing rather more than ten days, unaccounted for.
In this year, Pope Gregory XIII. reformed the calendar
and introduced the “New Style.” Ten days were
omitted from the year 1582, viz. from the 5th to the 14th
of October, inclusive, the 5th being counted as the 15th.
The Gregorian calendar was generally adopted in Roman
Catholic countries at once, or within a few years; in
Protestant countries it was generally adopted to begin
in the year 1700, in some at a later period, and in
England not till 1751. In countries under the Greek
Church the “Old Style” of the Julian calendar is still
followed.
By Act of Parliament of 24 George II., 1751, “An
Act for regulating the Commencement of the Year and
for correcting the Calendar now in use,” the practice of
commencing the legal year on the 25th of March was
discontinued, and the 1st of January was adopted ; and
the Gregorian calendar took the place of the Julian.
The year 1751, which had commenced on the 25th of
March, was brought to a close on the 31st of December.
The year 1752 began on the next day, the 1st of
January, and ran to the 31st of December, but was
reduced by 11 days in the month of September, by
omitting the nominal 3rd to the 13th, and calling the
day after the 2nd the 14th.
The reason why eleven days were now omitted instead
of ten, as in the year 1582, is that the “New Style * re-
quired that every hundredth year which is not a fourth
hundredth should be counted as an ordinary year and
not as a Leap-year, the first year to be so treated being
1700, in which the 29th of February was unwritten.




326 Palaeography.
The year 1800 being the second hundredth year so
treated, the “New Style" differs to the amount of twelve
days from the “Old Style” in the present century.
Full particulars of the various systems of dating will
be found in Sir H. Nicolas’s Chronology of History, and
in J. J. Bond's Handy-Book of Rules and Tables for veri-
fying Dates.

º
º
LIST OF
PRINCIPAL PALAE0(HRAPHICAL WORKS
USED OR REFERRED TO.
Taylor (I.), The Alphabet, 2 vols., London, 1883, 8vo.
Kirchhoff (A), Studien zur Geschichte der griechischen Alpha-
bets, 4th ed., Gütersloh, 1887, 8vo.
Astle (T.), The Origin and Progress of W, iting, London,
1803, 4to.
Berger (P.), Histoire de l’Ecriture dans l'Antiquité, Paris,
1891, 8vo.
Géraud (H.), Essai sur les Livres dans l’Antiquité, Paris,
1840, 8vo.
Egger (E.), Histoire du Livre depuis Ses origines jusqu'à nos
jou is, Paris, 1880, 8vo.
Birt (T.), Das Antike Buchwesen, Berlin, 1882, 8vo.
Quantin, Dictiºnaire de Diplomatique Chrétienne [vol. 47 of
Migne's Encyclopédie Théologique], Paris, 1846, 8vo.
Wattenbach (W.), Das Schriftwesºn in Mittelalter, 2nd ed.
Leipzig, 1875, 8vo.
Blass (F.), Palaeographie [article in I. von Müller's Handlºtch
der klassischen Alteriums-Wössenschaft, 2nd ed., Munich,
1892, 8vo.
Westwood (J. O.), Palaeographia Sacra Pictoria, London,
1844, 4to.
Silvestre (J. B.), Universal Palaeography, ed. F. Madden,
2 vols., London, 1850, 8vo., and 2 vols. (plates) fol.



328 Pa/eography.
Palaeographical Society, Facsimiles of MSS. and Inscriptions,
ed. E. A. Bond, E. M. Thompson, and G. F. Warner,
1st Series, 3 vols., London, 1873-1883, 2nd Series, 1884,
etc., in progress, fol.
Catalogue of Ancient Manuscripts in the British Museum,
Part i., Greek: ; Part it., Latin, ed. E. M. Thompson and
G. F. Warner, London, 1881, 1884, fol.
Vitelli (G.) and Paoli (C.), Collezione Fiorentina di facsimili
paleografici Greci e Latini, Florence, 1884, etc., in pro-
gress, fol.
Montfaucon (B. de), Palaeographia Graeca, Paris, 1708, fol.
Wattenbach (W.), Anleitung zur griechischen Palaeographie,
2nd ed., Leipzig, 1877, 4to.
Gardthausen (V.), Griechische Palaeographie, Leipzig, 1879,
8vo.
Notices et Teates des Papyrus Grecs du Musée du Louvre et
de la Bibliothèque Impériale [in Notices et Extraits des
MSS. de la Bibliothèque Impériale, tome xviii., part 2],
ed. W. Brunet de Presle, Paris, 1865, 4to, and atlas.
Catalogue of Greek Papyri in the British Museum, ed. F. G.
Kenyon, London, 1893, 4to, and atlas.
Peyron (B.), Papiri Greci del Museo Britanico di Londra e
della Biblioteca Vaticana, Tulin, 1841, 4to.
Leemans (C.), Papyri Graeci Musei Lugduni-Batavi, 2 vols.,
Leyden, 1843, 1885, 4to.
Wilcken (U.), Tafeln zur aelteren griechischen Palaeographie,
Leipzig and Berlin, 1891, fol.
Mahaffy (J. P.), On the Flinders. Petrie Papyri [Royal Irish
Academy, Cunningham Memoirs, no. viii.], Dublin, 1891,
4to. - -
Miłłheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog
Rainer, Vienna, 1886, etc., in progress, fol.
Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. Führer durch die Ausstellung,
Wiénna, 1892, 8vo.
Sabas, Specimina Palaeographica codicum Graccorum et Slavo-
wicorum, Moscow, 1863, 4to.
-



