DS
70
.143
1894
B 442882
NON
CIRCULATING

MUJ
ARTES
LIBRARY
1837
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
DO
10000 1840
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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IBRARY
REPRINTS
6
THEBOR
SI-QUERIS-PENINSULAMAMINAM
CIRCUMSTICE
yols.
SIEGE OF
LTIC
NYAN
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IA
ITS.
10
12. DAN
13. LORD MAHON'S LIFE OF CONDE.
14. BORROW'S GYPSIES OF SPAIN.
15. MELVILLE'S TYPEE OR THE MARQUESAS ISLANDERS
16. LIVONIAN TALES THE MISSIONARY IN CANADA.
17 SALE'S BRIGADE LETTERS FROM MADRAS
18. ST. JOHN'S WILD SPORTS OF THE HIGHLANDS.
19 HEAD'S PAMPAS SIEGES OF VIENNA BY THE TURKS.
20 FORD'S GATHERINGS FROM SPAIN,
21 SKETCHES OF GERMAN LIFE.
22. MELVILLE'S OMO0 OR THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDERS.
23 THE STORY OF THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO
24. THE RIVER AMAZON THE WAYSIDE CROSS
25. ACLAND'S INDIA WASHINGTON AND NEW ORLEANS..
26. RUXTON'S ADVENTURES IN MEXICO
27. LORD CARNARVON'S PORTUGAL AND GALLICIA.
28. GLEIG'S LIFE OF LORD CLIVE,
29. HAYGARTH'S BUSH LIFE STEFFENS ADVENTURES
30 TALES OF A TRAVELLER. BY WASHINGTON Trying.
31. CAMPBELL'S ESSAY ON ENGLISH POETRY
32. LORD MAHON'S HISTORICAL ESSAYS,
33 STOKERS AND POKERS THE LIBYAN DESERT.
34. LETTERS FROM SIERRA LEONE BY A LADY
གླུ་
50, ALBEMARle Street, London, March, 1849.
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1
>
}
DS
70
.243
1849
:
NINE VEH
1
AND
ITS REMAINS.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
SPOTTISWOODES and SHAW,
New-street-Square.
NINE VEH
AND
ITS REMAINS:
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF A VISIT TO THE CHALDEAN
CHRISTIANS OF KURDISTAN, AND THE YEZIDIS,
OR DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS; AND AN ENQUIRY
INTO THE MANNERS AND ARTS OF
THE ANCIENT ASSYRIANS.
BY AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD, ESQ. D.C.L.

"She saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images of the Chaldeans pourtrayed with
vermilion.
"Girded with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their heads, all
of them princes to look to, after the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the land of
their nativity."
EZEKIEL, Xxiii. 14, 15.
THIRD EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1849.
4
Soth.
8606
Semities
7-3-1923
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTER XI.
Death of Tahyar Pasha. Excavations carried on. Discoveries in
the North-west Palace. New Chambers and Bas-reliefs.
Ivory Ornaments and Cartouches with Hieroglyphics. Painted
Chambers. Pottery. Discovery of upper Chambers. Paintings
on the Walls. Pavement Slabs. Discoveries in the Centre of
the Mound. Tombs containing Vases and Ornaments. Their
Egyptian Character. Bas-reliefs collected together. Descrip-
tion of the Sculptures. Further Discoveries in the South-west
Edifice. Crouching Sphinxes. Sculptures. A Description of
the Bas-reliefs. Small Figures in unbaked Clay. A Beam of
Wood. Discovery of more Tombs in the South-east Corner
of Chambers beneath them - of an arched or vaulted Room.
Discoveries in various Parts of the Mound
· Page 1
CHAP. XII.
·
Excavations undertaken at Kalah Sherghat. Departure for the
Ruins. Senidij. The Bitumen Pits. Abd'rubbou. My
Reception. Reach the Ruins. Fears of the Workmen. Dis-
covery of a sitting Figure. Arab Encampment. Arab Life.
Excavations in the Mound. Discovery of Tombs. Remains of
Building. Description of the Mounds. Return to Nimroud 44
429021
vi
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XIII.
System of Irrigation adopted by the ancient Assyrians. Want of
Rain. Fears for the Crops. Preparations for the Removal of a
winged Bull and winged Lion. Construction of a Cart. Surprise
of the Natives. Discovery of a Bas-relief — of a Drain. Lower-
ing of the winged Bull. Its Removal from the Ruins. Excite-
ment of the Arabs. Rejoicings in the Village. The Bull
dragged down to the River. The Removal of the Lion. Discon-
tent amongst the Arabs. They leave the Ruins. Rafts prepared
for the Transport of the Sculptures to Busrah. The Lion and
Bull placed upon them. Their Departure from Nimroud. Return
of the Arabs. Excavations commenced in the Pyramid. Con-
clusion of the Excavations at Nimroud. General Description of
the Ruins
- Page 68
-
CHAP. XIV.
Excavations planned at Kouyunjik. Leave Nimroud. Remove
to Mosul. Discovery of a Building in Kouyunjik. Bas-reliefs.
General Description of the Sculptures. Excavations carried on
by Mr. Ross. His Discoveries. Bas-reliefs. A sculptured
Slab and Sarcophagus. Preparations for my Return to Con-
stantinople. Leave Mosul
115
PART II.
CHAP. I.
Materials for the History of Assyria. Comparative Dates of
Monuments. Assyrian Writing. The Cuneiform. Its Varieties.
Assyrian Records. Writing Materials. Monumental Records.
Bricks and Tiles. Progress in Deciphering. Assyrian Monu-
ments of various Periods. The Ivory Ornaments. Cartouches.
Connection between Assyria and Egypt. Historical Evidence
of Period of Ninus. The Assyrian Dynasties. The Tombs at
Nimroud. Antiquity of Nineveh
- 153
CONTENTS.
vii
CHAP. II.
Semitic Origin of the Assyrians. Identification of the Site of
Nineveh. Dimensions of the City. Architecture of the Assy-
rians. Their first Cities. Building Materials. Sun-dried
Bricks. Alabaster. Painted Walls. The Roof and Ceiling.
Knowledge of Vaulting and the Arch. Pavement and Drains.
Description of an Assyrian Palace. The sculptured and pic-
torial Records. The Nature of the Buildings discovered in
Assyria. Exterior Architecture. Private Houses. Absence
of the Column. Walls of the Cities. Their Towers and Gate-
ways
- Page 236
CHAP. III.
The Arts amongst the Assyrians. Their Origin. Connection
between Assyrian and Greek Art. The Assyrian Origin of
Persian Art. Its Passage into Asia Minor. The Lycian
Sculptures. Various Greek Ornaments and Forms borrowed
from Assyria. Taste of Assyrians displayed in Embroideries,
Arms, and personal Ornaments in domestic Furniture
Vessels of Gold and Silver. Paintings. Ezekiel's Description
of painted Bas-reliefs. Colours used by the Assyrians. Their
Dyes. Materials for Sculpture. Alabaster or Mosul Marble.
Limestone and Basalt. Knowledge of Mechanics. The Pulley.
Mode of Transport of Blocks of Stone
280
CHAP. IV.
-
in
Costume of the Assyrian Kings. Their Arms. The Eunuchs.
Their Dress. The History of Parsondes. Officers of State. The
Warriors. Their Armour. Their Costume. Spearmen.
Archers. Helmets. Arms. Slingers. Shields. Regular
Troops. Chariots. Harness and Caparison of the Horses.
Cavalry. Horses
- 319
CHAP. V.
Military System of the Assyrians. Magnitude of their Armies.
Their Pomp. Sieges. The Battering-ram and other Engines
of War. Mode of Defence. Scaling the Walls. Sack of a City.
viii
CONTENTS.
Treatment of the Captives and of the City. Knowledge of Ship-
building. Earliest Vessels. Later Vessels, as represented at
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik. Enemies of the Assyrians distin-
guished by their Dress. Armenians and Parthians or Persians.
Captives and Tribute from India. The Arabs. The Jews. The
Babylonians. The Phoenicians. Northern Nations. Identifi-
cation of Enemies of the Assyrians with those of the Egyp-
tians
- Page 362
CHAP. VI.
Private Life of the Assyrians. Public Festivals. Music. Manu.
factures. Embroideries and Carpets. Metals. Gold and Silver.
Iron and Copper. Ivory. Glass. Agriculture. Domestic
Animals. Wild Animals.
Wild Animals. The Lion.
The Lion. The Wild Bull. The
Ibex. Hunting. Parks or Paradises. Wild Animals brought
as Tribute. The Bactrian Camel, Elephant, and Rhinoceros.
Monkeys and Apes. Birds. Fish. Trees
CHAP. VII.
- 409
Religion of the Assyrians. Distinctions between earliest and
latest Periods. Sabæanism and Worship of the Heavenly Bodies.
Identity of Assyrian and Persian Systems of Fire-worship. The
Chaldæans. Religious Emblems in the Sculptures. The winged
Figure in the Circle. Baal or Belus. Hera, Venus, or Astarte.
Rhea. Nisroch or Eagle-headed God. The Gryphon. Winged
Bulls and Lions. The Sphinx. Mythological Figures. Sym-
bolic Figures of Ezekiel. Oannes or the Man-fish. Fire-worship.
The Magi. Flowers and sacred Emblems. Influence of Religion
on public and private Life. Mode of Burial. Tomb of Ninus.
439
Death and Tomb of Sardanapalus. Conclusion
LIST OF PLATES, WOODCUTS, AND PLANS.
VOLUME II.
Procession of the Bull beneath the Mound of Nimroud.
The King. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Frontispiece.
Facing page 7.
Plan 4. Upper Chambers on the West Side of the Mound. (Nimroud.)
In page 14.
Enemy asking Quarter of Assyrian Horsemen. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 28.
Part of a Bas-relief showing a Pulley, and a Warrior cutting a Bucket
from the Rope.
Plan 5. Excavations in the South-east Corner of the Mound. (Nimroud.)
Sitting Figure in Basalt, from Kalah Sherghat.
Warriors hunting the Lion. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Plan of excavated Ruins at Kouyunjik.
The King in his Chariot returning from Battle.
In page 32.
In page 39.
In
page
52.
Facing page 77.
Facing page 124.
(Kouyunjik.)
Facing page 137.
Wedge or Arrow-head on an Altar. (From a Stone in the Bibliothèque
Nationale at Paris.)
In page 181.
In page 184.
Scribes writing down the Number of Heads of the Slain, and the Amount
of the Spoil. (Kouyunjik.)
Figures, and Cartouche with Hieroglyphics, on an Ivory Panel from the
N. W. Palace, Nimroud.
Facing page 209.
The Egyptian Goddess Ken (from a Tablet in the British Museum); and
Assyrian Deity, ? the Astarte of the Assyrians and the Ken of the
Egyptians (from a Rock Tablet at Malthaiyah, near Mosul).
In page 212.
Forms of Pottery found in the Tombs above the Ruins at Nimroud.
In page 219.
A House. (Kouyunjik.) The Interior of a Tent. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 271.
A Temple, or Fishing Pavilion, supported by Proto-Ionic Columns, and
standing in a River or artificial Lake. (Khorsabad.) In page 273.
VOL. II.
a
X
LIST OF PLATES, WOODCUTS, AND PLANS.
Head of winged Bull. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.) Head of winged
Monster. (Persepolis.)
Fragment of a Lycian Monument in the British Museum.
Bas-relief from a Monument from Xanthus, in the British
In page 290.
In page 292.
Museum.
In page 293.
Ornament on a Lath at Allahabad.
roud.)
Assyrian Ornament. (Nimroud.) Greek Honeysuckle Ornaments.
In page 294.
Ornament. (N. W. Palace, Nim-
In page 295.
In page 296.
In page 297.
Ornaments. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Sacred Tree. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Ear-ring. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Assyrian Ear-rings. (Khorsabad.)
Hilt of a Sword. (Khorsabad.)
Palace, Nimroud.)
End of a Sword Sheath. (N. W.
In page 298.
Handles of three Daggers carried in the Girdle. (N. W. Palace, Nim-
roud.)
A Throne or Stool. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
A Stool. (Khorsabad.) An Arm-chair. (Khorsabad.)
In page 299.
In page 300.
In page 301.
A Couch or Table. (Khorsabad.) A Footstool supported by Lion's
Paws. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 302.
A Table. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Altars, or Stands for Jars. (N. W.
Palace, Nimroud.) Cup with Handle. (Khorsabad.) In page 303.
Drinking Cup. (Khorsabad.) Vase from a Bas-relief. (Khorsabad.)
In page 304.
Basket or Vessel carried by winged Figures. (Khorsabad.) In page 305.
Head-dress of the King. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) Head-dress of the
King. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 320.
A Sandal. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.) A Sandal. (Khorsabad.)
In page 324.
A Spearman. (Kouyunjik.) Greave or Gaiter worn by Warriors.
(Khorsabad.)
In page 337.
An Archer. (Kouyunjik.) Helmets. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 338.
Circular Helmet. (Centre Palace, Nimŕoud.)
In page 339.
Assyrian Warriors fighting with the Enemy. An Eagle is carrying away
the Entrails of the Slain. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
Slinger. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 340.
In page 344.
In page 345.
In page 348.
Assyrian Warrior with Spear and Shield. (Kouyunjik.)
Warriors forming a Phalanx before the Walls of a besieged City. (Kou-
yunjik.)
Assyrian Warriors in a Chariot. (S. W. Ruins, Nimroud; but originally
brought from the N. W. Palace.)
Facing page 350.
Groom leading Horses. (From a Fragment discovered at Khorsabad,
and now in the British Museum.)
In page 353.
LIST OF PLATES, WOODCUTS, AND PLANS.
xi
Assyrian Chariot of the later Period. (S. W. Ruins, Nimroud.)
Facing page 356.
Horsemen one drawing the Bow, the other holding the Reins of both
Horses. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Head-dress of a riding Horse. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 357.
In page 358.
(From a Cast
Facing page 360.
A Horseman pursued by Assyrian Warriors. (Kouyunjik.)
in the British Museum.)
Battering-ram, with moveable Tower containing Warriors, (N. W.
Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 368.
A Battering-
Bas-relief representing Warriors before a besieged City.
ram drawn up to the Walls, and Captives impaled. (Centre Palace,
Nimroud.)
In page 369.
Warriors forcing Stones out of the lower Part of the Wall of a besieged
City. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 372.
A City taken by Assault, and the Inhabitants led away Captive. (Kouy-
unjik.)
Manacles for the Feet. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.)
Hands. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.)
Facing page 372.
A pair of Scales for weighing the Spoil. (Khorsabad.)
A Boat carrying a Chariot, and Men floating on inflated Skins.
Manacles for the
In page 376.
In page 377.
In page 381.
In page 383.
A Ship. (Khorsabad.)
Ship. (Kouyunjik.) Coin of uncertain Origin, conjectured to have been
struck in a City on the Syrian Coast during the Persian Occupation.
In page 386.
Castle of a maritime People, probably the Tyrians. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 388.
A Galley. (Kouyunjik.)
Flying Warrior discharging an Arrow. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 389.
In page 393.
A walled City standing on a River or on the Sea. (Centre Palace, Nim-
roud.)
In page 395.
Captive Women in a Cart drawn by Oxen. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 396.
Assyrian Horsemen pursuing a Man, probably an Arab, on a Camel.
(Centre Ruins, Nimroud.)
Facing page 396.
Chariot carried away by the Assyrians, amongst other Spoil, from a
captured City. (Khorsabad.)
In page 399.
Enemies of the Assyrians discharging their Arrows behind them. (Kouy-
unjik.)
In page 402.
Bactrian or two-bumped Camels. (Obelisk, Nimroud.)
In page 433.
Elephant, the Ouran Outan(?), the Hounuman, or small Indian Monkey (?).
(Obelisk, Nimroud.)
In page 434.
xii
LIST OF PLATES, WOODCUTS, AND PLANS.
The Bull, the Rhinoceros, and the Chikara, or large Indian Antelope (?).
(Obelisk, Nimroud.)
In page 435.
The Bruh, or great Indian Monkey (?), and the Wanderoo, or maned
Ape (?). (Obelisk, Nimroud.)
In page 436.
Sacred Emblems suspended round the Neck of the King. (N. W. Palace..
Nimroud.)
Emblems of the Deity. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Winged Circle. (Pterium.)
In page 446
In page 448.
In page 449.
Idols carried in Procession by Assyrian Warriors. (S. W. Ruins, Nim-
roud.)
Facing page 451.
Hera or the Assyrian Venus. (From a Rock Tablet near the ancient
Pterium.)
A Gryphon. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Winged Horse. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Bird. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
Facing page 456.
In page 459.
In page 461.
Eagle-headed Figure. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Warriors carrying a
In page 462.
Lion-headed Figure. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
In page 463.
The Fish God. (Khorsabad.)
In page 466.
An Altar, resembling that on the Sassanian Coins. (Khorsabad.)
In page 467
Fire-Altar. (Khorsabad.)
In page 468.
Fire-Altar and Sacrifice. (Kouyunjik.)
In page 469.
Altar, or Tripod. (From Khorsabad.)
In page 470.
NINEVEH
AND
ITS REMAINS.
CHAPTER XI.
DEATH OF TAHYAR PASHA.
EXCAVATIONS CARRIED ON. - DIS-
COVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST PALACE.-NEW CHAMBERS AND
BAS-RELIEFS.-IVORY ORNAMENTS AND CARTOUCHES WITH HIERO-
POTTERY.
PAINTINGS ON THE WALLS.
GLYPHICS. -PAINTED CHAMBERS.
UPPER CHAMBERS.
SLABS.
DISCOVERY OF
PAVEMENT
DISCOVERIES IN THE CENTRE OF THE MOUND.
TOMBS CONTAINING VASES AND ORNAMENTS.
CHARACTER.
M J
THEIR EGYPTIAN
SMALL FIGURES IN UN-
BAS-RELIEFS COLLECTED TOGETHER. DESCRIP-
TION OF THE SCULPTURES. FURTHER DISCOVERIES IN THE
SOUTH-WEST EDIFICE.- -CROUCHING SPHINXES. - SCULPTURES.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE BAS-RELIEFS.
BAKED CLAY. — A BEAM OF WOOD. DISCOVERY OF MORE
TOMBS IN THE SOUTH-EAST CORNER OF CHAMBERS BENEATH
THEM. OF AN ARCHED OR VAULTED ROOM. DISCOVERIES IN
VARIOUS PARTS OF THE MOUND.
As I was drawing one morning at the mound,
Ibrahim Agha came to me, with his eyes full of tears,
and announced the death of Tahyar Pasha. The
Cawass had followed the fortunes of the late Governor
VOL. II.
B
2
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
of Mosul almost since childhood, and was looked upon
as a member of his family. Like other Turks of his
class, he had been devoted to the service of his patron,
and was treated more like a companion than a servant.
In no country in the world are ties of this nature
more close than in Turkey; nowhere does there exist
a better feeling between the master and the servant,
and the master and the slave.
I was much grieved at the sudden death of Tahyar;
for he was a man of gentle and kindly manners, just
and considerate in his government, and of consider-
able information and learning for a Turk. I felt a
kind of affection for him. The cause of his death
showed his integrity. His troops had plundered a
friendly tribe, falsely represented to him as rebellious
by his principal officers, who were anxious to have an
opportunity of enriching themselves with the spoil.
When he learnt the particulars of the affair, and that
the tribe, so far from being hostile, were peaceably
pasturing their flocks on the banks of the Khabour,
he exclaimed, "You have destroyed my house," (i. e.
its honour), and, without speaking again, died of a
broken heart. He was buried in the court-yard of
the principal mosque at Mardin. A simple but ele-
gant tomb, surrounded by flowers and evergreens,
was raised over his remains; and an Arabic inscrip-
tion records the virtues and probable reward of one
of the most honest and amiable men that it has been
my lot, in a life of some experience amongst men
of various kinds, to meet. I visited his monument
during my journey to Constantinople. From the
CHAP. XI.]
3
RESULTS OF THE EXCAVATION.
lofty terrace, where it stands, the eye wanders over
the vast plains of Mesopotamia, stretching to the
Euphrates, — in spring one great meadow, covered
with the tents and flocks of innumerable tribes.
The Kiayah, or chief secretary, was chosen Governor
of the province by the council, until the Porte could
name a new Pasha, or take other steps for the ad-
ministration of affairs. Essad Pasha, who had lately
been at Beyrout, was at length appointed to succeed
Tahyar, and soon after reached his Pashalic. These
changes did not affect my proceedings. Armed with
my Vizirial letter I was able to defy the machinations
of the Cadi and the Ulema, who did not cease their
endeavours to throw obstacles in my way.
After the celebration of Christmas I returned to
Nimroud, and the excavations were again carried on
with activity.
I should weary the reader, were I to describe, step
by step, the progress of the work, and the discoveries
gradually made in various parts of the great mound.
The labours of one day resembled those of the pre-
ceding. A mere journal of my proceedings would
afford but little amusement, and I should have to
enter, over and over again, into the same details, and
should probably be led into a repetition of the same
reflections. I prefer, therefore, describing at once the
results of my labours during the first three months of
the year; and I will endeavour to explain, as concisely
as possible, the extent of the operations, and the
nature of the buildings uncovered. It will be ne-
cessary to make frequent reference to the plans;
B 2
4
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
as, without the assistance they afford, it would be
difficult to convey an accurate idea of the form of
the edifices and position of the chambers.
The north-west palace was naturally the most in-
teresting portion of the ruins, and to it were prin-
cipally directed my researches. I had satisfied
myself beyond a doubt that it was the most ancient
building yet explored in Assyria. Not having been
exposed to a conflagration like other edifices, the
sculptures, bas-reliefs, and inscriptions, which it con-
tained, were still admirably preserved.
There
When the excavations were resumed after Christ-
mas, eight chambers had been discovered.
were now so many outlets, and entrances, that I
had no trouble in finding new rooms and halls-
one chamber leading into another. By the end of
the month of April I had explored almost the whole
building; and had opened twenty-eight chambers
cased with alabaster slabs. Although many new
sculptures of considerable interest and importance
were found in them, still the principal part of the
edifice seems to have been that to the north. Cham-
bers B and G contained the most remarkable bas-
reliefs; they represented the deeds of the king in
war and in the chase, his triumphant return, and the
celebration of religious ceremonies. The best artists
had evidently been employed upon them; and they
excelled all those that had yet been discovered, in the
elegance and finish of the ornaments, and in the
knowledge of art displayed in the grouping of the
figures. The walls of the other chambers were either
CHAP. XI.]
5
DESCRIPTION OF CHAMBERS.
occupied by a series of winged figures, separated by
the sacred tree, and resembling one another in every
respect, or the standard inscription alone was carved
upon the slabs.
It will be perceived that a certain symmetry was,
to some extent, observed in the plan of the building;
particularly in the arrangement of the chambers to
the East; those marked I and L corresponded in
form and size, and both led into small rooms,
which did not communicate with any other part of
the edifice. Each slab, however, in chamber L, was
occupied by only one figure, -a gigantic winged
divinity, or priest, and is not divided into two
compartments, as in chamber I. But it is remark-
able that on the slab No. 20. there was a figure dif-
fering from all the rest, and corresponding with the
figures found on the lower part of the slab No. 16.
of chamber I. It was that of a winged female deity
or priestess, bearing a garland in one hand, and
raising the other as if in some act of adoration.
Around her neck were suspended, in the form of a
double necklace, the star-shaped ornaments already
described.* In this chamber also occurred niches
similarly placed to those in I. In front of the female
figure, and forming part of the pavement, was a
slab with a hole through the centre. On raising it I
discovered an earthen pipe, about eight inches in
diameter and two feet in length, communicating with
a drain running underneath, the whole being lined
* See page 344. Vol. I. This figure has been moved, and is amongst
the sculptures which have been secured for the British Museum.
B 3
6
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and cemented with bitumen.
One or two fragments
of ivory were also found in this room.
In chamber H all the groups were similar-re-
presenting the king, holding a cup in one hand and
bow in the other, attended by two winged figures
with garlands round their heads. The sculptures in
chamber G, as I have already observed, were chiefly
remarkable for the variety and elegance of the orna-
ments on the robes of the king, and his attendants.
These ornaments consisted of groups of figures similar
to those represented on the walls of the palace, such
as the king slaying the lion, and hunting the bull; of
winged figures before the sacred tree; religious em-
blems; various animals and elaborate scroll work; áll
furnishing not only beautiful designs, but important
illustrations of the mythology of the Assyrians.
The entrance d to this chamber was formed by
two gigantic eagle-headed winged figures, of consider-
able beauty and finish. One of them was moved,
and will be brought to England. In the chamber
beyond, were repeated the winged divinities or priests,
with the emblematical tree: except on slab 6, which
represented the king holding a bow in one hand, and
two arrows in the other.
The four sculptures in the chamber, or rather
passage, P (Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4.), were remarkable for
the beauty of the ornaments and details, and their
careful finish. They all represented winged figures
either holding a mace, a fir-cone, or some religious
emblem. On their dresses, however, were a variety
of groups and
and designs- lion hunts, bull hunts,
To face page 7. Vol, II.

13
THE KING. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
5.W.
CHAP. XI ]
7
DESCRIPTION OF CHAMBERS.
*
winged animals, and many groups of winged figures.
Amongst the last was a curious representation of
the Assyrian Venus, Mylitta or Astarte, in an inde-
cent posture which indicated the peculiar nature of
her worship.
On each of the slabs forming the narrow passage
a, leading from the chamber P, were two winged
figures back to back. They were well designed and
carefully executed. Beyond them, on slabs 2, 3,
and 4 of chamber S, was the king between two
eunuchs. The figure of the king, one of the most
carefully sculptured and best preserved in the palace,
is included in the collection sent to England. He
is represented with one hand on the hilt of his sword,
the other being supported by a long wand or staff.†
On the remaining slabs of chamber S the winged
figures were repeated. Some carried flowers of
various shapes, whilst others had the usual fir-cone,
and square basket, or utensil.
Only three sides of the great hall Y were found
entire. From its size it is probable that it was never
roofed in, but was an open court. It appears to have
been nearly square; but the western wall has been
completely destroyed; the slabs having perhaps been
carried away to be used in the construction of the
south-west palace. Three entrances are still stand-
ing. The one at b, formed by a pair of winged
lions, — those at e and f, by winged bulls. There
was probably a fourth entrance on the western side,
* "Monuments of Nineveh," plates 7, 8. 43, 44.
† Ibid. plate 34.
B 4
8
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
formed by a pair of lions to correspond with that
on the eastern; but I found no remains of it, al-
though some might perhaps be discovered on a more
careful examination. The removal of the slabs, which
formed the western wall, has caused a depression in
the mound; and consequently, if any large sculptures,
such as the winged lions, had been left, when the slabs
adjoining them were taken away, they would pro-
bably have been exposed to decay; and the upper
part, remaining longest uncovered, would have been
completely destroyed.
Behind the great hall Y, to the south, was a
cluster of chambers leading one into another. Their
proportions were small. V and W did not contain
sculptures. T was surrounded by the usual winged
figures; one of its entrances (a) being formed by
two gigantic priests or divinities, with garlands round
their heads, holding in one hand an ear of corn, and
in the other an ibex, or mountain goat.
*
The chamber V is remarkable for the discovery,
near the entrance a, of a number of ivory ornaments
of considerable beauty and interest. These ivories,
when uncovered, adhered so firmly to the soil, and
were in so forward a state of decomposition, that
I had the greatest difficulty in extracting them,
even in fragments. I spent hours lying on the
ground, separating them, with a penknife, from the
rubbish by which they were surrounded. Those who
saw them when they first reached this country, will
be aware of the difficulty of releasing them from the
* "Monuments of Nineveh,” plate 35.
CHAP. XI.] DISCOVERY OF IVORY ORNAMENTS.
9
hardened mass in which they were embedded. The
ivory separated itself in flakes. Even the falling
away
of the earth was sufficient to reduce it almost
to powder. This will account for the condition of
the specimens which have been placed in the British
Museum. With all the care that I could devote to the
collection of the fragments, many were lost, or re-
mained unperceived, in the immense heap of rubbish
under which they were buried. Since they have been
in England, they have been admirably restored and
cleaned. The gelatinous matter, by which the par-
ticles forming the ivory are kept together, had, from
the decay of centuries, been completely exhausted.
By an ingenious process it has been restored, and
the ornaments, which on their discovery fell to pieces
almost upon mere exposure to the air, have regained
the appearance and consistency of recent ivory, and
may be handled without risk of injury.
The important evidence, as to the epoch of the
destruction of the building, furnished by these ivories,
will be alluded to in another place. I will here
merely describe them. The most interesting are the
remains of two small tablets, one nearly entire, the
other much injured, representing two sitting figures,
holding in one hand the Egyptian sceptre or symbol
of power.
Between the figures is a cartouche, con-
taining a name or words in hieroglyphics, and sur-
mounted by a feather or plume, such as is found
in monuments of the eighteenth, and subsequent
dynasties, of Egypt. The chairs on which the figures
are seated, the robes of the figures themselves, the
10
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
hieroglyphics in the cartouche, and the feather above
it, were enamelled with a blue substance let into the
ivory; and the uncarved portions of the tablet, the
cartouche, and part of the figures, were originally
gilded, —remains of the gold leaf still adhering to
them. The forms, and style of art, have a purely
Egyptian character; although there are certain pecu-
liarities in the execution, and mode of treatment, that
would seem to mark the work of a foreign, perhaps
an Assyrian, artist. The same peculiarities-the
same anomalies, characterized all the other objects
discovered. Several small heads in frames, supported
by pillars or pedestals, most elegant in design and
elaborate in execution, show not only a considerable
acquaintance with art, but an intimate knowledge of
the method of working in ivory. Found with them
were oblong tablets, upon which are sculptured, with
great delicacy, standing figures, with one hand ele-
vated, and holding in the other a stem or staff, sur-
mounted by an ornament resembling the Egyptian
lotus. Scattered about were fragments of winged
sphinxes, the head of a lion of singular beauty, but
which unfortunately fell to pieces, human heads,
hands, legs, and feet, bulls, flowers, and scroll-work.
In all these specimens the spirit of the design and the
delicacy of the workmanship are equally to be ad-
mired.*
* I add Mr. Birch's description of the most important of the ivory
ornaments that containing the cartouche. "The first of these panels,
which is the most complete, measures nine inches long by six inches high.
The cartouche is placed vertically in the centre, surmounted by a solar
disk, gilded, flanked by two ostrich feathers, which are inlaid with narrow
CHAP. XI.]
11
PAINTED CHAMBER.
On the two slabs forming the entrance to chamber
U, were identical inscriptions, above those which in-
variably occur on the slabs in this palace. They con-
tained the name of the king who founded Khorsabad,
and they had evidently been cut long after the lower
inscriptions, from which they differ in the forms of
many characters. They may have been carved to
celebrate the reopening, or the restoration, of the
building.*
In all the chambers to the south of the great hall Y,
were found
copper vessels of peculiar shape; but they
fell to pieces almost immediately on exposure to the
air, and I was unable to preserve one of them entire.
Beyond the entrance b, as far as chamber S, the
alabaster slabs ceased altogether; and I was, for some
time, at a loss to account for the manner in which
horizontal strips of opaque blue glass, probably imitations of lapis-lazuli,
and with some few bars in green. The area of the cartouche is gilded,
and the hieroglyphics are incused, and inlaid with blue glass. At each
side is a divinity, beardless, wearing the long hair-dress called namms,
also inlaid with blue and draped in linen garments, enveloping the whole
of the form, with a border of inlaid blue ovals. The seats on which they
sit are the usual Egyptian throne, the side decorated with scales alter-
nately of blue and opaque green pastes, inlaid into the ivory, and in-
tended to imitate lapis-lazuli and felspar. At the lower corner, in a
compartment, in gilded ivory on a blue back-ground, is a symbol of life.
Each divinity holds in one hand a tam or kukupha sceptre, and holds up
the other with the palm turned towards the cartouche. No name is at-
tached to either of these figures, which are probably intended for deities
of an inferior rank, such as the Persian Izjeds. Like all the Egyptian
figures, they are unbearded; but their drapery is not that of Egyptian
females." (Trans. of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series.) For
a detailed description of all the ivory fragments discovered, see Appendix;
and, for engravings of the most interesting, my "Monuments of Nineveh,"
plates 88, 89, 90, and 91.
* One of these inscriptions is in the British Museum, and is included
in the collection of Assyrian Inscriptions printed for the Trustees.
12
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the building had been continued. The pavement of
baked bricks was still carried on, and it was evident
that the edifice did not end here. At length I dis-
covered that we had entered chambers formed by
walls of sun-dried bricks, covered with a thin coating
of plaster, which had been painted with figures and
ornaments. The colours had faded so completely,
that scarcely any of the subjects or designs could
be traced. It required the greatest care to separate
the rubbish from the walls, without destroying, at
the same time, the paintings, as the plaster fell from
the walls in flakes, notwithstanding all my efforts to
preserve it. I was only able to sketch a few of the
ornaments, in which the colours chiefly distinguish-
able were red, blue, black, and white. The subjects
of the paintings, as far as could be judged from the
remains, were probably processions, in which the
king was represented followed by his eunuchs and at-
tendant warriors, and receiving prisoners and tribute.
The figures appeared to have been merely in outline,
in black upon a blue ground, and I was unable to
distinguish any other colours. In design they resem-
bled the sculptures-exhibiting the same features,
and the same peculiar treatment in the draperies and
attitudes.
I
As the means at my disposal did not warrant any
outlay in making mere experiments, without the pro-
mise of the discovery of something to carry away,
felt myself compelled, much against my inclination,
to abandon the excavations in this part of the mound,
after uncovering portions of two chambers.
The
CHAP. XI.]
13
PAINTED BRICKS.
doorway, which united them, was paved with one
large slab, ornamented with flowers and scroll-work.
The flooring was of baked bricks.
I found, by opening trenches behind chambers I
and L, that similar painted rooms existed in other
parts of the mound. The palace did not, therefore,
only contain chambers panelled with slabs of ala-
baster, but had apartments differently constructed,
extending considerably beyond the limits shown in
the plan. How far, I could not ascertain.
It
may be mentioned that on the slabs 1 and 2, and
those opposite, of chamber Z, were sculptured small
winged figures,—two, one above the other, on each.
On removing No. 2., I found behind it, embedded in
the wall of sun-dried bricks, a small earthen bowl, or
cup, of baked clay of a dark red colour.* This, con-
sequently, is the most ancient specimen of pottery
hitherto discovered in Assyria; for, from its position
behind the slab, it is evident that it must have been
placed there at the time of the building of the edi-
fice. Between the bulls and lions, forming the en-
trances in different parts of the palace, were invariably
found a large collection of baked bricks, elaborately
painted with figures of animals, and flowers, and with
cuneiform characters. It is remarkable, that on
the back of these bricks, or on one of the sides not
coloured, were rude designs, in black paint or ink, of
men and animals, and marks having the appearance
of numbers. They appear to have been built into a
wall above the sculptures. That they belonged to
* Now in the British Museum.
14
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XI.
the edifice in which they were discovered, is proved
by the name of the king painted upon them.*
In the rubbish above the southern chambers of
this palace, were found, several feet above the walls,
numerous vases of baked clay. In those that were
preserved entire, human remains could be distin-
guished; but it was not until after further discoveries,
that I learnt the nature and importance of these
objects.
On the western side of the great mound, to the
south of the palace in which the discoveries just
described were made, there is a considerable eleva-
tion. The spot is marked e, on plan 1. To examine
the place, a trench was opened on a level with the

B
る
​A
C
C
101
219
PLAN 4.-Upper chambers on the west side of the mound. (Nimroud.)
* Several specimens of these bricks are in the British Museum.
CHAP. XI.]
15
UPPER CHAMBERS.
platform. It was some time before I ascertained that
we were cutting into a kind of tower, or nest of upper
chambers, constructed entirely of unbaked bricks; the
walls being plastered, and elaborately painted. I ex-
plored three rooms, and part of a fourth on the south-
ern side of this building.
It is probable that there were four similar groups of
chambers, facing the four cardinal points. In front of
the entrance a*, was a large square slab with slightly
raised edges, similar to those frequently found in the
north-west palace. On two sides of it were narrow
pieces of alabaster, with a groove running down the
centre, carefully cut and fitted together, forming
parallel lines, which I can only compare to the rails of
a railroad. I cannot form any conjecture as to their
use. The rooms had been twice painted-two dis-
tinct coats of plaster being visible on the walls. The
outer coating, when carefully detached, left the under;
on which were painted ornaments differing from those
above.
In the centre, and in one of the corners, of cham-
ber C, were recesses, similar to those in some of the
alabaster slabs in the north-west palace. No remains
of plaster, or colour, could be traced upon the sun-
dried bricks, forming the back of these recesses.
The painted ornaments were elaborate and graceful
in design. The Assyrian bull was frequently por-
trayed, sometimes with wings, sometimes without.
Above the animals were painted battlements, similar
to those of castles, as represented in the sculptures.
* See plan 4.
16
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Below them, forming a kind of cornice, were squares
and circles, tastefully arranged; and more elaborate
combinations were not wanting. The colours em-
ployed were blue, red, white, yellow, and black. I
doubt whether any green was used in this building;
the green on the under coating of plaster, being
probably the result of the decomposition of the blue.
The pale yellow of the ground, on which the designs
were painted, resembles the tint on the walls of
Egypt; but it is possible that white had changed to
this colour.*
But the most important discovery, connected with
these upper chambers, was that of the slabs forming
the pavement of the two entrances a and b. Upon
them were the names and titles of five kings, in genea-
logical succession; commencing with the father of the
founder of the north-west palace, and ending with the
grandson of the builder of the centre edifice. By this
valuable record, I was able to verify the connection
between the names already discovered, and to add
two more to the list.†
I could not ascertain whether there were any
chambers, or remains of buildings, beneath this upper
edifice; or whether this was a tower constructed on
the solid outer wall. A deep trench was opened on
the eastern side of it ‡, and, about twenty feet below
the surface, a pavement of brick and several square
slabs of alabaster were uncovered; but these remains
* For specimens of these ornaments, see my "Monuments of Nineveh,"
plates 86, 87.
† One of these slabs will be placed in the British Museum.
At d, in plan 1.
CHAP. XI.]
17
DISCOVERY OF TOMBS.
did not throw any light upon the nature of the
building above; nor were they sufficient to show that
the north-west palace had been carried under these
upper chambers.
chambers. To the south of them there were no
remains of building, the platform of unbaked bricks
being continued up to the level of the flooring of the
chambers; but there is reason to believe that this
part of the mound is of a more recent date than that
to the north of it, and was added at a subsequent
period.
In the centre of the mound, to the north of the
great winged bulls, I had in vain endeavoured to find
traces of building. Except the obelisk, two winged
figures, and a few fragments of yellow limestone,
which appeared to have formed part of a gigantic
bull or lion, no remains of sculpture had yet been dis-
covered. Excavations to the south, disclosed a well
formed tomb built of bricks, and covered with a slab
of alabaster. It was about five feet in length, and
scarcely more than eighteen inches in breadth in the
interior. On removing the lid, parts of a skeleton
were exposed to view; the skull and some of the
larger bones were still entire; but crumbled into dust.
when I attempted to remove them. With them were
three earthen vessels. A vase of reddish clay, with a
long narrow neck, stood in a dish of such delicate
fabric, that I had great difficulty in removing it
entire. Over the mouth of the vase was placed a
bowl or cup, also of red clay. This pottery appears
to have stood near the right shoulder of the body.
In the dust, which had accumulated round the ske-
VOL. II.
C
18
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
leton, were found beads and small ornaments belong-
ing to a necklace. The beads are of opaque coloured
glass, agate, cornelian, and amethyst. A small
crouching lion of lapis lazuli, pierced on the back,
had been attached to the end of the necklace. The
vases and ornaments are Egyptian in their character,
being identical with similar remains found in the
tombs of Egypt, and preserved in collections of an-
tiquities from that country. With the beads was a
cylinder, on which is represented the king in his
chariot, hunting the wild bull, as in the bas-relief
from the north-west palace. The surface of the
cylinder has been so much worn and injured, that it is
difficult to distinguish the figures upon it. A copper
ornament resembling a modern seal, two bracelets of
silver, and a pin for the hair, were also discovered.
I carefully collected and preserved these interesting
remains, which seemed to prove that the body had
been that of a female.
On digging beyond this tomb, I found a second,
similarly constructed, and of the same size. In it
were two vases of highly glazed green pottery, ele-
gant in shape, and in perfect preservation. Near
them was a copper mirror, and a copper lustral spoon,
all Egyptian in form.
Many other tombs were opened, containing vases,
plates, mirrors, spoons, beads, and ornaments.* Some
of them were built of baked bricks, carefully joined,
but without mortar; others consisted of large earthen
* Most of the small objects discovered in the tombs, and described in
the text, are now in the British Museum.
CHAP. XI.] DISCOVERY OF BAS-RELIEFS.
19
sarcophagi, covered with an entire alabaster slab,
similar to those discovered in the south-east corner of
the mound, and already described.*
Having carefully collected and packed the contents
of the tombs, I removed them and dug deeper into
the mound. I was surprised to find, about five feet
beneath them, the remains of a building. Walls of
unbaked bricks could still be traced; but the slabs,
with which they had been panelled, were no longer in
their places, being scattered about without order, and
lying mostly with their faces on the flooring of baked
bricks. Upon them were both sculptures and inscrip-
tions. Slab succeeded to slab; and when I had re-
moved nearly twenty tombs, and cleared away the
earth from a space about fifty feet square, the ruins,
which had been thus uncovered, presented a very sin-
gular appearance. Above one hundred slabs were
exposed to view, packed in rows, one against the
other, as slabs in a stone-cutter's yard, or as the
leaves of a gigantic book. Every slab was sculptured;
and as they were placed in a regular series, according
to the subjects upon them, it was evident that they
had been moved, in the order in which they stood,
from their original positions against the walls of sun-
dried brick; and had been left as found, preparatory
to their removal elsewhere. That they were not thus
arranged before being used in the building for which
they had been originally sculptured, was evident from
the fact, proved beyond a doubt by repeated observ-
ation, that the Assyrians carved their slabs after, and
* See Vol. I. p. 353.
c 2
20
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
not before, they were placed. Subjects were con-
tinued on adjoining slabs, figures and chariots being
There were places for the iron
divided in the centre.
brackets, or dovetails. They had evidently been once
filled, for I could still trace marks and stains left by
the metal. To the south of the centre bulls were two
gigantic figures, similar to those discovered to the
north.*
These sculptures resembled, in many respects, some
of the bas-reliefs found in the south-west palace, in
which the sculptured faces of the slabs were turned,
it will be remembered, towards the walls of unbaked
brick. It appeared, therefore, that the centre build-
ing had been destroyed, to supply materials for the
construction of the more southern edifice. But here
were tombs over the ruins. The edifice had perished,
and in the earth and rubbish accumulating above its
remains, a people, whose funereal vases and ornaments.
were identical in form and material with those found
in the catacombs of Egypt, had buried their dead.
What race, then, occupied the country after the de-
struction of the Assyrian palaces? At what period
were these tombs made? What antiquity did their
presence assign to the buildings beneath them? These
are questions which I am yet unable to answer; and
which must be left undecided, until the origin and
age of the contents of the tombs can be satisfactorily
determined.
The bas-reliefs differed considerably from those of
the north-west palace, both in the character of the
* Vol. I. p. 345.
CHAP. XI.]
21
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
sculpture, and the treatment of the subjects; in the
costumes of the figures, in the caparisons of the
horses, and in the form of the chariots. The distinc-
tion was so great, that the short period elapsing be-
tween the reigns of a father and son could scarcely
have given rise, except under extraordinary circum-
stances, to so considerable a change in all these
points. As the centre bulls were inscribed with the
name of the son of the founder of the north-west
building, it might be presumed that the ruins near
them belong to the same period. However, this is
liable to doubt. The bulls, as it has already been
pointed out*, may have stood alone on the platform,
and may have been placed there long previous to the
construction of an edifice. There were a few inscrip-
tions accompanying the bas-reliefs, and they may
hereafter serve to decide the question. On the greater
number of slabs, however, the space between the bas-
reliefs was left without any inscription.
The subjects of the sculptures thus found collected
together, with the exception of a few gigantic figures
of the king and his attendant eunuchs, and of the
winged priests or divinities, were principally battle-
pieces and sieges. Some cities were represented as
standing on a river, in the midst of groves of date-
trees; others on mountains. Amongst the conquered
people were warriors mounted on camels. It may
inferred, therefore, that a part of these bas-reliefs re-
corded the invasion or conquest of an Arab nation, or
* See Vol. I. p. 345.
be
c 3
22
[CHAF. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
perhaps of a part of Babylonia; the inhabitants of the
cities being assisted by auxiliaries, or allies from the
neighbouring desert. The conquered race, as in the
bas-reliefs of the north-west palace, were generally
without helmets or armour, their hair falling loosely
on their shoulders. Some, however, wore helmets,
which varied in shape from those of the conquerors.
Battering rams, differing in form from those seen
in the earlier sculptures, were represented in bas-re-
liefs of sieges. They were unaccompanied by the
moving tower; some engines were provided with two
rams, the ends of which, instead of being broad
and blunt, were pointed, and resembled the heads of
spears.
On two slabs (occupied by one subject) were bas-
reliefs of considerable interest. They are included in
the collection in the British Museum, and represent
the taking of a city, within the walls of which grew
the palm and other trees. The place having been
sacked, the conquerors are seen carrying away the
spoil. Two eunuchs, standing near the gates, count,
as they pass before them, the sheep and cattle driven
away by the warriors, and write down the numbers
with a pen upon rolls of paper or leather. In the
lower part of the bas-relief, are two carts drawn by
oxen. Two women and a child are in each. The
women appear to be carrying away bags, containing
provisions or valuable property, saved during the
sack, Near the gates stand two battering-rams,
which, the city having been taken, are no longer at
CHAP. XI.]
23
SCULPTURED SLABS.
work. The subject is not ill arranged, and the oxen
drawing the cart are well designed.*
On the fragment of a slab were found two gigantic
horses' heads, well designed; but sculptured in very
low relief, and greatly injured. I also discovered
parts of a winged human-headed bull, the whole being
in relief. I was able to preserve one of the heads.†
Amongst the subjects of these bas-reliefs were the
king seated on his throne (beneath the sun, moon, and
other religious symbols), receiving prisoners with their
arms bound behind them; eunuchs registering the
heads of the enemy, laid at their feet by the conquer-
ing warriors; and a procession of gods borne on the
shoulders of men.I
The sides of all the slabs thus placed one against
the other-the part which, in the event of their
gradual covering up, would have been longest ex-
posed-were worn away. It was, therefore, evident
that they had not been buried by the same process
as the sculptures in the north-west palace, the walls
of which could not have been long exposed; or, if the
edifice to which they originally belonged had been
suddenly covered up, it must have been subsequently
excavated. The slabs must then have been removed
from their places, and arranged as they were found,
preparatory to being used for other purposes, probably
for the construction of the south-west palace. Not
having been carried away, as that palace was never
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 58.
† Now in the British Museum, and engraved in plate 95. No. 3. of my
"Monuments of Nineveh."
Monuments of Nineveh, plates 59. 65. &c.
c 4
24
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
finished, they were left exposed, and were gradually
covered by dust and rubbish. As the slabs stood on
their sides, and not upright, all the bas-reliefs had
suffered more or less injury. Many were completely
destroyed, no traces of sculpture remaining upon
them. The upper part of the slabs had not been the
first injured: this proves that they were not exposed
whilst standing in their original position, but subse-
quent to their removal
Although on each slab the two bas-reliefs were
divided by an unsculptured space, as in the north-
west palace, in few instances, as I have already
mentioned, were inscriptions cut upon it. It had
been left blank; but whether intentionally, or because
the building had never been completed, there were
no means of ascertaining. The slabs, too, were much
thinner than those used in other parts of the mound;
and, as the dove-tailed and circular holes for metal
braces on the top were cut in half, it is evident
that they had been reduced in size after having been
used. They had probably been sawn in two, the
other half having been carried elsewhere. There were
no inscriptions on the back, as is invariably the case
in the north-west palace; and this is another proof
that the slabs had been reduced after they had been
placed. In fact, I have little doubt, from the appear-
ance of these ruins, that the building to which the
sculptures originally belonged had been suddenly
buried, like that in the north-west corner of the
mound; and that it had subsequently been un-
covered, the materials being wanted for the con-
CHAP. XI.]
25
SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
struction of the south-west palace. The slabs, not
having been required, were left exposed, until they
were reburied by a gradual accumulation of dust and
rubbish. I could still trace the walls of unbaked
bricks, forming the divisions of chambers in the old
edifice.
To the east of the centre bulls I discovered several
slabs, still standing in their original position. The
lower part of the bas-reliefs alone remained, the upper
having been completely destroyed. Upon them had
been sculptured gigantic winged figures, carrying the
usual square vessel, and a sacred flower.
Several trenches were opened around these remains;
but, with the exception of the sculptures just men-
tioned, and the fragments of a second winged bull of
yellow limestone, I could find no traces of building
in the centre of the mound.
I have described the singular appearance presented
by the ruins in the south-west corner. Several
parties of workmen were now engaged in exploring
them. When all the walls still standing had been
traced, and trenches opened in opposite directions, so
that no remains of building could escape observation,
I was equally at a loss to determine the position of
the chambers, and the extent of the edifice.
It will be seen, by a reference to plan 2., that the
only portion of the building sufficiently well pre-
served to give any idea of its original form, was one
large hall curiously constructed. Leading into it were
two entrances, formed by gigantic winged bulls and
lions, with human heads; and, in the centre, was a
26
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
portal formed by a second pair of bulls. At entrance
a, were a pair of lions with the crouching sphinxes
between; at entrance c, a pair of bulls, much injured,
only the lower part being entire. A human head,
belonging to one of them, was, however, discovered
near the remains of the body; and, as it was nearly
entire, I sent it to Busrah. The second pair of bulls
were at entrance b. They resembled the lions at en-
trance a, in having figures sculptured behind the body
of the animal, and between the cap and the wings.
Between them were a pair of double sphinxes
two sphinxes, resembling those already described,
being united, and forming one pedestal. They had
been greatly injured by fire, and the heads and all
the sculptured portions of the figure had fallen to
pieces.*
The lions and bulls were all sculptured out of a
coarse grey limestone; the entrances which they
formed were paved with small slabs of the same ma-
terial. I have called all the space enclosed by the walls
d, e, m, l, k, and j, one hall; although it is divided
into four separate chambers by a thick partition in
the centre. This partition appears to have been
merely constructed to support the beams of the roof,
and not to have been meant as a division between
different rooms.
The hall narrows near the four corners, and in the
narrowest part at each extremity were two low sphe-
rical stones, flattened at the top. I cannot account
*The remains of a small double sphinx of this kind had already been
found in the rubbish at entrance a. See Vol. I. p. 349.
CHAP. XI.]
27
SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
for their use. If they were bases of columns sup-
porting the roof, why were they placed in the narrow-
est part of the hall? No remains of pillars were
found near them; therefore, if pillars ever stood there,
they must have been of wood. It appears more pro-
bable that these stones corresponded in some manner
with the crouching sphinxes between the bulls and
lions; and were altars to receive sacrifices, or tables
upon which vases or utensils were laid.
The whole of this hall was panelled with slabs
brought from elsewhere; the only sculptures, expressly
made for the building, being the gigantic lions and
bulls, and the crouching sphinxes. The slabs were
not all from the same edifice. Some, and by far the
greater number, belonged to the north-west, others
to the centre, palace. But there were many bas-reliefs
which differed greatly, in the style of art, from the
sculptures discovered in both those ruins. From
whence they were obtained I am unable to determine;
whether from a palace of another period once existing
at Nimroud, and still concealed in a part of the mound
not explored, or from some edifice in the neighbour-
hood.
All the walls had been exposed to fire; the slabs
were nearly reduced to lime, and were too much
injured and cracked to bear removal. They were not
all sculptured; the bas-reliefs being scattered here
and there; and, as I have already observed, always,
when left entire, turned towards the wall of sun-dried
brick. The earth had consequently to be removed
by the workmen from both sides of the slabs.
28
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
I will proceed to describe the walls as they are
marked on the plan; without a reference to which,
the details and form of the ruins can scarcely be
understood.
All the slabs in wall a were unsculptured, except
Nos. 5. and 10. On the first was represented the
interior of a castle. The king, seated on his throne,
is receiving his vizir. Around him were his at-
tendants, and above him a groom bringing corn to a