Principa/ Palaeographica/ Works. 329
Wattenbach (W.), Schriftafeln zur Geschächte der griechischen
Schrift, Berlin, 18, 6-7, fol.
Wattenbach (W.), Scripturae Graecae Specimina, Berlin, 1883,
fol.
Wattenbach (W.) and Velsen (A. von), Erempla Codicum
Graecorum litteris minusculis scriptorum, Heidelberg, 1878,
fol.
Omont (H.), Facsimilás des plus anciens Manuscrits Grecs
en onciale et en minuscule de la Bibliothèque Nationale du
£v° au acii” Siècle, Paris, 1892, fol.
Omont (H.), Facsimilés des Manuscrits Grecs datés de la Bib
liothèque Nationale du iw” au aciv" siècle, Paris, 1890,
fol.
Omont (H.), Facsimilés des Manuscrits Grecs des av’ et acci”
siècles reproduits en photolithographie d'après les origi-
naua de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, 1887, 4to.
Martin (A.), Facsimilés des Manuscrits Grecs d’Espagne, gravés
d'après les photographies de Charles Gruu.c, 2 vols., Paris
1891, 8vo. and atlas. -
Lehmann (O.), Die tachygraphischen Abkürzungen der griech
ischen Handschriften, Leipzig, 1880, 8vo.
Allen (T. W.), Notes on Abbreviations in Greek Manuscripts,
Oxford, 1889, 8vo.
Mabillon (J.), De Re Diplomatica, Paris, 1709, fol.
Tassin and Toustain, Benedictines, Nouveau Traité de
Diplomatique, 6 vols., Paris, 1750-1765, 4to.
Kopp (U.), Palaeographia Critica, 4 vols., Mannheim, 1817-
1829, 4to.
Wailly (N. de), Eléments de Paléographie, 2 vols., Paris,
1838, 4to.
Delisle (L.), Mélanges de Paléographie et de Bibliographie,
Paris, 1880, 8vo. and atlas.
Wattenbach (W.), Anleitung zur lateinischen Palaeographie,
4th ed., Leipzig, 1886, 4to.
Chassant (A.), Paléographie des Chartes et des Manuscrits du
aciº au avī’ siècle, 8th ed., Paris, 1885, 8vo,


33O Palaeography.
Prou (M.), Manuel de Paléographie Latine et Française, Paris,
1891, Svo.
Gloria (A.), Compendio delle lezioni teorico-pratiche di Paleo-
grafia e Diplomatica, Padua, 1870, 8vo. and atlas.
Arndt (W.), Schrifttafelm zum Gebrauch bei Vorlesungen,
Berlin, 1874 (2nd. ed., 1876), i878, fol.
Pertz (G. H.), Schrifttafeln zum Gebrauch bei diplomatischen
Vorlesuugen, Hanover, 1844-1869, fol.
Wattenbach (W.) and Zangemeister (C.), Erempla Codicum
Latinorum litteris majusculis scriptorum, Heidelberg,
1876, 1879, fol.
Champollion-Figeac (A.), Paléographie des Classiques Latinº,
Paris, 18,9, fol.
Chatelain (E.), Paléographie des Classiques Latins, Paris,
1884, etc., in progress, fol.
Zangemeister (C.), Inscriptiones parietariae Pompeianae in
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. iv.], Berlin, 1871,
fol.
Massmann (J. F.), Libellus Aurarius sive Tabulae Ceratae,
Leipzig, 1841, 4to.
Mommsen (T.), Instrumenta Dacica in tabulis ceratis con-
scripta aliague similia in Corpus Inscriptionum Latina-
rum, vol. iii., part 2 , Berlin, 1873, fol.
Petra (G. de), Le Tavolette Cerate di Pompei in Atti della
R. Accademia dei Lincei, series ii., vol. iii., part 3],
Rome, 1876, 8vo.
Marini (G.), I Papiri diplomatici, Rome, 1805, fol.
Champollion-Figeac (A.), Chartes et Manuscrits sur papyrus de
la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, 1840, fol.
Letronne (J. A.), Diplômes et Chartes de l'époque Mérovin-
gienne sur papyrus et sur velin, Paris, 1845-1866, fol.
Tardif (J.), Archives de l'Empire : Facsimile de Chartes et
Diplômes Mérovingiens et Carlovingiens, Paris, 1866,

fol.
Delisle (L.), Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque
Nationale, 3 vols. and plates, Paris, 1868-1881, fol.
Album Paléographique avec des notices ea plicatives par la
Principal Paleographical Works. 33
Société de l'Ecole des Chartes, ed. L. Delisle, Paris, 1887,
fol.
Recueil de Fac-similes à l'usage de l'Ecole des Chartes, Paris,
1880, etc., in progress, fol.
Musée des Archives Départementales, Paris, 1878, fol.
Delisle (L.), Etudes Paléographiques et Historiques sur un
papyrus du vi" siècle renfermant des homilies de St. Avit
et des écrits de St. Augustin, Geneva, 1866, 4to.
Delisle (L.), Notice sur un Manuscrit Mérovingien contenant
des fragments d'Eugyppius, Paris, 1875, fol.
Delisle (L.), Notice sur un Manuscrit Mérovingien de la Bib-
liothèque d'Epinal, Paris, 1878, fol.
Delisle (L.), Notice sur un Manuscrit Mérovingien de la Bib-
liothèque Royale de Belgique ſin Notices et Extraits des
MSS., tome xxxi..], Paris, 1884, 4to.
Delisle (L.), Notice sur un Manuscrit de l'Abbaye de Luxeuil
[in Notices et Extraits des MSS., tome xxxi..], Paris, 1886,
4to.
Delisle (L.), Mémoire sur l'Ecole calligraphique de Tours au
daº siècle in Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions,
tome xxxii..], Paris, 1885, 4to.
Delisle (L), Mémoire sur d'anciens Sacramentaires [in Mé-
moires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, tome xxxii], Paris,
1885, 4to.
Delisle (L.), L'Evangéliaire de Saint Vaast d'Arras et la
Calligraphie Franco Saaonne du ia siècle, Paris, 1888,
fol.
Sickel (T.), Monumenta Graphica medii epi e archivis et
bibliothecis Imperii Austriaci collecta, 4 vols., Vienna,
1858-1882, 4to. and atlas.
Sickel (T.), Schrifttafeln aus dem Nachlasse von U. F. von
Kopp, Vienna, 1870, fol.
Sybel (H. von) and Sickel (T.), Kaiserurkunden in Abbildungen,
Vienna, 1880, etc., in progress, 4to. and atlas.
Pflugk-Harttung (J. von), Specimina selecta Chartarum Pon-
tificum Romanorum, Stuttgart, 1885-1887, fol.
Monaci (M.), Facsimili di antichi Manoscritti, Rome, 1881-3,
fol.