Enemy asking quarter of Assyrian Lorsemen. (S. W. palace, Nimroud.)
CHAP. XI.]
29
DESCRIPTION OF BAS-RELIEFS.
horse tied to a manger. * On the other slab was
the horseman wearing a helmet with a curved crest, of
which a sketch is given. He appears to be raising
his hand in the act of asking for quarter, whilst his
horse, pierced by the spears of two pursuing warriors,
is rearing and plunging. Both the slabs had been
greatly injured.
No remains of sculpture could be traced on walls.
b, c, and d. Upon the faces of most of the slabs
forming wall e, were the marks of a chisel, or of
some metal instrument. The bas-reliefs had been
carefully erased, the only part of the figures remain-
ing being the feet, which would probably have been
concealed by the pavement of the chamber. As
the sculptured face of the slabs had been turned
towards the chamber, and not to the wall of sun-
dried brick, it is evident that the bas-reliefs had been
purposely destroyed; the intention of the builders of
the edifice being either to recarve the slabs or to reduce
them to a smooth surface. The peculiar form of the
boots, and the lower part of the dresses of the erased
figures, identified them with the sculptures in chambers
D and E of the north-west palace (plan 3.), from
whence indeed they may have been brought, as the
ravine to the north of that edifice must have been
partly caused by the removal of a wall. On the
slab adjoining entrance e, were two bas-reliefs, the
upper (partly destroyed) representing warriors hewing
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 63.
†This sculpture will be placed in the British Museum.
30
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
down trees; the lower, a warrior on horseback hunt-
ing the wild bull.* Both were too much injured to
bear removal.
These
Only parts of walls f and h had been finished ;
many of the slabs not having been used, and still
lying in the centre of the chamber. It was evident
that they had not fallen, for they were entire, having
only suffered injury from fire; they were, moreover,
arranged in rows with great regularity, and, in one
or two instances, placed one above the other.
prostrate slabs, therefore, furnished additional evidence
that the building had been destroyed before its com-
pletion. In wall f, were the two sculptured slabs
already described. In wall h, there were bas-reliefs
on Nos. 1, 2., and on the adjoining prostrate slab.
In the upper compartment of No. 2. was represented
the king, in his chariot, discharging an arrow against
a charioteer, whose horses had already been wounded.
Scattered about were the bodies of the slain. The
top of this bas-relief had been destroyed, and the slab so
much injured, that it could not be moved. In the
lower compartment were two kneeling archers, wearing
the conical helmet, and an eunuch also discharging an
arrow; behind them were several figures, probably
prisoners, raising their hands. The draperies and
ornaments on both bas-reliefs were elegant and ela-
borate, resembling those on the opposite slab (No. 1.
wall f), to which, from forming part of the same
subjects, they appear originally to have been joined.
† See Vol. I. p. 40.
* Monuments of Nineveh, plate 32.
CHAP. XI.]
31
BAS-RELIEF WITH PULLEY.
The corner stone was reversed; upon it was a
figure with the conical cap, apparently made of bands
of linen or felt, as represented in the sculptures of
chambers D and E (plan 3.).* The upper part of
the stone (or the lower part of the reversed figure)
had been purposely destroyed, the marks of the chisel
being visible. In this respect, and in its position, it
resembled the opposite corner stone.
On the prostrate slab were two bas-reliefs. The
upper was so much injured that the outlines of a
chariot, and warriors on foot, could with difficulty
be traced. The lower was the siege of a castle; an
eunuch was represented discharging his arrows against
warriors, without helmets, who manned the towers
and walls. The besiegers were leading away pri-
soners, and carrying off the spoil. One high-capped
warrior was cutting a bucket from a rope passed
through a pulley; and probably used by the be-
sieged to supply themselves with water from a well,
without the castle walls. The pulley resembled those
now in common use, for raising and lowering buckets
into wells. This bas-relief had been brought from
the north-west palace.
There were no slabs against wall g, nor near it;
those of wall i were unsculptured. Upon the two
opposite slabs at ii, were winged human-headed bulls,
resembling in form those at the entrance to the hall;
except that the whole, including the head and fore-
* See Vol. I. p. 126 The head of this figure is in the British
Museum.
32
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Ο
ww
000
Part of a bas-relief, showing a pulley, and a warrior cutting a bucket from the rope.
part, was sculptured in low relief. They bore no
traces of an inscription. The cap was high and
square; and they resembled, in all respects, the re-
mains of the bull discovered in the centre of the
mound.
Walls j, and jj, were panelled with unsculptured
slabs, each bearing an inscription similar to that on
the back of the slabs in the north west palace: they
had evidently been brought from that building.
In wall k there were three sculptured slabs. The
bas-reliefs on Nos. 12. and 16. have already been
CHAP. XI.]
33
SOUTH-WEST PALACE.
described.* On No. 17. was a winged figure almost
completely destroyed. On the floor, and opposite
No. 18. of this wall, was a large square slab bearing
a long inscription. It commenced with the name
and titles of a king, of whom no other records have
yet been discovered. The forms of certain arrow-
headed characters show, that this inscription belongs
to a period posterior to the reign of the great-grandson
of the founder of the north-west palace.
On the backs of several slabs, forming the wall 1,
were bas-reliefs; but all so much injured, that scarcely
a trace of the sculpture remained. The slab lying on
the pavement opposite this wall was plain; the edges
were raised, and it was pierced in the centre.
On all the slabs of wall m, was the inscription con-
taining the name of the founder of the north-west
palace; and the reversed slab (No. 10.), already de-
scribed †, appears to have been a pavement stone, also
brought from that building.
To the north of the entrance c of the great hall,
remains of buildings were discovered, but no entire
chamber. A large number of unplaced slabs were
scattered about. They appear to have been brought
from elsewhere, for the construction of the new
edifice, and to have been abandoned before they
reached their destination. Although many detached
walls were uncovered, it was impossible to determine
the form and the size of the chambers to which they
belonged.
In front of entrance c, and about 220 feet from
† Ibid. p. 35.
* See Vol. I. p. 55.
VOL. II.
D
34
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
it, were the remains of a pair of winged bulls, form-
ing another entrance. The whole space between
may
have been comprised in one large hall, open at
the top. The wall forming the east side of this hall,
if it had ever been finished, had almost completely
disappeared; the traces of it being only marked here
and there, by fragments of calcined alabaster. Of
the opposite, or western wall, a few sculptured slabs,
probably brought from elsewhere, were alone stand-
ing. To the right and left of the entrance f, were
the remains of gigantic figures in relief; but they
had been exposed to the fire, and had been cracked
into a thousand pieces.* They also appear to have
belonged to another edifice.
Upon the three slabs forming the wall r, were bas-
reliefs of considerable interest. They had evidently
been brought from another building, but do not belong
to either the north-west, or the centre palace. They
appear to be of the same period as the bas-reliefs in
wall q†, already described. In the lower compartment
of No. 1. was a charioteer, in a highly ornamented
chariot the horse being held by a groom on foot,
preceded by an eunuch. This relief must have formed
part of a series; the figures represented in it being
probably the attendants of the king. The caparisons
of the horses resembled those at Khorsabad. The
upper bas-relief also represented a chariot, and a man
* On No. 2. wall v, could be still traced a winged figure leading a goat,
or an ibex.
† Vol. I.
p. 59.
See Lithograph facing page 356. of this Vol.
CHAP. XI.]
35
A PROCESSION OF GODS.
on foot; but it had been almost entirely destroyed.
On the lower part of No. 2. was the king placing his
foot on the neck of a prostrate prisoner, and raising
his spear over him. Following the king was an eunuch
carrying a fan; and standing before him, his vizir,
also attended by an eunuch.* This bas-relief did not
form part of the preceding; for the king would have
faced the chariot on that slab-a position which he
never appears to occupy in the Assyrian sculptures.
The upper compartment was nearly defaced; I could,
however, trace the figures of warriors discharging
their arrows from behind a high shield held in front
of them by an attendant.
On the lower part of slab No. 3. was represented
either a procession of gods, borne on the shoulders of
warriors; or warriors, returning from the sack of a
city, carrying away the idols of the conquered people.
Each figure was raised by four men; the first was
that of a female, seated on a high-backed arm-chair,
the face sculptured in full, a rare occurrence in
Assyrian sculpture. In one hand, she held a ring; in
the other a kind of fan; on the top of her square horned
cap was a star. The next figure was also that of a
female, wearing a similar cap, seated in a chair, and
holding in her left hand a ring; she carried some-
thing in her right hand, but its form could not be dis-
tinguished. The third figure was much smaller in
its proportions than those preceding it, was half con-
cealed in a case, or box, carried on a chair, and had
also a ring in the left hand. The fourth was that
*"Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 82. (No. 2.)
D 2
36
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
of a man in the act of walking: in one hand, he held
the thunderbolt of the Greek Jove-represented as
He wore
at Malthaiyah; and in the other, an axe.
a richly ornamented tunic descending to the knees.*
The warriors, bearing these figures, were probably
preceded and followed by others, also carrying idols;
but no traces of the slabs, forming the rest of the
series, could be found amongst the ruins. On each
slab, between the bas-reliefs, was an inscription, di-
vided into two parts by a perpendicular line.
Trenches were opened, in various directions, across
the corner of the mound in which these remains were
discovered. Nothing, however, was found but iso-
lated unplaced slabs, and fragments of burnt walls.
With adequate means and time at my disposal, I
might have determined, by a careful examination,
the position of the walls of sun-dried bricks, if they
had ever been built. Tracing them, by the frag-
ments remaining, I could have ascertained the form of
the chambers, and perhaps that of the entire building.
It would have been difficult, however, to distinguish
between these walls and the earth and rubbish under
which they were buried; and as no more sculptures
appeared to exist, I did not think it worth while to
incur additional expense in such an examination.
As the bottom of the slabs, forming this edifice, was
even above the level of the top of those in the north-
west palace, and as no building had yet been found
from which many of the sculptures could have been
* See Woodcut facing page 451. of this Vol.; and "Monuments of
Nineveh," Plate 65.
CHAP. XI.]
37
A BEAM OF WOOD.
taken, it appeared to me possible that the south-west
palace stood above other ruins. By way of experiment,
I directed long and very deep trenches to be opened
in three different directions: nothing, however, was
discovered, but a box or square hole, formed by bricks
carefully fitted together, containing several small
heads in unbaked clay of a dark brown colour. These
heads were furnished with beards, and had very high
pointed caps (not helmets) or mitres. They were
found about twenty feet beneath the service, and were
probably idols placed, for some religious purpose,
under the foundations of buildings. Objects some-
what similar, in unbaked clay, were discovered at
Khorsabad, buried under the slabs forming the pave-
ment between the gigantic bulls.
Near the entrance d of the great hall was found,
amidst a mass of charred wood and charcoal, and be-
neath a fallen slab, part of a beam in good preserv-
ation. It appears to be mulberry. This is the only
portion of entire wood as yet discovered in the ruins
of Assyria.
The south-east corner of the mound, which is con-
siderably higher than any other part, appears to have
been the principal burying place of those who occupied
the country after the destruction of the oldest of the
Assyrian palaces. I have already described two tombs
discovered there*: many others were subsequently
found. The sarcophagi were mostly of the same
shape, that of a dish-cover; but there were other
* See Vol. I. p. 352., &c.
D 3
38
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tombs constructed of bricks, well fitted together and
covered by a slab, similar to those above the ruins of
the edifice in the centre of the mound. In nearly
all were earthen vases, copper and silver ornaments,
lachrymatories and small alabaster bottles. The ske-
letons, as soon as uncovered, crumbled to pieces,
although entire when first exposed. Two skulls alone
have been preserved. Scattered amongst these tombs
were vases of all sizes, lamps, and small objects of
pottery -some uninjured, others broken into frag-
ments.
Removing these tombs I discovered beneath them
the remains of a building, and explored parts of seven
chambers, of which I give the plan. No sculptured
slabs or inscriptions were found in them. They re-
sembled those in the ruin to the north of Kouyunjik†;
the lower part of the walls being built of plain slabs
of limestone, three feet seven inches high and from
two to three feet wide, closely fitted together, and the
upper part, of sun-dried bricks, covered by a thick
coat of white plaster. I could trace this brick wall
about fourteen feet above the slabs. The chambers
were paved with limestone. There were no traces of
inscriptions, nor were there any remains of fragments
by which the comparative age of the building could
be determined. In the walls were recesses like those
in some of the chambers of the north-west palace, and
the sides of the doors were slightly ornamented with
* Many of the small objects are in the British Museum, and several
have been engraved in my “Monuments of Nineveh." See Plate 97.
† Vol. I. p. 144.
CHAP. XI.] DISCOVERY OF SMALL OBJECTS.
39

20
10
5
SCALE OF FEET
N
+
·S
PLAN 5. Excavations in the south east corner of the mound: (Nimroud.)
a rough kind of cornice. No remains of colour could
be seen on the plastered walls.
In the rubbish, near the bottom of these chambers,
several small objects were found; amongst them I
may mention a female head in white alabaster, highly
ornamented and showing traces of colour.*
A trench having been opened on the southern edge
of the mound, an outer wall, built of squared stones,
or rather slabs, was discovered. Behind it were other
walls of similar construction leading inwards, and a
low platform, resembling a stone seat, in which were
* This head is in the British Museum, and engraved in the "Monu-
ments of Nineveh, " Plate 95. (No. 7.)
D 4
40
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
cut several holes, like the fireplaces used by the
natives of the country to hold charcoal when they
roast their meat. The Arabs consequently named
the place the "Kibab Shop." The whole was buried
under a heap of charcoal and rubbish, in which
were found several small vases, and part of a highly
polished black slab, having, on either face, a cuneiform
inscription, and on the sides figures of animals.*
Similar remains of building were discovered on the
south-eastern edge of this part of the mound. The
whole, including the centre chambers, appeared to
form parts of one extensive edifice.
Between the palace in the south-west corner and
the ruins last described was a deep ravine; whether
an ancient artificial ascent to the platform, gradu-
ally deepened and widened by the winter rains, or
entirely a natural watercourse, I was unable to
determine. Along its sides, to a considerable depth,
were exposed masses of brickwork. I directed
several trenches to be carried from this ravine into
the south-eastern corner, in the expectation of finding
buildings beneath the chambers already explored. A
few fragments of sculptured alabaster, the remains
of a winged bull in yellow limestone, and a piece of
black stone bearing small figures, evidently from
an obelisk resembling that found in the centre
palace, were discovered to the west of the upper
building. I could also trace walls of sun-dried brick,
* In the British Museum, and engraved in "Monuments of Nineveh,"
Plate 95. (Nos. 12. and 13.)
CHAP. XI.] BUILDING IN SOUTH-EAST CORNER.
41
still bearing remains of painted ornaments, but the
excavations were not sufficiently extensive to enable
me to ascertain the nature and extent of the edifice.
Finding no sculptured slabs, I did not continue my
researches in this part of the ruins.
It only remains for me to mention a singular dis-
covery on the eastern face of the mound, near its
northern extremity. I had opened a trench* from
the outer slope, with a view to ascertain the nature of
the wall surrounding the inner buildings. I found no
traces of stone, or of alabaster slabs; the wall being
built of sun-dried bricks, and nearly fifty feet thick.
In its centre, about fifteen feet below the surface of
the platform, the workmen came upon a small vaulted
chamber, built of baked bricks. It was about ten
feet high, and the same in width. The arch was con-
structed upon the well-known principle of vaulted
roofs — the bricks being placed sideways, one against
the other, and having been probably sustained by a
frame-work until the vault was completed. This
chamber was nearly filled with rubbish, the greater
part of which was a kind of slag. The sides of the
bricks forming the arched roof and the walls were
almost vitrified, and had evidently been exposed to
very intense heat. In fact, the chamber had the ap-
pearance of a large furnace for making glass, or for
fusing metal. I am unable to account for its use.
It is buried in the centre of a thick wall, and I could
find no access to it from without. If, therefore,
either originally a furnace or serving for any other
r, plan 1.
42
[CHAP. XI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
purpose, it must have been used before the upper
part of the wall was built.
Several trenches were opened in other parts of
the mound.* Everywhere I found traces of build-
ings, and generally reached a pavement of baked
bricks between ten and fifteen feet beneath the sur-
face. In the northern half of the mound, the name
of the founder of the earliest palace was written
upon all these bricks. No remains, however, of
sculptured slabs or inscriptions were discovered;
but many small objects of considerable interest were
occasionally taken out of the rubbish: amongst them
I
may mention three lions' paws in copper, of beau
tiful form, which may have belonged to the bottom
of a couch or throne.†
The ruins were, of course, very inadequately ex-
plored; but with the small sum at my disposal I was
unable to pursue my researches to the extent that I
could have wished. If, after carrying a trench to a
reasonable depth and distance, no remains of sculpture
or inscription appeared, I abandoned it and renewed
the experiment elsewhere. By this mode of pro-
ceeding I could ascertain, at least, that in no part of
the mound was there any very extensive edifice still
standing; although it is highly probable that slabs
taken from such an edifice, and placed together in
readiness for removal, like those discovered in the
But there
centre, may still be buried under the soil.
* At o, p, q, s, and t in plan 1.
Found at p, plan 1. See "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 96.
(Nos. 2. and 3.)
CHAP. XI.] PART OF NIMROUD UNEXPLORED.
43
may
is nothing to point out the spot where such remains
be deposited, and I might have sought after them
for months in vain. There were too many tangible
objects in view to warrant an outlay in experiments,
perhaps leading to no results; and I have left a great
part of the mound of Nimroud to be explored by
those, who may hereafter succeed me in the exami-
nation of the ruins of Assyria.
44
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
CHAP. XII.
EXCAVATIONS UNDERTAKEN AT KALAH SHERGHAT.
FOR THE RUINS.
BOU.
SENIDIJ.
THE BITUMEN PITS.
IN. THE
DEPARTURE
ABD'RUB-
MY RECEPTION. REACH THE RUINS. FEARS OF THE
WORKMEN. DISCOVERY OF A SITTING FIGURE. ARAB EN-
CAMPMENT. ARAB LIFE. EXCAVATIONS IN.
DISCOVERY OF TOMBS. REMAINS OF BUILDING.
OF THE MOUNDS. RETURN TO NIMROUD.
MOUND.
DESCRIPTION
I HAD long wished to excavate in the mounds of
Kalah Sherghat,-ruins rivalling those of Nimroud
and Kouyunjik in extent. An Arab, from the
Shammar, would occasionally spend a night amongst
my workmen, and entertain them with accounts of
idols and sculptured figures of giants, which had long
been the cause of wonder and awe to the wandering
tribes, who occasionally pitch their tents near the
place. On my first visit, I had searched in vain for
such remains; but the Arabs, who are accustomed to
seek for pasture during the spring in the neighbour-
hood, persisted in their assertions, and offered to show
me where these strange statues, carved, it was said, in
black stone, were to be found. As there is scarcely
a ruin in Mesopotamia without its wondrous tale of
apparitions and Frank idols, I concluded that Kalah
Sherghat was to be ranked amongst the number, and
that all these accounts were to be attributed to the
fertile imagination of the Arabs. As the vicinity is
notoriously dangerous, being a place of rendezvous
CHAP. XII.]
45
THE DESERT.
for all plundering parties, whether of the Shammar,
the Aneyza, or the Obeid, I had deferred a visit to
the ruins, until I could remain amongst them for a
short time under the protection of some powerful
tribe. This safeguard was also absolutely necessary
in the event of my sending workmen to the place, to
carry on excavations.
The pastures in the neighbourhood of Mosul
having this year been completely destroyed from the
want of rain, the three great divisions of the Je-
bour Arabs sought the jungles on the banks of the
Tigris below the town. Abd'rubbou with his tribe
descended the river, and first pitching his tents at
Senidij*, near the confluence of the Tigris and the
Zab, subsequently moved towards Kalah Sherghat.
I thought this a favourable time for excavating in
the great mound; and the Sheikh having promised to
supply me with Arabs for the work, and with guards.
for their defence, I sent Mansour, one of my super-
intendents, to the spot. I followed some days after-
wards, accompanied by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, the
Bairakdar, and several well-armed men, chosen from
amongst the Jebours who were employed at Nimroud.
We crossed the river on a small raft,- our horses
having to swim the stream. Striking into the desert
by the Wadi Jehennem, we rode through a tract
of land, at this time of year usually covered with
vegetation; but then, from the drought, a barren
* A corruption of Sunedik, the plural form of Sanduk, a box. The
place is so called by the Arabs from the peculiar form of the rocks near
the river.
46
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
1
waste. During some hours' ride we scarcely saw any
human being, except a solitary shepherd in the dis-
tance, driving before him his half-famished flocks.
We reached at sunset a small encampment of Jebours.
The tents were pitched in the midst of a cluster of
high reeds on the banks of the Tigris, and nearly
opposite to the tomb of Sultan Abd-Allah. They
were so well concealed, that it required the ex-
perienced eye of a Bedouin to detect them* by the
thin smoke rising above the thicket. The cattle and
sheep found scanty pasturage in a marsh formed by
the river. The Arabs were as poor and miserable as
their beasts; they received us, however, with hos-
pitality, and killed a very lean lamb for our enter-
tainment.
Near the encampment was a quadrangle, resembling
on a small scale the great enclosures of Nimroud and
Kouyunjik, formed by low mounds, and evidently
marking the site of an Assyrian town or fort. I
searched for some time, but without success, for
fragments of pottery or brick bearing traces of
cuneiform characters.
On the following day we passed the bitumen pits,
or the "Kiyara," as they are called by the Arabs.
They cover a considerable extent of ground; the
bitumen bubbling up in springs from crevices in the
earth. The Jebour, and other tribes encamping near
* In the desert, the vicinity of an encampment is generally marked by
some sign well known to the members of the tribe. It would otherwise
be very difficult to discover the tents, pitched, as they usually are, in
some hollow or ravine to conceal them from hostile plundering parties.
CHAP. XII.]
47
SHEIKH ABD'rubbou.
the pits, carry the bitumen for sale to Mosul, and
other parts of the Pashalic. It is extensively used
for building purposes, for lining the boats on the
river, and particularly for smearing camels, when
suffering from certain diseases of the skin to which
they are liable. Before leaving the pits, the Arabs, as
is their habit, set fire to the bitumen, which sent forth
a dense smoke, obscuring the sky, and being visible
for many miles. We reached the tents of Abd'rubbou
early in the afternoon. They were pitched about ten
miles to the north of Kalah Sherghat, at the upper end
of a long slip of rich alluvial soil, lying between the
river and the range of low hills parallel to it. The
great mound was visible from this spot, rising high
above the Zor, or jungle, which clothes the banks of
the Tigris.
No Sheikh could have made a more creditable
show of friendship than did Abd'rubbou. He rode
out to meet me, and, without delay, ordered sheep
enough to be slain to feast half his tribe. I declined,
however, to spend the night with him, as he pressed
me to do, on the plea that I was anxious to see the
result of the excavations at Kalah Sherghat. He
volunteered to accompany me to the ruins after we
had breakfasted, and declared that if a blade of grass
were to be found near the mound, he would move
all his tents there immediately for my protection. In
the meanwhile, to do me proper honour, he intro-
duced me to his wives, and to his sister, whose beauty
I had often heard extolled by the Jebours, and who
was not altogether undeserving of her reputation.
48
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XII.
She was still unmarried. Abd'rubbou himself was
one of the handsomest Arabs in Mesopotamia.
We started for the ruins in the afternoon, and rode
along the edge of the jungle. Hares, wolves, foxes,
jackals, and wild boars continually crossed our path,
and game of all kinds seemed to abound. The Arabs
gave chase; but the animals were able to enter the
thick brushwood, and conceal themselves before my
greyhounds could reach them. Lions are sometimes
found near Kalah Sherghat, rarely higher up on the
Tigris.* As I floated down to Baghdad a year be-
fore, I had heard the roar of a lion not far from this
spot: they are, however, seldom seen, and we beat
the bushes in vain for such noble game.
As for grass, except in scanty tufts at the foot of
the trees in the jungle, there appeared to be none at
all. The drought had been felt all over the desert:
in the place of the green meadows of last year, co-
vered with flowers, and abounding in natural reser-
voirs of water, there was a naked yellow waste, in
which even the abstemious flocks of the Bedouin
could scarcely escape starvation.
As we rode along, Abd'rubbou examined every
corner and ravine in the hope of finding an encamping
The lion is frequently met with on the banks of the Tigris below
Baghdad, rarely above. On the Euphrates it has been seen, I believe,
almost as high as Bir, where the steamers of the first Euphrates expedition,
under Colonel Chesney, were launched. In the Sinjar, and on the banks
of the Kabour, they are frequently caught by the Arabs. They abound
in Khuzistan, the ancient Susiana: I have frequently seen three or four
together, and have hunted them with the chiefs of the tribes inhabiting
that province.
CHAP. XII.]
49
ARAB ROBBERS.
place, and a little pasture for his cattle, but his search
was not attended with much success.
The workmen on the mound, seeing horsemen ap-
proach, made ready for an encounter, under the im-
pression that we were a foraging party from a hostile
tribe. As soon, however, as they recognised us, they
threw off the few superfluous garments they possessed.
Dropping their shirts from their shoulders, and tying
them round their waists by the arms, they set up the
war cry, and rushed in and out of the trenches like
madmen.
We heard their shouts from afar, but could see
nothing from the dust they made in throwing out the
earth. I found that Mansour, the superintendent,
had organised a regular system of warlike defence.
We were hailed by scouts as we advanced, and there
were well-armed watchmen on all the heights. Near
each trench were the matchlocks and spears of the
workmen, ready for use. "What need of all these
precautions?" said I to the timid Christian, as he ad-
vanced to receive me. "Yia Rubbi! May God pre-
serve you, O Bey!" replied he. "Our lives, under
your shadow, are, of course, of no value-may yours
be prolonged. But all the unbelievers in the world-
whether they be Aneyza, Shammar, Obeid, or any
other manner of infidel-congregate here. If we put
a morsel of bread into our mouths -lo! we have to
spit it out again, before we can eat it, to meet those
accursed Bedouins. If we shut our eyes in sleep, they
steal our cauldrons and pots, and we have nothing
wherewith to bake our bread; so that, if we are not
VOL. II.
E
50
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
killed, we must be starved. They come from the desert
and from the river-from north, south, east, and west.
But we have eaten your bread, and shall not go un-
rewarded after all these sufferings." The concluding
paragraph accounted to some extent for this exag-
gerated history of their miseries; but I learnt that
scarcely a day had elapsed without the appearance of
a body of horsemen from some of the tribes of the
desert, and that their visits were not always prompted
by the most friendly intentions. The general scarcity,
and the rivalry between Sofuk and Nejris, had un-
settled the Arabs, and every one was on the look-out
to help himself to his neighbour's property. More-
over, reports had soon been spread abroad that a
Frank, acquainted with all the secrets and hidden
mysteries of wisdom, had been successfully searching
for treasure. Many of those who rode to Kalah
Sherghat, expected to return much wealthier men
than they went, by seizing the heaps of gold and silver
to which, as possessors of the country, they were con-
vinced they had better claims than a stranger. How-
ever, with the exception of an occasional squabble with
the Bedouins who visited the mound, ending in a few
broken heads, no very serious engagement had yet
taken place-my workmen presenting much too for-
midable an appearance to be exposed to the attack of
any but a large and well-armed party.
The principal excavations had been made on the
western side of the mound. After I had succeeded
in obtaining silence, and calming the sudden fit of
enthusiasm which had sprung up on my arrival, I
CHAP. XII.]
51
A SITTING FIGURE.
descended into the trenches. A sitting figure in
black basalt, of the size of life, had been uncovered.
It was, however, much mutilated. The head and
hands had been destroyed, and other parts of the
statue had been injured. The square stool, or block,
upon which the figure sat, was covered on three sides.
with a cuneiform inscription. The first line, con-
taining the name and titles of the king, was almost
defaced; but one or two characters enabled me to
restore a name, identical with that on the great bulls
in the centre of the mound at Nimroud. On casting
my eye down the first column of the inscription, I
found the names of his father (the builder of the most
ancient palace of Nimroud), and of his grandfather,
which at once proved that the reading was correct.
An Arab soon afterwards brought me a brick bearing
a short legend, which contained the three names entire.
I was thus enabled to fix the comparative epoch of
the newly-discovered ruins. At no time did I feel
the value of the genealogical lists on the different
monuments at Nimroud, more than when exploring
other remains in Assyria. They enabled me to as-
certain the comparative date of every edifice, and
rock tablet, with which I became acquainted; and to
fix the style of art of each period.
The figure, unlike the sculptures of Nimroud and
Khorsabad, was in full, and not in relief; and probably
represented the king. Part of the beard was still
preserved; the hands appear to have rested on the
knees, and a long robe, edged with tassels, reached
to the ankles. The Arabs declared that this
E 2
52
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
statue had been seen some years before; and it is
pos-
sible that, at some period of heavy rain, it may have

WAZIMOTONG TUMANN, JASPORAN LANJA
!! MOES (MODAS ATGNSSONN
WZW DAIMITEETN
Sitting Figure in Basalt, from Kalah Sherghat, now in the British Museum.
been for a short time exposed to view, and subse-
quently reburied. It stood on a spur of the mound,
and probably in its original position. Mansour had
dug trenches at right angles with it on four sides, in
the expectation of finding a corresponding figure;
but he was disappointed in his search, and no re-
mains of building were discovered near it.
In other parts of the mound there were ruins of
walls, but we found no more sculptures. Several
tombs, similar to those discovered above the palaces
of Nimroud, had been opened; and Mansour brought
me earthen vases, and bottles taken from them. He
had also picked up, amongst the rubbish, a few frag-
ments of stone bearing cuneiform characters, a piece
of copper similarly inscribed, and several bits of black
CHAP. XII.]
53
CHANGING AN ENCAMPMENT.
stone with small figures in relief, which appeared to
have belonged to an obelisk, like that dug up at
Nimroud.
Having made a hasty survey of the trenches, I
rode to my tent. It had been pitched in the midst
of those of my workmen. The Arabs had chosen for
their encampment a secure place in the jungle at the
northern foot of the mound, and not far from the
Tigris. A ditch, leading from the river, nearly sur-
rounded the tents, which were completely concealed
by the trees and shrubs. Abd'rubbou remained
with me for the night. Whilst I was examining the
ruins, he had been riding to and fro, to find a con-
venient spot for his tents, and grass for his cattle.
Such is the custom with the Arabs. When the grass,
within a certain distance of their encampment, has
been exhausted, they prepare to seek new pastures.
The Sheikhs, and the principal men of the tribe, mount
their mares, and ride backwards and forwards over
the face of the country, until they find herbage suf-
ficient for the wants of their flocks. Having fixed
upon a suitable spot, they return to acquaint their
followers with their success, and announce their inten-
tion of moving thither on the following morning. The
Sheikh's tent is generally the first struck; and the rest
of the Arabs, if they feel inclined, follow his move-
ments. If any of the tribe have quarrelled with the
chief and wish to desert him, they seize this occasion;
leaving their tents standing until the others are
gone, and then moving off in another direction.
Abd'rubbou having, at length, found a convenient
E 3
54
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
site on the banks of the river, to the south of the
mound, he marked out a place for his tents, and sent
a horseman to his tribe, with orders for them to move
to Kalah Sherghat on the following morning. These
preliminaries having been settled, he adjourned to
my tent to supper. It was cold and damp, and the
Arabs, collecting brushwood and trunks of trees,
made a great fire, which lighted up the recesses of
the jungle. As the night advanced, a violent storm
broke over us; the wind rose to a hurricane — the
rain descended in torrents the thunder rolled in
one long peal-and the vivid streams of lightning,
almost incessant, showed the surrounding landscape.
When the storm had abated, I walked to a short dis-
tance from the tents to gaze upon the scene. The
huge fire we had kindled, threw a lurid glare over
the trees around our encampment.
The great
mound could be distinguished through the gloom,
rising like a distant mountain against the dark sky.
From all sides came the melancholy wail of the
jackals thousands of these animals having issued
from their subterranean dwellings in the ruins, as
soon as the last gleam of twilight was fading in the
western horizon. The owl, perched on the old ma-
sonry, occasionally sent forth its mournful note.
The shrill laugh of the Arabs would sometimes rise
above the cry of the jackal. Then all earthly noises
were buried in the deep roll of the distant thunder.
It was desolation such as those alone who have wit-
nessed such scenes, can know desolation greater
than the desolation of the sandy wastes of Africa:
CHAP. XII.]
55
ARABS ENCAMPING.
for there was the wreck of man, as well as that of
nature. Some years before, I had passed a night
on the same spot. We were four strangers in the
land, without guide or defence. Our horses were
picketted about us; and although surrounded by
dangers, of which we then thought little, and ex-
posed to a continual rain, we ate the frugal fare
our own guns had obtained for us; and slept in our
cloaks undisturbed, round the embers of the small
fire we had lighted." I did not think then that I
should ever revisit the place.
*
Soon after sunrise, on the following morning, strag
glers on horseback from Abd'rubbou's late encamp-
ment, began to arrive. They were soon followed by
the main body of the tribe. Long lines of camels,
sheep, laden donkeys, men, women, and children,
such as I have described in my visit to Sofuk, covered
the small plain, near the banks of the river. A scene
of activity and bustle ensued. Every one appeared
desirous to outdo his neighbour in vehemence of
shouting, and violence of action. A stranger would
have fancied that there was one general quarrel; in
which, out of several hundred men and women con-
cerned, no two persons took the same side of the ques-
tion. Every one seemed to differ from every one else.
All this confusion, however, was but the result of a
friendly debate on the site of the respective tents;
and when the matter had been settled to the general
satisfaction, without recourse to any more violent
measures than mere yelling, each family commenced
* Ainsworth's Travels in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, &c. vol. ii.
E 4
56
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
raising their temporary abode. The camels being
made to kneel down, and the donkeys to stop in
the place fixed upon, the loads were rolled off their
backs. The women next spread the coarse, black,
goat-hair canvass. The men rushed about with
wooden mallets to drive in the stakes and pegs; and
in a few minutes the dwellings, which were to afford
them shelter, until they needed shelter no longer,
and under which they had lived from their birth up-
wards, were complete. The women and girls were
then sent forth to fetch water, or to collect brush-
wood and dry twigs for fire. The men, leaving all
household matters to their wives and daughters, as-
sembled in the tent of the Sheikh; and crouching in
a circle round the entire trunk of an old tree, which
was soon enveloped in flames, they prepared to pass
the rest of the day in that desultory small-talk, re-
lating to stolen sheep, stray donkeys, or successful
robberies, which fills up the leisure of an Arab, unless
he be better employed in plundering, or in war.
There is a charm in this wandering existence,
whether of the Kurd or the Arab, which cannot be
described. I have had some experience in it, and
look back with pleasure to the days I have spent
in the desert, notwithstanding the occasional incon-
veniences of such a life, not the least of them being
a strong tendency on the part of all nomads to
profess a kind of communist philosophy, supposed in
Europe to be the result of modern wisdom; but which
appears to have been known, from the earliest times,
in the East. Friends and strangers are not always
A
57
CHAP. XII.]
EXCAVATION IN THE MOUND.
exempted from the rules of this philosophy, and, as
reciprocity is as little understood in the Asiatic, as in
the European system, their property is made no less.
free with than that of Job was, by Arabs and Chal-
dees, some four thousand years ago. Still this mode
of life has not always a bad effect on human nature;
on the contrary, it frequently acts favourably. One
cannot but admire the poor half-naked Arab, who,
intrusted with a letter or a message from his Sheikh
to the haughty Pasha of Baghdad, walks proudly up
to the great man's sofa, and seats himself, unbidden,
upon it as an equal. He fulfils his errand as if he
were half ashamed of it. If it be too late to re-
turn to his tent that night, or if business still keep
him from the desert, he stretches himself under a
tree outside the city gate, that he may not be de-
graded by sleeping under a roof or within walls. He
believes that the town corrupts the wanderer; and
he remembers that, until the Sheikh of the desert
visited the citizens, and was feasted in the palaces of
their governors, oppression and vices most odious to
the Arab were unknown in his tribe.
Leaving Abd'rubbou and his Arabs to pitch their
tents, and settle their domestic matters, I walked to
the mound. The trenches dug by the workmen
around the sitting figure, were almost sufficiently
extensive to prove, that no other remains of building
existed in its immediate vicinity. Had not the figure
been in an upright position I should have concluded,
at once, that it had been brought from elsewhere; as
I could not find traces of pavement, nor any frag-
ments of sculpture or hewn stone, near it. Removing
58
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the workmen, therefore, from this part of the mound,
I divided them into small parties, and employed
them in making experiments in different directions.
Wherever trenches were opened, remains of the As-
syrian period were found, but only in fragments;
such as bits of basalt, with small figures in relief,
portions of slabs bearing cuneiform inscriptions, and
bricks similarly inscribed. Many tombs were also
discovered. Like those of Nimroud, they had been
inade long after the destruction of the Assyrian
building, and in the rubbish and earth which had
accumulated above it. The sarcophagi resembled
those I have already described-large cases of baked
clay, some square, others in the form of a dish-cover;
as at Nimroud, they were all much too small to hold
a human body, unless it had been violently forced in,
or the limbs had been separated. That the bodies had
not been burned, was proved by all the bones of the
skeletons being found entire. They may have been ex-
posed, as is the custom amongst the Parsees, until, by
the usual process of decomposition, or from the flesh
being devoured by birds and beasts of prey, the bones
were left naked; they may then have been collected,
and buried in these earthen cases. In the sarcophagi
were found numerous small vases, metal ornaments,
and a copper cup, resembling in shape and in the
embossing upon it, that represented in the hand of
the king, in one of the bas-reliefs of a chamber of the
north-west palace of Nimroud.*
*This cup was taken out entire, but was unfortunately broken by the
man who was employed to carry it to Mosul. Several of the vases are
engraved in Plate 97. of my "Monuments of Nineveh."
CHAP. XII.]
59
FRAGMENTS OF SCULPTURE.
Above these ancient tombs were graves of more
recent date, some of them, indeed, belonged to the
tribes which had, but a few days before, encamped
amongst the ruins.* The tenant of one had been
removed from his last resting-place by the hungry
hyenas and jackals, who haunt these depositories of
the dead. The rude casing of stones, forming the
interior of an Arab grave, was exposed to view; and
the bones and skull, still clothed with shreds of flesh,
were scattered around.
Although I remained two days at Kalah Sherghat
I was not able to find the platform of sun-dried
bricks upon which the edifice, now in ruins, and
covered with earth, must originally have been built.
Remains of walls were found in abundance; but
they were evidently of a more recent period than
the Assyrian building, to which the inscribed bricks,
and the fragments of sculptured stone belonged.
The trenches opened by the workmen were deep;
but still they did not, I think, reach the platform
of the older building. The ruins were consequently
not thoroughly explored. I saw no remains of the
alabaster or Mosul marble, so generally employed in
the palaces to the north of Kalah Sherghat. As
quarries of that stone do not exist in the neigh-
bourhood, unbaked bricks alone may have been used;
*The Arabs generally seek some elevated spot to bury their dead.
The artificial mounds, abounding in Mesopotamia and Assyria, are
usually chosen for the purpose, and there is scarcely one whose summit
is not covered with them. On this account I frequently experienced
great difficulty whilst excavating, and was compelled to leave unexamined
one or two ruins, into which I wished to open trenches.
60
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and if so, the walls built with them could no longer,
without very careful examination, be distinguished
from the soil in which they are buried. Had there
been sculptured slabs as at Nimroud, it is probable
that fragments, at least, would have been found in
the ravines after the earth had been washed away by
the rains; and they would then most likely have been
taken by the Arabs to decorate their graves (the use
to which they are generally applied); but no such
fragments were to be met with. All the hewn stones
discovered amongst the ruins, except the remains of
basalt, were evidently obtained from the hills in the
immediate vicinity.*
The Tigris has been gradually encroaching upon the
ruins, and is yearly undermining and wearing away
the mound. Large masses of earth are continually
falling into the stream, leaving exposed to view
vases, sarcophagi, and remains of building. Along
the banks of the river, to the south of the great
mound, several shafts of circular masonry, which
had the appearance of wells, had been thus uncovered.
At the time of my first visit, similar wells were
exposed, and we were at a loss to account for their
origin and use. I now opened two or three of them.
They were filled with earth, mixed with human bones
and fragments of vases and pottery†; but whether
the bones and the vases had been originally deposited
* They are of a coarse fossiliferous limestone.
I found similar wells amongst the ruins on the banks of the rivers of
Susiana. One having been opened on the river of Dizful, remains, similar
to those described in the text, were found in it.
CHAP. XII.]
61
REMAINS OF MASONRY.
there, or had fallen in from above with the rubbish, I
could not determine. It is possible that these wells
may have been constructed, at a very early period, for
purposes of irrigation, or to supply water to the
inhabitants of the city; and may have been buried,
like the surrounding buildings, long before the erec-
tion of the upper edifices, and even before the time
of the tombs.
The principal ruin at Kalah Sherghat, like those of
Nimroud, Khorsabad, and other ancient Assyrian sites,
is a large square mound, surmounted by a cone or
pyramid. Long lines of smaller mounds or ramparts,
enclose a quadrangle, which, from the irregularities
in the surface of the ground, and from the pottery
and other rubbish scattered about, appears originally
to have been partly occupied by small houses, or
unimportant buildings.
At Kalah Sherghat, the high conical mound rises
nearly in the centre of the north side of the great
platform. Immediately below this cone, and forming
a facing to the great mound, is a wall of well-hewn
stones or slabs, carefully fitted together, and bevelled
at the edges. The battlements still existing on the
top of this wall, are cut into gradines, resembling in
this respect the battlements of castles and towers,
represented in the Nimroud sculptures. It is pro-
bably an Assyrian work, and the four sides of the
mound may originally have been similarly cased.
It is not improbable that much of the masonry,
still visible on the summit of the mound, may be
62
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the remains of an Arab or Turkish fort. The posi-
tion of Kalah Sherghat is well adapted to a permanent
settlement. The lands around are rich, and could be
irrigated without much labour. If the population of
Mesopotamia were more settled than it now is, the
high road between Mosul and Baghdad would be
carried along the western banks of the Tigris; and
Kalah Sherghat might soon become a place of im-
portance, both as a station and as a post of defence.
At present, caravans, carrying on the trade between
those two cities, are compelled to make a considerable
detour to the east of the river. They pass through
the towns of Arbil and Kerkouk, and skirt the Kur-
dish hills, to avoid the Arab tribes of Tai and Obeid.
The journey is long and circuitous; and, from the
number of large rivers and torrents to be crossed,
merchants are, in the winter and spring, frequently
delayed for many days. The road through the desert
to the right of the Tigris would be direct and short;
water could, of course, be easily obtained during the
whole journey, and there are no streams to interrupt
the progress of a caravan. There can be little doubt
that, in the days of the Arab supremacy, a flourishing
commerce was carried on through this wilderness,
and that there was a line of settlements, and stations
on both sides of the river; but its banks are now the
encamping places of wild tribes; and no merchant
dares to brave the dangers of the desert, or to com-
pound, if he escapes them, by the payment of an enor-
mous black-mail to the Arab Sheikhs, through whose
pasture-grounds his camels must pass.
CHAP. XII.]
63
IDENTIFICATION OF THE RUINS.
The principal mound of Kalah Sherghat, is one of
the largest ruins with which I am acquainted in
Assyria. I had not the leisure, or the means, to
measure it accurately during this visit; but when
on the spot with Mr. Ainsworth, we carefully paced
round it; and the result, according to that gentleman's
calculation, gives a circumference of 4685 yards.* A
part of it, however, is not artificial. Irregularities in
the face of the country, and natural eminences, have
been united into one great platform by layers of sun-
dried bricks. It is, nevertheless, a stupendous struc-
ture, yielding in magnitude and extent to no other
artificial mound in Assyria. In height it is unequal;
to the south it slopes off nearly to the level of the
plain, whilst to the north, where it is most lofty, its
sides are perpendicular, in some places rising nearly
one hundred feet above the plain.
I will not attempt to connect, without better
materials than we now possess, the ruins of Kalah
Sherghat with any ancient city whose name occurs
in the sacred books, or has been preserved by ancient
geographers. That it was one of the most ancient
cities of Assyria, the identification of the name of
the king, found on its monuments and bricks, with
that on the centre Bulls of Nimroud, will be suf-
ficient to prove; but whether it be Chalah, one of
the four primitive cities mentioned in Genesis †, or
the Ur of Abraham, still existing in the time of
* Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xi. p. 5.
† Chap. x. 11.
64
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Ammianus Marcellinus*, I will not venture to de-
termine. Of the geography of ancient Assyria, we
know scarcely any thing. When even the site of
Nineveh could not recently be determined with any
degree of certainty, we can scarcely expect to be able
to identify the ruins of less important places. We
possess but few names of cities preceding the Persian
conquest; and the accounts handed down to us are
too meagre and vague, to lead to the identification
of the site of any of them. An extended knowledge
of the monuments of Assyria, and an acquaintance
with the contents of the inscriptions, may, hereafter,
enable us not only to fix the position of these cities,
but to ascertain the names of many more, which must.
have existed in so well-peopled a country, and may
have perished on the fall of the Empire.
Having directed Mansour to continue the exca-
vations, I prepared to return to Mosul. Abd'rubbou
offered to accompany me, and as the desert between
Kalah Sherghat and Hammum Ali was infested by
roving parties of the Shammar and Aneyza Arabs, I
He chose
deemed it prudent to accept his escort.
eight horsemen from his tribe, and we started toge-
ther for the desert.
We slept the first night at the tents of a Seyyid,
or descendant of the Prophet, of some repute for
* Lib. xxv. c. 8. Ammianus does not mention Hatra after, but before
Ur; so that Mr. Ainsworth's argument in favour of the identification of
the latter city with Kalah Sherghat, is scarcely tenable. (Journal of the
Geog. Soc. vol. xi.)
CHAP. XII.]
65
A NIGHT AMONGST ARABS.
sanctity, and for the miraculous cure of diseases,
which he effected by merely touching the patient.
The Arabs are fully persuaded of the existence of his
healing power; but I never saw any one who even
pretended to have been cured, although there was
certainly no lack of subjects for the Seyyid to practise
upon. The old gentleman's daughter, a dark, hand-
some girl, was claimed by a Sheikh of the Jebours, to
whom, according to some accounts, she had been be-
trothed. The greater part of the night was spent in
quarrelling and wrangling upon the subject. The
Seyyid resolutely denied the contract, on the mere
plea that one of such holy descent could not be united
to a man in whose veins the blood of the Prophet
did not flow. Abd'rubbou and his friends, on the
other hand, as stoutly contended for the claims of the
lover, not treating, I thought, so great a saint with a
proper degree of respect. Although my tent was
pitched at some distance from the assembly, the dis-
cordant voices, all joining at the same time in the
most violent discussion, kept me awake until past
midnight. Suddenly the disputants appeared to have
talked themselves out, and there was a lull. Vainly
flattering myself that the company had sunk into
sleep, I prepared to follow their example. But I had
scarcely closed my eyes, when I was roused by a
fresh outbreak of noises. An Arab had suddenly
arrived from the banks of the Khabour-the old
pasture grounds of the tribe: he was overwhelmed
with a thousand questions, and the news he brought
of struggles between the Aneyza and the Asai, and
VOL. II.
F
66
[CHAP. XII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the defeat of the former enemies of the Jebour, led
to continual bursts of enthusiasm, and to one or two
attempts to raise a general shouting of the war-cry.
Thus they passed the night, to my great discomfort.
escort.
On the morrow I started early with Abd'rubbou
and his horsemen. We struck directly across the
desert, leaving my servants and baggage to follow
leisurely along the banks of the river, by a more cir-
cuitous but safer road. When we were within four
or five miles of that part of the Tigris at which the
raft was waiting for me, I requested Abd'rubbou to
return, as there appeared to be no further need of an
Mr. Hormuzd Rassam and myself galloped
over the plain. We disturbed, as we rode along, a
few herds of gazelles, and a solitary wolf or a jackal;
but we saw no human beings. Abd'rubbou and his
Arabs were less fortunate; they had scarcely left us
when they observed a party of horsemen in the dis-
tance, whom they mistook for men of their own tribe
returning from Mosul. It was not until they drew
The horse-
nigh that they discovered their mistake.
men were plunderers from the Aneyza. The numbers
were pretty equal. A fight ensued, in which two
men on the side of the enemy, and one of the Jebour,
were killed; but the Aneyza were defeated, and Abd'-
rubbou carried off, in triumph, a couple of mares.
A few days after my return to Nimroud, the Je-
bour were compelled, from want of pasturage, to
leave the neighbourhood of Kalah Sherghat. The
whole desert, as well as the jungle on the banks of the
river, which generally supplied, even in the driest
CHAP. XII.]
REMOVAL OF SITTING FIGURE.
67
seasons, a little grass to the flocks, was dried up
Abd'rubbou, with his tribe, moved to the north. A
few of his people came to Nimroud to cultivate millet;
but the Sheikh himself, with the greater part of his
followers, left the district of Mosul altogether, and
migrated to the sources of the Khabour, and to the
Nisibin branch of that river-the ancient Mygdonius.
The desert to the south of the town was now only
frequented by wandering parties of plunderers, and
the position of my workmen at Kalah Sherghat be-
came daily more insecure. After they had been once
or twice exposed to molestation from the Aneyza and
the Obeid, I found it necessary to withdraw them-
had I not, they would probably have run away of
themselves. I renounced the further examination of
these ruins with regret, as they had not been pro-
perly explored; and I have little doubt, from the
fragments discovered, that many objects of interest,
if not sculptured slabs, exist in the mound.
Although I was unable, at this time, to remove the
sitting figure, I have, since my return to England,
at the desire of the Trustees of the British Museum,
sent orders for its transport to Baghdad. This has
been accomplished under the directions of Mr. Ross.
It will, I trust, be ere long added to the Assyrian
remains now in the national collection. Although
it has unfortunately suffered greatly from long ex-
posure, it is of considerable interest, as being the only
specimen, hitherto discovered, of an entire Assyrian
figure.
F 2
68
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
}
CHAP. XIII.
SYSTEM OF IRRIGATION ADOPTED BY THE ANCIENT ASSYRIANS.
WANT OF RAIN. -FEARS FOR THE CROPS. PREPARATIONS FOR
-CON-
THE REMOVAL OF A WINGED BULL AND WINGED LION.-
STRUCTION OF A CART.-SURPRISE OF THE NATIVES.- -DISCOVERY
OF A BAS-RELIEF OF A DRAIN. LOWERING OF THE WINGED
BULL.-ITS REMOVAL FROM THE RUINS. EXCITEMENT OF THE
ARABS. REJOICINGS IN THE VILLAGE. THE BULL DRAGGED
THE REMOVAL OF THE LION. -DISCON-
DOWN TO THE RIVER.
THEY LEAVE THE RUINS.
-RAFTS
TENT AMONGST THE ARABS.
PREPARED FOR THE TRANSPORT OF THE SCULPTURES TO BUS-
RAH. THE LION AND BULL PLACED UPON THEM. THEIR DE-
PARTURE FROM NIMROUD. RETURN OF THE ARABS.
VATIONS COMMENCED IN THE PYRAMID.
EXCAVATIONS AT NIMROUD. GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE
RUINS.
EXCA-
CONCLUSION OF THE
ASSYRIA PROPER, like Babylonia, owed its ancient fer-
tility as much to the system of artificial irrigation, so
extensively and successfully adopted by the inhabit-
ants of the country, as to the rains which fell during
the winter and early spring. The Tigris and Eu-
phrates, unlike the Nile, did not overflow their banks
and deposit a rich manure on the face of the land.
They rose sufficiently at the time of the melting of
the snows in the Armenian hills, to fill the numerous
canals led from them into the adjacent country; but
their beds were generally so deep, or their banks so
high, that, when the stream returned to its usual level,
water could only be raised by artificial means.
The great canals dug in the most prosperous
period of the Assyrian Empire, and used for many
CHAP. XIII.]
69
SYRIAN HARVESTS.
centuries by the inhabitants of the country-pro-
bably even after the Arab invasion-have long since
When the
been choked up, and are now useless.
waters of the rivers are high, it is still only by the
labour of man that they can be led into the fields. I
have already described the rude wheels constructed
for the purpose along the banks of the Tigris. Even
these are scarce. The government, or rather the local
authorities, levy a considerable tax upon machines for
irrigation, and the simple buckets of the Arabs become
in many cases the source of exaction or oppression.
Few are, consequently, bold enough to make use of
them. The land, therefore, near the rivers, as well
as that in the interior of the country out of the reach
of the canals, is entirely dependent upon the rains for
its fertility.
Rain, amply sufficient to ensure the most plentiful
crops, generally falls during the winter; the grain, in
the days of Herodotus, yielding two and even three
hundred fold. Indeed, such is the richness of the
soil of Assyria, that even a few heavy showers in the
course of the year, at the time of sowing the seed, and
when the corn is about a foot above the ground, are
sufficient to ensure a good harvest.* It frequently,
* The description of Herodotus agrees exactly with the present state
of the country, and with the remains of canals still existing near the two
rivers, the Tigris and Euphrates. "The Assyrians," he says, "have but
little rain; the lands, however, are fertilised, and the fruits of the earth
nourished, by means of the river. This does not, like the Egyptian Nile,
enrich the country by overflowing its banks, but is dispersed by manual
labour or by hydraulic engines. The Babylonian district is intersected
by a number of canals. Of all countries which have come under my ob-
servation this is the most fruitful in corn." (lib. i. c. 193.)
F 3
70
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
however, happens that the season passes without rain.
Such was the case this year. During the winter and
spring no water fell. The inhabitants of the villages,
who had been induced to return by the improved
administration and conciliatory measures of the late
Pasha, had put their whole stock of wheat and barley
into the ground. They now looked in despair upon
the cloudless sky. I watched the young grass as it
struggled to break through the parched earth; but
it was burnt up almost at its birth. Sometimes a
distant cloud hanging over the solitary hill of Ar-
bela, or rising from the desert in the far west, led to
hopes, and a few drops of rain gave rise to general
rejoicings. The Arabs would then form a dance, and
raise songs and shouts, the women joining with the
shrill tahlehl. But disappointment always ensued.
The clouds passed over, and the same pure blue sky
was above us. To me the total absence of verdure
in spring was particularly painful. For months my
eye had not rested upon a green thing; and that
unchanging yellow, barren waste, has a depressing
effect upon the spirits. The Jaif, which the year
before had been a flower garden and had teemed
with life, was now as naked and bare as a desert in
the midst of summer. I had been looking forward
to the return of the grass to encamp outside the
village, and had meditated many excursions to an-
cient ruins in the desert and the mountains; but I
was doomed to disappointment like the rest.
The Pasha issued orders that Christians, as well
as Mussulmans, should join in a general fast and
CHAP. XIII.]
71
WANT OF RAIN.
in prayers.
Supplications were offered up in the
churches and mosques. The Mohammedans held a
kind of three days' Ramazan, starving themselves
during the day, and feasting during the night. The
Christians abstained from meat for the same length
of time. If a cloud were seen on the horizon the
inhabitants of the villages, headed by their mullahs,
would immediately walk into the open country to
chant prayers and verses from the Koran. Sheikhs
- crazy ascetics who wandered over the country,
either half clothed in the skins of lions or gazelles, or
stark naked-burnt themselves with hot irons, and
ran shouting about the streets of Mosul. Even a kind
of necromancy was not neglected, and the Cadi and
the Turkish authorities had recourse to all manner
of mysterious incantations, which were pronounced
to have been successful in other parts of the Sul-
tan's dominions on similar occasions. A dervish,
returning from Mecca, had fortunately brought with
him a bottle of the holy water of Zemzen. He
offered it, for a consideration, to the Pasha, declaring
that when the sacred fluid was poured out in the
great mosque, rain must necessarily follow.
experiment had never been known to fail.
Pasha paid the money,-some twenty purses,—and
emptied the bottle; but the results were not such as
had been anticipated; and the dervish, when sought
after to explain, was not to be found.
The
The
It
There was no rain, not even the prospect of a
shower. A famine appeared to be inevitable.
was known, however, that there were abundant sup-
F 4
72
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
plies of corn in the granaries of the principal families
of Mosul; and the fact having been brought to the
notice of the Pasha, he at once ordered the stores to
be opened, and their contents to be offered for sale in
the market at moderate prices. As usual, the orders
were given to the very persons who were specu-
lating upon the miseries of the poor and needy-to
the cadi, the mufti, and the head people of the town.
They proceeded to obey, with great zeal and punc-
tuality, the orders of his Excellency; but somehow or
another overlooked their own stores and those of their
friends, and ransacked the houses of the rest of the
inhabitants. In a few days, consequently, those who
had saved up a little grain for their own immediate
wants, were added to the number of the starving;
and the necessities and misery of the town were in-
creased.
The Bedouins, who are dependent upon the vil-
lages for supplies, now also began to feel the effects
of the failure of the crops. As is generally the case
in such times, they were preparing to make up for
their sufferings by plundering the caravans of mer-
chants, and the peaceable inhabitants of the districts
within reach of the desert. Although the spring had
already commenced, the Shammar and other formidable
tribes had not yet encamped in the vicinity of Mosul;
still casual plundering parties had made their ap-
pearance among the villages, and it was predicted that
as soon as their tents were pitched nearer the town,
the country without the walls would be not only very
unsafe, but almost uninhabitable.
CHAP. XIII.]
73
REMOVAL OF SCULPTURES.
These circumstances induced me to undertake the
removal of the larger sculptures as early as possible.
The dry season had enabled me to carry on the ex-
cavations without interruption. As the earth above
the ruins was not washed down by rain, there was no
occasion to prop up the sides of the trenches, or to
cover the sculptures: considerable expense was thus
saved. Had there been the usual violent storms, not
only would the soil have continually fallen in and re-
buried the building, but the bas-reliefs would have`
been exposed to injury. A marsh would also have
been formed round the base of the mound, completely
cutting me off from the river, and impassable to any
cart carrying the larger sculptures. The first plan I
formed, when anticipating the usual wet weather, was
to wait, before moving the bas-reliefs, until the rain
had completely ceased, and the low ground under the
mound had been dried up. I could not, in that case,
commence operations before the month of May, when
the Tigris is still swollen by the melting of the snows
in the Armenian hills. The stream would then be
sufficiently rapid to carry to Baghdad a heavily laden
raft, without the fear of obstruction from shallows and
sand banks. This year, however, there was no marsh
round the ruins, nor had any snow fallen in the moun-
tains to promise a considerable rise in the river. I
determined, therefore, to send the sculptures to Busrah
in the month of March or April, foreseeing that as soon
as the Bedouins had moved northwards from Baby-
lonia, and had commenced their plundering expeditions
74
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
in the vicinity of Mosul, I should be compelled to leave
Nimroud.
The Trustees of the British Museum had not con-
templated the removal of either a winged bull or
lion, and I had at first believed that, with the means
at my disposal, it would have been useless to attempt
it. They wisely determined that these sculptures
should not be sawn into pieces, to be put together
again in Europe, as the pair of bulls from Khorsabad.
They were to remain, where discovered, until some
favourable opportunity of moving them entire might
occur; and I was directed to heap earth over them,
after the excavations had been brought to an end.
Being loath, however, to leave all these fine spe-
cimens of Assyrian sculpture behind me, I resolved
upon attempting the removal and embarkation of
two of the smallest and best preserved. Those fixed
upon were the lion No. 2. from entrance b, hall Y,
in plan 3., and a bull from entrance e, of the same
hall. Thirteen pairs of these gigantic sculptures, and
several fragments of others, had been discovered; but
many of them were too much injured to be worth
moving. I had wished to secure the pair of lions
forming the great entrance into the principal cham-
ber of the north-west palace*; the finest specimens
of Assyrian sculpture discovered in the ruins. But
after some deliberation I determined to leave them
for the present; as, from their size, the expense at-
tending their conveyance to the river would have
been very considerable.
* Entrance a, chamber B, plan 3.
CHAP. XIII.]
75
A CART.
I formed various plans for lowering the smaller
lion and bull, for dragging them to the river, and
for placing them upon rafts. Each step had its diffi-
culties, and a variety of original suggestions and
ideas were supplied by my workmen, and by the good
people of Mosul. At last I resolved upon construct-
ing a cart sufficiently strong to bear any of the
masses to be moved. As no wood but poplar could
be procured in the town, a carpenter was sent to the
mountains with directions to fell the largest mulberry
tree, or any tree of equally compact grain, he could
find; and to bring beams of it, and thick slices from
the trunk, to Mosul.
By the month of March this wood was ready. I
purchased from the dragoman of the French Con-
sulate a pair of strong iron axles, formerly used by
M. Botta in bringing sculptures from Khorsabad.
Each wheel was formed of three solid pieces, nearly a
foot thick, from the trunk of a mulberry tree, bound
together by iron hoops. Across the axles were laid
three beams, and above them several cross-beams, all
of the same wood. A pole was fixed to one axle,
to which were also attached iron rings for ropes, to
enable men, as well as buffaloes, to draw the cart.
The wheels were provided with moveable hooks for
the same purpose.
Simple as this cart was, it became an object of
wonder in the town. Crowds came to look at it, as
it stood in the yard of the vice-consul's khan; and the
Pasha's topjis, or artillery-men, who, from their ac-
quaintance with the mysteries of gun carriages, were
76
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
looked up to as authorities on such matters, daily
declaimed on the properties and use of this vehicle,
and of carts in general, to a large circle of curious
and attentive listeners. As long as the cart was in
Mosul, it was examined by every stranger who visited
the town. But when the news spread that it was about
to leave the gates, and to be drawn over the bridge,
the business of the place was completely suspended.
The secretaries and scribes from the palace left their
divans; the guards their posts; the bazaars were
deserted; and half the population assembled on the
banks of the river to witness the manoeuvres of the
cart. A pair of buffaloes, with the assistance of a
crowd of Chaldæans and shouting Arabs, forced the
ponderous wheels over the rotten bridge of boats.*
The multitude seemed to be fully satisfied with the
spectacle. The cart was the topic of general con-
versation in Mosul until the arrival, from Europe,
of some children's toys-barking dogs and moving
puppets—which gave rise to fresh excitement, and
filled even the gravest of the clergy with wonder at
the learning and wisdom of the Infidels.
To lessen the weight of the lion and bull, with-
out in any way interfering with the sculpture, I
reduced the thickness of the slabs, by cutting away
*The bridge of Mosul consists of a number of rude boats bound to-
gether by iron chains. Planks are laid from boat to boat, and the whole
is covered with earth. During the time of the floods this frail bridge
would be unable to resist the force of the stream; the chains holding it
on one side of the river are then loosened, and it swings round. All
communication between the two banks of the river is thus cut off, and a
ferry is established until the waters subside, and the bridge can be re-
placed.
.

ནའ་
000
000000000000
1000
***
3
!
WARRIOR HUNTING THE LION (N.W. PALACE, NIMROUD).
کام
2
1
1
tr.
3
CHAP. XIII.] DISCOVERY OF A BAS-RELIEF.
77
as much as possible from the back. Their bulk was
thus considerably diminished; and as the back of the
slab was never meant to be seen, being placed against
the wall of sun-dried bricks, no part of the sculpture
was sacrificed. As, in order to move these figures at
all, I had to choose between this plan and that of
sawing them into several pieces, I did not hesitate to
adopt it.
To enable me to move the bull from the ruins, and
to place it on the cart in the plain below, a trench
was cut nearly two hundred feet long, about fifteen
feet wide, and, in some places, twenty feet deep. A
road was thus constructed from the entrance, in which
stood the bull, to the edge of the mound. There
being no means at my disposal to raise the sculpture
out of the trenches, like the smaller bas-reliefs, this
road was necessary. It was a tedious undertaking, as
a very large accumulation of earth had to be removed.
About fifty Arabs and Nestorians were employed in
the work.
On opening this trench it was found that a cham-
ber had once existed to the west of hall Y. The
sculptured slabs forming its sides had been de-
stroyed or carried away. Part of the walls of un-
baked bricks, however, could still be traced. The
only bas-relief discovered was lying flat on the pave-
ment, where it had evidently been left when the
adjoining slabs were removed. It has been sent to
England, and represents a lion hunt. Only one lion,
wounded, and under the horse's feet, is visible.
warrior, in a chariot, is discharging his arrows at
A
78
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
some object before him. It is evident that the sub-
ject must have been continued on an adjoining slab,
on which was probably represented the king joining
in the chase. This small bas-relief is remarkable for
its finish, the elegance of the ornaments, and the
great spirit of the design. In these respects it re-
sembles the battle-scene in the south-west palace*;
and I am inclined to believe that they both belonged
to this ruined chamber; in which, perhaps, the sculp-
tures were more elaborate and more highly finished
than in any other part of the building. The work of
different artists may be plainly traced in the As-
syrian edifices. Frequently where the outline is
spirited and correct, and the ornaments designed
with considerable taste, the execution is defective or
coarse; evidently showing, that whilst the subject
was drawn by a master, the carving of the stone had
been intrusted to an inferior workman.
In many
sculptures some parts are more highly finished than
others, as if they had been retouched by an ex-
perienced sculptor. The figures of the enemy are
generally rudely drawn and left unfinished, to show
probably that, being those of the conquered or cap-
tive race, they were unworthy the care of the artist.
It is rare to find an entire bas-relief equally well
executed in all its parts. The most perfect hitherto
discovered in Assyria are, the lion hunt now in the
British Museum, the lion hunt just described, and
the large group of the king sitting on his throne,
* See Vol. I. p. 40.
CHAP. XIII.]
79
LOWERING THE BULL.
in the midst of his attendants and winged figures,
which formed the end of chamber G, of the north-
west palace, and will be brought to England.
Whilst making this trench, I also discovered, about
three feet beneath the pavement, a drain, which ap-
peared to communicate with others previously opened
in different parts of the building. It was probably
the main sewer, through which all the minor water-
were discharged. It was square, built of
baked bricks, and covered in with large slabs and
tiles.
courses
As the bull was to be lowered on its back, the un-
sculptured side of the slab having to be placed on
rollers, I removed the walls behind it as far as the
entrance a. An open space was thus formed, large
enough to admit of the sculpture when prostrate,
and leaving room for the workmen to pass on all
sides of it. The principal difficulty was of course to
lower the mass: when once on the ground, or on
rollers, it could be dragged forwards by the united
force of a number of men; but, during its descent, it
could only be sustained by ropes. If, not strong
enough to bear the weight, they chanced to break,
the sculpture would be precipitated to the ground,
and would, probably, be broken in the fall. The few
ropes I possessed had been expressly sent to me,
across the desert, from Aleppo; but they were small.
From Baghdad I had obtained a thick hawser, made
of the fibres of the palm. In addition I had been
furnished with two pairs of blocks, and a pair of jack-
screws belonging to the steamers of the Euphrates
80
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
expedition. These were all the means at my com-
mand for moving the bull and lion. The sculptures
were wrapped in mats and felts, to preserve them,
as far as possible, from injury in case of a fall, and
to prevent the ropes chipping or rubbing the ala-
baster.
The bull was ready to be moved by the 18th of
March. The earth had been taken from under it,
and it was now only supported by beams resting
against the opposite wall. Amongst the wood ob-
tained from the mountains were several thick rollers.
These were placed upon sleepers or half beams,
formed out of the trunks of poplar trees, well greased
and laid on the ground parallel to the sculpture.
The bull was to be lowered upon these rollers. A
deep trench had been cut behind the second bull,
completely across the wall, and, consequently, ex-
tending from chamber to chamber. A bundle of
ropes coiled round this isolated mass of earth served
to hold two blocks, two others being attached to
ropes wound round the bull to be moved. The
ropes, by which the sculpture was to be lowered,
were passed through these blocks; the ends, or falls
of the tackle, as they are technically called, being led
from the blocks above the second bull, and held
by the Arabs. The cable having been first passed
through the trench, and then round the sculpture,
the ends were given to two bodies of men. Several
of the strongest Chaldæans placed thick beams against
the back of the bull, and were directed to withdraw
them gradually, supporting the weight of the slab,
CHAP. XIII.]
81
LOWERING THE BULL.
and checking it in its descent, in case the ropes
should give way.
My own people were reinforced by a large number
of the Abou Salman. I had invited Sheikh Abd-ur-
rahman to be present, and he came attended by a
body of horsemen. The inhabitants of Naifa and
Nimroud, having volunteered to assist on the occasion,
were distributed amongst my Arabs. The workmen,
except the Chaldæans who supported the beams, were
divided into four parties, two of which were stationed
in front of the bull, and held the ropes passed through
the blocks. The rest clung to the ends of the cable,
and were directed to slack off gradually as the sculp-
ture descended.
The men being ready, and all my preparations
complete, I stationed myself on the top of the high
bank of earth over the second bull, and ordered the
wedges to be struck out from under the sculpture to
be moved. Still, however, it remained firmly in its
place. A rope having been passed round it, six or
seven men easily tilted it over. The thick, ill-made
cable stretched with the strain, and almost buried
itself in the earth round which it was coiled. The
ropes held well. The mass descended gradually, the
Chaldæans propping it up with the beams. It was
a moment of great anxiety. The drums and shrill
pipes of the Kurdish musicians increased the din and
confusion caused by the war-cry of the Arabs, who
were half frantic with excitement. They had thrown
off nearly all their garments; their long hair floated in
the wind; and they indulged in the wildest postures
VOL. II.
G
82
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
and gesticulations as they clung to the ropes. The
women had congregated on the sides of the trenches,
and by their incessant screams, and by the ear-piercing
tahlehl, added to the enthusiasm of the men. The
bull once in motion, it was no longer possible to
obtain a hearing. The loudest cries I could produce
were lost in the crash of discordant sounds. Neither
the hippopotamus hide whips of the Cawasses, nor the
bricks and clods of earth with which I endeavoured
to draw attention from some of the most noisy of the
group, were of any avail.
avail. Away went the bull, steady
enough as long as supported by the props behind;
but as it came nearer to the rollers, the beams could
no longer be used. The cable and ropes stretched
more and more. Dry from the climate, as they
felt the strain, they creaked and threw out dust.
Water was thrown over them, but in vain, for they all
broke together when the sculpture was within four
or five feet of the rollers. The bull was precipitated
to the ground. Those who held the ropes, thus sud-
denly released, followed its example, and were rolling
one over the other, in the dust. A sudden silence
succeeded to the clamour. I rushed into the trenches,
prepared to find the bull in many pieces. It would
be difficult to describe my satisfaction, when I saw
it lying precisely where I had wished to place it,
and uninjured! The Arabs no sooner got on their
legs again, than, seeing the result of the accident,
they darted out of the trenches, and, seizing by the
hands the women who were looking on, formed a
large circle, and, yelling their war-cry with redoubled
CHAP. XIII.]
83
REMOVAL OF THE BULL.
energy, commenced a most mad dance. The musi-
cians exerted themselves to the utmost; but their
music was drowned by the cries of the dancers.
Even Abd-ur-rahman shared in the excitement, and,
throwing his cloak to one of his attendants, insisted
upon leading off the debkhé. It would have been
useless to endeavour to put any check upon these
proceedings. I preferred allowing the men to wear
themselves out, a result which, considering the
amount of exertion and energy displayed both by
limbs and throat, was not long in taking place.
I now prepared, with the aid of Behnan, the Bai-
rakdar, and the Tiyari, to move the bull into the
long trench which led to the edge of the mound.
The rollers were in good order; and as soon as the
excitement of the Arabs had sufficiently abated to
enable them to resume work, the sculpture was
dragged out of its place by ropes.
Sleepers were laid to the end of the trench, and
fresh rollers were placed under the bull as it was
pulled forwards by cables, to which were fixed the
tackles held by logs buried in the earth, on the
edge of the mound. The sun was going down as
these preparations were completed. I deferred any
further labour to the morrow. The Arabs dressed
themselves; and, placing the musicians at their head,
marched towards the village, singing their war songs,
and occasionally raising a wild yell, throwing their
lances into the air, and flourishing their swords and
shields over their heads.
G 2
84
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
I rode back with Abd-ur-rahman. Schloss and
his horsemen galloped round us, playing the jerrid,
and bringing the ends of their lances into a proximity
with my head and body which was far from comfort-
able; for it was evident enough that had the mares.
refused to fall almost instantaneously back on their
haunches, or had they stumbled, I should have been
transfixed on the spot. As the exhibition, however,
was meant as a compliment, and enabled the young
warriors to exhibit their prowess, and the admirable
training of their horses, I declared myself highly de-
lighted, and bestowed equal commendations on all
parties.
The Arab Sheikh, his enthusiasm once cooled down,
"Wonderful! Won-
gave way to moral reflections.
derful! There is surely no God but God, and Mo-
hammed is his Prophet," exclaimed he, after a long
pause. "In the name of the Most High, tell me, O Bey,
what you are going to do with those stones. So many
thousands of purses spent upon such things! Can it
be, as you say, that your people learn wisdom from
them; or is it, as his reverence the Cadi declares, that
they are to go to the palace of your Queen, who, with
the rest of the unbelievers, worships these idols? As
for wisdom, these figures will not teach you to make
any
better knives, or scissors, or chintzes; and it is in
the making of those things that the English show their
wisdom. But God is great! God is great! Here are
stones which have been buried ever since the time of
the holy Noah,-peace be with him! Perhaps they
were under ground before the deluge. I have lived
CHAP. XIII.]
85
REFLECTIONS.
on these lands for years. My father, and the father
of my father, pitched their tents here before me;
but they never heard of these figures. For twelve
hundred years have the true believers (and, praise
be to God! all true wisdom is with them alone)
been settled in this country, and none of them ever
heard of a palace under ground. Neither did they
who went before them. But lo! here comes a Frank
from many days' journey off, and he walks up to
the very place, and he takes a stick (illustrating
the description at the same time with the point of
his spear), and makes a line here, and makes a line
there. Here, says he, is the palace; there, says he,
is the gate; and he shows us what has been all our
lives beneath our feet, without our having known
anything about it. Wonderful! Wonderful! Is it by
books, is it by magic, is it by your prophets, that you
have learnt these things? Speak, O Bey; tell me the
secret of wisdom."
The wonder of Abd-ur-rahman was certainly not
without cause, and his reflections were natural enough.
Whilst riding by his side I had been indulging in
a reverie, not unlike his own, which he suddenly
interrupted by these exclamations. Such thoughts
crowded upon me day by day, as I looked upon every
newly discovered sculpture. A stranger laying open
monuments buried for more than twenty centuries,
and thus proving to those who dwelt around them,
that much of the civilisation and knowledge of which
we now boast, existed amongst their forefathers when
our "ancestors were yet unborn," was, in a manner,
G 3
86
[СНАР. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
an acknowledgment of the debt which the West owes
to the East. It is, indeed, no small matter of wonder,
that far distant, and comparatively new, nations
should have preserved the only records of a people
once ruling over nearly half the globe; and should
now be able to teach the descendants of that people,
or those who have taken their place, where their cities.
and monuments once stood. There was more than
enough to excite the astonishment of Abd-ur-rahman,
and I seized this opportunity to give him a short
lecture upon the advantages of civilisation and of
knowledge. I will not pledge myself, however, that
my endeavours were attended with as much success
as those of some may be who boast of their missions
to the East. All I could accomplish was, to give
the Arab Sheikh an exalted idea of the wisdom and
power of the Franks; which was so far useful to me,
that through his means the impression was spread
about the country, and was not one of the least ef
fective guarantees for the safety of my property and
person.
This night was, of course, looked upon as one of
rejoicing. Abd-ur-rahman and his brother dined with
me; although, had it not been for the honour and
distinction conferred by the privilege of using knives
and forks, they would rather have exercised their
fingers with the crowds gathered round the wooden
platters in the court-yard. Sheep were as usual
killed, and boiled or roasted whole;-they formed the
essence of all entertainments and public festivities.
They had scarcely been devoured before dancing was
CHAP. XIII.]
87
MOVING THE BULL.
commenced. There were fortunately relays of musi-
cians; for no human lungs could have furnished the
requisite amount of breath. When some were nearly
falling from exhaustion, the ranks were recruited by
others. And so the Arabs went on until dawn. It
was useless to preach moderation, or to entreat for
quiet. Advice and remonstrances were received with
deafening shouts of the war-cry, and outrageous antics
as proofs of gratitude for the entertainment and of
ability to resist fatigue.
After passing the night in this fashion, these extra-
ordinary beings, still singing and capering, started for
the mound. Everything had been prepared on the
previous day for moving the bull, and the men had
now only to haul on the ropes. As the sculpture ad-
vanced, the rollers left behind were removed to the
front, and thus in a short time it reached the end of
the trench. There was little difficulty in dragging it
down the precipitous side of the mound. When it
arrived within three or four feet of the bottom, suffi-
cient earth was removed from beneath it to admit the
cart, upon which the bull itself was then lowered by
still further digging away the soil. It was soon ready
to be dragged to the river. Buffaloes were first har-
nessed to the yoke; but, although the men pulled with
ropes fastened to the rings attached to the wheels,
and to other parts of the cart, the animals, feeling
the weight behind them, refused to move.
We were
compelled, therefore, to take them out; and the
Tiyari, in parties of eight, lifted by turns the pole,
whilst the Arabs, assisted by the people of Naifa and
G 4
88
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
Nimroud, dragged the cart. The procession was
thus formed. I rode first, with the Bairakdar, to
point out the road. Then came the musicians, with
their drums and fifes, drumming and fifing with
might and main. The cart followed, dragged by
about three hundred men, all screeching at the top
of their voices, and urged on by the Cawasses and
superintendents. The procession was closed by the
women, who kept up the enthusiasm of the Arabs by
their shrill cries. Abd-ur-rahman's horsemen per-
formed divers feats round the group, dashing back-
wards and forwards, and charging with their spears.
We advanced well enough, although the ground
was very heavy, until we reached the ruins of the
former village of Nimroud.* It is the custom, in this
part of Turkey, for the villagers to dig deep pits to
store their corn, barley, and straw for the autumn
and winter. These pits generally surround the vil
lages. Being only covered by a light framework of
boughs and stakes, plastered over with mud, they
become, particularly when half empty, a snare and a
trap to the horsemen, who, unless guided by some.
one acquainted with the localities, is pretty certain
to find the hind legs of his horse on a level with its
The
ears, and himself suddenly sprawling in front.
corn-pits around Nimroud had long since been emptied
of their supplies, and had been concealed by the light
sand and dust, which, blown over the plain during
*The village was moved to its present site after the river had gradually
receded to the westward. The inhabitants had been then left at a very
inconvenient distance from water.
CHAP. XIII.1
89
MOVING THE BULL.
summer, soon fill up every hole and crevice. Although
I had carefully examined the ground before starting,
one of these holes had escaped my notice, and into it
two wheels of the cart completely sank. The Arabs
pulled and yelled in vain. The ropes broke, but the
wheels refused to move. We tried every means to re-
lease them, but unsuccessfully. After working until
dusk, we were obliged to give up the attempt. I left a
party of Arabs to guard the cart and its contents, sus-
pecting that some adventurous Bedouins, attracted by
the ropes, mats, and felts, with which the sculpture
was enveloped, might turn their steps towards the
spot during the night. My suspicions did not prove
unfounded; for I had scarcely got into bed before the
whole village was thrown into commotion by the re-
ports of fire-arms and the war-cry of the Jebour.
Hastening to the scene of action, I found that a party
of Arabs had fallen upon my workmen. They were
beaten off, leaving behind them, however, their mark;
for a ball, passing through the matting and felt, struck
and indented the side of the bull. I was anxious to
learn who the authors of this wanton attack were, and
had organized a scheme for taking summary vengeance.
But they were discovered too late; for, anticipating
punishment, they had struck their tents, and had
moved off into the desert.
Next morning we succeeded in clearing away the
earth, and in placing thick planks beneath the buried
wheels. After a few efforts the cart moved forwards
amidst the shouts of the Arabs; who, as was invari-
ably their custom on such occasions, indulged, whilst
90
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
pulling at the ropes, in the most outrageous antics.
The procession was formed as on the previous day,
and we dragged the bull triumphantly down to
within a few hundred yards of the river. Here
the wheels buried themselves in the sand, and it
was night before we contrived, with the aid of
planks and by increased exertions, to place the sculp-
ture on the platform prepared to receive it, and from
which it was to slide down on the raft. The
tents of the Arabs, who encamped near the river,
were pitched round the bull, until its companion, the
lion, should be brought down; and the two embarked
together for Baghdad. The night was passed in re-
newed rejoicings, to celebrate the successful termina-
tion of our labours. On the following morning I
rode to Mosul, to enjoy a few days' rest after my
exertions.
The bull having thus been successfully transported
to the banks of the river, preparations were made, on
my return to Nimroud, for the removal of the second
sculpture. I ordered the trench, already opened for
the passage of the bull, to be continued beyond the
entrance formed by the lions, or about eighty feet to
the north. It was then necessary to move the slabs
from behind these sculptures. The slabs in hall Y
were unsculptured, having only the usual inscription.
The bas-reliefs on those adjoining the lion, in chamber
G, had been almost entirely destroyed, apparently by
the action of water.
My preparations were completed by the middle
of April. I determined to lower the lion at once on
CHAP. XIII.]
91
REMOVAL OF THE LION.
the cart, and not to drag it out of the mound over
the rollers. This sculpture, during its descent, was
supported in the same manner as the bull had been;
but, to avoid a second accident, I doubled the number
of ropes and the coils of the cable. Enough earth
was removed to bring the top of the cart to a level
with the bottom of the lion. Whilst clearing away
the wall of unbaked bricks, I discovered two small
tablets, similar to those previously dug out in cham-
ber B.* On both sides they had the usual standard
inscription, and they had evidently been placed where
found, when the foundations of the palace were laid;
probably as coins and similar tablets are now buried
under edifices, to commemorate the period and object
of their erection.
As the lion was cracked in more than one place,
considerable care was required in lowering and mov-
ing it. Both, however, were effected without acci-
dent. The Arabs assembled as they had done at
the removal of the bull. Abd-ur-rahman and his
horsemen rode over to the mound. We had the same
shouting and the same festivities. The lion de-
scended into the place I had prepared for it on the
cart, and was easily dragged out of the ruins. It was
two days in reaching the river, as the wheels of the
cart sank more than once into the loose soil, and
were with difficulty extricated.
The lion and bull were at length placed, side by
side, on the banks of the Tigris, ready to proceed to
* Vol. I. p. 116.
92
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Busrah, as soon as I could make the necessary ar-
rangements for embarking them on rafts.
The sculptures, which I had hitherto sent to Bus-
rah, had been floated down the river on rafts, as far
only as Baghdad. There they had been placed in
boats built by the natives for the navigation of the
lower part of the Tigris and Euphrates. These vessels,
principally constructed of thin poplar planks, reeds,
and bitumen, were much too small and weak to
carry either the lion or the bull; and, indeed, had
they been large enough, it would have been diffi-
cult, if not impossible, in the absence of proper
machinery, to lift such heavy masses into them.
I resolved, therefore, to attempt the navigation of
the lower, as well as of the upper, part of the river
with rafts; and to embark the lion and bull, at once,
for Busrah. The raftmen of Mosul, who are accus-
tomed to navigate the Tigris to Baghdad, but never
venture further, pronounced the scheme to be im-
practicable, and refused to attempt it. Even my
friends at Baghdad doubted of my success; prin-
cipally, however, on the ground that the prejudices
and customs of the natives were against me,-and
every one knows how difficult it is to prevail upon
Easterns to undertake anything in opposition to
their established habits. Such has been their nature
for ages.
As their fathers have done, so have they
done after them, forgetting or omitting many things,
but never adding or improving. As rafts meet
with no insurmountable difficulties in descending,
even from the mountainous districts of Diarbekir,
•
CHAP. XIII.]
93
THE RAFTMAN.
to Baghdad, there was no good reason why they
should not extend their journey as far as Busrah.
The real obstructions would occur in the upper part
of the river, which abounds in rapids, rocks, and
shallows; and not in the lower, where there is depth
of water and nothing to impede the passage of large
boats. The stream below Baghdad is sluggish, and
the tide ascends nearly sixty miles above Busrah:
these were the only objections, and they merely
affected the time to be employed in the descent, and
not its practicability.
It was impossible by the most convincing argu-
ments, even though supported by the exhibition of
a heap of coins, to prevail upon the raftmen of
Mosul to construct such rafts as I required, or to
undertake the voyage. I applied therefore to Mr.
Hector, and through him found a man at Baghdad,
who declared himself willing to make the great sacri-
fice generally believed to be involved in the attempt.
He was indebted in a considerable sum of money,
and being the owner of a large number of skins, now
lying useless, he preferred a desperate undertaking
to the prospect of a debtor's prison. It was not in
any one's power to persuade him that his raft could
reach its destination, or that even he could survive
the enterprise; and it would have been equally im-
possible to convince him that my stake in the matter
was greater than his own. As it was evident that no
harm would come to him, but that, on the contrary,
by entering into my service he would pay the greater
part of his debts, and escape a prolonged residence in
94
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the gloomy subterranean abodes of hopeless debtors,
I felt less compunctions of conscience in resorting
to the last extremity. Indeed it was consoling to
reflect that it was all for the man's own good. At
any rate, I had to choose between leaving the sculp-
tures on the river bank near Mosul, the sport of mis-
chievous Arabs, and seeing them safely transported to
Busrah, and ultimately to England. I did not, there-
fore, long hesitate upon the course to be pursued.
Mullah Ali- for such was the name of my raft-
contractor—at length made his appearance. He was
followed by a dirty half-naked Arab, his assistant in
the construction of rafts; and, like those who carried
on his trade some two thousand years before, by
a couple of donkeys laden with skins ready for use.
Like a genuine native of Baghdad, he had exhausted
his ingenuity in the choice of materials for the com-
position of his garments. There could not have been
a more dexterous mixture of colours than that dis-
played by his antari, cloak, and voluminous turban.
He began, of course, by a long speech, protesting, by
the Prophet, that he would undertake for no one else
in the world what he was going to do for me; that
he was my slave and my sacrifice, and that the man
who was not, was worse than an infidel. I cut him
short in this complimentary discourse. He then, as
is usual in such transactions, began to make excuses,
to increase his demands, and to throw difficulties in
the way.
On these points declined all discussion,
directing Ibrahim Agha to give him an insight into
my way of doing business, to recommend him to
FRENCH EXPLORATIONS AT NINEVEH. The
Minister of the Interior has received further accounts of
the explorations which are being carried on by M. Place,
Consul of France at Mossul, in the ruins of Nineveh. In
addition to large statues, bas-reliefs in marble, pottery,
and articles of jewellery, which throw light on the habits
and customs of the inhabitants of the ancient city, he has
been able to examine the whole of the palace of Khorsabad
and its dependencies, and in so doing has elucidated some
doubtful points, and obtained proof that the Assyrians were
not ignorant of any of the resources of architecture. He
has also discovered a large gate 12 feet high, which appears.
to have been one of the entrances to the city, several con-
structions in marble, two rows of columns, apparently ex-
tending a considerable distance, the cellar of the palace still
containing regular rows of jars, which had evidently heen
filled with wine-and at the bottom of which jars there is
still a sort of deposit of a violet colour. M. Place has
moreover discovered the storehouse of pottery, containing
various articles. In addition to all this he has caused ex-
cavations to be made in the hills of Bachiccha, Karamless,
Teu Leuben, Mattai, Karakock, Digan, &c., on the left
bank of the Tigris, within ten leagues from Khorsabad.
In them he had found monuments, tombs, jewellery, and
some articles in gold and other metal and stone. At
Dgigiran there is a monument, which, it is supposed, may
turn out to be as large as that of Khorsabad. At Mattai,
and at a place called Barrian, M. Place has found bas-reliefs
cut in solid rock; they consist of a number of colossal
figures and of series of full length portraits of the Kings
of Assyria. M. Place has taken copies of his discoveries by
means of the photographic process; and he announces that.
Colonel Rawlinson has authorised him to make diggings
near the places which the English are engaged in ex-
amining.