332 Palaeography.
Monaci (E.) and Paoli (C.), Archivio Paleografico Italiano,
two series, Rome, 1882-1890, fol.
Foucard (C.), La Scrittura in Italia sino a Carlomagno, Milan,
1888, fol. -
Bibliotheca Casimensis, ed. L. Tosti, 4 vols., Monte-cassino,
1873-1880, in progress, 4to.
Tabularium Casimense, 2 vols., Monte-cassino, 1887, 1891, in
progress, 4to.
Paleografia Artistica di Montecassino, Monte-cassino, 1876,
etc., in progress, fol.
Codea. Diplomaticus Cavensis, ed. M. Morcaldi, 6 vols., Naples,
1873, etc., in progress, 4to.
Ewald (P.) and Loewe (G.), Exempla Scripturae Visigoticae,
Heidelberg, 1883, fol.
Rodriguez (C.), Bibliotheca Universal de la Polygraphia Espa-
7iola, Madrid, 1738, fol.
Merino (A.), Escuela Paleographica, Madrid, 1780, fol.
Muños y Rivero (J.), Paleografia Visigoda, Madrid, 1881,
WO.
Facsimiles of National Manuscripts of England (Ordnance
Survey), ed. W. B. Sanders, 4 parts, Southampton, 1865-
1868, fol. -
Facsimiles of Naţional Manuscripts of Scotland (Ordnance
Survey), ed. C. Innes, 3 parts, Southampton, 1867-1871,
fol.
Facsimiles of National Manuscripts of Ireland (Ordnance Sur-
vey), ed. J. T. Gilbert, 4 parts (in 5 vols.), Dublin and
London, 1874-1884, fol.
Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British Museum, ed.
E. A. Bond, 4 parts, London, 1873-1878, 4to, and fol.
Facsimiles of Anglo-Saaon Manuscripts (Ordnance Survey),
ed. W. B. Sanders, 3 parts, Southampton, 1878-1884, fol.
Skeaf (W. W.), Twelve Facsimiles of Old English Manuscripts,
Oxford, 1892, 4to. -
Walther (J. L.), Lewicon Diplomaticum abbreviationes syl-
labarum et vocum . . . . eaſonens, Göttingen, 1747,
fol.


Principa/ Palaeographica/ IVoz/s. 333
-
-
--
f
-
|--sº
Mommsen (T.). Notarum Laterculi [in Keil's Grammatic;
Latini, vol. iv.], Leipzig, 1864, 4to.
Chassant (A.), Dictionnaire des Abréviations Latines et Fram-
gaises, 5th ed., Paris, 1884, 8vo.
Wright (A.), Court-Hand restored, ed. C. T. Martin, London,
1879, 4to.
Martin (C.T.), The Record Interpreter, London, 1892, 8vo.
Nicolas (Sir H.), The Chronology of History [in Lardner's
Cabinet Cyclopædia], London, 1845, 8vo.
Bond (J. J.), Handy-Book of Rules and Tables for verifying
Dates, London, 1869, 8vo.
Full lists of palaeographical works, Greek and Latin, will be
found in the Introductions by Monsieur Omont to his Fac-
similás des Manuscrits Grecs datés de la Bibliothèque Nationale
and by Monsieur Delisle to the Album Paléographique; and a
series of articles on palaeographical publications which annually
appear have been written by Professor Wattenbach in the
Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft since 1879 (II. Jahr.
gang).

|
*
|
INDEX.
A.
ABBREVIATIONs. See Contrac-
tions.
Abu-Simbel, Greek inscription
at, 9.
Accents, Greek system, 71, 72;
Tuatin, 74.
Actium, Battle of, poem on, 186.
AElian, M.S., 180.
AEthelstan, King of England,
charter of, 252.
AEthelwold, Bishop of Winches-
ter, benedictional of, 267.
Alburnus Major (Verespatak).
in Dacia, tablets from, 24, 26,
204.
Alcuin, Abbot of St. Martin’s of
Tours, assists in the reform of
writing in France, 233.
“Alexandrinus '' codex, 151.
Alphabet : Egyptian, 1–4; Greek,
1, 5–9 ; Latin, 9–11; Phoeni-
cian, 5–7 ; Semitic, 3–9.
“Amniatinus '' codex, 194, 245.
“Ancren Riwle,” MS., 288.
Apocalypse, commentary on,
226.
Apostrophe, 72, 73.
Arabs, their manufacture of
papyrus, 31 ; of paper, 43.
Arcus, a folded sheet, 63.
Aristophanes of Byzantium, his
system of punctuation, accents,
etc., 70–72.
Aristotle, M.S. of the “Constitu-
tion of A; hens,” 113, 140.
“Armagh, Book of,” 242.
Artavus, a pen-knife, 53.
Artemisia, papyrus of, 119.
Assyrians, their clay tablets, 14,
18; their use of p pyrus, 28.
Asterisk, 75.
Atramentarium, an ink-stand, 51.
A tramentum, ink, 50.
Auction-Sales, waxen
relating to, 25.
Augustine, St., his writing
tablets, 22; MSS., 223, 260,
261, 282.
Avesbury, Robert of, MS., 281.
“Ayenbite of Inwyt,” MS., 289.
tablets
B.
“BAARLAM and Josaphat,” MS.,
1.72.
“Bankes Homer,” 127.
Bark of trees, as a writing mate-
rial, 13.
Basil, St., M.S., 165.
Bath, leaden tablet found there,
17.
Beatus, presbyter, commentary
on the Apocalypse, 226.
Bede, MSS., 249, 260, 269.
Bible, Latin terms for, 55; early
wellum MSS., 6 l ; various
MSS., 156, 157, 194, 195, 202,
245, 266, 273, 289.
Bibliotheca, a Bible, 55.
8í3A0s, 8138tov, a book, 54, 55,
60
Blastares, Matthew, MS., 180.
Bokenham, Osbern, M.S., 292.
Bologna, leaden plates used for
writing there, 17.
Book. See Roll.
“ Boustrophedon’’ writing, 9.
Breathings in Greek MSS., 71,
72. -
Bronze, as a writing material, 17.
Bulls, papal, 295–297.