Y.
/52
perpetual curate or Scropton, in the Lichnoid diocese,
praying that the money arising from the sale of land
belonging to the curacy to the above company might be paj
expended in erecting a parsonage-house. The land sold to has
the company was stated to have formed part of the garden an
and an adjoining close, belonging to the parsonage-house, tu
which for several years had been turned into cottages. It
was stated that the Bishop of Lichfield, and all whose con-
sent was required by the act, concurred in the petition.

1
the
ing
His Honour said what the act referred to was something
belonging to a residence. It was plainly the object of the ord
act that where there was an inconvenient residence it Mr
might be converted into one that was convenient. It did ins
not appear to apply to a case like the present. He thought
the legislature did not intend that there should be an alien-
ation of land attached to a parsonage-house, for the pur-
pose of building another residence; but that where the
residence was inconvenient it might be sold, and another
provided. The circumstance that the cottages had once
formed the parsonage-house was not clearly proved. He
would not venture to extend an act, however beneficial, to in
purposes which did not appear to him to have been clearly he
contemplated. It might be worthy the attention of the its
legislature, whether power should not be given to authorise
the application of money paid into court, arising from an
the sale of globe lands to the erection of a parsonage-house.
IN RE BEDFORD CHARITY.
sti
te
This case was spoken to on the minutes of the order made ca
lel
on the petitions recently heard in this matter.
His Honour said, it had been thought unadvisable that an
It li
the future masters and ushers should be trustees.
appeared to him that it would therefore be a salutary thing sl
for the charity if the present master and usher would E
resign their office of trustees before they ceased to be master in
and usher. With reference to the act to be applied for in m
the ensuing session of parliament his Honour thought that
fo
CHAP. XIII.]
95
THE RAFTMAN.
resign himself to his fate, as the contract had been
signed, and to hint that he was now in the power of
an authority from which there was no appeal.
Mullah Ali made many vain efforts to amend his
condition, and to induce, on my part, a fuller appre-
ciation of his merits. He expected that these en-
deavours might, at least, lead to an additional amount
of bakshish. At last he resigned himself to his fate,
and slowly worked, with his assistant, at the binding
together of beams and logs of wood with willow
twigs to form a framework for a raft. There were
still some difficulties and obstacles to be surmounted.
The man of Baghdad had his own opinions on the
building of rafts in general, founded upon immemorial
customs and the traditions of the country. I had
my theories, which could not be supported by equally
substantial arguments. Consequently, he, who had
all the proof on his side, may not have been wrong
in declaring against any method, in favour of which
I could produce no better evidence than my own will.
But, like many other injured men, he fell a victim
to the "droit du plus fort," and had to sacrifice, at
once, prejudice and habit.
I did not doubt that the skins, once blown up,
would support the sculptures without difficulty as
far as Baghdad. The journey would take eight or
ten days, under favourable circumstances. But there
they would require to be opened and refilled, or the
rafts would scarcely sustain so heavy a weight all
the way to Busrah; the voyage from Baghdad to that
port being considerably longer, in point of time, than
96
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
that from Mosul to Baghdad. However carefully the
skins are filled, the air gradually escapes. Rafts,
bearing merchandise, are generally detained several
times during their descent, to enable the raftmen
to examine and refill the skins. If the sculptures
rested upon only one framework, the beams being
almost on a level with the water, the raftmen would
be unable to get beneath them to reach the mouths
of the skins, when they required replenishing, with-
out moving the cargo. This would have been both
inconvenient and difficult to accomplish. I was there-
fore desirous of raising the lion and bull as much as
possible above the water, so as to leave room for the
men to creep under them.
It may interest the reader to know how these
rafts, which have probably formed for ages the only
means of traffic on the upper parts of the rivers of
Mesopotamia, are constructed. The skins of full-
grown sheep and goats are used. They are taken
off with as few incisions as possible, and then dried.
and prepared. The air is forced in by the lungs
through an aperture which is afterwards tied up with
string. A square framework, formed of poplar beams,
branches of trees, and reeds, having been constructed
of the size of the intended raft, the inflated skins are
tied to it by osier and other twigs, the whole being
firmly bound together. The raft is then moved to the
water and launched. Care is taken to place the skins
with their mouths upwards, that, in case any should
burst or require filling, they can be easily opened by
the raftmen. Upon the framework of wood are piled
CHAP. XIII.]
97
RAFTS ON THE TIGRIS.
bales of goods, and property belonging to merchants
and travellers. When any person of rank, or wealth,
descends the river in this fashion, small huts are con-
structed on the raft by covering a common wooden
takht, or bedstead of the country, with a hood formed
of reeds and lined with felt. In these huts the tra-
vellers live and sleep during the journey. The poorer
passengers seek shade or warmth, by burying them-
selves amongst bales of goods and other merchandise,
and sit patiently, almost in one position, until they
reach their destination. They carry with them a
small earthen mangal or chafing-dish, containing a
charcoal fire, which serves to light their pipes, and to
cook their coffee and food. The only real danger
to be apprehended on the river is from the Arabs
who, when the country is in a disturbed state, in-
variably attack and pillage the rafts.
;;
The raftmen guide their rude vessels by long
oars,straight poles, at the end of which a few split
canes are fastened by a piece of twine. They skil-
fully avoid the rapids; and, seated on the bales of
goods, work continually, even in the hottest sun.
They will seldom travel after dark before reaching
Tekrit, on account of the rocks and shoals, which
abound in the upper part of the river; but when they
have passed that place, they resign themselves, night
and day, to the sluggish stream. During the floods
in the spring, or after violent rains, small rafts may
float from Mosul to Baghdad in about eighty-four
hours; but the large rafts are generally six or seven
days in performing the voyage. In summer, and
VOL. II.
H
98
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
when the river is low, they are frequently nearly a
month in reaching their destination. When the rafts
have been unloaded, they are broken up, and the
beams, wood, and twigs are sold at a considerable
profit, forming one of the principal branches of trade
between Mosul and Baghdad. The skins are washed
and afterwards rubbed with a preparation of pounded
pomegranate skins, to keep them from cracking and
rotting. They are then brought back, either upon
the shoulders of the raftmen or upon donkeys, to
Mosul or Tekrit, where the men engaged in the navi-
gation of the Tigris usually reside.
On the 20th of April, there being fortunately a
slight rise in the river, and the rafts being ready, I
determined to attempt the embarkation of the lion
and bull. The two sculptures had been so placed
on beams that, by withdrawing wedges from under
them, they would slide nearly into the centre of
the raft. The high bank of the river had been cut
away into a rapid slope to the water's edge.
In the morning Mr. Hormuzd Rassam informed
me that signs of discontent had shown themselves
amongst the workmen, and that there was a general
strike for higher wages. They had chosen the time
fixed upon for embarking the sculptures, under the
impression that I should be compelled, from the dif
ficulty of obtaining any other assistance, to accede to
their terms. Several circumstances had contributed
to this manœuvre. As I have already mentioned, the
want of rain had led to a complete failure of the crops,
and the country around Nimroud was one yellow
CHAP. XIII.]
DEPARTURE OF THE ARABS.
99
barren waste. The villagers had been exposed to
several years of tyranny and oppression, during which
their small stock of grain, unrenewed by fresh har-
vests, had rapidly diminished. Last autumn, en-
couraged by the liberal policy of the new Pasha, they
had sown the small supply of corn that had been
hoarded up, and now that the crops had failed, their
last hopes had perished. If they remained in the coun-
try, they could only look forward to starvation. They
were consequently leaving the plain and migrating
to the Kurdish hills, or to the lands under Mardin
watered by the Khabour; where, by dint of irrigation,
they could hope to raise millet, and other grain, suffi-
cient to meet their wants until the winter rains might
promise better times. The country around Nimroud
was deserted; not a human being was to be seen
within some miles of the place. Abd-ur-rahman,
whose crops had failed like the rest, and who could
no longer find pasture for his flocks in the Jaif, had
followed the example of the villagers, and was mov-
ing northwards. Two or three days previous, his
Arabs, driving before them their sheep and cattle,
and their beasts of burden laden with all the pro-
perty they possessed, had passed under the mound,
on their way to the territories of Beder Khan Bey.
The Sheikh himself had spent the night in my house,
to take leave of me prior to his departure. I con-
sequently remained alone with my workmen, and
the few Arabs who were cultivating millet along the
banks of the Tigris. Not only, in case of a further
H 2
Um
100
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
emigration of the Jebour, should I have been left
without the means of carrying on the excavations,
but I should even have run considerable risk from the
parties of Bedouins, who were now taking advantage
of the absence of the Abou Salman to cross the river
in search of plunder-scouring the country by night
and by day. The time chosen by the Jebour to
demand higher wages, and to threaten to leave me,
was not, therefore, ill-chosen. They were persuaded
that I should be compelled to agree to their demands,
or to leave the lion and bull where they were.
was not, however, my intention to do either.
It
I found, on issuing from the house, that the Arabs
had already commenced their preparations for de-
parture. The greater part of the tents had been
struck, the flocks were collected together, the donkeys
were half loaded, and all, men and women, were
actively and busily engaged, except half a dozen
families who did not show any desire to leave me.
A few of the Sheikhs were hanging about the door of
my court-yard with gloomy expectant looks, anxious
to learn my decision, and little doubting that, on
seeing the signs of packing, I would at once yield.
However reasonable their demands might have been,
the unceremonious fashion in which they were urged
was somewhat repugnant to my feelings. There are
some bad characters in most societies, who, mis-
chievous themselves, contrive to lead others into
mischief; and I was aware that one or two of the
chiefs, who did not work, but managed to raise
money from those who did, were the originators of
СНАР. XIII.]
101
DEPARTURE OF THE ARABS.
the scheme. I ordered my Cawass and the Bairakdar
to seize them at once, and then took leave of those
who were preparing to depart. Their plans were some-
what disconcerted, and they went on sullenly with
their arrangements. When at length their prepara-
tions for the march were completed, they moved off
at a very slow pace, looking back continually, not
believing it possible that I would obstinately persist
in my determination to refuse a compromise. As a last
attempt a deputation of one or two Sheikhs came to
express a disinterested anxiety for my safety should
the Jebour leave the country. I did my best to quiet
their alarms by employing the Tiyari to put my pre-
mises into a state of defence, and to reopen all the
loop-holes, which Ibrahim Agha had industriously
made in the walls surrounding my dwelling, when
they had been first built. Defeated in all their endea-
vours to make me sensible of the danger of my posi-
tion, they walked sulkily off to join their companions,
who took care to encamp for the night within sight of
the village.
Many families, however, refusing to desert me,
pitched their tents under the walls of my house.
The wives, too, of those who were going, had been
to me, sobbing and weeping, protesting that the men,
although anxious to remain, were afraid to disobey
their Sheikhs.
The tents of the Abou Salman were still within
reach, and I despatched a horseman, without delay, to
Sheikh Abd-ur-rahman with a note, acquainting him
¤ 3
102
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
with what had occurred, and requesting him to send
me some of his Arabs to assist in embarking the
bull. There was a rival tribe of the Jebour encamp-
ing at some distance from Nimroud, and I also offered
them work.
In the evening, Abd-ur-rahman, followed by a party
of horsemen, came to Nimroud. He undertook at
once to furnish me with as many men as I might
require to place the sculptures on the rafts, and sent
orders to his people to delay their projected march.
Next morning, when the Jebour perceived a large
body of the Abou Salman advancing towards Nim-
roud, they repented themselves of their manœuvre,
and returned in a body to offer their services on any
terms that I might think fit to propose. But I was
well able to do without them, and wished to convince
them, that the method they had chosen to put for-
ward their demands was neither rational, nor likely
to prove successful. I refused, therefore, to listen
to any overtures, and commenced my preparations
for embarking the lion and bull with the aid of the
Chaldæans, the Abou Salman, and such of
workmen as had remained with me.
my Arab
The beams of poplar wood, forming an inclined
plane from beneath the sculptures to the rafts,
were first well greased. A raft, supported by six
hundred skins, having been brought to the river
bank, opposite the bull, the wedges were removed
from under the sculpture, which immediately slided
down into its place. The only difficulty was to pre-
vent its descending too rapidly, and bursting the
CHAP. XIII.]
103
SHEIKH ABD-UR-RAHMAN.
skins by the sudden pressure. The Arabs checked
it by ropes, and it was placed without any accident.
The lion was then embarked in the same way, and
with equal success, upon a second raft of the same
size as the first; in a few hours the two sculptures
were properly secured, and before night they were
ready to float down the river to Busrah.
Many slabs, including the large bas-reliefs of the
king on his throne, between the eunuchs and winged
figures, which formed the end of chamber G, the
altar-piece in chamber B, and above thirty cases con-
taining small objects discovered in the ruins, were
placed on the rafts with the lion and bull.
After the labours of the day were over, sheep were
slaughtered for the entertainment of Abd-ur-rahman's
Arabs, and for those who had helped in the embark-
ation of the sculptures. The Abou Salman returned
to their tents after dark. Abd-ur-rahman took leave
of me, and we did not meet again: the next day he
continued his march towards the district of Jezirah.
I heard of him on my journey to Constantinople; the
Kurds by the road complaining, that his tribe were
making up the number of their flocks, by appropri-
ating the stray sheep of their neighbours. I had
seen much of the Sheikh during my residence at
Nimroud; and although, like all Arabs, he was not
averse to ask for what he thought there might be a
remote chance of getting by a little importunity,
he was, on the whole, a very friendly and useful
ally.
On the morning of the 22d, all the sculptures having
H 4
104
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
been embarked, I gave two sheep to the raftmen to be
slain on the bank of the river, as a sacrifice to ensure
the success of the undertaking. The carcases were
distributed, as is proper on such occasions, amongst
the poor.
A third sheep was reserved for a pro-
pitiatory offering, to be immolated at the tomb of
Sultan Abd-Allah. This saint still appears to inter-
fere considerably with the navigation of the Tigris, and
had closed the further ascent of the river against the
infidel crew of the Frank steamer the "Euphrates,"
because they had neglected to make the customary
sacrifice. All ceremonies having been duly performed,
Mullah Ali kissed my hand, placed himself on one of
the rafts, and slowly floated, with the cargo under his
charge, down the stream.*
I watched the rafts, until they disappeared be-
hind a projecting bank forming a distant reach of
* It is not improbable that the great obelisk which, according to
Diodorus Siculus (lib. ii. c. 1.), was brought to Babylon from Armenia
by Semiramis, was floated down on rafts supported by skins, in the same
way that I transported the sculptures of Nineveh to Busrah. It was 130
feet in height, and 25 feet square at the base; being cut out of the solid
rock, it must consequently, if the account be not a little exaggerated,
have been of prodigious weight. The principal difficulty might probably
appear to have been to place it on the raft; but this could have been
accomplished by a simple method-by putting the beams forming the
frame-work of wood, and fastening the skins under the obelisk, in some
dry place, which would be overflowed during the periodical floods. When
the water began to rise, by gradually removing the earth from beneath
the skins, they could easily be filled with air; and when the stream had
reached the raft they would lift up the obelisk, which could then be
floated into the centre of the river. I should have adopted this method
of moving the larger lions and bulls, had I been required to send them to
Busrah without being provided with any mechanical contrivance suf-
ficiently powerful to embark such large weights by a simpler process.
CHAP. XIII.]
105
INSECURITY AT NIMROUD.
the river. I could not forbear musing upon the
strange destiny of their burdens; which, after adorn-
ing the palaces of the Assyrian kings, the objects of
the wonder, and may be the worship, of thousands,
had been buried unknown for centuries beneath a soil
trodden by Persians under Cyrus, by Greeks under
Alexander, and by Arabs under the first successors
of their prophet. They were now to visit India, to
cross the most distant seas of the southern hemisphere,
and to be finally placed in a British Museum. Who
can venture to foretell how their strange career will
end?
I had scarcely returned to the village, when a
party of the refractory Jebour presented themselves.
They were now lavish in professions of regret for
what had occurred, and in promises for the future,
in case they were again employed. They laid the
blame of their misconduct upon their Sheikhs, and
offered to return at once to their work, for any
amount of wages I might think proper to give them.
The excavations at Nimroud were almost brought to
a close, and I had no longer any need of a large body
of workmen. Choosing, therefore, the most active
and well-disposed amongst those who had been in my
service, I ordered a little summary punishment to be
inflicted upon the captive Sheikhs, who had been the
cause of the mischief, and then sent them away with
the rest of the tribe.
After the departure of the Abou Salman, the
plain of Nimroud was a complete desert. The visits
of armed parties of Arabs became daily more fre-
106
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
quent, and we often watched them from the mound,
as they rode towards the hills in search of pillage,
or returned from their expeditions driving the plun-
dered flocks and cattle before them. We were still
too strong to fear the Bedouins; but I was com-
pelled to put my house into a complete state of
defence, and to keep patrols round my premises
during the night to avoid surprise. The Jebour
were exposed to constant losses, in the way of don-
keys or tent furniture, as the country was infested
by petty thieves, who issued from their hiding-
places, and wandered to and fro, like jackalls, after
dark. Nothing was too small or worthless to escape
their notice. I was roused almost nightly by
shoutings and the discharge of firearms, when the
whole encampment was thrown into commotion at
the disappearance of a copper pot or an old grain
sack. I was fortunate enough to escape their depre-
dations.
The fears of my Jebour increased with the num-
ber of the plundering parties, and at last, when a
small Arab settlement, within sight of Nimroud, was
attacked by a band of Aneyza horsemen, who mur-
dered several of the inhabitants, and carried away
all the sheep and cattle, the workmen protested in
a body against any further residence in so dan-
gerous a vicinity. I found that it would not be
much longer possible to keep them together, and I
determined, therefore, to bring the excavations to
an end.
After the departure of the lion and bull, I opened
CHAP. XIII.]
107
THE PYRAMID.
in the high conical mound or pyramid, a very deep
trench, or rather well, which reached nearly to the
natural platform of river deposits, forming the base
of the artificial structure. The whole mass was
built of sun-dried bricks. There were no remains
of stone or alabaster, nor indeed even of baked
bricks, except in the thin outer coating of earth and
rubbish which had accumulated over the unbaked
bricks. As to the use to which this pyramid was
applied, I can only conjecture that, being originally
cased with stone or coloured baked bricks, it may
have been raised over the tomb of some monarch; or
may have served as an ornament, marking the site
of the city from afar; or that it was intended as a
watch-tower. It was opened on two sides, the
trenches being carried completely into the centre:
but no entrance, nor any traces of an interior chamber
were found. It is possible, however, that on a more
complete and extended examination than I was able
to attempt, some discovery of great interest might be
made, and that this may prove to be the very pyramid,
raised above the remains of the founder of the city,
by the Assyrian Queen the "busta Nini" under
which may still be some traces of the sepulchre of
the great king. Although the sides of this high
conical mound have been worn away and rounded,
it is evident that its original shape was pyramidical.
As soon as the outer covering, whether of stone or
of baked bricks, had fallen off, or had been re-
moved, the structure of unbaked bricks would rapidly
decay, and would naturally assume its present form.
108
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIII.
That it was not at any period hollow, there can
be no doubt. To examine it completely, in order
to ascertain whether any remains exist beneath it,
would be a labour requiring considerable time and
expense.
On the edge of the ravine, to the north of cham-
ber B*, I discovered two enormous winged bulls,
about seventeen feet in height, which had fallen from
their places. They did not form an entrance, but
each one stood alone, adjoining the great slabs
with the colossal winged figures in chambers D,
and E. I was unable to raise them, and the sculp-
tured face of the slab was downwards. They had
evidently been long exposed to the atmosphere, and
the heads had been greatly injured.
I now commenced covering with earth those parts
of the ruins which still remained exposed, according
to the instructions I had received from the Trustees of
the British Museum. Had the numerous sculptures
been left, without any precaution being taken to
preserve them, they would have suffered, not only
from the effects of the atmosphere, but from the
spears and clubs of the Arabs, who are always ready
to knock out the eyes, and to otherwise disfigure, the
idols of the unbelievers. The rubbish and earth re-
moved on opening the building, was accordingly
brought back in baskets, thrown into the chambers,
and heaped over the slabs until the whole was again
covered over.
* Plan 3.
CHAP. XIII.]
109
RECAPITULATION.
But before leaving Nimroud and reburying its
palaces, I would wish to lead the reader once more
through the ruins of the principal edifice, and to
convey as distinct an idea as I am able of the excavated
halls, and chambers, as they appeared when fully ex-
plored. Let us imagine ourselves issuing from my
tent near the village in the plain. On approaching
the mound, not a trace of building can be perceived,
except a small mud hut covered with reeds, erected
for the accommodation of my Chaldæan workmen.
We ascend this artificial hill, but still see no ruins,
not a stone protruding from the soil. There is only a
broad level platform before us, perhaps covered with
a luxuriant crop of barley, or may be yellow and
parched, without a blade of vegetation, except here
and there a scanty tuft of camel-thorn. Low black
heaps, surrounded by brushwood and dried grass, a
thin column of smoke issuing from the midst of them,
are scattered here and there. These are the tents
of the Arabs; and a few miserable old women are
groping about them, picking up camel's-dung or dry
twigs. One or two girls, with firm step and erect
carriage, are just reaching the top of the mound,
with the water-jar on their shoulders, or a bundle of
brushwood on their heads. On all sides of us, ap-
parently issuing from underground, are long lines
of wild-looking beings, with dishevelled hair, their
limbs only half concealed by a short loose shirt, some
jumping and capering, and all hurrying to and fro
shouting like madmen. Each one carries a basket,
and as he reaches the edge of the mound, or some
110
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
convenient spot near, empties its contents, raising at
the same time a cloud of dust. He then returns at
the top of his speed, dancing and yelling as before,
and flourishing his basket over his head; again he
suddenly disappears in the bowels of the earth, from
whence he emerged. These are the workmen em-
ployed in removing the rubbish from the ruins.
We will descend into the principal trench, by a
flight of steps rudely cut into the earth, near the
western face of the mound. As we approach it, we
find a party of Arabs bending on their knees, and in-
tently gazing at something beneath them. Each holds
his long spear, tufted with ostrich feathers, in one
hand; and in the other the halter of his mare, which
stands patiently behind him. The party consists of
a Bedouin Sheikh from the desert, and his followers;
who, having heard strange reports of the wonders of
Nimroud, have made several days' journey to remove
their doubts and satisfy their curiosity. He rises as
he hears us approach, and if we wish to escape the
embrace of a very dirty stranger we had better at
once hurry into the trenches.
We descend about twenty feet, and suddenly find
ourselves between a pair of colossal lions, winged
and human-headed, forming a portal. I have already
described my feelings when gazing for the first time
on these majestic figures. Those of the reader would
probably be the same, particularly if caused by
the reflection, that before those wonderful forms
Ezekiel, Jonah, and others of the prophets stood,
and Sennacherib bowed; that even the patriarch
CHAP. XIII.]
111
RECAPITULATION.
Abraham himself may possibly have looked upon
them.
In the subterraneous labyrinth which we have
reached, all is bustle and confusion. Arabs are run-
ning about in different directions; some bearing
baskets filled with earth, others carrying the water-
jars to their companions. The Chaldæans or Tiyari,
in their striped dresses and curious conical caps,
are digging with picks into the tenacious earth,
raising a dense cloud of fine dust at every stroke.
The wild strains of Kurdish music may be heard
occasionally issuing from some distant part of the
ruins, and if they are caught by the parties at
work, the Arabs join their voices in chorus, raise
the war-cry, and labour with renewed energy.
Leaving behind us a small chamber, in which
the sculptures are distinguished by a want of finish
in the execution, and considerable rudeness in the
design of the ornaments, we issue from between
the winged lions, and enter the remains of the prin-
cipal hall.
On both sides of us are sculptured gi-
gantic winged figures; some with the heads of eagles,
others entirely human, and carrying mysterious sym-
bols in their hands. To the left is another portal,
also formed by winged lions. One of them has,
however, fallen across the entrance, and there is just
room to creep beneath it. Beyond this portal is a
winged figure, and two slabs with bas-reliefs; but
they have been so much injured that we can scarcely
trace the subject upon them. Further on there are
no traces of wall, although a deep trench has been
112
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
opened. The opposite side of the hall has also dis-
appeared, and we only see a high wall of earth. On
examining it attentively, we can detect the marks
of masonry; and we soon find that it is a solid
structure built of bricks of unbaked clay, now of the
same colour as the surrounding soil, and scarcely to
be distinguished from it.
The slabs of alabaster, fallen from their original
position, have, however, been raised; and we tread in
the midst of a maze of small bas-reliefs, representing
chariots, horsemen, battles, and sieges. Perhaps the
workmen are about to raise a slab for the first time;
and we watch, with eager curiosity, what new event
of Assyrian history, or what unknown custom or reli-
gious ceremony, may be illustrated by the sculpture
beneath.
Having walked about one hundred feet amongst
these scattered monuments of ancient history and art,
we reach another door-way, formed by gigantic winged
bulls in yellow limestone. One is still entire; but its
companion has fallen, and is broken into several pieces
the great human head is at our feet.
We pass on without turning into the part of the
building to which this portal leads. Beyond it we
see another winged figure, holding a graceful flower
in its hand, and apparently presenting it as an offer-
ing to the winged bull. Adjoining this sculpture
we find eight fine bas-reliefs. There is the king,
hunting, and triumphing over, the lion and wild
bull; and the siege of the castle, with the battering-
ram. We have now reached the end of the hall, and
CHAP. XIII.]
113
RECAPITULATION.
find before us an elaborate and beautiful sculpture,
representing two kings, standing beneath the emblem
of the supreme deity, and attended by winged figures.
Between them is the sacred tree. In front of this
bas-relief is the great stone platform, upon which,
in days of old, may have been placed the throne of
the Assyrian monarch, when he received his captive
enemies, or his courtiers.
To the left of us is a fourth outlet from the hall,
formed by another pair of lions. We issue from
between them, and find ourselves on the edge of a
deep ravine, to the north of which rises, high above
us, the lofty pyramid. Figures of captives bearing
objects of tribute, -ear-rings, bracelets, and mon-
keys, may be seen on walls near this ravine; and
two enormous bulls, and two winged figures above
fourteen feet high, are lying on its very edge.
As the ravine bounds the ruins on this side, we
must return to the yellow bulls. Passing through
the entrance formed by them, we enter a large cham-
ber surrounded by eagle-headed figures: at one end
of it is a doorway guarded by two priests or divi-
nities, and in the centre another portal with winged
bulls. Whichever way we turn, we find ourselves
in the midst of a nest of rooms; and without an
acquaintance with the intricacies of the place, we
should soon lose ourselves in this labyrinth. The
accumulated rubbish being generally left in the
centre of the chambers, the whole excavation con-
sists of a number of narrow passages, panelled on
one side with slabs of alabaster; and shut in on the
VOL. II.
I
114
[CHAP. XIII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
other by a high wall of earth, half buried in which
may here and there be seen a broken vase, or a brick
painted with brilliant colours. We may wander
through these galleries for an hour or two, examin-
ing the marvellous sculptures, or the numerous
inscriptions that surround us. Here we meet long
rows of kings, attended by their eunuchs and priests,
there lines of winged figures, carrying fir-cones
and religious emblems, and seemingly in adoration
before the mystic tree. Other entrances, formed
by winged lions and bulls, lead us into new cham-
bers. In every one of them are fresh objects of
curiosity and surprise. At length, wearied, we issue
from the buried edifice by a trench on the opposite
side to that by which we entered, and find ourselves
again upon the naked platform. We look around in
vain for any traces of the wonderful remains we have
just seen, and are half inclined to believe that we
have dreamed a dream, or have been listening to
some tale of Eastern romance.
Some, who may hereafter tread on the spot when
the grass again grows over the ruins of the Assyrian
palaces, may indeed suspect that I have been relating
a vision.
CHAP. XIV.]
115
KOUYUNJIK.
CHAP. XIV.
EXCAVATIONS PLANNED AT KOUYUNJIK.
REMOVE TO MOSUL.
LEAVE NIMROUD.
BAS-RELIEFS.
EXCAVATIONS CARRIED ON BY MR. ROSS.
- BAS-RELIEFS.
DISCOVERY OF A BUILDING IN KOUYUNJIK.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE SCULPTURES.
HIS DISCOVERIES.
A SCULPTURED SLAB AND SARCOPHAGUS.
PREPARATIONS FOR MY RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE.
MOSUL.
LEAVE
THE chambers at Nimroud had been filled up with
earth, and the sculptures thus preserved from injury.
The surrounding country became daily more danger-
ous from the incursions of the Arabs of the desert,
who now began to encamp even on the west bank of
the Tigris. It was time, therefore, to leave the village.
As a small sum of money still remained at my disposal,
I proposed to devote it to an examination of the ruins
opposite Mosul; particularly of the great mound of
Kouyunjik. Although excavations on a small scale
had already been made there, I had not hitherto had
time to superintend them myself, and in such re-
searches, the natives of the country cannot be trusted.
It is well known that almost since the fall of the
Assyrian Empire, a city of some extent, representing
the ancient Nineveh, although no longer the seat of
government, nor a place of great importance, has
stood on the banks of the Tigris in this part of its
course. The modern city may not have been built
above the ruins of the ancient; but it certainly rose
in their immediate vicinity, either to the east of the
I 2
116
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
river, or to the west, as the modern Mosul. The
alabaster slabs, which had once lined the walls of
the old palaces, and still remained concealed within
mounds, had been frequently exposed by accident
or by design. Those who were settling in the neigh-
bourhood, soon found that the ruins offered an
inexhaustible mine of building materials. The ala-
baster was dug out to be either used entire in the
construction of houses, or to be burnt for lime. A
few years ago a bas-relief had been discovered in one
part of the ruins, during a search after stones for the
erection of a bridge across the Tigris. The removal
of slabs, and the destruction of sculptures, for similar
purposes, may have been going on for centuries.
There was, therefore, good reason to doubt whether
any edifice, even in an imperfect state, still existed in
Kouyunjik. I knew that under the village, containing
the tomb of the prophet Jonah, there were remains of
considerable importance, probably as entire as those
discovered at Nimroud. They owe their preservation
to the existence, from a very remote period, of the
tomb and village above them. Portions of sculpture,
and inscriptions, had frequently been found, when the
inhabitants of the place had dug the foundations of
their dwellings. But the prejudices of the people
of Mosul, forbade any attempt to explore a spot so
venerated for its sanctity.
The edifices at Nimroud, being far distant from
any large town, when once buried were not dis-
turbed. It does not appear that after the fall of the
Empire any place of importance rose near them,
CHAP. XIV.]
117
LEAVE NIMROUD.
except Selamiyah, which is now but an insignifi-
cant village, although it may formerly have been
a small market town. It is three miles from the
mound, and there are no remains near it to show
that, at any time since the Assyrian period, it at-
tained a considerable size. It may, consequently,
be inferred that the great mound of Nimroud has
never been opened, and its contents carried away for
building purposes, since the destruction of the latest
palace; except, as it has already been mentioned, when
a Pasha of Mosul endeavoured to remove one or two
slabs to repair the tomb of a Mussulman saint.
By the middle of May, I had finished my work at
Nimroud. My house was dismantled. The windows
and doors, which had been temporarily fitted up, were
taken out; and, with the little furniture that had
been collected together, were placed on the backs of
donkeys and camels to be carried to the town. The
Arabs struck their tents and commenced their march.
I remained behind until every one had left, and then
turned my back upon the deserted village. We were
the last to quit the plains of Nimroud; and, indeed,
nearly the whole country to the south of Mosul, as far
as the Zab, became, after our departure, a wilderness.
Halfway between Mosul and Nimroud the road
crosses a low hill. From its crest, both the town
and the ruins are visible. On one side, in the dis-
tance, rises the pyramid, in the midst of the broad
plain of the Jaif; and on the other may be faintly
distinguished the great artificial mound of Kouyunjik,
and the surrounding remains. The leaning minaret
I 3
118
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEI AND ITS REMAINS.
of the old mosque of Mosul, may also be seen spring-
ing above the dark patch which marks the site of
the town. The river can be traced for many miles,
winding in the midst of the plain, suddenly losing
itself amongst low hills, and again emerging into the
level country. The whole space over which the eye
ranges from this spot, was probably once covered
with the buildings and gardens of the Assyrian
capital-that great city of three days' journey. At
an earlier period, that distant pyramid directed the
traveller from afar to Nineveh, when the limits of
the city were small. It was then one of those pri-
mitive settlements which, for the first time, had
been formed by the congregated habitations of men.
To me, of course, the long dark line of mounds
in the distance, were objects of deep interest. I
reined up my horse to look upon them for the last
time for from no other part of the road are they
visible and then galloped on towards Mosul.
In excavating at Kouyunjik, I pursued the plan
I had adopted at Nimroud. I resided in the town.
The Arabs pitched their tents on the summit of the
mound, at the entrances to the trenches. The Tiyari
encamped at its foot, on the banks of the Khausser, the
small stream which flows through the ruins. Here the
men and women found a convenient place for their
constant ablutions. They were still obliged, however,
to fetch water, when required for other purposes,
from the Tigris; that from the Khausser being con-
sidered heavy and unwholesome. It is rarely drank
by those who live near the stream, if other water can
CHAP. XIV.]
119
ASSYRIAN RUINS.
be obtained from wells, or even from natural pools
formed by the rain. The nearness of the ruins to Mosul,
enabled the inhabitants of the town to gratify their
curiosity by a constant inspection of my proceedings;
and a great crowd of gaping Mussulmans and Chris-
tians was continually gathered round the trenches.
rode to the mound early every morning, and remained
there during the day.
I
The French consul had carried on his excavations
for some time at Kouyunjik, without finding any
traces of building. He was satisfied with digging
pits or wells, a few feet deep, and then renouncing
the attempt, if no sculptures or inscriptions were un-
covered. By excavating in this desultory manner, if
any remains of building existed under ground, their
discovery would be a mere chance. An acquaintance
with the nature and position of the ancient edifices of
Assyria, will at once suggest the proper method of
examining the mounds which enclose them. The
Assyrians, when about to build a palace or public
edifice, appear to have first constructed a platform, or
solid compact mass of sun-dried bricks, about thirty
or forty feet above the level of the plain. Upon it
they raised the monument. When the building was
destroyed, its ruins, already half buried by the
falling in of the upper walls and roof, remained of
course on the platform; and were in process of time
completely covered up by the dust and sand, carried
about by the hot winds of summer. Consequently,
in digging for remains, the first step is to reach the
platform of sun-dried bricks. When this is discovered,
I 4
120
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the trenches must be opened to the level of it, and
not deeper; they should then be continued in oppo-
site directions, care being always taken to keep along
the platform. By these means, if there be any ruins,
they must necessarily be discovered, supposing the
trenches to be long enough; for the chambers of the
Assyrian edifices are generally narrow, and their
walls, or the slabs which cased them if fallen, must
sooner or later be reached.
At Kouyunjik, the accumulation of rubbish and
earth was very considerable, and trenches were dug
to the depth of twenty feet, before the platform of
unbaked bricks was discovered. Before beginning
the excavations, I carefully examined all parts of the
mound, to ascertain where remains of buildings might
most probably exist; and at length decided upon con-
tinuing my researches where I had commenced them
last summer, near the south-west corner.
The workmen had been digging for several days
without finding any other remains than fragments of
calcined alabaster, sufficient, however, to encourage
me to persevere in the examination of this part of the
ruins. One morning as I was in Mosul, two Arab
women came to me, and announced that sculptures
had been discovered. They had hurried from the
mounds as soon as the first slab had been exposed to
view; and blowing up the skins, which they always
carry about with them, had swam upon them across
the river. They had scarcely received the present
claimed in the East by the bearers of good tidings,
and the expectation of which had led to the display

THE NIMROUD EXCAVATIONS. -Letters from
Nimroud, of November 25, inform us of the progress of Dr.
Layard's researches. A wall of admirably united large-
square blocks of limestone without cement, has been dis-
covered in the pyramid at Nimroud, but as yet it has been
impossible to ascertain what is behind it. It may probably
be a chamber, or tomb, or it may be only one side of a
square mass supporting the pyramid of unbaked bricks.
What if it should turn out to be the true busta Nini? In
the entrance of a gateway to the quadrangle opposite Mosul,
Dr. Layard has reached a pair of enormous winged figures,
which appear to be entire, but have been cracked and in-
jured by fire. A plan of this entrance would be interesting,
as illustrative of the architecture of the city. At Kouyunjik
a pair of gigantic bulls, back to back, separated by an
enormous figure strangling a lion, like that at Paris, but
still larger, have been discovered; but the upper parts of
all have been destroyed. On the bulls are interesting in-
scriptions. We are glad to hear that the colossal lions at
Nimroud were nearly ready for removal. It was expected
that they would be on their road to England early in De-
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CONTENTS.
The Siege of Dunbeg; or, The Stratagems of War.