Palaeography.
C.
CAESARIUs, St., M.S., 231.
Calamarium, ka?\apo6%km, a reed-
pen box, 49.
Calamus, káAawos, a reed-pen,
49.
Callimachus, his trívakes, 78.
Canon, a ruler, 53.
Canons, Ecclesiastical, MS. of,
264.
Canterbury, school of writing at,
244, 245; M.S. from, 247.
Capital letters, definition of,
117. See Palaeography, Latin.
Capsa, cista, a chest for rolls,
57.
Caroline, or Carlovingian, writ-
ing, 233. -
Carthage, leaden plates found
there, 16.
“Casati contract,” a papyrus,
137.
Catch-words in quires, 62.
Cedar oil, use of, for rolls, 57.
Ceroe, waxen tablets, 20.
“Chad, St., Gospels of,” 240.
Chancery-hands: papal, 294–
297; imperial, 297-300; Eng-
lish, 315–317.
Charlemagne, reform of writing
in his reign, 233; deed of,
298.
Charms, written on leaves or
metals, 13, 15 ; on lead, 16,
17.
Charta bombycina, meaning of the
term, 44.
Charta, x&ptm s, papyrus, 23.
Xaptſov, a leaf of a M.S., 63.
Chaucer, M.S., 292.
Childebert III., charter of, 227.
Chinese, their early use of paper,
43. -
Chronicles : Anglo-Saxon, 254,
287; “Grandes Chroniques,”
277; English history, 278.
Kpévot, the quantities of syllables,
72. -
Chronological
197.
Chrysostom, St. John, MSS., 166,
168, 170.
notes, MS. of,
Cicero, “De Republica,” 192.
Circinus, a pricker, 53.
Clay, as a writing material, 14.
Cleanthes, the Stoic, his writing
material, 15.
Clement, St., of Alexandria, MS.,
164.
Cnidus, in Caria, leaden plates
found there, 16.
Codea, (or caudea), a set of
tablets, 20, 60 ; a book, 61 ;
description of, 60–62; vellum
codices in Rome, 61.
Codicilli, small tablets, 21.
Colon, length of, 81.
Colophons, 66.
Columns of writing, in papyri,
58; in codices, 64. -
Comestor, Petrus, MS., 273.
Comma, length of, 82.
Constantine the Great, vellum
MSS. written for, 37.
Constantine W., fragment of a
letter of, 33.
Contractions and abbreviations,
Greek, 85–96; early period of,
88; two systems, 88, 89;
special signs, 92–96 ; Latin,
96-104; early system, 96-98;
mediaeval system, 99–104 ;
general signs, 99–101; special
signs, 101, 102; conventional
signs, 102.
Cornu, the tip of an umbilicus,
56.
Correction, marks of, 74, 75.
Court-hand, in legal documents,
315, 317–320.
Croyland abbey, deed of, 309.
Cryptography, 85.
Cultellus, a pen-knife, 53.
Cursive writing : cursive forms
of Greek letters in papyri,
144–148; Roman cursive, 203–
216 ; forms of letters, 205, 206,
213, 214, 215 ; mediaeval
foreign, 293–30 l ; mediaeval
English, 301–320.
Cynewulf, King of Mercia,
charter of, 249.
Cyprus, Phoenician inscription
from, 5; imprecatory leaden
tablets from, 16.



Ander. 337
D.
DACIA, waxen tablets from, 24,
26, 204.
Dalmatia, charm on lead from,
17.
Damascus, a centre of paper
commerce, 43.
Dating of MSS., systems of, 322–
326.
6éAtos, Šext{ov, Šext{6tov, tablets,
20.
Demetrius, will of, on papyrus,
133.
6ta&rms, a pricker, 53.
Diaeresis, marks of, 73.
6tao toxi, a dividing comma, 72.
“Dimma, Book of,” 241.
Dioscorides, M.S., 153.
6,996pal, papyrus, 28; skins, 35.
6tta?, a paragraph mark, 63.
Diploma, a folded sheet, 63.
Diptycha, duplices, Öttituxa,
6íðupol, a two-leaf tablet, 20.
Dirae, imprecations, on lead, 16.
Distinctiones, marks of punctua-
tion, 70.
Dodona, oracular leaden plates
found there, 16
“Durham Book.”
farne Gospels.
See Lindis-
E.
EDWARD I., King of England,
charter of, 307.
Edward II., King of England,
writ of Privy Seal, 308.
êykavoºrov, ink, 50.
Egyptians, ancient : their alpha-
bet, 1–4; their use of linen as
a writing material, 14 ; of
potsherds, 14 ; of wooden
tablets, 18, 19; of papyrus,
27; of skins, 34; of red ink,
51; their manufacture of papy-
-
rus, 30–33.
six mºrdplov, sºmtov, Šveſamua,
égéſàmua, a roll, 54, 55.
ékºpvXAoqopta, ostracism with
leaves, 13.
England : writing before the
Norman conquest, 244–256 ;
early foreign school, 244, 245;
native northern school, 245 ;
local styles, 249–251; foreign
influence, 253; mediaeval MSS.
266–270, 273, 274, 276, 278,
280–282, 285–292; cursive or
charter-hand and court-hand,
301–320.
Ennius, invention of shorthand
signs attributed to, 84.
Ephraem, St., M.S., 167.
étros, a measured line of writing
78.
Erechtheum, at Athens, memo-
randa of accounts, 19, 28.
éaxa TokóAA lov, the last leaf of a
papyrus roll, 31.
Euclid, MS., 163.
Eugyppius, M.S., 232.
Eumenes of Pergamum, reputed
inventor of parchment or
vellum, 35.
Euripides, fragments of plays,
112, 120.
Euthalius of Alexandria, his
stichometrical arrangements in
the Bible, 80, 82.
Evangelistarium, 157.
Eaclamantes, catch-words, 62.
Earplicit, derivation of, 59.
“Exultet ’’ rolls, 60.
F.
FLACCUs, Albinus, MS., 220.
Folium, qi,\Aov, the leaf of a
codex, 63.
Forulus, a chest for rolls, 57.
France : ancient and mediaeval
MSS., 259–263, 265, 270, 275,
276, 277, 284.
Frontes, the edges of a rºll, 56.
Fulda, MSS. connected with, 194,
264.
G.
GATHERINGs. See Quires.
Germanicus, charms used to
destroy him, 16.
Gº mediaeval MSS., 264,
283.




338 Pa/aeogra//y.
yAóoroſa, yawoodplov, a book-label,
57.
'yAvirtàp, YAt pavov, a pen-knife,
53.
Gold, as a writing material, 15;
as a writing fluid, 51, 52.
Gospels, MSS.: early Irish, 238;
“ Kells,” 239; “ St. Chad,”
240; “MacRegol,” 241; “Ar-
magh,” 242; “Mac Durnan,”
242 ; “Lindisfarne,” 246 ;
* Canterbury,” 247; “Lo-
thair,” 259.
Graffiti, wall-scribblings, 15, 203,
206, 207.
'ypaptuateſov, a tablet, 20.
Graphiarium, Ypaptotijkm, a pen-
box,
Graphium, ypaſpetov, a writing
implement, 48.
Greece: history of the Greek
alphabet, 5–9 ; antiquity of
writing in, 115; use of tablets
by the Greeks, 19, 23, 24; of
papyrus, 28; of skins, 35;
Greek MSS., 119–180.
Gregory, Pupe, MSS., 229, 268.
H.
HALF-UNCIAL writing. See Palaeo-
graphy, Latin.
Harmenopoulos,
MSS., 174, 179.
“Harris Homer,” 124.
Henry I., Emperor, charter of,
2.99.
Henry II., King of England,
charter of, 302.
Henry IV., King of England,
charter of, 310.
Herculaneum, papyri found there,
113 ; their treatment, 114.
Herodas, M.S., 113, 128.
Herodotus, MS., 174.
Hesiod, his works written on
lead, 16.
Hilary, St., M.S., 201.
Homer : lines from the Iliad on
a board, 19; tradition of copy
of the Iliad on purple vellum,
40; papyri of the Iliad, 109;
Constantine,
“Harris’’ Iliad, 124; “Bankes”
Iliad, 127; Iliad on papyrus,
129; MS. of the Odyssey, 177.
Homilies, MSS., 230, 272, 287.
Horace, MS., 279.
Hospitallers, charter of, 304.
Hyperides, orations of, on
papyrus, 60, 110, 111, 123.
Hyphen, 67, 72.
ūroatiyuſi, a mark of punctua-
tion, 70.
I.
IMPERIAL Chancery, writing used
in, 297–300.
Imprecations, on lead, 16.
In caustum, ink, 50.
Indea, a book-label, 39, 57.
Ink, varieties and materials, 50 ;
various colours, 51.
Ireland : history of writing in,
236–24.4; ornamentation of
MSS., 239, 240; influence of
Irish writing abroad, 213, 244.
Isidore, St., M.S., 224.
Italy: mediaeval MSS., 272, 279,
285.
J.
JERoME, St., his denunciation of
sumptuous MSS., 40; works of,
233, 283.
Jesus Christ, forms of contrac-
tion of the name, 102.
Jews, their use of skins as a
writing material, 34.
John VIII., Pope, Arab protocol
in a bull of, 32; bull, 295.
John, King of England, charter
of, 303.
Jucundus, L. Caecilius, tablets
found in his house at Pompeii,
25.
Justinian, Pandects, 198, 199.
R.
katağatów, a column of writing,
tº Kºils, Book of,” 239.