THE GREAT BULL FROM NINEVEH.-The lovers of
will be pleased to hear that the Great Bull and up-
ds of 100 tons of sculpture, excavated by our enter-
ing countryman Dr. Layard, are now on their way to
land and may be expected in the course of September.
ddition to the Elgin, Phigalian, Lycian, and Boodroom
bles, our museum will soon be enriched with a magni-
at series of Assyrian sculptures. It is said at Nineveh
the French government are determined to excel us in
exhibition of Assyrian works of art in order to compen-
the comparative deficiency which the Louvre is obliged
cknowledge as to the treasures it possesses in the other
t catalogues, and that large sums have been ac-
ingly voted for the expenses of excavation.
wing which represents the shipping of the sculpture
A
been just brought over by one of the Messrs. Lynch,
Bagdad, who has been with Dr. Layard exploring
remains of Nineveh. It represents the action of
ing the Great Buil on board the Apprentice, at Morg-
on the right bank of the Euphrates, about three
s above the old city of Bussorah. This place long
bed the country residence of Colonel Taylor, lately the
tical agent of this country at Bagdad and Bussorah, and
ow rented by Messrs. Stephen Lynch and Co., to the
. East India Company, as a depot for their vessels on the
hrates. Alongside the Apprentice is the Nicotris steamer,
er the command of Captain Jones, I.N., whose influence
the natives is most powerful, and to whose assistance
success in effecting the difficult operation on the muddy
deserted banks of the Euphrates is in a great measure
ibutable. The Apprentice was sent out from this country
Mr. Alderman Finnis, at the instance of the trustees of
British Museum, and to that gentleman and his nephews,
srs. Lynch, the public are indebted for a periodical
munication between the Thames and the Euphrates.
ther vessel belonging to the Alderman is, we understand,
ut leaving London, and it is hoped that she may in like
ner return home laden with the monuments and trophies
what we had been too apt to regard as the semi-fabulous
opolis of the ancient world.

ices
any
i
process of UCkiing
tion was demanded not a word of information was s
the nothing but the wicked and infamous libel writter
kept Wyse, which had been put into the hands of every
hout of that house; they were informed of nothing, exce
the Mr. Wyse told them. The
The charge of piracy had b
ved blished in the clearest manner not only by all trave
to by the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester, by t
mony also of the merchants of Glasgow, and ever
vote, don, by the Sultan of Borneo-by Mr. Rawlings, a
er of Singapore merchants; and now would the 29 g
No, opposite say that there had been no piracy; would
t Dr.
allow the parties themselves to declare that they wer
As evidence of the prevalence of piracy on those
had might mention the treaties into which the chiefs
ss of piratical communites entered, and the letters wh
d the wrote, and in which they plainly stated with regar
t, in
former evil acts (acts of piracy) that they would
Cong,
them in future; they engaged, in truth, thay they wo
He plunder or pirate again. He would, with the per
the house, read the following passage from one of
efore gagements into which they entered:-
7
vote
them This is an engagement made by. Orang Kaya F
duce together with the head men and elders, Dyaks, no
ing the country of Padih, with the Rajah Sir Jame
who rules the country of Sarawak and its dependenci
1: the Orang Kaya Pamancha, the head men and elder
swear before God, and God is the witness of t
Kaya Pamancha, the head men and elders, Dy
truly, without falsehood or treachery, or any ev
but in all sincerity, and with clean heart without
regard to the former evil acts, we will never
in future. Article 1.-The Orang Kaya Pamancha,
men and elders, Dyaks, of Padih, engage in t
they will never plunder or pirate again hereafter
burse they will never again send out men to plunder and p
er of Padih River.'
from
>1
ames Then he held in his hand an important letter
house of the oldest merchants in Signapore-the ol
f the viving British merchant who had visited that
ainly years ago, when he visited the coasts of Borneo, he
itical the terror produced by the atrocities of those trik
the energy of Sir James Brooke had checked.
the towngalong the coast and
CHAP. XIV.] DISCOVERY OF A NEW PALACE.
121
of so much eagerness, than one of my overseers, who
was generally known from his corpulence as Toma
Shishman, or fat Toma, made his appearance, breath-
less from his exertions. He had hurried as fast as his
legs could carry him over the bridge, to obtain the
reward carried off, in this instance, by the women.
I rode immediately to the ruins; and, on entering
the trenches, found that the workmen had reached a
wall, and the remains of an entrance. The only slab
as yet uncovered had been almost completely de-
stroyed by fire. It stood on the edge of a deep ravine
which ran far into the southern side of the mound.
As the excavations at Kouyunjik were carried on
in precisely the same manner as those at Nimroud, I
need not trouble the reader with any detailed account
of my proceedings. The wall first discovered proved
to be the side of a chamber. By following it we
reached an entrance formed by winged bulls, leading
into a second hall. In a month nine chambers had
been explored.
The palace had been destroyed by fire. The ala-
baster slabs were almost reduced to lime, and many
of them fell to pieces as soon as uncovered. The
places, which others had occupied, could only be
traced by a thin white deposit, left by the burnt ala-
baster upon the wall of sun-dried bricks, and having
the appearance of a coating of plaster.
In its architecture, the newly discovered edifice
resembled the palaces of Nimroud, and Khorsabad.
The chambers were long and narrow. The walls
were of unbaked bricks, with a panelling of sculp-
122
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
tured slabs. The bas-reliefs were, however, much
larger in their dimensions than those generally found
at Nimroud, being about ten feet high, and from
eight to nine feet wide. The winged, human-headed
bulls, forming the entrances, were from fourteen to
sixteen feet square. The slabs, unlike those I had
hitherto discovered, were not divided in the centre
by bands of inscription, but were completely covered
with figures. The bas-reliefs were greatly inferior in
general design, and in the beauty of the details, to
those of the earliest palace of Nimroud; but in many
parts they were very carefully and minutely finished:
in this respect Kouyunjik yields to no other known
monument in Assyria. The winged bulls resembled
in their head-dress those forming the portals in
the southern ruins at Nimroud, and like them they
had four legs.* In the costumes of the warriors,
and in the trappings and caparisons of the horses,
the sculptures were similar to those of Khorsabad.
Inscriptions were not numerous. They occurred
between the legs of the winged bulls, above the head
of the king, on bas-reliefs representing the siege or
sacking of a city, and on the backs of many slabs;
but they were all much defaced, and I had great
difficulty in copying even a few characters from some
of them. Those on the bulls were long, the same
inscription being continued on the two sides of an
* It has already been mentioned that the winged lions of the north-
west palace at Nimroud were furnished with five legs, that the spectator,
in whatever position he stood, might have a perfect front and side view
of the animal.
CHAP. XIV.]
123
SMALL OBJECTS.
entrance. As four pairs of these gigantic figures
were discovered, each pair bearing nearly the same
inscription, the whole may be restored out of the
fragments copied.*
The name of the king, occurring both on the backs
of slabs and on bricks, resembles that occupying the
second place in the genealogical list in the short in-
scriptions on the bulls and lions of the southern, or
most recent, palace of Nimroud. He was the son of
the builder of Khorsabad. The comparative epoch of
the foundation of this edifice can thus be ascertained,
and its positive date will probably be hereafter de-
termined. Long before the discovery of the ruins, I
had conjectured, from a hasty examination of a few
fragments of sculpture and inscription picked up on
the mound, that the building, which once stood
there must be referred to the time of the Khorsabad
king, or of his immediate predecessors or successors.
There are certain peculiarities in the bas-reliefs, in
the ornaments, and in some of the characters used
in the inscriptions, which distinguish the sculptures,
and connect them, at the same time, with those of
Khorsabad.
In the earth, above the edifice at Kouyunjik, a
few earthen vases and fragments of pottery were
discovered; but no sarcophagi, or tombs with human
remains, like those of Nimroud and Kalah Sherghat.
The foundations of buildings, of roughly hewn stone,
were also found above the Assyrian ruins. One or
* It is included in the collection printed for the Trustees of the British
Museum,
124
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
two small glass bottles entire, and many fragments
of glass, were taken out of the rubbish; and on the
floors of the chambers were several small oblong
tablets of dark unbaked clay, having a cuneiform
inscription over the sides. Detached slabs of lime-
stone, covered with inscriptions, were also found in
the ruins.*
I will now describe the subjects of such of the
sculptures, as could still be traced on the walls of
the chambers. A continual reference to the ac-
companying plan will be necessary, to convey to the
reader an idea of the nature and extent of the
edifice partly uncovered.
The first chamber seen, on entering the trenches
from the ravine, was that marked A, on the plan.
The two slabs which once formed its entrance had
been almost entirely destroyed. Upon the lower part
of them could be distinguished the feet and claws of
an eagle or vulture, and it is probable that the bas-
relief, when entire, represented a human figure with
the head and extremities of a bird. The relief must
have been, I think, even higher than that of the sculp-
tures of Khorsabad. All the slabs within the chamber
had been as much injured as those at the entrance.
The upper part of the wall had been completely de-
stroyed; on the lower (about three feet of which re-
mained) could be traced processions of warriors, and
captives passing through a thickly wooded, moun-
tainous country; the mountains being represented, as
*The greater part of these small objects are in the British Museum.
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To face page 124. Vol. II.

PLAN.
EXCAVATED RUINS AT KOUYUNJIK.
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CHAP. XIV.]
125
DESCRIPTION OF BAS-RELIEFS.
in the bas-reliefs of Nimroud, by a network of lines.
On the fragment of a slab*, I could distinguish an
altar or tripod, with vessels of various shapes near it.
An eunuch, carrying an utensil resembling a censer,
stood before the altar.†
The southern extremity of hall B, had been com-
pletely destroyed by the water-duct which had formed
the ravine. Its width was about forty-five feet, and
the length of the western wall from the entrance of
chamber A (to the south of which it could not be
traced), was nearly one hundred and sixty feet. The
first and second slabs on the west side of the hall
appear to have been occupied by one subject, the
burning and sacking of a city. The bas-relief was
divided into several parts by parallel lines. In the
upper compartment, which occupied about half the
sculpture, were represented houses, some two and three
stories high; they had been fired by the enemy, and
flames were seen issuing from the windows and doors.
Beneath were three rows of warriors, some marching
in file each corps or regiment being distinguished
by the forms of the helmets, arms, and shields of the
men. Others were carrying away the spoil, consist-
ing of furniture, vases, chariots, and horses. On the
bottom of the slabs were figured vines bearing grapes.
The captured city stood upon a mountain, and above
it was a short inscription, probably containing its
*No. 11. in the plan.
† All the sculptures in this chamber were so much defaced that I was
unable to make sketches of them.
Nos. 1. and 2. in the plan.
126
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
name, and a record of the event represented by the
bas-relief. The legend was unfortunately almost ille-
gible. The two slabs were greatly injured, and in
many places had been entirely destroyed.*
On the adjoining slab was a mountain clothed with
forests. Scattered amongst the trees were seen many
warriors, some descending in military array, and lead-
ing prisoners towards a castle, the wall of which
could be distinguished on the edge of the slab; others
ascending the steep rocks with the aid of their spears,
or resting, seated under the trees. The next slab
probably contained a part of the same subject, but it
had been completely destroyed.
The wall was here interrupted by an entrance
formed by two winged bulls, nearly 16 feet square,
and sculptured out of one slab. The human heads
of these gigantic animals had disappeared. The in-
scription, which originally covered all parts of the
slab not occupied by the relief, was so much de-
faced, that I was only able to copy a few lines of
it. This entrance was narrow, scarcely exceeding
six feet, differing in this respect from the entrances
at Nimroud. The pavement was formed by one
slab, elaborately carved with figures of flowers, re-
sembling the lotus, and with other ornaments. Be-
hind the bulls, was a short inscription, containing the
name and titles of the king.
Beyond this entrance the walls of the great hall,
to the distance of forty-five feet, had been destroyed.
*"Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 74.
+ Id., Plate 69.
CHAP. XIV.]
127
DESCRIPTION OF BAS-RELIEFS.
On the lower part of a slab*, could be traced the
extremities of a human figure, but the remaining
sculptures were completely defaced. Of the slabs
forming the rest of the wall, to the end of the
chamber, only two were sufficiently well preserved
to be drawn, even in part, those numbered 9. and 13.
in the plan. On the others I could trace, with dif
ficulty, warriors descending and ascending thickly
wooded mountains, as in the bas-relief already de-
scribed. On No. 9. was the interior of a castle, the
walls flanked by towers, and having angular battle-
ments; the whole represented, as at Nimroud, by a
kind of ground plan. The king, seated within, on a
high chair or throne, was receiving his vizir, who
was accompanied by his attendants. Behind the
king stood two eunuchs, raising fans or fly-flappers
over his head. Without the walls were prisoners,
their hands confined by manacles: and within were
represented the interiors of several houses and tents.
In the tents were seen men apparently engaged in a
variety of domestic occupations, and articles of fur-
niture, such as tables, couches, and chairs. To the
tent-poles were suspended some utensils, perhaps
vases thus hung up, as is still the custom in the East,
to cool water. Above the head of the king was one
line of inscription containing his name and titles.
The castle was built on a mountain, and was sur-
rounded by trees. It had probably been captured
by the Assyrians, and the bas-relief represented the
* Marked No. 5. in the plan.
128
[CHAF. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
king celebrating his victory, and receiving his pri-
soners within the walls.*
On slab No. 13. was recorded the conquest of a
mountainous country. The enemy occupied the sum-
mit of a wooded hill, which they defended against
numerous Assyrian warriors who were seen scaling
the rocks, supporting themselves with their spears
and with poles, or drawing themselves up by the
branches of trees. Others, returning from the combat,
were descending the mountains driving captives be-
fore them, or carrying away the heads of the slain.†
A spacious entrance at the upper end of the hall
opened into a small chamber, which will be here-
after described. The bulls forming this portal were
in better preservation than those discovered at the
first entrance. The human heads, with the high and
elaborately adorned tiara of the later Assyrian period,
although greatly injured, could still be distinguished.
Of the inscription also a considerable portion re-
mained entire.
Upon the two slabs beyond this entrance, was a
subject of considerable interest. Vessels filled with
warriors, and females, were represented leaving a
castle, built on the sea-shore, and on the declivity of
a mountain. A man stood at the castle gate, which
opened immediately upon the water. A woman, who
had already embarked in one of the ships, was seen
stretching out her arms to receive a child which the
man was giving to her. The sea was indicated by wavy
† Id., Plate 70.
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 77.
Nos. 14. and 15. in the plan.
CHAP. XIV.]
129
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
lines, carried across the slab from top to bottom,
and by fish, crabs, and turtles. The vessels were
of two kinds; some had masts and sails as well as
oars, others were impelled by rowers alone. They
were furnished with two decks. On the upper stood
warriors armed with spears, and women wearing
high turbans or mitres. On the lower (which was
probably divided into two compartments) were double
sets of rowers; eight, and sometimes ten men sitting
on a side, making sixteen or twenty in all. The
sides of the upper deck, as well as the battlements of
the castle on the sea shore, were hung with shields.*
From the costume of the figures, and the position
of the city, it would appear that they were not As-
syrians, but a conquered people, flying from the
enemy. It will be shown that an Assyrian conquest
of the Tyrians, or of some other nation occupying
the coasts of the Mediterranean, was probably re-
corded by the bas-relief.
On the two slabs adjoining the sea-piece† was repre-
sented the besieging army. The upper part of both
slabs had been destroyed; on the lower were still
preserved a few Assyrian warriors, protected by the
high wicker shield, and discharging arrows in the
direction of the castle. Rows of prisoners, with their
hands bound, were also seen led away by the con-
querors.
A third entrance, narrower than that on the op-
posite side of the hall, led into a chamber to the east.
VOL. II.
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 71.
Nos. 16. and 17. in the plan.
K
130
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
It was formed by two winged human-headed bulls
and two slabs, with bas-reliefs representing a battle
in a hilly country, wooded with pines or fir trees.
All these sculptures had been greatly injured.
In
Beyond this entrance the slabs, to the distance of
fourteen feet, had been completely destroyed. The
first, partly preserved, was that numbered 20 in the
plan. It was divided into six compartments.
the upper was represented the sack of a city, out
of which men were dragging chariots, and driving
horses and cattle; a second castle stood on a hill
above. In the second and third compartments were
combats between horsemen, and warriors on foot;
and in the remainder, rows of chariots, drawn by
two horses, and carrying each three warriors, pre-
ceded by horsemen armed with long spears. At the
bottom of the slab, and between the warriors, were
trees.
Two other slabs were uncovered, but the subjects
upon them could not be ascertained. As the trench
now approached the ravine, and there appeared to be
no chance of finding any sculptures, even sufficiently
well preserved to be drawn, I removed the workmen
to another part of the ruins.
The doorway on the west side of the hall led into
a second hall*, the four sides of which were almost
entire. The bas-reliefs had unfortunately suffered
greatly from the fire, and in many places the slabs
had disappeared altogether. Mixed with the rubbish,
* Hall C in the plan.
CHAP. XIV.]
131
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
which covered this part of the ruins, were fragments
of alabaster, and remains of sculpture.
The three first slabs to the left *
appear to have
been each divided into three compartments. In the
first and second were rows of archers and slingers;
and in the third, warriors marching in single file, and
each carrying a spear and a shield. On the two fol-
lowing slabs was one subject- the taking by assault
of a city or castle, built near a river in a mountainous
country and surrounded by trees. Warriors, armed
with spears, were scaling the rocks, and archers, dis-
charging their arrows at the besieged, stood at the foot
of the mountain. The upper half of both slabs, con-
taining the greater part of the castle and the figures
of those who manned its walls, had been destroyed. †
On the sixth slab the same castle was continued.
The walls were carried down the sides of the moun-
tain to its foot; and houses were represented on the
banks of the river. The archers, and spearmen of the
besieging army, were assembled without the city.
Some warriors had already mounted the walls, and
were slaying the besieged on the house tops; whilst
others were leading off the captives they had taken.
The river was full of fish, tortoises, and eels. I
The adjoining corner stone§ was divided into three
compartments; the upper contained mountains and
trees in the centre were represented an eunuch, and
a bearded scribe writing down, on rolls of parchment
* Nos. 1, 2, and 3. in the plan. † "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 79.
Id. Plate 78.
§ No. 7. in the plan.
K 2
132
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
or leather, the number of heads of the enemy which
were brought to them by two warriors, who were
placing their trophies in a heap at the feet of the
registrars. In the lower compartment were three
warriors with spears and shields.
This
On No. 8. was the king in his chariot, preceded by
warriors on foot. At the bottom of the slab was
a river, and at the top, mountains and trees.
bas-relief was also much injured. On the five follow-
ing slabs, which were almost entirely defaced, could
be traced one subject, the siege and sack of a city.
The king appeared in his chariot, and warriors were
seen driving off prisoners and cattle. The mountains
and river still indicated the scene of the events re-
corded. On slab No. 14. men and women led off as
prisoners, and flocks of sheep and goats, and herds of
cattle, were better preserved than the figures on the
preceding slabs.
From No. 14. to the entrance b, which opened into
another hall, the bas-reliefs had been almost com-
pletely destroyed. Here and there I could trace war-
riors discharging their arrows, prisoners and cattle
driven away, and a king or warrior in his chariot.
There were also the outlines of castles, mountains,
and trees; but the whole series was far too much
injured to be even sketched.
The winged bulls, forming the entrance into the
hall to the west, were also in a very dilapidated con-
dition, and the heads were wanting. Between them
I discovered a lion-headed human figure, raising a
CHAP. XIV.]
133
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
sword or staff in one hand. It was sculptured on a
small slab. Half the figure had been destroyed.*
Beyond this entrance the walls were in no better
condition. On slab No. 27. could be traced a double
row of warriors, carrying spears and shields, sepa-
rated by a river from horsemen riding amongst moun-
tains. No. 28. had been entirely destroyed by a
well, opened in this part of the mound, and carried
through the wall. On No. 29. could be distinguished
men leading horses, and warriors bringing the heads
of the slain to the scribes. The bottom of the slab
was occupied by horsemen ascending mountains,
separated by a river from the figures above. No. 30.
was better preserved than any of the preceding slabs.
The king stood in a chariot, holding a bow in his
left hand, and raising his right in token of triumph.
He was accompanied by a charioteer, and by an at-
tendant bearing an umbrella, to which was hung a
long curtain falling behind the back of the king, and
screening him entirely from the sun. The chariot
was drawn by two horses, and was preceded by
spearmen and archers. Above the king was origi-
nally a short inscription, probably containing his
name and titles, but it had been entirely defaced.
Horsemen, crossing well-wooded mountains, were
separated from the group just described, by a river
abounding in fish.†
The remaining bas-reliefs in this chamber appear
to have recorded similar events,-the conquests of the
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 82. (No. 1.)
† Id., Plate 80.
K 3
134
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Assyrians, and the triumphs of their king. Only four
of them unfortunately were sufficiently well preserved
to enable me to make drawings; the rest were almost
completely destroyed. On Nos. 36. and 37. the taking
by assault of a city was portrayed with great spirit.
Warriors, armed with spears, were mounting ladders,
placed against the walls; those who manned the bat-
tlements and towers being held in check and assailed
by archers who discharged their arrows from below.
The enemy defended themselves with spears and bows,
and carried small oblong shields. Above the castle a
small inscription recorded most probably the name
of the city captured by the Assyrians; it had unfor-
tunately suffered great injury, a few characters only
being preserved. Under the castle walls were cap.
tives, driven off by the conquerors; and at the bottom
and top of the slab were mountains, trees, and a river,
to indicate the nature of the country in which the
event represented took place.*
The entrance b of chamber C, formed by two winged
bulls, led into a further chamber, a part only of which
I was able to explore. The alabaster slabs had in
many places completely disappeared, and I could not
even trace the walls and form of the apartment. On
slabs Nos. 1. and 2. was portrayed a mountainous
The
country; a river ran through the midst of it.
higher parts of the mountains were clothed with a
forest of pines or firs, the middle region by vine-
yards, and the lower by trees, resembling those
sculptured on other slabs, probably the dwarf oak of
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 68.
CHAP. XIV.]
135
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
the country. The king was seen riding through the
forest in his chariot, accompanied by many horse-
men.*
The remaining slabs were covered from top to
bottom with rows of warriors, spearmen, and archers,
in their respective costumes, and in military array.
Each slab must have contained several hundred
minute figures, sculptured with great care and de-
licacy.
I found only one outlet from this chamber, that at
entrance b. The chambers to the west were dis-
covered by digging through the wall at the upper
end of chamber A. Here, too, the fire had raged,
and whilst the walls had in many places completely
disappeared, the few slabs that still remained in
their places were broken into a thousand pieces, and
could scarcely be held together whilst I sketched
the bas-reliefs. The chambers were half filled by
a heap of charcoal, earth, and fragments of burnt
alabaster.
Upon the walls of chamber D, were the siege and
capture of a city, standing on the banks of a river
in the midst of forests and mountains. On one slab
could be seen warriors cutting down trees, to form an
approach to the castle, whilst others were combating
with the enemy in the woods. On the adjoining
†
slabs were warriors scaling the walls, slaughtering
sheep, driving off captives and cattle, and carrying
away the heads of the slain. Small figures, wear-
** "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 81.
† Id., Plate 76.
£ 4
136
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ing high caps, and having their hands joined in
front, were represented as sitting astride on poles,
and borne on men's shoulders. They may have been
the divinities, or idols, of the conquered people.* The
king in his chariot, the umbrella held over his head
by an eunuch, was receiving the spoil.
On the bottom of slab No. 7. was a fisherman fishing
with a hook and line in a pond. Upon his back was
a wicker basket, containing the fish he had caught.
This was almost the only fragment of sculpture that
I was able to move and send to England, as a specimen
of the bas-reliefs of Kouyunjik.
Of the walls of chamber E, the lower part, to the
height of about four feet, alone remained. Upon it
could be traced long lines of captives; amongst them
women carrying their children, and riding on mules.
The prisoners were brought by archers before war-
riors standing, to receive them, with their spears
raised, and their shields resting on the ground. †
The bas-reliefs on the walls of chamber F, recorded
the victories and triumphs of the king in a moun-
tainous country, and the siege of a city standing on
the banks of a river. The king stood in his chariot,
and around him were warriors leading away horses
and captives, bringing heads to the scribes, and con-
tending in battle with the enemy. All the slabs,
however, were equally injured. The figures upon
them could scarcely be distinguished.
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 75.
+ Id., Plates 82. (No. 3.) and 83.

To face page 137. Vol. II.
} } }
THE KING IN HIS CHARIOT RETURNING FROM BATTLE. (Kouyunjik.)
Ó O O O
CHAP. XIV.]
137
DESCRIPTION OF SCULPTURES.
The wide portal, formed by the winged bulls at the
upper end of chamber B, opened into a small chamber,
which had no other entrance. One side of it was
completely destroyed. On the remaining slabs were
represented the siege, and sack of a city, standing
between two rivers, in the midst of groves of palm
trees. From the absence of mountains, the nature
of the trees, and the two rivers, it may be conjec-
tured that the sculptures in this chamber recorded
the conquest of some part of Mesopotamia, or the
subjugation of a people, inhabiting that country, who
had rebelled against the authority of the Assyrian
king. Fortunately, a short inscription above the cap-
tured city has been preserved almost entire; and we
may hope to find in it the name of the conquered
nation. The king was represented, several times,
in his chariot amidst groves of palm trees, and pre-
ceded and followed by warriors. The besiegers were
seen cutting down the palms to open and clear the
approaches to the city.
*
A part only of chamber H, was uncovered. Se-
veral of the slabs appear to have been purposely
destroyed, as there were marks of the chisel upon
them. One of the winged bulls, forming an entrance
at the southern end of the chamber, had fallen from
its place. On the slab adjoining it was a gigantic
winged human figure, the upper part of which had
been defaced. On slabs Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 7. could be
traced warriors urging their horses at full speed;
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plates 72. and 73.
138
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
some discharging, at the same time, their arrows.
Beneath the horsemen were rows of chariots and led
horses. After my departure from Mosul, Mr. Ross
continued the excavations along this wall, and disco-
vered several other slabs and the openings into three
new chambers, one entrance having, it appears, been
formed by four sphinxes, fragments of which were
found amongst the rubbish. The subjects of the bas-
reliefs appear to have been nearly the same as those
preceding them. Mr. Ross could trace chariots, horse-
men, archers, and warriors in mail. The country, in
which the events recorded took place, was indicated
by a river and palm trees. On one slab were the
remains of two lions. This wall having ceased al-
together, he first opened a trench in the same direc-
tion, but without coming upon other remains of build-
ing. Resuming the excavations at right angles to the
end of the wall, he discovered, about eighteen feet
from it, an immense square slab, which he conjectures
to be a dais or altar, resembling that found in the
great hall of the principal edifice at Nimroud. The
wall was continued beyond it. The lower part of a
few slabs still remained, and it was evident that they
had been sculptured; but this part of the building had
been so completely destroyed by fire, that Mr. Ross
soon renounced any further attempt to examine it.
This was the extent of my discoveries at Kouy-
unjik. The ruins were evidently those of a palace
of great extent and magnificence. From the size of
* Casts of two of these horsemen are in the British Museum.
† See Vol. I. p. 134.
CHAP. XIV.]
139
MR. ROSS'S DISCOVERIES.
the slabs and the number of the figures, the walls,
when entire and painted, as they no doubt originally
were, must have been of considerable beauty, and
the dimensions of the chambers must have added
greatly to the general effect. At that time the
palace rose above the river, which swept round the
foot of the mound. Then also the edifice, now
covered by the village of Nebbi Yunus, stood entire
above the stream, and the whole quadrangle was
surrounded by lofty walls cased with stone, their
towers adorned with sculptured alabaster, and their
gateways formed by colossal bulls. The position of
the ruins proves, that at one time this was one of
the most important parts of Nineveh; and the mag-
nificence of the remains, that the edifices must have
been founded by one of the greatest of the Assyrian
monarchs.
Mr. Ross having been requested, by the Trustees of
the British Museum, to carry on the excavations, on a
small scale, in Kouyunjik, he judiciously made ex-
periments in various parts of the mound. His dis-
coveries are of great interest, and tend to prove that
there were more buildings than one on the platform;
but whether they were all of the same epoch I have
no means of judging; Mr. Ross not having yet sent
me the copies of any inscriptions from the palace last
explored by him. Unfortunately the building newly
found owes its destruction to fire, like that in the
south-west corner. Hitherto Mr. Ross has been un-
able to move any entire bas-reliefs, although there
are fragments which, it is hoped, will be secured, and
140
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
added to the collection of Assyrian antiquities to be
brought to this country.
Mr. Ross, on abandoning the edifice that I had dis-
covered, removed the workmen to the opposite side
of the mound. Here he has found a chamber formed
by slabs divided in the centre, as at Khorsabad and
Nimroud, by bands of inscription, and having bas-
reliefs in the two compartments. "The sculptures
represent," writes Mr. Ross, "the return of an army
in triumph, with chariots, led horses, and captives;
marching along the banks of a river, upon which are
groves of date trees in fruit. The river is full of fish,
tortoises, and crabs. Beyond is a city (also on the
banks of the river), out of the gates of which are
proceeding men and women on foot, in carts drawn
by oxen, and on mules, some bearing presents to the
conquerors. Near the castle is a field of millet in
ear. In the procession are carried two circular models
of towns" (probably representing places captured by
the king). "The accumulation of earth above the
ruins is so great that the workmen are now tunnel-
ling to reach the sculptures."
At the foot of the mound Mr. Ross has found
a monument of considerable interest. It was first
uncovered by a man ploughing. In shape it some-
what resembles a tombstone, being about three feet
high and rounded at the top. Upon it is a figure,
probably that of a king, and a long inscription in
the cuneiform character. Above the figure are
various emblems, amongst which is the winged di-
vinity in the circle. It was erect, and supported by
CHAP. XIV.]
141
PERIOD OF KOUYUNJIK.
brickwork when discovered; and near it was a sarco-
phagus in baked clay. Mr. Ross suggests that the
whole may have been an Assyrian tomb; but I
question whether there is sufficient evidence to prove
that its original site was where it was found; or that
it had not been used, as portions of slabs with in-
scriptions at Nimroud, by people who occupied the
country after the destruction of the pure Assyrian
monuments. This interesting relic is nearly perfect,
one corner alone having been injured.
In a mound, so vast as that of Kouyunjik, it is
probable that many remains of the highest interest
still exist. As it has been seen, the accumulation
of rubbish is so great, that a mere superficial ex-
amination would not suffice to prove the absence of
subterranean buildings. Hitherto only two corners
of the mound have been partially explored; and in
both have ruins, with sculptures and inscriptions,
been discovered. They have been exposed to the
same great conflagration which apparently destroyed
all the edifices built upon the platform. It is possible,
however, that other parts of these palaces may be
found, which, if they have not escaped altogether the
general destruction, may at least be sufficiently well
preserved to admit of the removal of many important
relics. Such was the case at Khorsabad in ruins of
much less extent.
Although there may possibly be remains of more
than one epoch in Kouyunjik, I much doubt whether
there are any edifices earlier than that built by the
monarch, who is mentioned in the inscriptions of the
142
[CHAP. XIV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
most recent palace of Nimroud, as the son of the
founder of Khorsabad. His name occurs on all the
bricks and monuments hitherto discovered (as far as I
am aware) in Kouyunjik, in the neighbouring mound
of Nebbi Yunus, and in the smaller mounds forming
the large quadrangle opposite Mosul. From the de-
scription given by Mr. Ross of the sculptures he has
recently found, I recognise in them, as well as in the
bas-reliefs of the palace above described, the style and
mode of treatment of Khorsabad and of the latter
monuments of Nimroud.*
66
66 I
* In the winter of this year Mr. Ross visited the rock tablets of Bavian,
which want of time had, to my great regret, prevented me examining. The
account he has obligingly sent me of the result of his journey to these very
remarkable remains is so interesting, that I venture to transcribe it.
left Mosul," he writes, "a little before Asr," (the time of afternoon
prayer,)" and reached Baazani after dark. During the night it rained
heavily, and I started with rain and a high cutting cold wind, which lasted
the whole day. After a very disagreeable ride over the Jebel Makloub
and the Missouri hills, I reached Bavian an hour after sunset. The village
stands on the Gomel, at the point where the high range of mountains,
running behind Sheikh Adi, sinks into hills. It consists of three wretched
houses, whose inhabitants" (Kurds) are in an equally destitute condi-
tion. I had great difficulty in procuring any food for my horses and
mules; and could find nothing but a little rice to give them-there being
neither wheat nor barley in the place. Immediately opposite the village,
on the west side of the Gomel, rise the cliffs, on which are the bas-reliefs.
There are eight small tablets, each containing the portrait of a king,
about four feet high; and one very large tablet with two kings, apparently
worshipping two priest-like figures standing, the one on a lion, and the
other on a griffin. Above this tablet rose a statue on two lions, but now
only the paws of a lion are well preserved; the outline of the head of one
can be traced, but the statue is reduced to a square oblong block. I
fancy it may have been a sphinx like those of Nimroud. In the river are
two masses of rock, with figures of priests or gods standing on the backs
of animals, which must have originally been very beautiful. Other large
masses of rock are in the water, and may once have borne bas-reliefs.
There is also a tablet on which the body of a bull may be traced, but
very much defaced. I could not find the figure of the gigantic horse-
CHAP. XIV.]
143
KOUYUNJIK.
Further researches at Kouyunjik could scarcely
fail to be productive of many interesting and im-
man. It may be that it is so much injured that neither I nor the vil-
lagers could discover it. Some of the small tablets are on the perpendi-
cular face of the rock, others are reached by a narrow ledge. Where
any footing could be obtained, I trod with my Tiyari woollen shoes. Of
all the tablets which I examined, either closely or from below, only one
has an inscription. It is a tablet easily approached. The writing runs
completely across it, even over the figure of the king; but it is greatly
injured from holes having been bored in it, as well as from long exposure
- so much so, that I was unable to copy it. On the body of the king,
and in the centre of the writing, is an inscription enclosed within a
triangle-I suppose a name. The large tablet, and that containing the
bull, have chambers cut behind them. I am inclined to think that these
chambers were excavated, at the same time as the portraits were sculp-
tured. Their use is obvious. They were tombs, and my idea is that the
bas-reliefs outside are the portraits of the monarchs who were buried
within. Picture to yourself a small room, square in shape, and with a flat
vault. On either side, recesses or niches " (resembling a small oven) "are
cut into the wall, evidently to hold a body. These niches, being only
about four feet long, may be thought too small to receive a man; but I
imagine that the corpse was crammed into a sarcophagus, similar to those
discovered at Nimroud, which the recesses are well calculated to contain.
These tombs must once have been closed; now they have small doors and
even windows; those in the large tablet are numerous, and give the idea
of a church. The whole cliff would have made an extremely pretty sketch.
The windows of the large cave are close together in pairs, and arched.
Being without a ladder, I could not get into them, and could not therefore
ascertain whether they belonged to one large chamber, or to several
adjoining chambers. I am inclined to think that the latter is the case. It
would seem that these bas-reliefs covered royal tombs, with concealed en-
trances, which were, at a later period, broken open and pillaged, and after-
wards converted into dwellings, and the windows opened. It is possible that
chambers still unrifled might be found behind the smaller tablets. I suspect
that the inscription has been injured by holes having been bored into it to
make an opening, and that the attempt was subsequently abandoned. There
are various signs and religious emblems scattered about
chiefly repre-
sentations of the sun and moon." It is to be regretted that Mr. Ross was
unable to take a copy of the inscription, which would probably have en-
abled me to ascertain the comparative epoch of the tablets, with reference
to the ruins of the Assyrian palaces. His suggestion, with regard to these
bas-reliefs marking places of sepulture, is well deserving of attention. It is
possible that I may, at some future period, be able to examine these rock
144
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
portant results. The inscriptions hitherto found
amongst the ruins are few in number. The bas-
reliefs evidently relate to great events, to the con-
quest of distant kingdoms, and the subjugation of
powerful nations. The identity of the name of the
king, who caused them to be executed, with that
found on the well-known tablets near Beyrout, at
the mouth of the Dog river, or the Nahr-el-Kelb,
proves that the Assyrian Empire, at the time of the
building of the Kouyunjik palaces, extended to the
borders of the Mediterranean; and this, as well as
several other circumstances, goes far to show that the
bas-reliefs in which the sea is represented, celebrate
the conquest of Tyre or Sidon. But I will defer to
another chapter any further remarks upon the his-
torical, and other information afforded by the sculp-
tures of Kouyunjik, and upon the importance of
further researches.
My labours in Assyria had now drawn to a close.
The funds assigned to the Trustees of the British
Museum for the excavations had been expended, and
from the instructions sent to me, further researches
were not, for the present at least, contemplated. It
now, therefore, only remained for me to wind up my
affairs in Mosul, to bid adieu to my friends there, and
to turn my steps homewards, after an absence of some
years.
The ruins of Nimroud had been again covered
sculptures with the attention they deserve, and to determine their use. At
present there is reason to believe that the chambers belong to a more recent
period than the Assyrian bas-reliefs; but their date has not been satisfacto-
rily determined, and they may after all have been what Mr. Ross conjectures.
CHAP. XIV.]
145
CONCLUSION.
up, and its palaces were once more hidden from the
eye. The sculptures taken from them had been safely
removed to Busrah, and were now awaiting their
final transport to England. The inscriptions, which
promise to instruct us in the history and civilisation
of one of the most ancient and illustrious nations
of the earth, had been carefully copied. On look-
ing back upon the few months that I had passed in
Assyria, I could not but feel some satisfaction at the
result of my labours. Scarcely a year before, with
the exception of the ruins of Khorsabad, not one
Assyrian monument was known. Almost sufficient
materials had now been obtained to enable us to
restore much of the lost history of the country, and
to confirm the vague traditions of the learning and
civilisation of its people, hitherto treated as fabulous.
It had often occurred to me during my labours,
that the time of the discovery of these remains was
so opportune, that a person inclined to be super-
stitious might look upon it as something more than
accidental. Had these palaces been by chance ex-
posed to view some years before, no one would have
been ready to take advantage of the circumstance,
and they would have been completely destroyed by
the inhabitants of the country. Had they been dis-
covered a little later, it is highly probable that there
would have been insurmountable objections to their
removal. It was consequently just at the right mo-
ment that they were disinterred; and we have been
fortunate enough to acquire the most convincing, and
lasting evidence of that magnificence, and power,
VOL. II.
L
146
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
which made Nineveh the wonder of the ancient
world, and her fall the theme of the prophets, as
the most signal instance of divine vengeance. With-
out the evidence that these monuments afford, we
might almost have doubted that the great Nineveh
ever existed, so completely "has she become a deso-
lation and a waste."
Before my departure I was desirous of giving a
last entertainment to my workmen, and to those
who had kindly aided me in my labours. On the
western side of Kouyunjik there is a small village.
It belongs, with the mound, to a former slave of a
Pasha of the Abd-el-Jeleel family, who had received
his liberty, and the land containing the ruins, as a
reward for long and faithful services. This village
was chosen for the festivities, and tents for the ac-
commodation of all the guests were pitched around
it. Large platters filled with boiled rice, and divers
inexplicable messes, only appreciated by Arabs, and
those who have lived with them, the chief com-
ponents being garlic and sour milk-were placed
before the various groups of men and women, who
squatted in circles on the ground. Dances were
then commenced, and were carried on through the
greater part of the night, the Tiyari and the Arabs
joining in them, or relieving each other by turns.
The dancers were happy and enthusiastic, and kept
up a constant shouting. The quiet Christian ladies
of Mosul, who had scarcely before this occasion ven-
tured beyond the walls of the town, gazed with
wonder and delight on the scene; lamenting, no
CHAP. XIV.]
147
CONCLUSION.
doubt, that the domestic arrangements of their hus-
bands did not permit more frequent indulgence in
such gaieties.
One
At the conclusion of the entertainment I spoke
a few words to the workmen, inviting any who had
been wronged, or ill-used, to come forward and receive
such redress as it was in my power to afford, and
expressing my satisfaction at the successful termina-
tion of our labours without a single accident.
Sheikh Khalaf, a very worthy man, who was usually
the spokesman on such occasions, answered for his
companions. They had lived, he said, under my
shadow, and, God be praised, no one had cause to
complain. Now that I was leaving, they should leave
also, and seek the distant banks of the Khabour,
where at least they would be far from the autho-
rities, and be able to enjoy the little they had saved.
All they wanted was each man a teskerè, or note, to
certify that they had been in my service. This would
not only be some protection to them, but they would
show my writing to their children, and would tell
them of the days they had passed at Nimroud. Please
God, I should return to the Jebours, and live in tents
with them on their old pasture grounds, where there
were as many ruins as at Nimroud, plenty of plunder
within reach, and gazelles, wild boars, and lions for
the chase. After Sheikh Khalaf had concluded, the
women advanced in a body and made a similar ad-
dress. I gave a few presents to the principal work-
men and their wives, and all were highly satisfied with
their treatment.
L 2
148
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. XIV.
A few days afterwards, the preparations for my
departure were complete. I paid my last visit to
Essad Pasha, called upon the principal people of the
town, and on the 24th of June was ready to leave
Mosul.
I was accompanied on my journey to Constantinople
by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, Ibrahim Agha, and the
Bairakdar, and by several members of the household
of the late Pasha; who were ready, in return for
their own food and that of their horses, to serve
me on the road. We were joined by many other
travellers, who had been waiting for an opportunity
to travel to the north in company with a sufficiently
strong party. The country was at this time very
insecure. The Turkish troops had marched against
Beder Khan Bey, who had openly declared his inde-
pendence, and defied the authority of the Sultan.
The failure of the crops had brought parties of Arabs
abroad, and scarcely a day passed without the plunder
of a caravan and the murder of travellers. The Pasha
sent a body of irregular horse to accompany me as
far as the Turkish camp, which I wished to visit on
my way. With this escort, and with my own party,
all well armed and prepared to defend themselves, I
had no cause to apprehend any accident.
Mr. and Mrs. Rassam, all the European residents,
and many of the principal Christian gentlemen of
Mosul, rode out with me to some distance from the
On the opposite side of the river, at the foot
of the bridge, were the ladies who had assembled to
bid me farewell. Beyond them were the wives and
town.
CHAP. XIV.]
149
DEPARTURE.
daughters of my workmen, who clung to my horse,
many of them shedding tears as they kissed my
hand. The greater part of the Arabs insisted upon
walking as far as Tel Kef with me.
In this village
supper had been prepared for the party. Old Gouriel,
the Kiayah, still rejoicing in his drunken leer, was
there to receive us. We sat on the house-top till
midnight. The horses were then loaded and saddled.
I bid a last farewell to my Arabs, and started on the
first stage of our long journey to Constantinople.
L 3
PART II.
L 4
153
CHAPTER I.
MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF ASSYRIA.
COMPARATIVE DATES
OF
MONUMENTS.
ASSYRIAN WRITING.
ITS VARIETIES.
ASSYRIAN RECORDS.
THE CUNEIFORM.
WRITING MATERIALS.
MONUMENTAL RECORDS.
BRICKS AND TILES.
PROGRESS IN
DECIPHERING.
ASSYRIAN MONUMENTS OF VARIOUS PERIODS.
THE IVORY ORNAMENTS.
CARTOUCHES.
CONNECTION
BE-
TWEEN ASSYRIA AND EGYPT. — HISTORICAL EVIDENCE OF PERIOD
THE ASSYRIAN DYNASTIES. THE TOMBS AT NIM-
OF NINUS.
ROUD. ANTIQUITY OF NINEVEH.
I HAVE endeavoured, in the preceding pages, to de-
scribe the manner in which excavations were carried
on amongst the ruins of Nineveh, and the discoveries
to which they gave rise. At the same time, I have
sought to convey to the reader, by short descriptions
of the Chaldæans, the Arabs, and the Yezidis, some idea
of the people, who are now found within the limits of
the ancient kingdom of Assyria Proper. This account
of my labours would, however, be incomplete, were I
not to point out the most important of their results;
were I not to show how far the monuments and re-
mains discovered tend to elucidate disputed questions
of history or chronology, or to throw light upon the
civilisation, manners, and arts of a people, so little
known as the Assyrians. It must, however, be re-
membered that our materials are as yet exceedingly
incomplete. The history of this remarkable nation,
as derived from its monuments, is a subject hitherto
left untouched; and indeed within a very few months
alone, have we possessed any positive data to aid us
154
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
in such an inquiry. The meagre, and mostly fabu-
lous, notices scattered through the works of ancient
writers, scarcely afford us any aid whatever; for
Nineveh had almost been forgotten before history
began. The examination of remains existing on the
banks of the Tigris has been but limited. Many ex-
tensive ruins are yet unexplored, and it can scarcely be
doubted that there are still mounds enclosing records
and monuments, the recovery of which would add
greatly to our acquaintance with this long-lost people.
Only three spots have been hitherto examined, Nim-
roud, Kouyunjik and Khorsabad; and of the three,
Khorsabad, the smallest, alone thoroughly. Unfortu-
nately in the Assyrian edifices, little but the sculptured
slabs has been preserved. All the painted records which
once covered the walls, in addition to the bas-reliefs of
alabaster, have perished. Nor have we, as in Egypt,
labyrinths of tombs, on the sides of which, as well as on
the walls and columns of the temples, are most faith-
fully and elaborately portrayed the history, the arts,
the manners, and the domestic life of the former oc-
cupiers of the land-so fully indeed, that, from these
monuments alone, we are able to obtain a complete
insight into the public and private condition of the
Egyptians, from the remotest period to their final
extinction.* Hitherto, no tombs have been discovered
in Assyria, which can, with any degree of certainty,
* I need scarcely mention the admirable work of Sir Gardner Wilkin-
son, in which he has availed himself of the paintings, sculptures, and
monuments of the ancient Egyptians to restore their manners and cus-
toms, and to place their public and private life before us, as fully as if
they still occupied the banks of the Nile. I shall frequently have occa-
sion to refer to it in the course of this and the following chapters.
CHAP. I.] MATERIALS FOR ASSYRIAN HISTORY.
155
be assigned to the Assyrians themselves. It is not
impossible that such tombs, even painted after the
fashion of the Egyptians, do exist in the bosom of
some unexplored hill; their entrances so carefully
concealed, that they have escaped the notice of the
subsequent inhabitants of the country. At present,
however, the only sources from which we can obtain
any knowledge of Assyria, are the bas-reliefs dis-
covered in the ruins described in the previous pages.
To these may be added a few relics, such as seals, and
cylinders, and one or two inscriptions on stones,
bricks, and tiles, to be found in the Museums of
Europe. Still the sculptures do furnish us with very
interesting and important details, both with regard
to the arts, and to the manners of the Assyrians;
and there is every reason to presume that the in-
scriptions, when deciphered, will afford positive his-
torical data, which may enable us to fix, with some
confidence, the precise period of many events re-
corded in the bas-reliefs.
There are also other subjects, connected with the
discoveries in Assyria requiring notice. Through
them may be traced the origin of many arts, of many
myths and symbols, and of many traditions after-
wards perfected, and made familiar to us through the
genius of the Greeks. The connection between the
East and the West, and the Eastern origin of several
nations of Asia Minor, long suspected, may perhaps
be established by more positive proof than we have
hitherto possessed. These considerations alone require
a detailed account of the results of the excavations.
156
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
I have endeavoured to avoid statements which do not
appear to be warranted by plausible evidence; and if
I have ventured to make any suggestions, I am ready
to admit that the corroboration of my views must
depend upon an acquaintance with the contents of
the inscriptions, and upon the future examination of
ruins, in which additional monuments may exist.
As I have frequently alluded to the remote anti-
quity of the Assyrian edifices, it will naturally be
asked upon what grounds we assign them to any par-
ticular period-on what data do the proofs of their
early origin rest? In answering these questions, it
will be necessary to point out the evidence afforded
by the monuments themselves, and how that evidence
agrees with the statements of ancient authors.
From our present limited knowledge of the character
used in the inscriptions, and from a want of adequate
acquaintance with the details of Assyrian art, which
might lead to a satisfactory classification of the various
remains, we can scarcely aim at more than fixing a
comparative epoch to these monuments. It would be
hazardous to assign any positive date to them, or to
ascribe their erection to any monarch whose name
can be recognised in a dynastic list of acknowledged
authenticity, and the time of whose reign can be de-
termined with any pretence to accuracy. Although a
conjuncture may be allowed, we can come to no positive
conclusion upon the subject. More progress is required
in deciphering the character, more extensive researches
must be carried on amongst the ruins of Assyria, and
names of kings must be ascertained, by which we may
СНАР. І.]
157
ANTIQUITY OF MONUMENTS.
connect the genealogical lists, undoubtedly of various
epochs, that have hitherto been discovered. I will
only point out facts which prove that the edifices de-
scribed in the previous pages must belong to a very
early period, without pretending to decide their exact
age. The inquiry is one of considerable importance,
for upon its results depend many questions of the
highest interest connected with the history of civil-
isation, in the countries watered by the Tigris and
Euphrates, of its passage into the neighbouring king-
doms, and of its ultimate effects upon the more dis-
tant regions of Asia, and even upon Greece.
The proofs to be adduced in support of the great
antiquity of some of the monuments of Nimroud, are
entitled to attention, and should not be rejected,
merely because they are at variance with precon-
ceived notions and theories. We are not justified in
attempting to draw conclusions from the state of the
arts, or sciences, amongst a people of whose history
and capabilities, before the discovery of these monu-
ments, we were totally ignorant. We knew nothing
of the civilisation of the Assyrians, except what could
be gathered from casual notices scattered through the
works of the Greeks. From their evidence, indeed,
we are led to believe that the inhabitants of Assyria
had attained a high degree of culture at a very remote
period. The testimony of the Bible, and the monu-
ments of the Egyptians, on which the conquests of that
people over Asiatic nations are recorded, lead to the
same conclusion. It will be shown, that in Assyria,
as in Egypt, the arts do not appear to have ad-
158
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
vanced, after the construction of the earliest edifices
with which we are acquainted, but rather to have
declined. The most ancient sculptures we possess
are the most correct and severe in form, and show
the highest degree of taste in the details. The very
great antiquity of the early monuments of Egypt,
however much we may differ between the highest
and lowest date claimed for them, is now generally
admitted. Few persons indeed would be inclined to
ascribe them to a later epoch than that generally as-
signed to the foundation of Nineveh, about twenty
centuries before Christ. At that time the arts had
attained a very high degree of perfection in Egypt;
and might obviously have attained even to a much
higher, had not those who practised them been re-
stricted, by certain prejudices, and superstitions, to a
conventional style, from which it was not lawful to
depart. There is no reason to doubt, therefore, that
at the same remote period, the Assyrians also may
have excelled in them. Even the conventional forms
of Egypt are accompanied by extreme beauty in the
details, and in the shape of the domestic furniture
and utensils; which proves that those who invented
them were capable of the highest culture, and, if
unfettered, might have attained to the greatest
perfection. The Assyrians may not have been con-
fined to the same extent as their rivals; they may
have copied nature more carefully, and may have
given more scope to their taste, and invention, in the
choice and arrangement of their ornaments. But the
subject will be more fully entered into when I come
CHAP. I.]
159
ANTIQUITY OF MONUMENTS.
to speak of the arts of the Assyrians.* We have now
to examine the evidences of the antiquity of their
monuments.
The first ascertained date from which our inquiry
must commence, is the destruction of Nineveh by the
combined armies of Cyaxares, King of Persia and
Media, and Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, or more
probably governor of that city on behalf of the Assy-
rian monarch. We must needs go backwards, as
we cannot with any degree of certainty fix the date
of any earlier event.
It must, I think, be readily admitted that all the
monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria are to be
attributed to a period preceding the Persian con-
quest. In the first place, history and tradition unite
in affirming that Nineveh was utterly destroyed by
the conquerors. Although the earlier prophets fre-
quently allude to the great city, and to its wealth and
power before its fall, it will be observed that the later
rarely mention the name. If they do, it is in allusion
to the heap of ruins to the desolation which was
spread over the site of a once great city, as a special
instance of the divine vengeance. They pointed to it
as a warning to other nations against whom their
prophecies were directed. When Xenophon passed
over the remains of Nineveh, its very name had been
forgotten, and he describes a part of it as a de-
serted city which had formerly been inhabited by the
* These remarks are necessary, as there is an impression that an ap-
proximate date can be assigned to the monuments discovered at Nimroud
from the style of art of the sculptures. (See a letter of Mr. Westmacott
in the Athenæum of 7th August, 1847.)
See particularly Ezekiel, ch. xxxi.
160
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Medes.* Strabo says, that when Cyaxares and his
allies took the city, they utterly destroyed it; its
inhabitants, according to Diodorus Siculus, being
distributed in the surrounding villages. Lucian
speaks of Nineveh as so completely laid waste, that
even its vestiges did not remain. It is certain
that even if Nineveh were not levelled with the
ground, or deserted by its inhabitants, it was no
longer the seat of government, nor held a high place
amongst the cities of the East. If vast palaces and
edifices are found amongst its ruins, it is much more
reasonable to refer their construction to a period
when Nineveh was the capital of the Eastern world,
and the dwelling place of the Assyrian monarchs, than
to the time of its subjection to the kings of Persia,
and of its degradation to a mere provincial town.
If these edifices between the periods of the
erection of which many years, even centuries, must
have elapsed were the work of the Persian con-
querors, we should find some record of the fact.
The peculiar variety of the cuneiform character
adopted by the Persians is perfectly well-known,
and is found on all their monuments.
even used in Egypt, accompanied by hieroglyphics,
It was
* Anab. 1. iii c. 4. "After this defeat the Persians retired, and the
Greeks, marching the rest of the day without disturbance, came to the
river Tigris, where stood a large uninhabited city, called Larissa, anciently
inhabited by the Medes."
† Strabo, lib. xvi. Herodotus appears to allude to it as a city that
formerly existed. (Lib. i. c. 193.) Clement of Alexandria, in his com-
mentaries on Nahum, confirms the account of Lucan of its utter destruc-
tion. The Nineveh of Tacitus (Annal. 1. xii. 13.) and Ammianus
Marcellinus (1. xviii. c. 7.), was a modern city built near or on the ruins
of the ancient.
CHAP. I.]
161
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
*
after their conquest of that country. It occurs on
all the monuments of the same period in Persia and
Armenia, accompanied by translations, in parallel
columns, in the Babylonian and Median † writing.
Amongst the ruins of Assyria, this Persian variety of
the cuneiform character has never been found. It can
scarcely be doubted, that the bas-reliefs described in
the previous pages, represent the victories and con-
quests of the kings who built the edifices in which
they were contained; it is not probable that, had these
kings been Persians, they would have omitted to re-
cord their deeds in their native tongue, when they
have done so in all other places where they have
caused similar monuments to be erected.
The date of the conquest of Nineveh by Cyaxares
is well ascertained as 606 before Christ.
The city
* I allude to the vases with the names of the Persian kings in hiero-
glyphics, as well as in cuneiform characters. One at Venice bears the
name of Artaxerxes; that usually known as Caylus's vase, in the
National Library, at Paris, the name of Xerxes.
† I use the term Median, however inapplicable, because it has gene-
rally been adopted.
The evidence afforded as to the exact date of the destruction of
Nineveh by the concurrent evidence of Scripture and Herodotus, is thus
collected by Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, vol. i. p. 269.) :—“ The overthrow
of Nineveh did not happen before the death of Josiah king of Judah in
B. C. 609, because a king of Assyria is mentioned at that period; and
Zephaniah, in the prophecy delivered in the reign of Josiah, predicts the
destruction of Nineveh as a future event. The sum of the argument
is this: From the age of Tobit it appears that Nineveh was standing in
B.C. 610. For he became blind in the year 710, and survived that ac-
cident 100 years; and yet he died before the fall of Nineveh. But a pro-
phecy of Jeremiah, written in the first year of the captivity, B. c. 605,
seems to imply that the city was then destroyed; for in the particular
enumeration of all the kings of the north far and near, and all the
kingdoms of the world, &c., Assyria and Nineveh are not named. The
VOL. II.
M
162
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
to
had then been scarcely a year in the hands of the
Assyrians, after the expulsion of the Scyths, who,
according to the testimony of Herodotus, held this
part of Asia for twenty-eight years. We cannot at-
tribute these vast monuments, - evidences of a high
state of civilisation, and of taste and knowledge,
the wandering tribes; who, during their short oc-
cupation, did little, according to the historian, but
oppress the inhabitants, pass their days in licentious-
ness amidst new luxuries, and destroy the records
of former prosperity and power. We have conse-
quently the date of 634 years before Christ to go back
from. No one will, I think, be inclined to assign
these edifices to a later epoch.
It has already been seen that there are buildings
of various periods in the mound of Nimroud, and I
have mentioned that they contain the names and
genealogies of several kings. The most recent
palace was that discovered in the south-west corner;
and it was principally built of slabs and materials
testimony of Scripture, then, decides that the city was captured, and the
Assyrian monarchy destroyed, certainly after B. c. 609, and probably
before B. c. 605. Herodotus brings the date to a narrower point. Cy-
axares prepared to revenge his father's death upon the Assyrians, but
was interrupted by the Scythians, who held Asia for twenty-eight years.
After their expulsion Cyaxares conquered the Assyrians. But as the
Scythians were not expelled till B. c. 607, the capture of Nineveh could
not occur till B. c. 606; and this date, obtained from Herodotus, is remark-
ably consistent with the accounts of Scripture." According to the Seder-
Olam (c. 24, 25.), the fall of Nineveh would have occurred about this
time; and upon its authority M. Freret (Mém. de Lit. tirés des Registres
de l'Académie, vol. vii. p. 538.) places the event in 608 B. c.
* "After possessing the dominion of Asia for twenty-eight years, the
Scythians lost all they had obtained by their licentiousness and neglect.”
Herod. lib. i. c. 106.
CHAP. I.]
163
EPOCH OF BUILDINGS.
taken from the edifices in the north-west, the centre,
and other parts of the mound. This can be proved
beyond a question; first, by identity in the style of
the sculptures; secondly, by inscriptions, in which
certain formulæ occur; thirdly, by the fact of the
sculptured faces of the slabs being turned against
the wall of sun-dried bricks, the back having been
smoothed to receive a new bas-relief; and, fourthly,
by the discovery of sculptured slabs lying in different
parts of the ruins, where they had evidently been
left, whilst being removed to the new palace.
The only sculptures which can be attributed to
the builders of this edifice are the bulls and lions
forming the entrances, and the crouching sphinxes
between them. But the arguments they afford will
be the same, whether they were the work of those
who founded the building, or whether they were
brought from elsewhere. If the latter be the case,
we should be furnished with additional proof in
favour of the high antiquity of the earliest edifice.
In the material, a kind of limestone, out of which the
bulls and lions are sculptured, as well as in certain
peculiarities of form (as, for instance, in being pro-
vided with four legs, and having small figures carved
on the same slab), they differ from any others disco-
vered amongst the ruins. It is not probable that
they could have been moved in their finished state
without injury; and, as it will be hereafter shown,
it was evidently the custom of the Assyrians to sculp-
ture their slabs, not before, but after they had been
placed.
M 2
164
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
On the backs of these lions and bulls we have a
short, but highly important, inscription, which has
enabled me, as I have already had occasion to observe,
to identify the comparative date of many monuments
discovered in Assyria, and of tablets existing in
other parts of Asia. Before submitting this inscrip-
tion, as well as others from the ruins, to the reader,
I must show why certain groups of characters may,
with great probability, be assumed to be the names
of kings; as the arguments will mainly depend upon
the proof which these names afford.
Two modes of writing appear at one time to have
been in use amongst the Assyrians. One, the cunei-
form or arrow-headed, as in Egypt, was probably the
hieroglyphic, and principally employed for monu-
mental records *; the other, the cursive or hieratic,
may have been used in documents of a private nature,
or for records of public events of minor importance.
The nature of the arrow-headed will be hereafter
fully described. The cursive resembles the writing
of the Phoenicians, Palmyrenes, Babylonians, and
Jews; in fact, the character, which, under a few
unessential modifications, was common to the na-
tions speaking cognate dialects of one language,
variously termed the Semitic, Aramæan, or, more
appropriately, Syro-Arabian. There is this great dis-
tinction between the cuneiform and cursive, that
while the first was written from left to right, the
* Democritus is said to have written on the sacred letters of Babylon
“ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἐν Βαβυλῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων.” (Diog. Laert. lib. ix.) This
appears to point to two forms of writing.
CHAP. I.]
165
ASSYRIAN WRITING.
second, after the fashion of the Hebrew and Arabic,
ran from right to left. This striking difference
would seem to show that the origin of the two forms
of writing was distinct.*
It would be difficult, in the present state of our
knowledge, to determine the period of the invention
and first use of written characters in Assyria; nor
is there any evidence to prove which of the two
forms, the arrow-head or the cursive, is the more an-
cient, or whether they were introduced at the same
time. Pliny declares that it is to the Assyrians we
owe the invention of letters, although some have at-
tributed it to the Egyptians, who were said to have
been instructed in the art of writing by Mercury †;
or to the Syrians, who, in the passage in Pliny, are
evidently distinguished from the Assyrians, with
whom they are by ancient authors very frequently
confounded. Lucan ascribes their introduction to
the Phoenicians, a Syrian people. § On monuments
and remains purely Syrian, or such as cannot be
* The numerals, like the letters, were expressed by various combi-
nations of the wedge. There appear to have been, at the same time,
numbers for the cursive, as well as for the cuneiform writing, the former
somewhat resembling the Egyptian. On the painted bricks of Nimroud
I could, I think, trace several of these cursive numerals, each brick
having apparently a number upon it. Dr. Hincks was, I believe, the first
to determine the forms and values of the Assyrian numerals by an ex-
amination of the inscriptions of Van.
† This deity, under the name of Thoth, or Taut, was the Egyptian god
of letters.
+
‡ "Literas semper arbitror Assyrias fuisse; sed alii apud Ægyptios
à Mercurio, ut Gellius: alii apud Syros repertas volunt."-Pliny, lib. vii.
c. 57.
S
"Phoenices primi famæ si creditur ausi
Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris."-Lib. iii. v. 220.
M3
166
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
traced to a foreign people, only one form of cha-
racter has been discovered, and it so closely resem-
bles the cursive of Assyria, that there appears to
be little doubt as to the identity of the origin of the
two. If, therefore, the inhabitants of Syria, whether
Phoenicians or others, were the inventors of letters,
and those letters were such as exist upon the earliest
monuments of that country, the cursive character
of the Assyrians may have been as ancient as the
cuneiform. However that may be, this hieratic cha-
racter has not yet been found in Assyria on remains
of a very early epoch, and it would seem probable
that simple perpendicular and horizontal lines pre-
ceded rounded forms, being better suited to letters
carved on stone tablets or rocks. At Nimroud, the
cursive writing was found on part of an alabaster
vase, and on fragments of pottery, taken out of the
rubbish covering the ruins. On the alabaster vase
it accompanied an inscription in the cuneiform
character, containing the name of the Khorsabad
king, to whose reign it is evident, from several cir-
cumstances, the vase must be attributed. It has also
been found on Babylonian bricks of the time of Nebu-
chadnezzar. The following are parts of inscriptions
in this character on fragments of pottery from Nim-
roud.
74
4441114 64496.99
MAVI
ནག
The cuneiform, however, appears to have been the
CHAP. I.]
167
ASSYRIAN WRITING.
character in general use in Assyria and Babylonia,
and at various periods in Persia, Media and Armenia.
It was not the same in all those countries; the ele-
ment was the wedge, but the combination of wedges,
forming a letter, differed. The cuneiform has been
divided into three branches; the Assyrian or Baby-
lonian; the Persian; and a third, which has been
named, probably with little regard to accuracy, the
Median.* To one of these three divisions may be
referred all the forms of arrow-headed writing with
which we are acquainted; and the three together
occur in the trilingual inscriptions, containing the
records of the Persian monarchs of the Achæmenian
dynasty. These inscriptions are, as it is well known,
repeated three times, in parallel columns or tablets,
in a distinct variety of the arrow-headed character;
and, as it may be presumed, in a different language.
The investigation of the Persian branch of the cu-
neiform has now, through the labours of Rawlinson,
Major Rawlinson has suggested the use of the term Scythic instead
of Median (the Persian Cuneiform Inscription at Behistun deciphered,
part i. p. 20. vol. x. of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society). However,
until the language of the inscriptions in this character can be determined
beyond a doubt, we can scarcely venture upon adopting definitively
either appellation. Major Rawlinson is of opinion that that language
is a Scythic or Mongolian dialect; and, from its use on monuments
erected by the Persian kings, it is highly probable that it is so.
The
subjects of the Achæmenian monarchs included three great divisions of
the human race, speaking respectively Semitic or Syro-Arabian, Indo-
European or Arian, and Scythic or Mongolian languages; and when we
find that two of the columns of the trilingual inscriptions are dialects of
the first and second of these languages, we may consistently infer that the
remaining version of the inscriptions is in the third. Whether the Scyths,
however, were a Mongolian or an Indo-European tribe, is a question
which appears to admit of considerable doubt.
M 4
168
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Lassen, and others, been brought to a satisfactory
conclusion. I presume that there are few unacquainted
with the admirable memoirs by Major Rawlinson upon
the great inscription at Behistun*, published in the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Some, however,
are still inclined to look upon the results of his
labours with doubt, and even to consider his transla-
tion as little more than an ingenious fiction. That
the sudden restoration of a language no longer exist-
ing in the same form, and expressed in characters
previously unknown, should be regarded with con-
siderable suspicion, is not surprising. But even a
superficial examination of the ingenious reasoning of
Professor Grotefend, which led to the first steps in
the inquiry the division of words and the discovery
of the names of the kings- and an acquaintance
with the subsequent discoveries of Rawlinson and
other eminent philologists, must at once remove all
doubt as to the general accuracy of the results to
which they have arrived. There may undoubtedly
be interpretations, and forms of construction, open
to criticism. They will probably be rejected or
amended, when more materials are afforded by the
discovery of additional inscriptions, or when those
we already possess have been subjected to a still more
rigorous philological examination, and have been
further compared with known dialects of the same
primitive tongue. But as to the general correctness
of the translations of the inscriptions of Persepolis
* This name is generally written Bisutun in the maps; it is now
given to a small village near Kirmanshah, on the frontiers of Persia.
CHAP. I.]
169
PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
and Behistun, there cannot be a question.*
The ma-
terials are in every one's hands. The inscriptions are
now accessible, and they scarcely contain a word the
meaning of which may not be determined by the aid
of dictionaries and vocabularies of the Sanscrit and
other early Indo-European languages. †
Before the publication of the great inscription of
Behistun, the monuments of Persia, containing little
more than the names of kings and royal titles, af-
forded few materials for the investigation of cunei-
form writing. That inscription was long known,
and had been seen by many travellers. MM. Coste
and Flandin, who accompanied M. de Sercey during
his embassy to the court of Teheran, for the ex-
press purpose of examining and making drawings
of ancient remains, were particularly directed to
copy it.
it. They lingered many days on the spot,
making several fruitless endeavours to ascend to that
part of the rock on which it is cut. At length they
declared it to be inaccessible, and returned to France
* The transcription in cuneiform letters of an hieroglyphical legend on
a vase at Venice, is a test of the general accuracy of the deciphering of
both characters. The name of the king was found to be that of Arta-
xerxes, and was so read independently from the Persian and Egyptian
texts, by Major Rawlinson and Sir Gardner Wilkinson.
†There is not a more attractive subject of investigation, nor one more
delusive and uncertain in its results, unless carried on with the most
rigorous regard to criticism, than the origin, derivation, and connexion
of languages. But whilst this is admitted, it must be remembered, that
within the last few years this branch of study has been greatly facilitated
by the discovery of rules, which are now generally recognised. They go
far to guide those who engage in the inquiry, and to prevent a repetition
of the absurd speculations of the last century. Etymology may now take
its place amongst the sciences, and no science is more important in any
investigation connected with the history of the human race.
170
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
without this important historical record. Major Raw-
linson, however, overcame all difficulties. During
two visits he succeeded in copying all that remains
of the three versions of the inscription; and thus,
whilst we are indebted to his intrepidity and per-
severance for the transcript of the record, we owe to
his learning and research the translation of one of
the most interesting fragments of ancient history.*
Of the second, or so called Median branch of the
cuneiform, we know at present but little. It dif
fers essentially, in the combination of the wedges,
from the Persian, and resembles in many respects the
Assyrian or Babylonian, many letters in both being
identical in shape, if not in phonetic power.
Whilst the Persian and Median cuneiform offer
each but one modification in the arrangement of the
wedges, the third division, or Assyro-Babylonian, in-
cludes several varieties. It has been said to be the
most complex in its forms of the three; but such is
not exactly the case, as we have in the varieties both
extremes: the primitive, or early Assyrian, containing
the most simple and elementary combinations, be-
ginning with the wedge standing alone, whilst the
Babylonian is distinguished by the most intricate and
complex. However, that the two are identically the
same, has been proved beyond a doubt by a compa-
rison of the monuments of Babylonia and Assyria,
* The contents of the Behistun inscription are of great importance to
all interested in the study of ancient history, as they so fully confirm the
statements of Herodotus, and afford fresh proofs of his veracity and
accuracy.
CHAP. I.]
171
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
and by the existence of a transcript of a Babylonian
record in Assyrian characters.* The variations ap-
pear to be mere caligraphical distinctions, and were
perhaps purposely made, to mark the difference be-
tween the characters in use in the two countries.
The introduction of a few complex forms in the pure
Assyrian writing, may be attributed to the number
of alphabetic signs required. The alphabet of the
Persian cuneiform contains but thirty-nine or forty
letters; in the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions there
are about three hundred different characters; the
simpler forms would consequently soon be exhausted.†
Major Rawlinson has thus classed the Assyro-
Babylonian cuneiform writing: - Primitive Babylo-
nian; Achæmenian Babylonian; Medo-Assyrian ;
Assyrian; and Elymæan.
Whilst concurring in this division I would suggest,
that early Assyrian and later Assyrian, be substi-
tuted for Assyrian and Medo-Assyrian. By Medo-
Assyrian, Major Rawlinson indicates the character
* I particularly refer to the fragment of a cylinder given in vol. ii. of
Ker Porter's Travels, and the celebrated inscription in the India House,
supposed to contain the decrees of Nebuchadnezzar, of which the cylinder,
when entire, appears to have been a transcript. Their identity was, I
believe, discovered by Grotefend. It is on the tablets and cylinders of
baked clay, that the Assyrian cuneiform character is most complex. Be-
sides the substitution of forms not used on the monuments, common
letters are rendered more intricate by adding to the number of wedges:
thus
YYYY
my, and <<< >>>>.
«
becomes
Many of these characters are undoubtedly what are termed "vari-
ants;" that is, merely a different way of forming the same letter; but
even admitting a large number to be so, and to be interchangeable
arbitrarily, still there are between 100 and 150 letters which appear to
have each their distinct phonetic value. Some of the most complex
groups may be monograms.
172
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
used in the inscriptions of Van, belonging to a
period preceding the Persian domination*, and in
those at Palouf, and near Malatia, on the banks of
the Euphrates. But at the time he made the dis-
tinction he was unacquainted with the earliest monu-
ments of Nimroud, and had only examined inscrip-
tions from Khorsabad, and a fragment from Nim-
roud both belonging to the same period. The most
ancient Assyrian letters are identical in form with
those found in Armenia. The distinction lies be-
tween the earliest and latest Assyrian writing, and
is amply sufficient to determine the comparative
date of monuments, as the shape of our own letters
marks the time of a document.
The primitive Babylonian is found on bricks, cy-
linders, and tablets from ruins in Babylonia; the
Achæmenian Babylonian in the trilingual inscriptions
of Persia. The former is well known from its fre-
quent occurrence on relics, brought to this country,
from the remains on the Euphrates near the modern
Arab town of Hillah, hitherto believed to be those of
primitive Babylon. It is the most intricate variety
of the cuneiform yet discovered. Those who used it
appear to have exhausted their ingenuity in com-
plicating the simplest forms of the Assyrians.
* There is also a trilingual inscription of Xerxes on the rock at Van.
†The inscription at Palou, an ancient Armenian city, was first ex-
amined and copied by me on my return from Mosul last year. My
attention was called to it by Dr. Smith, of the American Board of Foreign
Missions. It closely resembles the inscription near Malatia, copied by
Captain Van Mühlbach. (See Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society, vol. i.
part i.)
CHAP. I.]
173
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
By a comparison of many letters of the same
power in the Assyrian and Babylonian alphabets, it
is evident that their dissimilitude frequently arises
from the manner of shaping the elementary wedge,
either angle of which might be elongated accord-
ing to the fancy of the writer or sculptor.
【 becomes
or
2
Thus
and the simple Assyrian
letter is identical with, a character of com-
mon occurrence in Babylonian inscriptions.
With regard to the relative antiquity of the several
forms of cuneiform writing, it may be asserted, with
some degree of confidence, that the most ancient
hitherto discovered is the Assyrian. The three varie-
ties found in the trilingual inscriptions are all of a
comparatively recent period, the reigns of the Achæ-
menian dynasty. The inscriptions in the Babylonian
character, from the ruins near Hillah, can be shown
to belong to the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and con-
sequently to a period subsequent to the fall of the
Assyrian empire. The name of that monarch is
found upon them all. Amongst the ruins of Niffer,
to the south of Hillah, Major Rawlinson has dis-
covered other inscriptions with a new royal name;
but it is uncertain to what period they belong. That
eminent antiquary, who was, I believe, the first to
identify the name of Nebuchadnezzar on the bricks
and tablets, from the ruins so long believed to be
those of the scriptural Babylon, inclines to the opinion
that Niffer may represent its true site, whilst the
mounds around Hillah are the remains of a more
174
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
recent city of the same name.*
Nor is this suppo-
sition of the existence of two Babylons, inconsistent
with history, and Eastern customs. Nebuchadnezzar
declares that he built the city. "At the end of
twelve months he walked in the palace of the king-
dom of Babylon. The king spake, and said, 'Is not
this great Babylon that I have built for the house of
the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for
the honour of my majesty ?'"+ After the successful
revolt of the Babylonians, and the fall of Nineveh,
it is not improbable that Nebuchadnezzar, on found-
ing a new empire which was to rival the Assyrian
in power and extent, should have desired to build a
capital worthy of it. During the Assyrian supre-
* None of the ruins in Babylonia have yet been properly examined,
and there is little doubt that excavations in them would lead to very in-
teresting results. The great obelisk ascribed to Semiramis, by Diodorus
Siculus, may have been the pillar or column of Acicarus, seen and inter-
preted by Democritus in his travels in the commencement of the 4th
century B. c. (Laertius, in Vitâ Democriti, p. 650., ed. Casaubon, and
Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, lib. i. cxv. s. 69.) It was, there can be
little doubt, a Babylonian monument; and it probably still exists some-
where in the ruins. Major Rawlinson, in a recent letter, informs me
that, according to the Arabs, an obelisk has been seen at Niffer, and such
reports have generally some foundation, as I have shown with regard to
the sitting figure of Kalah Sherghat (see Chap. XII.). It may have
been exposed to view for a short period, and have again been covered
up by rubbish. Major Rawlinson is of opinion that all the most ancient
remains of Chaldæa (previous to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar) must be
looked for in the ruins to the south of Hillah, in southern Babylonia;
those to the north being chiefly referable to that king. I have visited
most of the remains in the province; but too hastily, and at times of too
great danger, to admit of a careful and prolonged examination. With
proper means and support, researches might, however, be carried on.
† Daniel, iv. 29. Josephus (cont. Ap. l. i.), quoting Berosus, says that
Nebuchadnezzar repaired the city of Babylon which then existed, and
added another city to it.
CHAP. I.]
175
THE SITE OF BABYLON.
macy, the ancient capital of the Chaldees may have
partly fallen into ruins; and it was perfectly in accord-
ance with the customs and prejudices of an Eastern
people, to choose for rebuilding it a new site not far
removed from the old. Babylon affords more than
one instance of this very custom. The successor of
Alexander the Great in the empire of the East,
seeking for a capital, did not rebuild Babylon, which
had again fallen into decay. He chose a site near it
on the banks of the Tigris, founded a new city call-
ing it Seleucia, after his own name, and partly con-
structing it of materials taken from Babylon. Subse-
quently, when another change of dynasty took place,
the Parthian succeeding to the Greek, the city was
again removed, and Ctesiphon rose on the opposite
side of the river. After the Persians came the Arabs,
who, desiring to found a capital for their new em-
pire, chose a different site; still, however, remaining
in the vicinity of the old. Changing the locality
more than once they at length built the celebrated
city of Baghdad, which actually represents the ancient
Babylon.* Such appears to have been the general
practice in the East; and there is scarcely a place of
any note which has not been rebuilt on a different
site. The present inhabitants of the country, whether
Turks or Arabs, either aware of this fact, or still
labouring under the prejudices of the former people,
*
Baghdad is frequently called Babylon by the early travellers, and
even by the Arab geographers. The Church of Rome still gives the title
of "Bishop of Babylon" to the prelate who is placed over the Roman
Catholic Christians in the Pashalic of Baghdad.
176
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
generally seek in the neighbourhood of a modern
town some ancient remains, to which they attach the
same name.*
It is probable, however, that the half-fabulous ac-
counts of the walls, palaces, temples, and bridges of
Babylon, whose foundation was attributed by Hero-
dotus, Diodorus Siculus, and other ancient authors,
to two queens, Semiramis and Nitocris, related to the
edifices of the second Babylon, built by Nebuchad-
The Chaldees still nourished the traditions
of their ancient greatness, and may have endeavoured,
in satisfying the curiosity of a stranger, to assign the
highest antiquity to their monuments.
nezzar.
It may be asked what proof have we that the name
of Nebuchadnezzar exists on bricks, and fragments,
from the ruins near Hillah? The name, written
nearly as in our version of the prophecies of Ezekiel,
appears to have been assumed by one of the rebels
subdued by Darius Hystaspes. It consequently oc-
curs in the trilingual inscription of Behistun. One
Natitabires is there stated to have called himself
Nabokhodrossor, the son of Nabonidus, the King of
Babylon. As these names are transcribed in the
Babylonian column, there is of course no difficulty
in recognising the letters composing them, and
hence their identification when found elsewhere, as
at Hillah, in the pure Babylonian writing. In in-
scriptions from that site, Nebuchadnezzar is called
* Thus, there is Mosul and Eski (old) Mosul, Baghdad and Eski (old)
Baghdad, &c. &c.
CHAP. I.]
177
NAMES ON BRICKS.
the son of Nabonassar, and king of the land of the
Chaldees.*
Although Major Rawlinson has suggested a read-
ing for the name on the bricks from Niffer, it is
doubtful to what period they belong; and at pre-
sent there is no evidence to show that they are older
than the most ancient edifice of Nimroud. We may,
therefore, fairly assume that the Assyrian is the
earliest known form of the arrow-headed writing.
The complex shapes of the Babylonian characters,
and their apparent derivation by elongation of angles
and other processes from the simpler Assyrian letters,
undoubtedly point to a more recent invention. There
cannot be a doubt that the characters as formed in
the earliest palace of Nimroud long preceded those
of the inscriptions of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
This is an important fact, as it proves that the most
simple were the earliest, and that there was a gradual
progression towards the more intricate. This pro-
gression may be very clearly traced in the inscriptions
* An extraordinary laxity in the use, omission, and interchange of
certain consonants, as it will be shown, is one of the distinguishing fea-
tures of the language expressed by this branch of the cuneiform character.
The name of Nebuchadnezzar is written in many ways in the Bisutun
inscription, we have Nabokhodrossor, Nabukhadrachar, and Nabukhu-
drachar. In pure Babylonian inscriptions it undergoes even more nume-
rous changes. In Daniel he is called Nebuchadnezzar, or Nabuchod-
onosor; in Ezekiel (ch. xxvi. v. 7.) the name is written Nebuchadrezzar.
The first component of the word, Nebo, was the name of a Babylonian
divinity. (Isaiah, ch. xlvi. v. 1.) The interchanges which take place in
consonants is shown by the names of several Babylonian kings, as given
by the Greeks. Thus, the Labunitus of Herodotus is called Nabunidus
by Berosus.
VOL. II.
N
178
[СНАР. І.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from different Assyrian ruins. We may, therefore,
consistently conclude that the Babylonian, being the
most complex, was the most modern of this branch
of cuneiform writing.
The question of prior antiquity now, therefore,
lies between the monuments of Assyria, and the
rock-tablets of Armenia. At present there is no
positive evidence to decide their respective claims,
but there are strong grounds for believing that the
earliest inscriptions of Nimroud are the most ancient.
We have the testimony of ancient authors, who at
tribute the invention of letters to the Assyrians, and
give the name of Assyrian to the cuneiform writing,
even when changed and modified by the Persians.*
In the earliest inscriptions of Armenia, the royal titles
resemble those of the first kings of Nimroud. In
the latter inscriptions of the same Armenian dynasty,
the titles are similar to those on the monuments of
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik. † It may be inferred,
therefore, that these Armenian kings lived between
the erection of the earliest and latest monuments of
Assyria proper. Whether there were cotemporaneous
Assyrian and Armenian dynasties, or whether the
names at Van are those of kings who reigned at the
same time over Armenia and Assyria, and are con-
* Herodotus always calls this form of writing Assyrian. (See lib. iv.
c. 87, &c.) According to Amyntas, the inscription on the tomb of Sar-
danapalus was written in Chaldæan letters (Χαλδαικοῖς γράμμασιν) on a
stone column. Aristobulus terms them Assyrian letters. (Athenæus, lib.
xii.) Also Arrian. (Exp. Alex. lib. ii. c. 5.)
†This was brought to my notice by Major Rawlinson.
CHAP. I.]
179
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
sequently to be included in the Assyrian dynastic
lists, are questions which can only be determined
when the contents of the inscriptions are known,
and the ruins of Assyria more thoroughly examined.
Admitting, therefore, that the Assyrian is the
most ancient known form of arrow-headed writing,
it would be interesting to ascertain its origin. The
epithets of cuneiform, cuneatic, wedge-shaped, and
arrow-headed, -tête-à-clou (nail-headed) in French,
and keilförmig in German, -have been variously as-
signed to it, because its component parts resemble
either a wedge, the barb of an arrow, or a nail, ac-
cording to the fancy of the describer. It is not im-
probable, however, that the original or primitive
elements of the letters were merely simple lines, the
wedge or arrow-head being a subsequent improvement
or embellishment. On a slab at Nimroud, forming a
part of a wall in the south-west palace, but brought
from the most ancient edifice, I found one line of
writing in which the characters were thus formed.
It occurred beneath the usual inscription, and was
but slightly cut:
€ 4
티
​++
E T F J F E T K F«<
FX + P 5 FETT TETEN
+ЕІТПЕТеп
It is evident that, by substituting the wedge, or
arrow-head, for the lines in the above inscription,
the characters would resemble such as are found
N 2
180
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
on the earliest Assyrian monuments. The simpler
letters may have been used in documents, and could
have been written easily and quickly, the more
elaborate monumental character requiring both time
and care.
In inscriptions on Babylonian bricks the
wedges are also frequently replaced by mere lines,
* these characters being
as
for
or
the same.
Nor is the element of the most ancient
form of Assyrian monumental writing always the
arrow-head or the wedge; it sometimes assumes the
shape of a hammer on painted bricks from the earliest.
palace at Nimroud.
HITTET PATT
帰
​The use of the wedge may have been suggested
by the impression of the angular corner of a square
rod on a surface of soft clay, which will produce
this form very accurately. Even complicated cha-
racters and a short inscription might thus have been
impressed on a tablet of any soft material. But
this elementary figure appears to have been sa-
cred; for we find it represented lying on an altar,
amongst other religious emblems, on a Babylonian
relic, usually known as the "Caillou de Michaud," in
the National Library of Paris. Whether it became
sacred from its employment in the written character,
* The character thus formed occurs in the inscriptions of Susiana.
For the Assyrian letter, of which the three variants in the text are modi-
cations, see p. 173.
CHAP. I.]
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
181

O
COD
T
Wedge or Arrow head on an Altar. (From a stone in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris,)
or whether used in the formation of the Assyrian let-
ters because of any emblematic meaning attached to
it, I will not attempt to determine.*
Nor will I stop to inquire whether, in their original
forms, the Assyrian letters were ideographic; whether,
as it has been assumed with regard to the alphabets of
Syria, their names were derived from things which they
were meant to represent. It will require a much more
intimate acquaintance with the nature and powers of
these characters than we can hope to attain for some
time to come, before we can determine whether the
* It would not be difficult for those who are apt at discovering the hidden
meaning of ancient symbols, to invest the arrow-head or wedge of the As-
syrian characters, assuming, as it frequently does, the form of an equilateral
triangle, with sacred and mythic properties; and to find in it a direct
illustration of the sacred triad, the basis of Chaldæan worship and theo-
gony, or of another well-known Eastern object of worship. (See Lajard's
elaborate Essays on the Worship of Venus, on the Cypress, and on the
Religious Symbols of the Assyrians and Persians, in the “Mémoires de
l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres," and in the "Annales de
l'Institut Archéologique.")
N 3
182
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
arrangement of the wedges depends upon any system,
or whether it be merely arbitrary. At present there
is no proof in support of either supposition.
The first records of the Assyrians, like those of
most ancient nations, were probably monumental.
They were cut either on the walls of temples, palaces
and other edifices, or upon the smoothed face of a
rock. After the subjection of a distant nation, the
limits of the conquest of the king were marked, or
his triumphs celebrated, by an inscription in some
conspicuous spot in the conquered country. The side
of a lofty precipice was generally chosen. A tablet
was first cut sufficiently deep into the rock to leave
above it a projecting ledge, to protect the sculpture
as much as possible from the effects of the weather,
and from the water which might run down its face.
A bas-relief, representing the king alone, or the
king receiving captives, was then usually sculptured.
Below the figures, or near, was explained in writing
the event recorded by the bas-relief, and sometimes
a short inscription on the dress*, or above the head,
of each person contained his name and titles. Such
is the Assyrian monument at the mouth of the Nahr-
el-Kelb, or Dog River, in Syria. Frequently an in-
scription, or a bas-relief was alone carved, as in parts
of Asia Minor. The rock below the tablet was gene-
rally scarped, all access to the monument being cut
off, to save it from injury or destruction. If no con-
* Across the breasts of the figures in Ionia, attributed by Herodotus
(lib. ii. c. 106.) to Sesostris, but which were probably Assyrian, were
inscriptions.
CHAP. I.]
183
ASSYRIAN RECORDS.
venient rock could be found, or if the king wished to
mark the boundaries of his dominions, a square pillar
or slab was erected, as on the summit of the pass of
Kel-i-Shin, in the high mountains dividing Assyria
from Media.* The Persians, who appear to have
closely imitated the Assyrians in all their customs,
adopted the same method of recording their con-
quests and victories, -as the rock sculptures of Be-
histun still testify. According to Herodotus, Darius
during his Scythian expedition erected, on the shores
of the Bosphorus, two columns of white marble, one
having inscribed in Assyrian (cuneiform), and the
other in Greek characters, the names of the different
nations which composed his vast army. He placed a
third on the Tearus, after crossing the straits into
Thrace.†
When events were to be recorded more in detail,
the inscriptions appear to have been engraved on the
walls of their temples or palaces, as in Egypt, to ac-
company painted or sculptured representations of the
scenes they described.
* The custom of putting up tablets and pillars to fix the boundaries of
an empire, is frequently alluded to in the monumental records of Egypt.
(See Birch's Translation of the Obelisk at Constantinople, and Observa-
tions on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, in the New Series of the Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. ii.)
† Herod. lib. iv. c. 87. and 91. This appears also to have been the
most ancient method of chronicling events and keeping records. Jose-
phus, following an ancient tradition, declares that Seth erected in the land
of Siriad, two pillars, one of brick, the other of stone, and inscribed upon
them the principal antediluvian arts and sciences. (Antiq. Jud. lib. i.
c. 3.) Sesostris, according to Herodotus, erected pillars and carved
tablets in the places which he conquered. The Greek historian mentions
those he had seen in Palestine (probably the tablets still existing near
the Nahr-el-Kelb) and in Asia Minor. (Lib. ii. c. 102. and 106.)
N 4
184
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
It is not improbable that during the early period
of the Assyrian monarchy, stone and clay were the
only substances on which private as well as public
records were written. In the most ancient sculptures
of Nimroud there are no representations of scribes.
In the more recent, however, at Khorsabad, at Kouy-
unjik, and Nimroud, we have eunuchs writing down