Andez.
339
Kent, early charter, 251.
képas, the tip of an umbilicus,
56
Kilian, St., Gospels of 237.
Kuvvá8apts, purple ink, 51.
k/atº, ſcubatós, a chest for rolls,
57.
kóickuvov uéAdviov, red ink, 51.
IcovčíAtov, a brush for writing with
fluid gold, 49.
kopovís, a paragraph-mark, 68
kvkAouáA1860s, lead for ruling,
53. -
ſcúAlvöpos, a roll, 54.
L.
LEAD, as a writing material, 16,
17; for ruling, 53, 58.
Leaves of trees, as a writing
material, 12; used for ostra-
cism and for charms, 13.
Lectionaries, 169, 221, 228, 274.
Letters (epistles), tablets used
for, 21; process of sealing and
opening, 22; late examples on
tablets, 22.
Liber, libellus, a papyrus roll, 54,
55; a codex, 60.
Lime-tree, the inner bark as a
writing material, 13.
“Lindisfarne Gospels,” 246.
Linea, a line of writing, 63.
Linen, as a writing material,
Linum, Aſvov, a thread to fasten
tablets, 21.
Livy, M.S., 193.
A6)0s, a division of a work,
55. -
Lombardic writing, 218–222.
Lothair, Emperor, his M.S. of the
Gospels, 259.
M.
“ MACDURNAN Gospels,” 242.
“MacRegol Gospels,” 241.
“ Maelbrighte Gospels,” 243.
Majuscule letters, definition of,
117.
Manuscripts, lists of, etc. :
Greek tablets, 19, 23, 2 . ;
Greek and Latin mediaeval
MSS. on papyrus, 33, 34; pur-
ple and gilded vellum MSS.,
40–42; early paper MSS., 45;
a red-ink MS., 51 ; MSS. writ-
ten in gold, 52 ; MSS. written
in many columns, 64, 65;
palimpsests, 77; MSS. with
stichometrical memoranda, 78,
81; tachygraphical MSS., 83,
84, 85 ; Greek papyri, 107–115;
earliest Greek cursive papyri,
131; Greek MSS. in early
uncials, 152–154, 32 l; late, 157,
158, 321; in sloping minuscules,
161; written in Western Europe.
181,182,321; Latin MSS. in rus-
tic capitals, 188, 189; in mixed
uncials and minuscules, 197,
199, 200; in half-uncials, 200,
201; in Roman cursive, 215 ;
in English half-uncials, 247;
Anglo-Saxon MSS. in foreign
style, 253.
Martyrology, 225.
Massa, Michael de MS., 280.
Mathematical treatise, 155.
Maurilius, St., life of, 266.
Maximin, the younger, his MS.
of Homer, 40.
Maximus, St., M.S., 216.
uéAav, ink, 50.
ue^avööxov, an ink-stand, 51.
Menaeum, 176.
Mercia, handwriting of,
250.
Merovingian writing, 226–233.
Mesha, King of Moab, record of
his wars on the ‘‘ Moabite
stone,” 5.
Minium, red ink, 51.
Minuscule letters, definition of,
117. See Palaeography.
Miracles of the Virgin, 284.
“ Moabite stone,” 5.
paſſX1860s, kuk}\otéphs, or Tpczóets,
lead for ruling, 53.
uáAv860s, a plummet, 53.
Monastic rules, 222.
uová818A0s, a work contained in a
single roll, 55.
249,


34O
AEa/aeography.
N.
NETHERLANDs f mediaeval MSS.,
266, 282.
Nidus, a chest for rolls, 57.
Norma, a ruler, 53.
Norwich, Bishop of, charter of,
308.
Notae Juris, legal abbreviations,
97.
Novacula, an erasing knife, 53.
Numerals : Greek, two systems,
104 ; fractions, 105 ; Rºman,
105 ; Arabic, 106.
-
O.
Obelus, a mark for distinction,
75.
Occleve, MS., 291.
ôuqaxós, stick or knob of a roll,
56
Opisthographs, 59, 60.
Oracles, on lead, 16.
Origen, MS., 271.
Ostracism, with leaves, 13; with
potsherds, 14, 15.
Ostraka, 14.
Oxford, Earl of, charter of, 312.
P.
Paenula, the wrapper of a roll, 39,
56. -
Pagina, a column of writing, 58.
Palaeography, Greek ; divisions
of, 116; the book-hand in
papyri, 118–129; cursive writ-
ing in papyri, 130–148; forms
of cursive letters, 144–148;
uncial writing in vellum MSS.,
149–158; classes of mediaeval
minuscule MSS., 159; codices
vetustissimi, 162–165; codices
vetusti, 165–170 ; codices re-
centiores, 170–176; codices
novelli, 176–181; Greek writ-
ing in Western Europe, 181,
182 ; Greek letters used in
Latin signatures, 182.
Palaeography, Latin: writing in
capitals, 183-190; square and
rustic capitals, 184; age of
earliest MSS. in rustic letters,
187; writing in uncials, 190–
195 ; in mixed uncials and
minuscules, 196–200; in half-
uncials, 200–202; Roman cur-
'sive writing, 203–216; forms
of cursive letters, 205, 206,
213–215; writing in minus-
cules, 217–285; Lombardic
writing, 218–222; Visigothic
writing, 222–226; Merovingian
writing, 226-233; the Caro-
line reform, 233; Irish writing,
236–244; the round hand, 237–
241; the pointed hand, 241–
243; English writing before
the Norman conquest, 244-256;
the round hand, 246, 247; the
pointed land, 24.8—252; medi-
aeval writing in books, 257-285;
of the ninth century, 259–261,
264; of the tenth century,
261–263, 267; of the eleventh
century, 265, 266, 268; of the
twelfth century, 269-271; of
the thirteenth century, 272–
275; of the fourteenth century,
275–279; of the fifteenth cen -
tury, 279-285; MSS. in the
English tongue, 285–292;
mediaeval cursive writing, 293–
301; writing of the Papal
Chancery, 294–297; of the
Imperial Chancery, 297-300;
origin of modern writing in
Western Europe, 300; the
English mediaeval charter-
hand, 301–312; later legal
writing 313–320 ; Chancery-
hand, 315–317; Court-hand,
315, 317–320.
Palermo, papyrus grown there,
29.
Palimpsests, 75–77.
Pamphilus of Caesarea, Vellum
MSS. in his library, 37.
Pandectes, a Bible, 55.
Papal chancery, writing used in,
294–297.
Paper, history of, 43–47; medi-
aeval names, 43; introduction