Scribes writing down the Number of Heads of the Slain and the Amount of the Spoil. (Kouyunjik.)
the number of heads, and the amount of spoil, on
some flexible material, the nature of which cannot be
determined from the sculptures. At the time of the
close intercourse between Assyria and Egypt, pro-
bably existing, as it will be shown, at the period to
which these bas-reliefs belong, the papyrus may have
been an article of commerce between the two coun-
CHAP. I.]
185
ASSYRIAN RECORDS.
tries; or rolls of leather manufactured in Assyria
may have been the only material employed for docu-
ments. The reed growing in the marshes formed
by the Tigris and Euphrates may have served, as
it does to this day, for a pen; and the cursive or
hieratic characters, on the fragments of vases from
Nimroud, appear to have been written with some
such instrument.*
But the most common mode of keeping records
in Assyria and Babylonia was on prepared bricks,
tiles, or cylinders of clay, baked after the inscription
was impressed. The characters appear to have been
formed by an instrument, or may sometimes have
been stamped. The Chaldæan priests informed Cal-
listhenes that they kept their astronomical observa-
tions on bricks baked in the furnace †; and we
have the testimony of Epigenes to the same effect.‡
Ezekiel, who prophesied near the river Chebar in
Assyria, was commanded to take a tile and portray
upon it the city of Jerusalem.§ Of such records we
* The material represented in the sculptures could scarcely have been
papyrus, as that substance is too brittle to be rolled or bent. Parchment
was not invented until a much later period. Mr. Birch inclines to the idea
of leather, which the Egyptians used occasionally as early as the 18th
dynasty.
† Simplicius, Aristot. de Cœlo, 1. ii.
+
+ "E diverso Epigenes, apud Babylonios DCCxx. annorum observa-
tiones siderum coctilibus laterculis inscriptas, docet gravis auctor in
primis, qui minimum, Berosus et Critodemus ccccxc. annorum.
Ex quo
apparet æternum literarum usum."-Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. vii. c. lvi. s. 57. ed.
Sillig. In some editions of Pliny a thousand years is added to both these
periods; but this appears to have been an error of Brottier, rectified in
the last edition, as quoted.
§ "Thou also, son of man, take thee a tile, and lay it before thee, and
pourtray upon it the city, even Jerusalem."
Ch. iv. 1.
186
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
have many specimens. The most remarkable are two
hexagonal cylinders, one in the possession of Colonel
Taylor, late political Agent at Baghdad, and the other
given by me to the British Museum. They were both
discovered in the ruins opposite Mosul, and, I believe,
in the mound of Nebbi Yunus.* On each side there
are about sixty lines of writing, in such minute cha-
racters that the aid of a magnifying glass is required
to ascertain their forms. Habit, and long practice
have enabled me to analyse and copy the inscription
on my own cylinder; that on Colonel Taylor's has
not yet been examined. I find in it the name of the
Kouyunjik king, with those, I think, of his father and
son. Other royal names are frequently repeated, and
the whole appears to be some public document or his-
torical record. The identification of the fragment
(probably of a similar cylinder) published in Ker
Porter's Travels, with the inscription on the stone in
the Museum of the East India Company, containing
decrees or annals of Nebuchadnezzar, renders it highly
probable that these cylinders were generally used for
such purposes.
In many public and private collections there are
* That formerly in my possession was used as a candlestick by a re-
spectable Turcoman family living in the village, on the mound of Nebbi
Yunus near the tomb of the prophet. The cylinder is hollow, and was
probably closed at both ends: only one extremity is now perfect. A
hole in the centre of one of the ends received the tallow candle. To such
base uses are now turned the records of the Assyrians! I also found half
of another cylinder of the same kind.
†The inscription will be included in the collection brought by me
from Assyria, now in the course of publication by the Trustees of the
British Museum.
CHAP. I.]
187
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
inscriptions on tiles, and on barrel-shaped cylinders
of baked clay. On a tile formerly in the possession
of Dr. Ross of Baghdad, and afterwards, I believe, in
that of the late Mr. Steuart, there are many lines of
writing, accompanied by the impression of seals, pro-
bably of attesting witnesses.*
The inscriptions on the Babylonian bricks are
generally enclosed in a small square, and are formed
with considerable care and nicety. They appear to
have been impressed with a stamp, upon which the
entire inscription, and not isolated letters, was cut
in relief. This art, so nearly approaching to the
modern invention of printing, is proved to have been
known at a very remote epoch to the Egyptians† and
Chinese. The characters on the Assyrian bricks
were made separately. Some letters may have been
impressed singly by a stamp, but from the care-
less and irregular way in which they are formed
and grouped together, it appears more probable that
they were all cut with an instrument, and by the
hand. The characters, however, on the cylinders,
* On a fragment brought by me from Nimroud, are parallel columns
of the most minute characters, apparently words and numbers, perhaps
an account. On a rectangular tile, also formerly in the possession of
Mr. Steuart, a small engraved cylinder of stone or metal appears to have
been rolled or passed completely round the edges, probably to prevent
enlargement or counterfaction of the document.
†The Egyptian monarchs also stamped their names on bricks. The
stamps used were of wood, and several are preserved in European col-
lections. The characters are, I believe, generally incised, so that the im-
pression, unlike that on the Babylonian bricks, is in relief.
The stamp being used in Babylonia, and not in Assyria, may furnish
an additional argument in favour of the greater antiquity of the Assyrian
writing.
188
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
particularly on one or two fragments discovered at
Nimroud, are so elaborately minute*, and at the
same time so accurately made, that only an instru-
ment of the most delicate construction could have
produced them.
The great antiquity of carving documents on
stone, is shown by the Bible. The divine commands
were first given to mankind on stone tablets, and
amongst all primitive nations this appears to have
been considered the most appropriate and durable
method of perpetuating records. The letters were
evidently cut with a sharp instrument of iron, or
of prepared copper. From the passage in Job†, "Oh
that my words were written! that they were graven
with an iron pen and lead in the rock for ever!" it
has been conjectured that the incised letters were
filled up with lead. No remains of metal were
found by me in the inscriptions; but M. Botta states,
that in letters on the pavement slabs of Khorsabad,
traces of copper were still evident, the stone being
coloured by it. I
The cuneiform characters on most of the monu-
ments of Assyria and Persia are formed with great
neatness and care. Major Rawlinson states, that
on the surface of the rock at Behistun could still be
traced the remains of varnish, or some transparent
* Particularly on a very beautiful fragment of baked clay now in the
British Museum.
† Ch. xix. 23. and 24.
Botta's letters in the Journal Asiatique and Flandin's memoirs in
the Revue des deux Mondes. I discovered at Khalah Sherghat a frag-
ment of a copper tablet with cuneiform letters.
CHAP. I.]
189
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
substance which appears to have been laid over the
whole tablet to preserve it, as far as possible, from
No kind of
injury, by exposure to the atmosphere.
letter can be better adapted to resist the ordinary
process of decay than the Assyrian when well sculp-
tured. Simple horizontal or perpendicular lines,
deeply incised, will defy for ages the effects of decay.
When an inscription is so much injured, that a
person unaccustomed to the examination of similar
monuments, would either fail to distinguish it, or
would soon abandon an attempt to copy it as hope-
less, it is frequently possible, by watching the shadows
thrown by the sun, to transcribe the whole. Some
inscriptions, visible at certain periods of the day, en-
tirely vanish at others, and would escape even the
most experienced eye.
*/
The foregoing remarks will, it is hoped, have given
the reader some insight into the writing of the As-
syrians. It only remains for me to add that the
great trilingual record of Behistun, the inscription
over the tomb of Darius near the ruins of Perse-
polis, and various shorter and less important in-
scriptions in other parts of Persia, have afforded a
ground-work for the investigation of the Assyrian
character. From the progress already made, there
* Such are the inscriptions in the Babylonian character discovered by
Major Rawlinson near Holwan, to the west of Kirmanshah, and also to
a certain extent the inscription partly copied by me at Palou. I was
unable to distinguish the letters in one corner of the tablet which, during
my visit, was thrown into the shade by a projecting ledge. Dr. Smith,
who first saw the tablet, was doubtful whether there were still any remains
of the inscription upon it.
190
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
is every reason to hope, that within a short period
we shall be able to ascertain the general contents, if
not to give accurate translations, of the numerous
inscriptions which have, within the last three years,
been added to the written records of the ancient
world. The labour of deciphering an unknown cha-
racter, probably representing an extinct dialect, if not
an extinct language, is however very great. Not only
is an intimate acquaintance with etymology and phi-
lology absolutely required, but at the same time con-
siderable ingenuity, a vast deal of mere mechanical
investigation, and a tedious comparison of all known
inscriptions in the same character. I have already
alluded to the extreme laxity prevailing in the con-
struction, and orthography, of the language of the
Assyrian inscriptions, and to the number of distinct
characters which appear to make up its alphabet.
Letters differing widely in their forms, and evidently
the most opposite in their phonetic powers, are in-
terchangeable. The shortest name may be written
in a variety of ways; every character in it may be
changed, till at last the word is so altered, that a
person unacquainted with the process which it has
undergone, would never suspect that the two were
in fact the same. These changes will be pointed
out hereafter in the name of the king who appears
to have been the founder of the earliest edifice at
Nimroud.
By a careful comparison of inscriptions more than
once repeated, it will be found that many characters,
CHAP. I.]
191
CUNEIFORM WRITING.
greatly or even altogether differing in form, are only
varieties or variants of the same letter. If we deter-
mine, by a process of comparison, the number of
characters which have evidently the same phonetic
power, and admit that many letters have, to a certain
extent, a syllabic value, consonants being differently
formed according to the vowel sound attached to
them, the number of letters may be reduced within
the compass of an alphabet.
*
We derive another important aid in deciphering
from the well-proved fact, that in Assyrian monu-
mental writing it was never the custom to divide a
word at the end of a line. To avoid doing so, the
sculptor would carry it beyond the limits of the rest
of the inscription, or would prefer finishing it on
the side, or even back, of the slab. This appears also
to have been frequently the case when inscriptions
were carried across figures, the word not being
divided when an interruption from drapery, or other
portions of the sculpture, took place. The knowledge
of this fact has enabled me, by a careful comparison of
the inscriptions of similar import, which are repeated
on almost every slab in the earliest palace of Nim-
roud, to determine nearly all the words in them.†
A table, drawn up by the careful comparison of several hundred in-
scriptions, will be included in the work published by the Trustees of the
British Museum. It shows a large number of variants and marks the
division between words. M. Botta has also published a highly useful
table of variants in the "Journal Asiatique " for October 1847.
† In the Persian cuneiform inscriptions each word is separated by a
slanting wedge; hence one of the principal difficulties in deciphering is
192
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Several proper names, in the trilingual inscriptions,
particularly those of kings and countries, have given
us the undoubted value of many letters, and have
enabled us to find corresponding geographical names
on the Assyrian monuments. We are able at the
same time to prove that the name of a man * is gene-
rally, if not always, preceded by a simple wedge, and
to determine the character representing "son of," as
well as that meaning a country, or denoting that the
following name belongs to a people or to a nation.
The names of cities, above their sculptured repre-
sentations in the bas-reliefs, are also always preceded
by a determinative sign. †
Such are the materials for inquiry. They are con
siderable; quite sufficient indeed to warrant the hope
of future success, when the investigation is pursued by
such men as Rawlinson, Birch, or Norris, and others,
in France and Germany, no less distinguished for
extensive philological acquirements, than for eminent
abilities, perseverance, and ingenuity. I
avoided. But such is not the case either in the Assyro-Babylonian or in
the Median.
* And sometimes the personal pronoun.
or
†The character preceding the proper name, and those signifying "son
of" and "king,” are given elsewhere. That denoting country is
, a city
that
or its variant. There is reason to believe
precedes the name of a divinity. is the sign of the plural.
Since writing the above I have learnt from Major Rawlinson that he
has succeeded in deciphering the inscription on the obelisk described in
the preceding pages. It contains, according to him, the annals of the
reign of the son of Ninus. He has obtained, moreover, fifteen royal
names.
CHAP. I.]
193
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
I have thus placed before the reader the principal
steps made towards deciphering the Assyrian in-
scriptions, and pointed out the amount of knowledge
we possess. I will now return to the inscriptions of
Nimroud, and resume the arguments afforded by them
as to the comparative dates of the various buildings.
I have had frequent occasion to observe that there
is scarcely a kiln-burnt brick or a stone employed
in the ancient edifices of Assyria without an in-
scription upon it. In buildings of various epochs
we find different formula; but in
but in every mound
where there are the remains of but one building, as
at Khorsabad for instance, one formula is constantly
repeated, with a few unessential variations. The
inscription on the bricks of the earliest palace at
Nimroud, that in the north-west corner, is as fol-
lows:-
*
= MY * Y →~ + Ÿ (<< I « ✰ ►)
NEY + «« I«*
नै
स
W < → → (« I« * 1)†
-
*It has been conjectured that these two characters signify "the great
house" or palace; but there appears to me to be objections to this inter-
pretation. They are sometimes replaced by ➤^.
†The cuneiform type used in the text has been cut by Mr. Harrison,
of St. Martin's Lane. The inscriptions from Assyria printed by him for
the Trustees of the British Museum, are the first specimens of an exten-
sive use of moveable cuneiform types, and they are remarkable instances
of the ingenuity, and I may add taste, of a British printer. The letters
were cut and put together under my superintendence, and that of Mr.
Norris, translator of Eastern languages at the Foreign Office, and one of
the secretaries of the Asiatic Society; of whose eminent abilities and most
extensive knowledge in every branch of Eastern philology and literature,
VOL. II.
0
194
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The inscription, which is found on almost every
slab in the same building, commences nearly in a
similar way:-
नै
=YYYY & Y →→♡ WM → → = _m - >«<
न्नै नै स
नौ
*
हा बोरा न्नै पररर है परee « M
-WWE («<«<= =
«‹ I «‹
<< I << → → ♡ W < 7 → (‹‹ I « ^^
On the bricks discovered in the centre palace we
have the following inscription :-
• → <= Y + + («<
नै
« M« I« ←)
Y YW +
# = m = *
Y ««<< & =m=
>)
«<< = ++ «I«<
NYE ««<I«< » 1)
*
»
-YYI + ❤
=YYYY
-YYYY
-YYYY
W)
W = =MY
it would be superfluous in me to speak. That the inscriptions of Assyria
should be perpetuated, and be made accessible to all through the medium
of moveable types, after the loss of the character for nearly 2500 years, is
not one of the least of the many wonderful achievements of printing.
* Characters, in which perpendicular wedges are placed between two
horizontal wedges, are formed, in the oldest inscriptions, by carrying one
horizontal wedge across the perpendicular. I have not made this distinc-
tion in the text.
CHAP. I.]
195
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
It is evident that in these inscriptions a certain
formula is repeated three times*, preceded on each oc-
casion by a different group of characters. In the in-
scriptions from the earliest palace, these groups are
→VANE and Z in those from
the centre <#= ++, -
>* <एक
and
EY. It will also be observed, that in both in-
scriptions, the groups before the second and third
repetition of the formula, are preceded either by Y
or by alone. On comparing the Persian trilin-
gual inscriptions, it is found that in the Babylonian
column, the names of the kings, as well as all proper
names, are preceded by a simple perpendicular wedge
(Y); and further, that replaces the "son of" of
the Persian. We have, therefore, in the inscriptions
given above, three names in direct descent, the last
being the builder or founder of an edifice, and his
name occurring on every stone and nearly every
brick in it. It will also be perceived that in the in-
scription from the second palace, the position of two
of the names occurring in the first are changed,
and that the other no longer appears. The son in
fact becomes the father, and the father the grand-
father; whilst the last in the list, or the builder of the
new edifice, is a name not found in the first series.
On a pavement slab in the upper chambers, to the
south of the north-west palacet, we have a further
list of names of considerable importance; for not only
* I have placed this formula within brackets.
† See page 16. of this vol. This slab is on its way to the British
Museum.
0 2
196
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
do four appear in genealogical series, thus confirming
our first conjecture, but two new names are added.
MY & Y <* («<«<=M +
(( I « རྭར …..) YY Y =M= <Y- ~
~¥
✰~YY- (…....
‹‹ I «< ^^ --W*…...) Y Y > < EY ++....
«
Y
-
Ant
We have thus six generations, three kings
the third,
the fourth, and the sixth, having been founders of
buildings of Nimroud.
There can be little doubt that the names are those
of kings. In the first place, the groups following
them can be shown, by referring to the trilingual
inscriptions, to be royal titles; and secondly, the in-
terpretation of the legends on Babylonian bricks,
and analogous discoveries in Egypt, prove that it was
customary to impress the name of the king upon the
materials used in public edifices. Besides, a name of
such common and general occurrence can hardly be
that of a private individual.
In the inscription on the slab opposite wall k, in
the south-west palace, we have a new name ac-
and are interchangeable characters.
†The other names (and) occur after ➤➤
in this inscription, but are not placed, as far as I can ascertain,
in genealogical series. A further knowledge of the character is necessary
before it can be determined how they are used.
キ ​See p. 33. of this vol.
CHAP. I.]
197
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
companied by royal titles, YEY YYYYYY
*; and I think I can distinguish that of the
father, if not that of the grandfather also, of the
monarch. The inscription, however, from the in-
juries the slab has sustained, requires a more careful
examination than I have yet been able to give it.
There can be no doubt that it was brought from else-
where, with other materials used in the construction
of the building in which it was found. It did not
belong to either the palace in the north-west, or in
the centre of the mound; for not only is the name
new, but the peculiar arrangement of the wedges in
the characters, points to a different and more recent
period than that of the erection of those edifices.
Behind the bulls and lions in the south-west palace,
as well as on baked bricks from the same building,
we have the following highly important genealogical
series.
#
MY Y
«
<< I « **
(« 】 « རྭར
I
(<< EY- << =M +
NY ««< /«<«<< <=
WYKEY « I «< ± EY.)†
*appears to be equivalent to <<. This character evidently
means "King."
†There appears to be a name in the body of this inscription between
the first and second in the genealogical series in the text, viz. Y W
>Y<<<, accompanied, I think, by a royal title, which certainly seems
to belong to the list; it may have been that of a brother, or of one not
in the line of descent, but still succeeding to the throne; if so, we should
have in this inscription the names of four monarchs following one
another or these characters may signify the "four gods."
0 3
198
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The first name is identical with that of the king
who founded the earliest palace at Nimroud, but
those of the father and grandfather do not occur else-
where in the ruins. The name of the father is,
however, found on bricks and inscriptions from
Kouyunjik, and that of the grandfather on the monu-
ments of Khorsabad.* We are consequently able
* The name of the Khorsabad king is also written << >
for the name of the Kouyunjik king we have the following variation
Y + II, that is to say, that whilst the name, as given
in the text, is inscribed on the backs of the slabs, and over the head of
the king in the sculptures, as well as on all the bricks I have yet dis-
covered in the ruins opposite Mosul, it occurs in the above form at the
commencement of the inscriptions on the front of the bulls (being written,
as in the text, on the back). The inference, therefore, naturally is, that
the name is the same, or that it may be a title or a prænomen. The
well-known laxity of the Assyrian writing admits either supposition.
There are other variations, but not so essential, in the orthography of the
name. I am aware that Dr. Hincks (on the Inscriptions of Van, Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society,) denies that the two names found on the
bricks and slabs from Khorsabad are identical; believing one (that found
at Nimroud, in the short inscription from the south-west palace) to be
the name of a king who may have partially built the Khorsabad edifice,
and the other to be that of a successor of even the last king mentioned
at Nimroud. He reads the first Nishar, and identifies the others with
Sennacherib, Essarhaddon, and Chinilidan. Between the last two kings,
according to the astronomical canon, there must have been a lapse of
more than sixty years. If Dr. Hincks's view, therefore, be correct, we
have an additional argument in favour of the antiquity of the earliest
palace at Nimroud. But I may observe, that there are very strong
grounds for suspecting the identity of the two names occurring on the
monuments of Khorsabad. It will be remembered that on the alabaster
vases discovered in the ruins of Nimroud both occur; and if the Nim-
roud edifices were finally buried whilst the last palace was building
no doubt will
as I have shown there are good reasons for suspecting
any longer remain as to their identity. Dr. Hincks infers, from the
names of the father and son occurring in the Khorsabad inscriptions,
that the building could not have been completed, although founded, by
the father; but that it was customary also to insert the name of the
son, is shown by the existence of the name, even accompanied by a
royal title, of the son of the founder of the earliest palace of Nim-
CHAP. I.
199
I.]
ASSYRIAN GENEALOGIES.
to fix the comparative period of both these build-
ings, with reference to the most recent palace at
Nimroud. And this direct proof afforded by the
genealogy is confirmed by identity of style in the
sculptures, and in the form of the letters used in the
inscriptions from the three buildings - so much so,
that long before the discovery of the ruins of Kouy-
unjik, I conjectured, from the examination of mere
fragments from them, that they belonged to the same
period as Khorsabad.
We have thus, in the foregoing inscriptions, the
names of ten, if not twelve, kings; the first six in
genealogical series, the seventh standing by itself,
and the last three again showing a direct descent,
but unconnected with any of the previous. I have
already mentioned the tablet in the tunnel of Ne-
goub, which was unfortunately destroyed before I
was able to obtain an accurate copy of the inscription
upon it. *
On examining, after my return to Eng-
land, the fragment that the little light in the place
permitted me to transcribe, and which before ap-
peared to be almost unintelligible, I found a genea-
logical list, and I think I recognise the names of
the Kouyunjik king, of the founder of Khorsabad,
and of his father, and perhaps even his grand-
roud, in some of the inscriptions from that building. If the two
names are not those of the same persons, we must add them to our
royal list.
*See Vol. I. p. 81.
† It is worthy of observation that the name of the father of the builder
of Khorsabad has not yet been found in any inscription from that
building.
0 4
200
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
father. But the ends of the lines have been de-
stroyed, and the series is consequently interrupted.
The two additional names are (?) (?)
→Y
>= (?) YY (<< ) (line interrupted), and Y
**)
E-IY YY (<< *W).* The forms of the cha-
racters are those of the late Assyrian period.
Although the evidence afforded by the two addi-
tional names in this inscription is entitled to consi-
derable weight, I will not dwell upon it. Connecting
the three distinct series given above by only one
royal name, and supposing these kings to have suc-
ceeded one another, we have eight generations be-
tween the founder of the first edifice and the last,
or in all ten. If we allow, as is usual, thirty years to
a generation, we have a lapse of 300 years. The
first palace could not, therefore, have been founded
later than about 900 years before Christ.
But there are several circumstances which seem to
prove, that a very long interval elapsed between the
construction of the palaces in the north and centre of
the mound, and that at the south-west corner. The
latter is chiefly built, as I have had frequent occasion
to remark, of slabs taken from the others; but there
are, at the same time, sculptures and inscriptions in
*The whole fragment will be given in the collection of Assyrian in-
scriptions, published by the Trustees of the British Museum. I may
observe, that since writing the above, I have received a letter from
Major Rawlinson, to whom I sent a copy of the fragment, and that hẹ
is inclined to doubt the identification of the names with those of the
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik kings, and to believe that this is a distinct
royal series; if so, we have still more important evidence of the antiquity
of the earliest edifice of Nimroud.
CHAP. I.]
201
DISTINCTIONS OF STYLE.
this edifice evidently coming from some ruin not yet
discovered, and differing in many respects from those
known to exist in any other building at Nimroud.
These edifices appear, from the frequent repetition
of the figures of the gods, to have been either
temples, or, as there is reason to believe was the
case in Egypt, royal residences combined with those
of the gods. It may, therefore, reasonably be con-
jectured that a considerable period elapsed before a
monarch pulled down the sacred buildings of kings of
his own race and faith to raise out of the materials
a new habitation for himself or his divinities. A
contrary supposition would be opposed to all we
know of the religious feelings and prejudices of the
ancients. The buildings destroyed must either have
belonged to so remote a period, that not only all
remembrance of those who erected them had passed
away, which was not likely to have been the case in
Assyria, as the written character was still preserved,
or a new religion had been introduced with a new
dynasty.
That a new race, with new forms of worship, had
succeeded to the original inhabitants of the country ;
or, what is more probable, that a new dynasty had
taken the place of the old, seems to be shown by the
monuments themselves. There are remarkable dif-
ferences between the sculptures from the earliest
palace of Nimroud, and those from Khorsabad. The
costumes change; the forms of the chariots, the
trappings of the horses, the helmets and armour of
the warriors are no longer the same. The mode of
202
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
treatment of the subjects, the nature of the sculpture,
and the forms of the characters used in the inscrip-
tions, vary essentially. At Khorsabad and Kouyunjik
we find no traces of the religious emblems so frequent
in the sculptures of the north-west palace of Nimroud.
The emblem of the great divinity, the winged figure
within the circle, has never been found at Khorsabad,
Kouyunjik, or in the latest palaces of Nimroud.
From the frequent representations of the fire-altar in
the bas-reliefs from those ruins, and on cylinders
evidently of the same period, there is reason to be-
lieve that a fire-worship had succeeded to the purer
forms of Sabæanism. The language, too, of the
earliest inscriptions, appears to vary essentially from
that used in the latest. Major Rawlinson is of opinion
that, whilst the language spoken by the builders of
the most ancient Assyrian monuments was far re-
moved from the Chaldee of a known historic period,
that of the inscriptions of Khorsabad approaches very
closely to the Babylonian dialect; which again is
nearly allied to the Chaldee of sacred literature, and
of the Sadr of the Sabæans. Indeed it may be fore-
seen, that the reading of the early Nimroud in-
scriptions will be a task of no easy accomplishment,
and will be best arrived at by a prior knowledge of
the contents of those of Khorsabad.
All these facts lead to the belief that the palaces
at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and in the south-west
corner of the mound of Nimroud, were built by a later
race or dynasty of kings. It is not indeed impossible,
but on the contrary there are circumstances to lead
CHAP. I.]
203
COMPARISON OF DATES.
to the conjecture, that the edifices in one part of the
mound of Nimroud were already in ruins, and buried
under ground, before those in another part were
founded. The flooring, or foundations, of the south-
west palace is on a level with the tops of the walls of
the north-west, and of the centre palaces. It is not pro-
bable that an edifice should have been erected adjoin-
ing the ruins of a more ancient, and so much above
it, that the artificial mound must have been carried
up to the level of the roof of the ruined building. It
would moreover appear, from a peculiar depression in
the mound, that when the slabs of the northern wall
of the great hall (B, in plan 3.) were carried away for
the construction of the south-west palace, excavations
were made to reach them. It may be mentioned as
a curious fact to corroborate this supposition, that
two of the slabs had fallen back from their places,
not into the room, but into the place where the wall
of sun-dried bricks, of which they had originally
formed the casing, ought to have been; so that this
wall must have been removed. On examining the
ruins carefully, it appeared to me as if the builders
of the most recent palace, having found a suitable
position for an edifice on the artificial elevation at
Nimroud, and discovering that remains were buried
in it, enlarged the mound by adding to it on the
south side. Having raised this new platform to the
height of the ruins, covered, as they then were, with
earth, they built upon it, digging, for their materials,
into the old palaces. And it may be remarked, as
* Nos. 27. and 28. ch. B. plan 3.
204
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
almost conclusive evidence that the palaces of dif
ferent periods were not standing at the same time,
that whilst the most recent building at Nimroud had
been completely destroyed by fire, the north-west and
centre palaces had not been exposed to a conflagration,
nor are there any traces of smoke, or of the action of
fire, in any part of these buildings. It will be re-
membered that Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, and the south-
western palace of Nimroud, all edifices of the same
It
period, owe their destruction to the same cause.
would appear, therefore, that the monuments of the
later dynasty were destroyed at a different time,
and altogether in a different manner from those of
the first, which, to escape the same fate, must have
been previously buried. These are important facts
in our inquiry, and may be connected with the asser-
tion of Diodorus, that on the taking of Nineveh by the
Medes, under Arbaces, the city was destroyed; or
with the usual historical account of the death of Sar-
danapalus, about 876 or 868 years before Christ.*
The north-west palace, if already in ruins or buried,
must have been partly uncovered, perhaps excavated
for materials, in the time of the Khorsabad king;
because there was in one of the chambers, as I have
* There is much confusion with regard to the dates of these events,
which Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, vol. i.) has endeavoured to clear up. By
some the destruction of Nineveh and the revolt of the Medes are looked
upon as distinct events, which have been confounded. But the city may
have been twice destroyed; or rather, once merely depopulated, and its
principal buildings overthrown, and then subsequently, at a much later
period, burnt to the ground; this is consistent with the change of dynasty
which is presumed to have taken place on the first occasion, and the utter
extinction of the Assyrian empire, which followed on the second.
CHAP. I.]
205
THE CARTOUCHES.
already mentioned*, an inscription commencing with
his name, cut above the usual standard inscription.
It has every appearance of having been placed there
to commemorate the re-opening, discovery, or re-occu-
pation of the building. Moreover, the vases bearing
the name of this king, and found in the rubbish above
the chambers, must be of the same period. The ivory
ornaments I conjecture to be contemporaneous with
the vases, and so also most of the small objects found
in the edifice. And if this fact be established, we
may obtain important chronological data; for if the
name in the cartouche could be satisfactorily deci-
phered, and identified with that of any Egyptian
king, or with that of any Assyrian king whose place
in history can be determined, we should be able at
once to decide the period of the reign of the Khorsa-
bad king, and of his successors.
But as the name cannot yet be identified, Mr. Birch,
in a memoir read before the Royal Society of Lite-
rature, has endeavoured to fix the age of the ivories
by "their artistic style, by philological peculiarities,
and by the political relations between Egypt and
Assyria." He well observes, that the style is not
purely Egyptian, although it shows very close imita-
tion of Egyptian workmanship, and this must strike
any one who examines these fragments. The solar
disc and plumes surmounting the cartouche, appear
to have been first used in the time of the 18th dynasty,
* P. 11. of this volume. This inscription is now in the British Museum.
† For engravings from the ivories, see the "Monuments of Nineveh,"
plates 88, 89, 90, and 91.
206
[СНАР. І.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
in the reign of Thothmes III., and are found above
the names of kings as late as the Persian occupation
of Egypt. The head attire of the king bears some
resemblance to that of Amenophis III. at Karnak, and
the kheppr, or helmet, also appears at the commence-
ment of the 18th dynasty; the absence of peaked
sandals, and the masses of locks of side hair, may
possibly have been the fashion of the 22nd dynasty.
As to the evidence afforded by the philological
construction, and the employment of certain letters,
all the symbols, except one, appear to have been in
use from the earliest period in Egypt; the exceptional
symbol, the u, was introduced generally in the time
of the 18th dynasty. Mr. Birch concludes, that the
time of the 22nd dynasty would well suit the car-
touche, if stress may be laid upon certain philological
peculiarities.
We have next the evidence of political intercourse
between the two countries, as showing at what epoch
it is likely that, by trade or otherwise, articles of Egyp-
tian manufacture may have been carried into Assyria,
or Egyptian workmen may have sought employment
in the Assyrian cities. It has already been shown that
from the commencement of the 18th dynasty a close
intercourse had already commenced,-chiefly, it would
appear, by conquest; as the Egyptian monuments of
that period frequently allude to the subjugation of the
countries on the borders of the Euphrates.* But it
* See Mr. Birch's paper on the statistical tablet of Karnak, and on the
hieroglyphical inscriptions on the obelisk at Constantinople of the reign
of Thothes III. (Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, new
series.)
CHAP. I.]
207
THE CARTOUCHES.
is about the time of the 21st dynasty of Tanite kings,
that the relations between the two countries seem to
have been most fully established, and that more than
a common connection had sprung up between them.
Mr. Birch has discovered, and pointed out, the re-
markable evidence afforded by the names of male and
female members of this, and the following dynasty,
which are evidently of Semitic, and even of Assyrian
origin. Those of many of the kings of the 22nd, or
Bubastite, dynasty, are the most remarkable instances.
We have Sheshank, his sons Shapud and Osorchon,
Nimrot, the son of Osorchon II., Takilutha or Takel-
lothis, Nimrot, the son of Takellothis II., and the
names of queens, Lekamat or Rekamat*, Karmam or
Kalmim, daughter of the Prince Nimroud and Tatepor.
The two first, Sheshank and Shapud, and the names
of the queens, Mr. Birch shows, are not referable to
Egyptian roots, but follow the analogy of Assyrian
names. Osorchon he identifies with the Assyrian
Sargont, Nimrot with Nimrod, and Takilutha with
Tiglath,- —a word which enters into the composition of
the name of the Assyrian monarch, Tiglath Pileser.
It is highly probable, therefore, that at this period,
the reign of the 22nd dynasty, very intimate relations
existed between Egypt and the countries to the north-
* Mr. Birch conjectures that this name may be derived from the
Hebrew “Rikamut," an embroidered garment; "a Semitic word, which,
considering the renown of the Assyrian looms, might have been conferred
on an Assyrian female."
† In Isaiah (ch. xx. v. 1.), Sennacherib appears to be so called; but it
has been conjectured that Essarhaddon, who is called Sarchedon in the
book of Tobit, is meant.
208
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
east of it. Solomon had married a daughter of an
Egyptian monarch*, and Jeroboam fled to the court
of King Shishak.† The same alliances, therefore,
may have been formed between the most powerful
monarchs of the time-those of Assyria and Egypt.
The two countries appear then to have been at
peace, and in friendly communication; for we have
no notice in the Bible of wars between the Assyrians
and Egyptians at this period, nor does Naharaina
appear amongst the numerous conquests of Shishak.
As their battle-ground would probably have been
some part of Syria, and the troops of one of the two
nations would have marched through the Jewish ter-
ritories, it is reasonable to suppose that some record
of the event would have been preserved by the sacred
writers. The monuments of this dynasty do not
contain any notice of triumphs and conquests to the
east of the Euphrates. During this period of inti-
mate alliance, the Assyrian monarchs may have
adopted Egyptian names or prænomens, or may have
employed Egyptian artists to record their names and
titles in the sacred characters of Egypt. It is even
possible that this connection may account for the
appearance of Egyptian names in the lists of Assyrian
kings. I
Thus the evidence afforded by the artistic style
of the cartouches, and by their philological pecu-
liarities, as well as by the principal period of po-
* About 1014, B. C. 1 Kings, c. iii. v. 1.
† 1 Kings, c. xi. v. 40., and, according to some versions of the Septu-
agint, he married a relation (the Syncellus says a sister) of the Egyptian
monarch. (Böekh. Manetho, s. 315.)
As for instance, Sethos and Horus.
L'
邦
​FIGURES AND CARTOUCHE WITH HIEROGLYPHICS, ON AN IVORY PANEL. (N W. Palace. Nimroud.)
To face page 209. Vol. II.

Ope
CHAP. I.]
209
NAME IN CARTOUCHE.
litical and commercial intercourse between the two
people, appears to coincide, and points to the 22nd
dynasty, or 980 B. C., as the most probable period
of the ivories. At the same time it must be observed
that there is no argument against their being at-
tributed to the 18th dynasty.
Mr. Birch reads the name upon the entire cartouche,
Aubnu-ra, or Auvnu-ra*, which, if a mere Egyptian
word, would mean the shining sun. He observes,
"There is no especial deity of the Egyptian pantheon
called Ubnu; yet, as this word is constructed in the
same manner as the names of Egyptian deities, it
may be that of an Assyrian deity, translated or tran-
scribed into hieroglyphics. The name of Oannes, the
Chaldæan God, half man, half fish, is the nearest
approximation to it of the Assyrian names that have
reached us.
There is another hypothesis appli-
cable to this cartouche: that it represents the name
of an Assyrian king transcribed into hieroglyphics.
In order to identify it, if possible, with such a
name, I have collated it carefully with the lists of
names of Assyrian monarchs which have reached us,
from Eusebius, the Syncellus, Moses of Chorene, and
other chronographists of a later period." But he has
been unable to identify it with any authentic name
in those lists. "The name," Mr. Birch concludes,
"is not philologically composed like the name of a
king; and if it is supposed to be a prænomen,
*There are six symbols, or hieroglyphics: the reed A, the cord or
boat-head U, the leg B, water N, the duckling U, the sun's disk and the
determinative bar.
VOL. II.
Р
210
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
which the Assyrian monarch might have assumed
in imitation of his Egyptian contemporaries, there
is scarcely one in the whole Egyptian series con-
structed in the same manner; for in these the disk
of the sun is universally placed first. It is much
more probable that it is a prænomen, than a name;
in which case the fragment of the other name, in the
second cartouche, might be the name of the monarch."
Unfortunately only half the panel containing this
second cartouche has been preserved. Three symbols
reading NTA, or NATH, as the end of some Assyrian
name, alone remain. On a fragment of ivory, not
belonging to either of the cartouches, are two hiero-
glyphics, a duckling and the water-line, which Mr.
Birch reads UN, and conjectures to be part of the
name of an Assyrian deity.
In conclusion, Mr. Birch admits that the names of
two Egyptian kings correspond, in a remarkable de-
gree, with those in the Nimroud cartouches-the one
being Ra-ubn, the shining sun, and the word ubn
forming part of the other. But the following objec-
tions to their identity occur to him, viz: "that the
monarchs of this dynasty are anterior to the 18th, and
were ephemeral rulers, whose reigns varied from a few
months to only four years, showing either an epoch of
political confusion, or a series of reigns improperly
recorded. Now the Nimroud cartouche can hardly
be referred to so early a period, although the Hykshos
invasion is considered by some to be represented
by this part of the canon. These kings cannot be
connected with the shepherds.
There is one period
CHAP. I.]
211
THE GODDESS KEN.
which cannot be omitted in the consideration of
these Assyrian cartouches-that of the worship of
the Aten, or sun's disk, introduced during the 18th
dynasty; but there is no internal evidence that the
kings of this dynasty were Assyrians." May not
this very confusion indicate a foreign conquest — one
of the Assyrian occupations of Egypt hinted at by
Chaldee and Greek authors? And is it not a re-
markable coincidence, that we have continual repre-
sentations of the disk of the sun, as an object of
worship, on the earliest monuments of Nineveh?
The attempt to connect the names of many Egyp-
tian and Assyrian divinities has already been fre-
quently made.* I will only allude to one, whose
Assyrian origin is generally admitted, and whose ap-
pearance on the monuments of Egypt affords im-
portant evidence in an inquiry into the date of the
Assyrian edifices. I mean the goddess Ken†, the
Astarte, Astaroth, Mylitta, and Alitta of the Assy-
rians, Syrians, and Arabs. This divinity appears to
have been introduced into the Egyptian pantheon in
the time of the 18th dynasty, or at the commence-
ment of the close connection between Assyria and
Egypt. On comparing a representation of the god-
*For instance, the goddess Athor or Athyr. Dr. Hincks, I believe,
reads the same name, as that of the presiding divinity, on the monu-
ments of Assyria. Mr. Birch admits, in bis observations on the car-
touches, that the introduction of the Assyrian gods, Baal and Astarta,
of Renpu or Reseph, of Ken, and Anata or Anaitis, can be traced to the
18-19 dynasty, and is coeval with the epoch of the great conquests of
Egypt in central Asia.
†This is probably the Kiun of the prophet Amos. (Ch. v. ver. 26.)
According to M. Fresnel (Journal Asiatique, iv° série, t. v. p. 211.)
the goddess Athtor is mentioned in the Himyaritic inscriptions.
P 2
212
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
dess in the rock sculptures of Malthaiyah, with an
Egyptian bas-relief in the British Museum, it will
be seen that the mode of treating the subject is
nearly the same. In both we have a female standing
on a lion. The Egyptian figure holds two snakes and
a flower, the stalks of which are twisted into the form
of a ring; the Assyrian carries a ring alone. The
flower resembles that borne by the winged figures in
the palace of Khorsabad, and is not found in the edi-
fices of the first Assyrian period where the flowers in
the hands of similar figures are of a different shape.*
In the Egyptian bas-relief, of which I give a
woodcut, the goddess is naked; but she is some-
times found clothed, as in Assyria. In the earliest
palace of Nimroud, I discovered two representations