-
34. I
Index.
2
into Europe, 43; materials, 44;
manufacture in Europe, 4, 46;
water-marks, 47.
Papyrus: description of the plant,
27; ancient Egyptian papyrus
rolls, 28; price of the writing
material at Athens, 28; im-
portation to Rome, 28, 29 ;
manufacture, 30–33; varieties,
32, 33; late use, 33, 34; papy-
rus in book-form, 34, 62.
Papyrus MSS., Greek: discoveries
in Egypt, 107–113; at Hercu-
laneum, 113, 115; MSS. writ-
ten in capitals and uncials,
118–129; in cursive letters,
130–148; Latin MSS., 34.
trapáypapos, a dividing-stroke,
68.
Paragraphs. See Text.
Parchment. See Wellum.
Pausanias, MS , 178.
Pen, early use of, 49, 321.
Penicillus, peniculus, a brush to
apply fluid gold, 49.
Pentaptycha, TevrättvXa, a five-
leaf tablet, 20.
Pepin le Bref, imperial letter to,
33, 143.
Persians, their use of skins for
writing material, 35.
Treta\to uás, ostracism with leaves,
13.
qalváAms, the wrapper of a roll,
39, 56.
Philodemus, MSS., 114, 124.
plaipa, inner bark of the lime-
tree, 13.
Phoenician alphabet, 5.
“Piers Plowman,” MS., 289.
trivač, trivacís, a tablet, 20.
truttåictov, a book-label, 57.
Plato, fragment of the “Phaedo,”
112, 120.
Plumbum, a plummet, 53.
Tvetºuata, breathings, 71.
Polybius, MS., 175.
Polyptycha, a many-leaf tablet,
20.
Pompeii, wall-scribblings at, 15,
203; waxen tablets from, 24,
25.
Porphyrius, MS., 172.
Positurae, positions of marks of
punctuation, 70.
Potsherds, as a writing material,
14.
“Prisse papyrus,” 4, 28.
Tpa TókoAAov, the first sheet of a
papyrus roll, 31.
Psalters, 156, 173, 252, 276, 281.
Ptah-Hotep, precepts of, 4.
Ptolemy, MS., 178.
Pugillares, small tablets, 21.
Trvictiſſu, tvátov, a tablet, 20.
Punctorium, a pricker, 53.
Punctuation, systems of, 67–71.
Purple vellum. See Wellum.
Puteus, a chest for rolls, 57.
Q.
Quaternio, a quire of four sheets,
62. -
Quintuplices, a five-leaf tablet,
20.
Quires, arrangem nt of, 6.2, 63.
Quotation, marks of, 73.
R.
RABANU's MAURUs, MS., 262.
Rasoºrium, a scribe’s knife, 53.
Ravenna, papyrus documents
‘ from, 34.
Reeds, as a writing implement,
49.
Rescript, imperial, 212.
Riga, a line of writing, 63.
Roll (book), 54–60; its forma-
tion, 56; methºd of unrolling
and rolling, 58, 59; opistho-
graphs, 59, t 0; survivai in the
middle ages, 60.
Rome : history of the Roman
alphabet, 9–11; use of various
writing materials in, 14; of
waxen tablets, 24–26; of papy-
rus, 29; of wellum, 36, 37.
Rotulus, mediaeval term for a
roll, 55.
Rougé, de; his discovery of the
origin of the alphabet, 3, 4.
Rubrica, red ink, 51.



342
Palaeography.
Ruling of lines, in papyri, 58; in
codices, 63, 64.
Rustic capitals. See Palaeography,
Latin.
S.
SACRAMENTARY, 263.
Saints, Lives of, 164, 168, 265,
292.
Sallust, MS. 285.
Samnites, their use of linen as a
writing material, 14.
Scalp rum, Scalpellum, a pen-knife,
53
Scapus, a roll, 31.
oxoivos, a writing reed, 49.
Scrimium, a chest for rolls, 57.
orexts, orexíðtov, a column of writ-
ing, 58.
Semitic alphabet, 3–9.
Seneca, Tironian notes collected
by, 84.
Severus, Sulpicius, MS., 234,235.
Shorthand. See Tachygraphy.
Sigla, single-letter abbreviations,
86, 96.
o:/AAw80s, oſttv/30s, a book-label,
39, 57.
Silver, as a writing material, 15;
as a writing fluid, 52.
Simplicius, MS., 176.
“Sinaiticus’’ codex, 150.
Skins, as writing material, 34.
quíAm, a pen-knife, 53.
a wud Tuov, a vellum codex, 61.
Spain : Visigothic writing, etc.,
105, 222–226.
Sponge, used for erasure, 53.
Stichometry, 78–82.
ot{xos, a line of writing, 63, 78;
a sense-line, 81.
oſtlyuſi, a mark of punctuation,
70.
Stilus, a writing implement, 48.
Subdistinctio, a mark of punculua-
tion, 70.
orºyºypaulug,
book, 55.
orávrayua, a subdivision of a book,
55.
a subdivision of a
Syracuse, papyrus grown there,
Text :
T.
Tabellarii, messengers, 21.
Tablets, of lime-wood, 14 ; mili-
tary diplomas, 17, 18; wooden
tablets, 18, 19; waxen tablets,
19, 23, 139, 167, 204, 208–210;
special uses, 19–23; price of,
at Athens, 19; denominations,
20; representations, 20, 21;
materials, 22; late use of 23;
Greek, 23, 24; Latin, 24–26;
arrangement of writing on, 25,
26; vellum tablets, 37.
Tabulae, tabellae, writing tablets,
20.
Tachygraphy, 82–84; signs used
in Greek contrac ions, 91–96;
in Latin contractions, 98, 101,
102.
Tallies of the Exchequer, 19.
Tax-receipts, 25, 133.
Terpſis, retpø5uov, a quire of four
sheets, 62.
tetx0s, a literary work, 55.
arrangement, 64-67; co-
lumns, 64; paragraphs, 65;
separation of words, 65, 67,68;
enlarged letters, 65, 66; com-
pression, 65; first lines of divi-
sions, 65; titles, rubrics, and
colophons, 66; division of
words, 66, 67; running titles,
66; hyphen, 67; paragraphs,
68; enlarged letters, 69; punc-
tuation, 69–71; accentuation,
71–75; marks of correction,
etc., 73, 74.
Theodore, St., M.S., 169.
Theonas, Bishop of Alexandria,
his advice on ornamentation of
MSS., 39.
Theophylactus, MS., 171.
Theopompus, stichometrical re-
ference by, 79.
6éorets, positions of marks of punc-
tuation, 70.
Tiles, inscribed, 15, 211.
Tilia, inner bark of the lime-
tree, 13.
Tironian notes, 84, 98, 101, 102.
Title, 58.
Titulus, a book-label, 39, 57.

Index.
343
Toga, wrapper of a roll, 39.
tduos, portion of a work, 55.
Tóvoi, accents, 72.
Tours, school of writing at, 233,
234.
Treasury circular, on papyrus,
136.
Triptycha, triplices, Tp(TTuxa, a
three-leaf tablet, 20.
U.
Umbilicus, the central stick or
knob of a roll, 56.
Uncial letters, definition of, 117.
See Palaeography.
Urban II., Pope, bull of, 296.
“ U spensky Psalter,” 156.
“Utrecht Psalter,” 64, 189.
W.
WAT, ERIUS MAXIMUs, MS., 270.
“Vaticanus '' codex, 150.
Wellum or parchment: its tradi-
tional invention, 35 ; its use
and value at Rome, 36, 37, 61 ;
varieties, 38; ornamentation,
38, 39; purple staining, 39–42;
gilding, 42; the vellum codex,
60, 61.
Venice, lead used there as a
writing material, 17.
Versus, a line of writing, 63, 80.
Virgil, MSS., 185, 188, 18'.
Visigothic numerals, 105; writ- >
ing, 222, 226.
Vitelliani, small tablets, 21.
Volumen, a roll, 54.
Voragine, Jacobus de, M.S., 276.
W.
WALL-INSCRIPTIONS. See Graffiti.
Water-marks, in paper, 47.
Waxen tablets. See Tablets.
Wessex, character of writing in,
250, 251.
Wills, written on tablets, 21.
Words, separation and division
of. See Text.

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Literature, and Biography. In meat 18mo volumes, bound in
half leather, in uniform style. Each set put up in a box, Sold
in sets only. Price, per set, $20.00. Containing :
.
Home R. By W. E. GLADSTONE. } 1 | THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND THE
SHAksperE. By E. Dowd'EN. vol. APOLOGISTs. By Rev. G. A. JAckson,
Fºresarºne By S. A. - ſº Th; FATHERs of THE THIRD CENTURY, A
GREEK LITERATURE. By R. C. JEBB. y Rev. G. A. Jackson. -
PHILOLOGY. B PEILE THOMAS CARLYLE: His Life, his Books,
OLOG y J. - - -
ENGLISH CoMPosition. By J. ! “ his Theories. By A. H. GUERNSEy.
G NICHOL. B RALPH WALDo EMERSON, Philosopher
8. 3....”. H. F. W. “ and Poet. By A. H. Gułºssºv. -
. By 11. I'. MACAULAY: His Life, his Writings. By -
Tozer. C. H. Jon Es.
INTRODUCTION To SCIENCE PRIM- - -
ERs. By T. H. Huxley. « . Sº, ';... CHARLES DICKENs. By
PHYSIOLOGY. By M. ForstER. - --- -
CHEMISTRY. By H. E. Roscoe. a | SHORT LIFE of GLADSTONE. By C. H.
PHysics. By BALFour STEwART. Jones. º
GEology. By A. GEIKIE. tº RUsk N PAINTIN
BotANy. By J. D. HookER. ; . SKIN O G.
As TRONOMY: By J. N. LockYER', Town GEoLogy. By CHARLEs KINGSLEy. |
PHYSICAL GEography. By *} “ | THE CHILDHooD of RELIGIONs. By E.
GEIKIE. - CLODD.
Poºl EconoMy. By W. S. ..., | History of THE EARLY CHURCH. By
JEvoNs. E. M. SEWELL.
Logic. By W. S. JEvoNs.
History of EUROPE. By E. A. THE ART of SPEECH. Poetry and Prose.
FREEMAN. l tº r By L. T. Townsen D.
HISTORY OF FRANCE. By C. M. THE ART OF SPEECH. Eloquence and --
Yonge. - Logic. By L. T. Townsend. -
HISTORY OF Rome. By M. CREIGH- THE WoRLD's PARADISEs. By S. G. W. *
TON. - c. BENJAMIN.
History of GREECE. By C. A. --- -- ---
FyFFE. THE £º GERMAN COMPOSERs. By -
OLD GREEK LIFE. By J. P. MA- G. T. FERR1s.
HAFFY. ... | THE GREAT ITALIAN AND FRENCH CoM-
RoMAN ANTIQUITIEs. By A. S. PosLRs. By G. T. FERRIs.
WILKINS. GREAT SINGERs. First Series. By G.
Sophocles. By LEwis CAMPBELL. - ſº T. FERRIS.
EURIPIDEs. By J. P. MAHAFFY. .
VERGIL. By Prof. H. NETTLESHIP. & . GREAT SINGERs. Second Series. By G.
Livy. By W. W. CAPEs. T. FERRIS. -
DEMosTHENEs. By S. H. *; tº GREAT Violinists AND PHANISTs. By
MILTON. By S. A. BRookE. G. T. FERRIS. .
AA/LA 7'OAWS” A 7"Z.A.S OF 7//E O/AW/7/7/)
S7A TES. Consisting of General Maps of the United States
and Territories, and a County Map of each of the States, printed
in Colors. Imperial 8vo. Cloth, $1.50.
The Atlas also contains Descriptive Text outlining the History, Geography, and
Political and Educational Organization of the States, with latest Statistics of their
Résources and Industries.
NEw YO F. K. : D. A. PPLETON & CO., FUBLISHERS.


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