The Egyptian Goddess Ken.
From a tablet in the British Museum.
Assyrian Deity (? the Astarte of the Assyrians
and the Ken of the Egyptians.)
From a 1ock tablet at Malthaiyah, near Mosul.
* This will be perceived at once by comparing the engravings in the
French work on the monuments of Khorsabad, with those from the sculp-
tures of Nimroud in my large work. As it will be shown hereafter, this
CHAP. I.]
213
EGYPTIAN SYMBOLS IN ASSYRIA.
of the same divinity, both differing entirely from
those of the rock sculptures of Malthaiyah. The
goddess did not stand upon a lion; but the posture
clearly pointed out the peculiar form of worship over
which she presided, the lower part of the person being
obviously exposed. On Assyrian cylinders, evidently
of the later period, she is, however, represented pre-
cisely as in the Egyptian tablets-naked, and standing
on a lion. The Egyptian Ken appears, therefore, to
be connected with the second, and not the first, mode
of representation which prevailed in Assyria.*
But if the Egyptians borrowed from the Assyrians,
the emblems of Egypt were also carried to the east-
ward; and, it would appear, about the same time.
The monuments of the second Assyrian period are
characterised by more than one Egyptian peculiarity.
The crux ansata, the tau or sign of life, is found in
the sculptures of Khorsabadt, on the ivories from
lotus-shaped flower was evidently introduced into Assyria during or
immediately preceding the time of the builders of Khorsabad. There
are other representations in the British Museum of this Egyptian form
of the Assyrian goddess. On a fragment (Egyptian Room, No. 308.) she
is seen worshipped by Ramesses II. On a tablet at Turin she is called
Atsh, or Adesh, the name of the chief city of the Khitæ, a Mesopotamian
people attacked by the Ramessids. (Prisse. Mon. Pl. xxxvii.) She
usually appears in a triad with Renpu and Khem, or Chamno, also deities
of Semitic extraction.
* See M. Lajard's great work on the worship of Venus (plate 28).
From the figures (one of which carries a hatchet), accompanying this re-
presentation of the Assyrian Venus on the cylinder engraved by M. Lajard,
I have little hesitation in ascribing it to the later Assyrian period.
† Botta's letters in the Journal Asiatique for 1843. I am aware of the
ingenious arguments of M. Lajard (Observations sur l'Origine et la Sig-
nification du Symbole appelé la Croix Ansée, Paris, 1847), to derive the
crux ansata from the Assyrian symbol of the divinity, the winged figure
within the circle; but Egyptian antiquaries reject the connection alto-
P 3
214
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Nimroud, which, as I have shown, are of the same
age, carried too by an Assyrian king, and on cylin-
ders evidently of the later Assyrian period.* At
Kouyunjik the lotus was introduced as an architec-
tural ornament upon pavement slabs, between the
.bulls forming the entrances, and apparently on cor-
nices, fragments of which were found in the rub-
bish at the foot of the mound. In the latest palace
at Nimroud, were the crouching sphinxes with the
beardless human head†; we have also the vases
of Egyptian form, inscribed with the name of the
Khorsabad king. About the same time were probably
introduced the scarabæi, engraved with Assyrian
emblems and characters, not unfrequently found in
Assyrian ruins. It is probable also that the singular
grotesque head carved in a yellow silex, placed by
me in the British Museum, and discovered in the
mound of Nebbi Yunus, near Kouyunjik, is of the
gether, not even deeming it worthy of a serious investigation. Without
venturing to offer an observation on the subject, I may perhaps be
allowed to suggest that the monuments already discovered, and hereafter
to be discovered in Assyria, may throw new light upon many subjects
connected with Egypt, and may perhaps tend to shake many received
opinions.
* Their comparative date can be shown beyond a doubt, I think, by a
comparison with the monuments of Khorsabad.
† It is doubtful whether these sphinxes be male or female. I am in-
clined to think the latter. (See a representation of the figure, Vol. I.
p. 349.) It is well known that the Egyptian sphinx is always male.
+
There are several such scarabæi in the collection of the British
Museum. That the obelisk was common to the two nations, at a very
early period, is proved by the one in black marble, discovered at Nim-
roud; and by the mention of the great obelisk said to have been erected
by Semiramis at Babylon. Theophrastus (de Lapidibus, c. xliv.) also
speaks of an obelisk of emerald, four cubits high and three broad, pre-
sented by a king of Babylon to a king of Egypt.
CHAP. I.]
215
EGYPTIAN NAMES.
{
same period; and an imitation of the head of the
Egyptian deity, which some believe to represent
death.*
Before leaving the subject of the connection be-
tween Egypt and Assyria, it may not be out of place
to allude to the insertion of names, apparently of
Egyptian origin, in the lists of Assyrian kings. In
the dynastic list of the Syncellus, for instance, we
have a Sethos; and Pliny mentions an Assyrian king
called Horus. It is difficult to say how these lists
were drawn up; but it is not impossible that there
may have been some traditionary evidence at least to
support them, and that this appearance of Egyptian
names may point to a closer connection with Egypt
than history has recorded. If, in the dynasties of
Egypt, whose authenticity is admitted, we find As-
syrian names, why should we altogether reject Egyp-
tian names, merely because they are Egyptian, when
they occur in the dynasties of Assyria ?I
* Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, plate 41. vol. iv. This head has an
inscription in cuneiform letters on the crown and back; it might other-
wise be mistaken for a Mexican relic. Mr. Birch suggests that, as a
similar head is frequently represented on Egyptian monuments,- -on vases
brought as tribute by an Asiatic people — and is, moreover, found on the
Phoenician coins of Abusus, as that of the deity, it may be the Semitic
Baal, or Typhon.
† Lib. vi. c. 30. This may be the Thurus of Cedrenus, who, according
to a tradition, erected the first stela or pillar in Assyria. (Selden, Proleg.
de Dis Syris, c. 3.)
The continual confusion in sacred and profane authors between the
Kushites, or Ethiopians of Asia and Africa, is worthy of remark. We
have a Memnon commanding the armies of the Assyrian king at the siege
of Troy, coming from Susa, and followed by the Kushites, or inhabitants
of Susiana (Khuzistan). Although Virgil, falling into the common error
of supposing Memnon to have been an African, calls him black (Æneid,
1. iii.), Eustathius (in Dionys. Perieg. v. 248.), and Triclinius, the scholiast.
r 4
216
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
876 B. C.
The various statements of ancient authors, as to
the epoch of Ninus, remain to be considered. Ac-
cording to the fragments of Ctesias, preserved by
Diodorus Siculus, there were thirty-three kings from
the accession of that monarch to the fall of the em-
pire, whose reigns occupied 1306 years, and ended
Diodorus himself acquiesces in this date,
and Ctesias is followed by many writers, amongst
them Strabo and Abydenus. Castor brings the
empire down to 843 before Christ; and he reckons
1280 years from the first Ninus, to a second who
succeeded Sardanapalus. According to Eusebius,
1240 years elapsed between Ninus and Sardana-
palus, during which time reigned thirty-six Assyrian
kings, fixing the fall of the empire at 819 B. C. The
Syncellus places that event 826 years B. C., after
the duration of the empire for 1460 years. The
fall of Nineveh mentioned by these authors occurred,
therefore, much earlier than the destruction of the
city recorded in Scripture, which must be attributed
to the joint expedition of Cyaxares and Nabopo-
lassar; undertaken, as it has been shown, about
606 B. C. The event alluded to by Ctesias and his
followers may refer to the revolt of the Medes, and
*
of Pindar, say, that both he and his brother were white, although those
whom they commanded were black. The birth of Memnon from Tithon
and Aurora, according to the Greek mythology, evidently points to his
eastern origin. Both Suidas and Pausanias (in. Phocid.) state that he
came from Susa. According to some, Tithon, his father, was the brother
of Priam.
* I follow Clinton's Fasti Hellenici in these dates (vol. i. p. 263.). In
the chronology of ancient anthors, we find the extraordinary discrepancy
of 1535 years between the various dates assigned to Semiramis.
CHAP. I.]
217
TWO ASSYRIAN DYNASTIES.
not to the final overthrow of the Assyrian empire.
Some violent political convulsion probably took place
when Arbaces enabled the Medes to assert their in-
dependence the reigning Assyrian dynasty may
have been changed, and the old Assyrian empire
really brought to an end.*
Clinton, after a careful examination of the state-
ments of the Greek writers, and after comparing
them with the Scriptures, thus fixes the dates of the
principal events of Assyrian history :
(Ninus, B. C. 2182.)
Years.
B. C.
Assyrian monarchy 1306 years
before the Empire
675
1912
During the Empire, 24 Kings
526
1237
(Sardanapalus, B. c. 876.)
After the Empire, 6 Kings
105
711
1306
Capture of Nineveh
606 †
There are indeed sufficient grounds for the con-
jecture that there were two, if not more, distinct As-
syrian dynasties-the first commencing with Ninus,
Polyhistor distinctly alludes to this change of dynasty; and the names
of the later Assyrian kings, as recorded in the Bible, evidently differ
materially in their construction from those of the earlier monarchs; so
much, indeed, that they appear to belong to a distinct race. According
to Bion and Polyhistor, the Dercelades, or descendants of Semiramis,
were dethroned by Beletaras, who was about the nineteenth in direct
succession from Ninus.
† See an elaborate Essay, in the Mémoires of the Académie des In-
scriptions (vol. vii. of the abridged ed.), by M. Freret, on Assyrian
Chronology, in which all the authorities are carefully collected. His
results agree nearly with those of Clinton.
218
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and ending with a Sardanapalus of history; and
the second, including the kings mentioned in the
Scriptures, and ending with Saracus, Ninus II., or
the king, under whatever name he was known, in
whose reign Nineveh was finally destroyed by the
combined armies of Persia and Babylon. In history
we have apparently twice recorded the destruction of
the Assyrian capital; and two monarchs, first Sarda-
napalus, and then Saracus, are declared to have burnt
themselves in their palaces* rather than fall into the
hands of their enemies. †
To the tombs in the earth covering the remains
of the north-west, centre, and south-east edifices at
Nimroud, I cannot at present assign any date; and
until the vases, and other objects, found in them
are examined in England, I would hesitate to found
an argument upon their presence. They undoubtedly
prove that, at a very early period, the ruins were
completely buried, and the contents of the mounds
unknown. The cartouches, ivory ornaments, and
* Saracus, according to Abydenus, in a palace called Evorita, which
Major Rawlinson conjectures (Behistun inscription deciphered, Jour-
nal of the Royal Asiatic Society) to be represented by the ruins of
Khorsabad.
† According to Herodotus (lib. i. c. 176.), the people of Xanthus, rather
than submit to the arms of Cyrus, burnt themselves and their wives. The
same thing occurred in this city when besieged by Alexander and
Brutus. (Appian. de Bello Civili.) The anecdote is also related by
Plutarch.
It is probable that when Strabo (lib. xvi.) describes the vast mounds
of earth erected by Semiramis, containing subterraneous passages or
communications, tanks for water and staircases of stone, he alludes to
these very Assyrian ruins, a part of the contents of which might casually
have been exposed by the falling in of earth, or when the winter rains
formed ravines down their sides.
CHAP. I.]
219
THE TOMBS AT NIMROUD.
other objects, found still lower in the ruins, are
sufficient to mark the period of the destruction of
the building. I will only allude to the resemblance
between the vases, necklaces, and ornaments from
the sepulchres of Nimroud, and those discovered in
Egyptian tombs. The small crouching lion in lapis

Forms of Pottery found in the Tombs above the Ruins at Nimroud.
lazuli, a sitting figure of the same material, the
beads, the forms of the vases, are all Egyptian.*
Had they been placed in the hands of any antiquary,
not acquainted with the circumstances of their dis-
covery, he would not, I am convinced, have hesi-
tated to assign to them an Egyptian origin. Two
or three purely Assyrian cylinders were also dis-
covered in the tombs. Who the people were that
buried their dead above the Assyrian palaces, I
cannot venture at present to decide. They were not
* Most of these small objects are deposited in the British Museum.
220
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Christians, nor did they profess the Magian doc-
trines as taught in the time of the Sassanian kings.
The inhabitants of ancient Assyria, neither during
the supremacy of the Parthian Arsacidæ, of the
Romans, or of the Greeks, inaintained that close
connection with Egypt which would have led to
such general use of Egyptian symbols, or objects of
Egyptian manufacture. Nor is the mode of burial
Egyptian; it more nearly resembles that adopted by
the early Persians. Cyrus and Darius were buried
in sarcophagi, or troughs; Darius in one of Egyptian
alabaster.* From the fact that tombs were found
in all the most ancient ruins of Assyria, over the
north-west, centre, and south-east edifices at Nim-
roud, at Kalah Sherghat, and Baasheikha, and not at
Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, or over the south-west palace
at Nimroud, it might be conjectured that they be-
longed to an intermediate people or race, who occu-
pied Assyria after the building of the most ancient
palaces, and before the foundation of the most recent.
The close connection between Assyria and Egypt,
during the time of the 18th and four subsequent
Egyptian dynasties, is naturally called to our recol-
lection. But in the present state of our knowledge,
it would be too hazardous to assign so remote an an-
tiquity to these remains; for by doing so we must,
*The alabaster véλoç, or tub, in which Darius was buried, is men-
tioned by Theophrastus. The Assyrians, like the early Persians, may
have buried their dead entire, and preserved the bodies in honey or
(Herod. lib. i. c. 140. Arian, de Bello Alex. Theoph. de Lapid.
c. xv.) According to Elian, when Xerxes opened the tomb of Belus, he
found the body in a coffin filled, nearly to the brim, with oil.
wax.
221
CHAP. I.]
ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE.
of course, assume, that the ruins beneath are even
some centuries more ancient. I will, however, at-
tempt to show, that there is nothing inconsistent with
either history or tradition in the supposition, that
these buried edifices belong to a very early period.
I will not lay any stress upon the contents of the
tombs; they may have been brought from elsewhere;
and it is not impossible that they may belong to the
time of the first Persian occupation, or perhaps even
to the second; although the absence of coins and
gems of that period is opposed to this supposition.*
It may,
I think, be proved from the facts which
I have stated, that a very considerable period elapsed
between the construction of the earliest and latest
palaces, discovered at Nimroud. On the most mo-
derate calculation, we may assign a date of 1100
or 1200 years before Christ, to the erection of
the former; but the probability is, that it is much
more ancient. As I have already observed, there
is nothing in history, either sacred or profane, or
in the traditions handed down to us, against attri-
buting the highest antiquity to the Assyrian em-
pire. In the land of Shinar, in the country watered
by the Tigris and Euphrates, the Scripture places
the earliest habitations of the human race. Whether
we look upon that statement as the result of divine
inspiration, or whether we consider it as the re-
* It may be observed that remains of the Greek occupation of Assyria
are not unfrequently found. At Nimroud a small female figure in terra
cotta, evidently of that period, was discovered in the rubbish on the edge
of the south-east corner of the mound.
222
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
cord of a tradition, or an historical fact received by
the Hebrew legislator from elsewhere, still we have
the evidence that at the very earliest period, the be-
lief was generally current, both amongst Egyptians
and Jews, that the first settlements were in Assyria;
and that from Chaldæa, civilisation, and the arts and
sciences were spread over the world.* Abraham
and his family, above 1900 years before Christ, mi-
grated from a land already thickly inhabited, and
possessing great cities. According to Josephus, the
four confederate kings, who marched in the time of
the patriarch against the people of Sodom, and the
neighbouring cities, were under a king of Assyria,
whose empire extended over all Asia. Most of the
early Greek authors, and those who have followed
them, recognising a tradition which appears to have
been generally prevalent, agree in assigning to the
first kings of Nineveh the remotest antiquity; and in
this they are confirmed by the Armenian historians.
* Berosus (or Berossos) mentions the first settlement of the human
race in Chaldæa. The testimony of this author is entitled to some re-
spect, as he was a Babylonian, living in the time of Alexander. As a
priest of Belus he may be supposed to have been well acquainted with
the records contained in the temple, and to have been versed in the learn-
ing for which those of his order were so distinguished. In his time the
walls were probably still covered with the paintings representing the
ancient deeds of the people. We know from the Scriptures how care-
fully public records were kept in Babylon; even those of the Assyrian
empire existing after the Persian occupation. (Ezra, c. iv.) The tra-
ditions or history, preserved by Berosus, may therefore be presumed to
have been generally current in his time, amongst the Babylonians. Moses
of Chorene calls him a most learned Chaldæan: "Vir Chaldaicus omnis
doctrinæ peritissimus."
† Antiq. Jud. 1. i. c. 9.
СНАР. І. ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE.
223
Their united testimony even tends to identify or to
confound Ninus, the first king, with Nimrod him-
self, or with one of the immediate descendants of the
scriptural Noah.* Herodotus, who is quoted to dis-
prove the antiquity of Ninus, merely states that the
Assyrians had been in possession of Upper Asia for a
period of 520 years, when the Medes first revolted
and established their independence. † If we place
this event about B. C. 710, and assume that Herodotus
alludes to the founding of Nineveh, when he fixes the
date of 520 years to the Assyrian domination in Upper
Asia, then we must conclude that the Ninus who
* Particularly that of Berosus. Αὐτὸν Νῖνον τὸν Νεβρώθ οἱ ᾿Ασσύριοι
πроσпуóρεvσav. (Apoll. Fragmenta, 69., ed. Muller.) To limit the foun-
dation of the Assyrian empire to 900 B. C., because Pul, the first As-
syrian king mentioned in Scripture, can be proved to have lived
about that time, as the authors of the Ancient Universal History and
others have done, is, I conceive, quite inconsistent, not only with all his-
torical and traditionary evidence, but with that afforded by the Bible
itself Before the time of Pul, the Jews having no intimate dealings with
Assyria, may not have been affected by events occurring in that country:
this would be sufficient to account for there being no earlier mention of
it, and would seem to confirm the supposition that Herodotus dates, not
from the foundation of the Assyrian empire, but from its spreading over
Asia. The fragments which have been handed down to us of Armenian
history, through the native early Christian historians who possessed mate-
rials now lost, equally tend to fix the date of the reign of Ninus at the
time usually assigned to it by the Greek authors. His cotemporary on
the Armenian throne was Aram, whose son Aræus was slain by Semi-
ramis. St. Martin, probably after a careful examination of Armenian and
Greek history, placed the reign of Semiramis from 1997 to 1957, B. c.
(Biog. Universel de Michaud, art. Sanchoniathon.) "Primus omnium
Ninus Rex Assyriorum, veterem, et quasi avitum gentibus morem novâ
imperii cupiditate mutavit. Hic primus intulit bella finitimis," &c. (Just.
l. i. c. 1.)
† Herod. lib. i. c. 95. Thallus, as quoted by Theophilus of Antioch,
places Belus 322 years before the siege of Troy, thus appearing to agree
with Herodotus.
224
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
But the meaning of
appears to reckon,
gave his name to the city did not flourish earlier than
the 13th century before Christ.*
the historian is doubtful; for he
not from the first establishment of a monarchy in
Assyria, but from the time that the Assyrians were
sufficiently powerful to extend their empire over
other parts of Asia. I may mention as a curious
fact, first called to my attention by Major Rawlin-
son, but which, it must be admitted, requires further
corroboration, that whilst, in the inscriptions from
the earliest edifices at Nimroud, Assyria alone is
included in the dominions of the king, in those
from Khorsabad and subsequent edifices, Babylonia,
Armenia, and other countries are enumerated.
But if the inscriptions of Egypt are correctly
interpreted, we have distinct evidence that Nineveh
was standing long before the period assigned to its
foundation, on the supposed evidence of Herodotus.
The name is found in the celebrated statistical tablet
of Karnak. Mr. Birch, in his observations on that
tablet †, observes: "The word Nen-i-iu has been re-
cognised as the celebrated Nineveh on the Tigris, by
Champollion. The identification of this name is not
perfectly satisfactory; for as it commences the line, it
is possible that it may be the termination of the
of some fort or place. As it stands, it coincides with
this city, while the return of the king southwards,
name
* Or if the Median revolt took place in 876 B. c., or in 819 according
to Moses of Chorene, then in the 14th century.
† Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, vol. ii. p. 29. new
series.
CHAP. I.] ANTIQUITY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE.
225
t:
towards Naharaina*, quite concurs with its position."
If this name, therefore, be that of Nineveh, it occurs
on a monument of the reign of Thothmes III., about
1490 years before Christ; and the arguments, founded
upon the apparent testimony of Herodotus, at once
fall to the ground. It may be further mentioned,
in support of the reading, that in the same tablet we
have the name of Babylon, which has not been found
in any other Egyptian inscription.
†
There is no reason why we should not assign to
Assyria the same remote antiquity we claim for
Egypt. The monuments of Egypt prove that she
did not stand alone in civilisation and power. At
the earliest period we find her contending with
enemies, already nearly, if not fully, as powerful as
herself; and amongst the spoil from Asia, and the
articles of tribute brought by subdued nations from
the north-east, are vases as elegant in shape, stuffs
as rich in texture, and chariots as well adapted to
war as her own. It is not improbable that she her-
self was indebted to the nations of Western Asia for
the introduction of arts in which they excelled, and
that many things in common use were brought
from the banks of the Tigris. In fact, to reject the
notion of the existence of an independent kingdom
in Assyria, at the very earliest period, would be
* This name is evidently identical with the Neharajim of the Scrip-
tures in Syriac, Nahrim; it is a pure Semitic word signifying the
country between the two rivers, the Mesopotamia of the Greeks, the
Jezirah, or island, of the Arabs.
If there be no interpolation in the book of Genesis, we have mention
of Nineveh at least 1500 years B. C.
VOL. II.
Q
226
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
almost to question whether the country were inha-
bited; which would be directly in opposition to the
united testimony of Scripture and tradition. A doubt
may be entertained as to the dynasties, and extent of
the empire, but not as to its existence. That it was
not peopled by mere wandering tribes, appears to be
proved by the frequent mention of expeditions against
Naharaina (Mesopotamia), on the earliest monuments
of Egypt, and the nature of the spoil brought from
the country. Fourteen hundred years before Christ,
Chushan-rishathaim, a king of Mesopotamia*, subdued
the Israelites. Other kings were established in the
surrounding countries; all perhaps tributaries to the
Assyrians. But Naharaina appears to have been the
extent of the Egyptian conquests, the Egyptian kings
being frequently declared to have put up the tablets
of the boundaries of their empire in that country.
That the Assyrian kingdom may not have been known
much beyond its limits until the time of its greatest
prosperity, when it had extended its rule over the
west of Asia, is highly probable; and this would
account for the silence of the Jewish writers, and for
the absence of its name in the most ancient Egyp-
tian inscriptions.
With our present limited knowledge of the Assy-
*Judges, iii. 8.: and, 1450 years before Christ, Balaam, prophesying
of the Kenites, describes the power of the Assyrians. (Numbers, xxiv.
has
22.) The Arioch, king of El-Assar, mentioned in Genesis (xiv. 1.),
been conjectured to be a king of Assyria; the name bearing some resem-
blance to Arius, the son, or Aralius, the grandson, of Ninyas. (Lenglet
du Fresnoy, Methode, &c. vol. i. p. 258.) According to Manetho, Sala-
this, the first shepherd king, fortified the eastern provinces of Egypt
against the Assyrians.
CHAP. I.]
227
TROY UNDER ASSYRIA.
rian cuneiform character, it would be hazardous to at-
tempt the identification of the names in the Greek and
Armenian lists of kings, with those in the Assyrian in-
scriptions; nor would I venture upon an experiment
so often tried, as that of constructing a system of chro-
nology upon these dynastic lists.
these dynastic lists. I will only allude
to the assertion of many writers of antiquity, that
Troy was an Assyrian dependency. Memnon appears
at the siege of that city, with the 20,000 men, and 200
chariots, sent by the Assyrian king to the assistance
of the Trojans. This king, according to Ctesias, Euse-
bius, and the commentators, was Teutames; whom
Diodorus makes the 20th, Ctesias the 25th, and Eu-
sebius the 26th in direct descent from Ninus. Their
evidence again leads back to the earlier date for the
foundation of Nineveh, to about 2100 years before
Christ. According to Plato, Troy was within the
dominions of the king of Assyria. Eusebius,
quoting from the works of ancient authors, mentions
its dependency upon that monarch. On the autho-
rity of Cephalion, he even relates the terms in which
Priam applied to his Assyrian suzerain for assist-
ance.†
* De Legibus, lib. iii. He may, as it has been conjectured, have fol-
lowed Ctesias, who declares that Ninus conquered, amongst other coun-
tries, Phrygia, Lydia, and the Troad. (Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii.)
According to Herodotus, Agron, the first king of Lydia, was the son
of Ninus, and reigned 505 years before Candaules; and, however little
worthy of credit this assertion may be, it proves at least that, in his time,
there was still a tradition of the ancient dominion of the Assyrians in
Asia Minor.
† Diod. Sic. 1. ii. c. 22. Cephalion says that Priam applied to the
Assyrian king in these terms: "Militari vi in regione tuâ a Græcis ir-
ruentibus appetitus sum, belloque certatum est varia fortuna. Nunc
Q 2
228
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
An attempt to prove that the earliest palace of
Nimroud was founded by the Ninus who gave his
name to the Assyrian capital, might not be altogether
unsupported by plausible arguments. I hesitate at
present to decide upon Major Rawlinson's identi-
fication of the name which occurs in the inscriptions,
with that of the Ninus of history; although any
suggestion coming from such an authority must be
entitled to the greatest respect. This name, it will
be remembered, is W.
➤➤
When the ruins at Nimroud were first discovered,
I conjectured, from the frequent recurrence of these
characters both on the sculptures and on the bricks,
that they must represent the name of the king. I
submitted them to Major Rawlinson, and he was led
to believe, from a nearly similar word corresponding
in the Babylonian column of the trilingual inscrip-
tions, to the name of Assyria in the Persian, that in
the inscriptions of Nimroud the country also was
meant, and that they began, "I the king of Assyria,"
or with some such formula. When the genealogical
series commencing the inscriptions was determined,
it became evident that this was a name, and it was
not unnatural to connect it with the Asshur of
Genesis.* Subsequently I found, from a comparison
vero et filius meus Hector extinctus erat, et aliorum multa proles ac
strenua. Copiarum igitur valido sub duce nobis suppetias mitte."
(Euseb. ex Interp. Armen. a Mai, p. 41.) Dares Phrygius also mentions
the auxiliaries sent to Priam under Perses and Memnon.
* Chap. x. ver. 11. "Out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded
Nineveh;" although the approved reading is "the Assyrian," as given
in the margin.
CHAP. I.]
229
NAME OF NINUS.
of numerous inscriptions, that the word was written
indifferently
*
the first and last of the three letters being resolvable
into the same letter. The
The power of is from inde-
pendent sources conjectured to be that of an n, and
appears to have nearly the same phonetic
power. †
*. This character is sometimes replaced by
As to the use of
all these characters indifferently in this word, there cannot be a doubt.
Dr. Hincks is convinced that ➤➤ is either the name, or an abbrevia-
tion of the name of Athur, the country of Assyria. It is possible that
Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used in speaking of the
country. Dr. Hincks appears to admit that ➤➤ also stands for the
city of which the historical name is Nineveh.
† Dr. Hincks has conjectured that when a letter for a consonant and
a vowel sound combined is used, the letter expressing the pure consonant
may also be added: this might account for the presence of three cha-
racters having the power of n in this word. The substitution of one
character for another, as in the name given in the text, is one of the most
difficult questions in the investigation of the Assyrian writing. That
the letters, thus frequently found interchanging, are not always pure
variants, that is, having the same phonetic value, may be shown from
the example in the text, having, there can be little doubt, the value
of a.
Letters, partly syllabic, i. e. having a vowel sound united with
a consonant, appear to be interchangeable with pure consonants, or to
be replaced by two distinct signs; but hitherto no rule to regulate any
such interchanges has been discovered. They are so frequent, and
numerous, that an entire inscription might almost be written in two
distinct ways.
Q 3
230
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The ruins themselves furnish additional evidence
in support of assigning this building to the Ninus
to whom tradition, at least, attributes the foundation
of the Assyrian capital, and from whom the city took
its name. It may be mentioned, in the first place,
that the north-west edifice at Nimroud, built by
, is the most ancient hitherto dis-
covered in Assyria; and as all the great ruins on the
site of Nineveh have now been partially explored,
it may be presumed that no earlier building of this
nature exists. 2dly, According to Castor, the last
Assyrian king, or one of the last, of the second dy-
nasty, perhaps the Saracus of Abydenus, was called
Ninus II.* It will be remembered, that the names of
the builders of the most ancient and recent edifices
discovered in Assyria, are identical; and from the
appearance of the south-western building of Nimroud,
there is every reason to believe that it was destroyed
before completed. It may, consequently, be conjec-
tured to have been the last of the Assyrian palaces.
3rdly, Diodorus Siculus states, that in the palace of
Ninus or Semiramis, at Babylon, were represented
various hunting scenes, in which the queen was seen
throwing a javelin at a panther, and Ninus as trans-
fixing a lion with a lance. It is remarkable that
whilst at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik such representa-
tions have not been discovered, they abound in the
* This second Ninus is also mentioned in the Excerpta Chronologica
Euseb. apud Scal. See authorities collected in notes to p. 265., Appen-
dix, vol. i., of Clinton's Fasti Hellenici.
CHAP. I.]
231
NINUS.
earliest palace at Nimroud; not only forming separate
bas-reliefs, but being constantly introduced into the
embroideries on the robes of the principal figures.
4thly, Ctesias, and several writers, speak of the Bac-
trian, and Indian expedition of Ninus and Semiramis.
The obelisk discovered at Nimroud belongs to the
period of the earliest palace, having, it appears, been
erected by the son of the founder of that building;
upon it are represented the Bactrian camel, the ele-
phant, and the rhinoceros, -all animals from India
and central Asia,-brought as tribute by a conquered
people to the king.
Even if his father and grandfather were called in
the inscriptions "kings of Nineveh," Ninus himself
may still have founded and given his name to the
city.* Eusebius, after Abydenus, names six kings as
the predecessors of this Ninust; although by giving
the name of Nineveh to the capital, he evidently
assigns its foundation to him. This king may have
been the first to build monuments, such as those
recently discovered; or, he may have first used
inscriptions and sculptures for monumental records;
or, as Moses of Chorene states, Ninus may have
displaced a more ancient dynasty, and, jealous of
its glory, and wishing to appear to posterity as
the founder of the race, and the origin of its arts
* Dr. Hincks, as it has been mentioned, reads the title of these early
kings, "King of Assyria."
†They are Belus, Babius, Anebus, Arbelus, Chaalus, and Arbelus. I
believe Major Rawlinson is satisfied with the reading of Arbel and Aneb,
for the father and grandfather of the king in the inscriptions.
-
Q 4
232
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and civilisation, may have destroyed all the monu-
ments of his predecessors.
This statement of the
Armenian historian, from the advanced state of art
shown in the most ancient edifices of Assyria, is not
altogether unworthy of credit.
In conclusion, it may appear from the preceding
remarks-
1st. That there are buildings in Assyria which so
far differ in their sculptures, in their mythological
and sacred symbols, and in the character and language
of their inscriptions, as to lead to the inference that
there were at least two distinct periods of Assyrian
history. We may moreover conclude, that either the
people inhabiting the country at those distinct periods
were of different races, or of different branches of
the same race; or that by intermixture with foreign-
ers, perhaps Egyptians, great changes had taken
place in their language, religion, and customs, be-
tween the building of the first palace of Nimroud, and
that of the edifices of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
2nd. That the names of the kings on the monu-
ments, show a lapse even of some centuries, between
the foundation of the most ancient and most recent
of these edifices.
* Moses Chorenensis, lib. i. c. 13. "Item et alias ejus rei rationes
affert, utique Ninum superbiâ inflatum, suæque gloriæ cupidissimum,
cum se unum summæ potestatis et fortitudinis ac bonitatis fontem atque
originem haberi vellet, complures libros et historias antiquas rerum ubi-
cunque egregiè gestarum jussisse concremari; et de se tantum suisque
temporibus conscribi." The same is recorded of Nabonasser when he
ascended the throne at Babylon.
CHAP. I.]
233
CONCLUSIONS.
3rd. That from the symbols introduced into the
sculptures of the second Assyrian period, and from
the Egyptian character of the small objects found
in the earth, above the ruins of the buildings of
the oldest period, there was a close connection with
Egypt, either by conquest or friendly intercourse,
between the time of the erection of the earliest and
latest palaces; and that the monuments of Egypt,
the names of kings in certain Egyptian dynasties,
the ivories from Nimroud, the introduction of se-
veral Assyrian divinities into the Egyptian pantheon,
and other evidence, point to the 14th century as
the probable time of the commencement, and the
9th as the period of the termination, of that inter-
course.
*
4th. That the earlier palaces of Nimroud were
already in ruins, and buried before the foundation of
the later; and that it is probable they may have been
thus destroyed about the time of the 14th Egyptian
dynasty.
5th. That the existence of two distinct dynasties
in Assyria, and the foundation, about two thousand
years before Christ, of an Assyrian monarchy, may
be inferred from the testimony of the most ancient
authors; and is in accordance with the evidence of
Scripture, and of Egyptian monuments.
I cannot pretend to draw any positive conclusions
* I do not, of course, include the Assyrian conquests of Egypt, by
kings of the later dynasty, which are proved by positive historical
evidence, and the effects of which are well known and traceable.
234
[CHAP. I.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from the data that I have attempted to bring to-
gether. It has been my object to place before the
reader the facts which have been afforded by the
examination of the ruins facts, which, it must be
admitted, will go far towards enabling us ultimately
to form some opinion as to the comparative, if not
the positive, date of these newly discovered monu-
ments. I trust that I have at least succeeded in
showing, that there are grounds for admitting the
possibility of the very early origin of some of these
edifices; and that there is nothing in the discoveries
hitherto made inconsistent with the early date which
the dynastic lists, and the statements of ancient
authors, would assign to the foundation of Nineveh.
The subject is new, and has not yet been illustrated
by the remains of the people themselves. The vast
ruins of Egypt-its written and sculptured records-
have enabled the antiquarian to enlarge, and rectify,
the notices preserved to us through the Greeks and
Romans; but hitherto Assyria has furnished no such
materials. Their very absence has compelled us to
neglect a branch of inquiry, replete with interest as
connected with Biblical study, and with the history
of the human race. Further researches will probably
lead to the discovery of additional monuments and
inscriptions, adding to the great mass of materials
which in the last three years has been placed in our
possession. It would scarcely be reasonable or con-
sistent, after what has already been done, to discard
all evidence of the antiquity of the Assyrian empire,
CHAP. I.]
235
CONCLUSIONS.
because there are discrepancies in the statements of
such authors as Ctesias, Eusebius, and the Syncellus;
and at the same time to found arguments against
that antiquity upon an isolated and doubtful passage
in Herodotus, or upon the absence of the mention of
an early Assyrian king in the Scriptures.
236
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
CHAP. II.
SEMITIC ORIGIN OF THE
SITE OF NINEVEH.
ASSYRIANS.
IDENTIFICATION OF THE
DIMENSIONS OF THE CITY. ARCHITEC-
BUILDING
TURE OF THE ASSYRIANS. THEIR FIRST CITIES.
MATERIALS.—SUN-DRIED BRICKS.-ALABASTER-PAINTED WALLS.
THE ROOF AND CEILING. -KNOWLEDGE OF VAULTING AND THE
ARCH.
AND
-PAVEMENT
AS-
DESCRIPTION OF AN
SYRIAN PALACE. THE SCULPTURED AND PICTORIAL RECORDS.
DRAINS.
THE NATURE OF THE BUILDINGS DISCOVERED IN ASSYRIA.
EXTERIOR
ARCHITECTURE.
THE COLUMN.
GATEWAYS.
PRIVATE HOUSES. ABSENCE OF
WALLS OF THE CITIES. THEIR TOWERS AND
It has been assumed in the previous chapter that the
language of the Assyrian inscriptions is a Semitic,
or Syro-Arabian, dialect; but the question of what
race the Assyrians were, may still be considered by
some as open to doubt. It may be questioned, per-
haps, whether we have sufficient knowledge of the
inscriptions to decide, with certainty, the language of
their contents. There are, however, as it has been
shown, good grounds for believing that it is closely
allied to the Chaldee; or, to use a term which has
become familiar, that it is a branch of the Semitic.
Such, it is generally admitted, is the language of
the Babylonian column of the Persian trilingual
contain the same formulæ
inscriptions; which contain the
For instance,
as the inscriptions of Assyria.
the personal pronoun as used before the proper
name of the king at Persepolis, is found pre-
CHAP. II.]
237
LANGUAGE OF THE ASSYRIANS.
cisely in the same position at Nimroud.*
We are
aware, moreover, that the names of the Assyrian
gods, as Baal, or Belus (the supreme deity amongst
all the Semitic races), Nisroch, and Mylitta (known
by a nearly similar name to the Arabians) †, of
members of the family of the king, such as Adra-
meleck (son of Sennacherib), and of many of the
principal officers of state mentioned in Scripture,
such as Rab-saris, the chief of the eunuchs, and Rab-
shakeh, the chief of the cup-bearers, were purely
Semitic. The language spoken by Abraham when
he left Mesopotamia closely resembled the Hebrew;
and his own name was Semitic. § Moreover, a dia-
lect of the same tongue is still spoken by the Chal-
dæans of Kurdistan; who, there is good reason to sup-
pose, are the descendants of the ancient Assyrians. ||
* Thus YYY
W
❤ N:
“I -
(the name of the
king). If, as Dr. Hincks conceives, the language of the Van inscriptions
is an Indo-European dialect, then the Assyro-Babylonian form of arrow-
headed character would not be limited to any particular branch of lan-
guages—such as the Semitic.
+ Viz. Alitta, Herod. lib. i. c. 131.
It is, however, possible that these may be mere Hebrew translations
of Assyrian titles. An argument has been founded on the 26th verse
of the 18th chapter of 2nd Kings. Eliakim says to the officers of the
Assyrian king" Speak, I pray thee, to thy servants in the Syrian lan-
guage; for we understand it." From this passage it has been inferred
that the language of the Assyrians was similar to that which prevailed in
Syria, and consequently a Semitic dialect.
§ The name of Mesopotamia on the Egyptian monuments is Naharaina,
i.e. the country between the two rivers. This is not only a pure Semitic
word, but has a Semitic plural form. We may infer, therefore, that the
people inhabiting that district, at least, were of Semitic origin. The
Hebrew name of Mesopotamia was Aram Naharaim.
|| The question of the origin of the Chaldæans, the Casdim of Scrip-
ture, has been the subject of much discussion of late years. I confess
238
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
There is something, at the same time, if I may so
express myself, peculiarly Semitic in the genius and
taste of the Assyrians, as displayed by their monu-
ments. This is undoubtedly a mere conjecture; but
the peculiar characteristics of the three great races
which have, at different periods, held dominion over
the East, cannot fail to strike every reflecting tra-
veller. The distinctions between them are so marked,
and are so fully illustrated even to this day, that they
appear to be more than accidental-to be consequent
upon certain laws, and to be traceable to certain
that after carefully examining the arguments in favour of their Scythic
and Indo-European descent, I see no reason to doubt the old opinion,
that they were a Semitic or Syro-Arabian people. The German philo-
logists were the first to question their Semitic origin. Michaëlis made
them Scyths; Schloezer, Sclavonians. According to Dicæarchus, a dis-
ciple of Aristotle, and a philosopher of great repute, they were first
called Cephenes from Cepheus, and afterwards Chaldæans from Chaldæus,
an Assyrian king, fourteenth in succession from Ninus; this Chaldæus
built Babylon near the Euphrates, and placed the Chaldæans in it. (Ste-
phanus, Dict. Hist. Geog.) This appears to confirm the passage in Isaiah,
which has chiefly given rise to the question as to the origin of the
Chaldees. "Behold the land of the Chaldæans; this people was not, till
the Assyrian founded it for them that dwelt in the wilderness: they set up
the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof." (Ch. xxiii. v. 13.)
The use of the term Chaldæan, like that of Assyrian, was very vague. It
appears to have been applied at different periods to the entire country
watered by the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, south of the mountainous
regions of Armenia, to only a part of it, to a race, and ultimately to a
class of the priesthood. That the Chaldees were at a very early period
settled in cities, we learn from Genesis (ch. xi. v. 31.), for Abraham came
from Ur of the Chaldees; but the position of Ur, whether to the north or
south of Nineveh, and its identification with Edessa (the modern Orfah)
or Orchoe, or any other city whose geographical position can be ascertained,
are still disputed questions, which are not likely to be soon, if ever, settled.
It is right to observe, however, that the name may be a gloss of a later
version of Genesis, a substitution, after the captivity, for the name of some
obsolete city. The passage in Judith (chap. v. ver. 6. & 7.), in which
the Jews are spoken of as descendants of the Chaldæans, is remarkable.
CHAP. II.]
239
DISTINCTION IN RACES.
physical causes. In the first place, there is the She-
mite, whether Hebrew, Arab, or Syrian, with his
brilliant imagination, his ready conception, and his
repugnance to any restraint, that may affect the
liberty of his person or of his intellect. He conceives
naturally beautiful forms, whether they be embodied
in his words or in his works; his poetry is distin-
guished by them, and they are shown even in the
shape of his domestic utensils.
This race possesses,
in the highest degree, what we call imagination. The
poor and ignorant Arab, whether of the desert or
town, moulds with clay the jars for his daily wants,
in a form which may be traced in the most elegant
vases of Greece or Rome; and, what is no less re-
markable, identical with that represented on monu-
ments, raised by his ancestors, 3000 years before.
If he speaks, he shows a ready eloquence; his words
are glowing and apposite; his descriptions true, yet
brilliant; his similes just, yet most fanciful. These
high qualities seem to be innate in him; he takes no
pains to cultivate, or to improve them: he knows
nothing of reducing them to any rule, or measuring
them by any standard. As it is with him, so it has
been from time unknown with those who went before
him: there has been little change—no progress.
:
Look, on the other hand, at the so-called Indo-
European races-at the Greek and Roman. They
will adopt from others the most beautiful forms it
is doubtful whether they have invented any of them-
selves. But they seek the cause of that beauty; they
reduce it to rules by analysis and reasoning; they
240
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
add or take away-improve that which they have
borrowed, or so change it in the process to which it
is subjected, that it is no longer recognised as the
same thing. That which appeared to be natural to
the one, would seem to be the result of profound
thought and inquiry in the other. Let the untaught
man of this race model a vase, or address his fellows,
he produces the rudest and most barbarous forms;
or, whilst speaking roughly and without ease, makes
use of the grossest images.
We have next the Mongolian, whether Scyth,
Turk, or Tatar—without imagination, or strong rea-
soning powers — intrepid in danger, steady in pur-
pose, overcoming all opposition, despising his fellows,
a great conqueror. Such has been his character as
long as history has recorded his name: he appears
to have been made to command and to oppress. We
find him in the infancy of the human race, as well
as at later periods, descending from his far distant
mountains, emerging from the great deserts in central
Asia, and overrunning the most wealthy, the most
mighty, or the most civilised of nations. He exer-
cises power as his peculiar privilege and right. The
solitary Turkish governor rules over a whole pro-
vince, whose inhabitants, whilst they hate him as an
intruder and a barbarian, tremble at his nod. It is
innate in his children- the boy of seven has all
the dignity and self-confidence which character-
ises the man. The Mongolian must give way before
the civilisation of Europe, with its inventions and
resources; but who can tell whether the time may
not come when he may again tread upon the other
CHAP. II.]
241
DISTINCTIONS IN RACES.
races, as he has done, at intervals, from the remotest
ages ? But observe the absence of all those intel-
lectual qualities which have marked the Shemite and
the Indo-European. If the Mongolian nations were
to be swept from the face of the earth, they would
leave scarcely a monument to record their former
existence they have had no literature, no laws, no
art to which their name has attached. If they have
raised edifices, they have servilely followed those who
went before them, or those whom they conquered.
They have depopulated, not peopled. Whether it be
the Scythic invasion recorded by Herodotus, or the
march of Timourleng, we have the same traces of
blood, the same desert left behind; but no great
monument, no great work.
These may be but theories; yet the evidence af-
forded to this day, by the comparative state of the
three races, is scarcely to be rejected. In no part of
the world is the contrast between the peculiar qua-
lities of each, more strikingly illustrated than in the
East, where the three are brought into immediate
contact; forming, indeed mixed up together, yet still
separate in blood, the population of the land. The
facts are too palpable to escape the most casual
observer; they are daily brought to the notice of
those who dwell amongst the people; and whilst the
Arab, the Greek, and the Turk, are to be at once
recognised by their features, they are no less dis-
tinctly marked by their characters and dealings.*
* Dr. Prichard, in his valuable and learned “Researches into the Physi-
cal History of Mankind," has pointed out the peculiar characteristics of
VOL. II.
R
242
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
But, to return from this digression, let us inquire
whether the site of Nineveh is satisfactorily identi-
fied. That it was built on the eastern banks of the
Tigris, there can be no doubt. Although Ctesias,
and some who follow him, place it on the Eu-
phrates, the united testimony of Scripture, of an-
cient geographers, and of tradition, most fully proves
that that author, or an inaccurate transcriber or
commentator of his text, has fallen into an error.
Strabo says that the city stood between the Tigris
and the Lycus, or Great Zab, near the junction of
these rivers; and Ptolemy places it on the Lycus.
This evidence alone is sufficient to fix its true posi-
tion, and to identify the ruins of Nimroud.
*
The tradition, placing the tomb of the prophet
Jonah on the left bank of the river opposite Mosul,
66
one of these great branches of the human race. "The Syro-Arabian
nations," he observes, are amongst the races of men who display the
most perfect physical organisation. A well-known modern writer, who
has had extensive opportunities of research into the anatomical and other
corporeal characters of various nations, has maintained that the bodily
fabric belonging to the Syro-Arabian tribes, manifests even a more per-
fect development in the organic structure, subservient to the mental
faculties, than that which is found in other branches of the human family.
It is certain that the intellectual powers of the Syro-Arabian people have,
in all ages, equalled the highest standard of the human faculties." (Vol.
iv. p. 548.) And again: "It is remarkable that the three great systems
of theism which have divided the civilised world, came forth from nations
of Shemite origin, among whom arose the priests or prophets of all those
nations, who hold the unity of God." (Vol. iv. p. 549.) If this be true of
the Syro-Arabian or Shemite races, we may, without inconsistency, seek
for similar characteristics in the other branches of the human family; and
I believe that a careful examination of the subject will show, that the his-
tory and condition of the three great races, justify the remarks in the text.
* Herodotus, 1. i. c. 193. and 1. ii. c. 150.; Pliny, lib. xvi. c. 13.;
Strabo, l. xvi.; Ammianus Marcell. I. xxiii. c. 20.
CHAP. II.]
243
· ་
SIZE OF NINEVEH.
has led to the identification of the space comprised
within the quadrangular mass of mounds, containing
Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus, with the site of ancient
Nineveh. These ruins, however, taken by themselves,
occupy much too small a space to be those of a city,
even larger, according to Strabo, than Babylon.* Its
dimensions, as given by Diodorus Siculus, were 150
stadia on the two longest sides of the quadrangle,
and 90 on the opposite, the square being 480 stadia,
or about 60† miles. In the book of Jonah, it is
called "an exceeding great city of three days' jour-
ney;"‡ the number of inhabitants, who did not know
their right hand from their left, being six score thou-
sand. I will not stop to inquire to what class of
persons this number applied; whether to children,
to those ignorant of right and wrong, or to the
whole population.§ It is evident that the city was
one of very considerable extent, and could not have
been comprised in the space occupied by the ruins
opposite Mosul, scarcely five miles in circumference.
The dimensions of an eastern city do not bear the
same proportion to its population, as those of an Eu-
ropean city. A place as extensive as London, or Paris,
might not contain one third of the number of inhabit-
ants of either. The custom, prevalent from the earliest
period in the East, of secluding women in apartments
* Strabo. lib. xvi.
† Or, according to some computations, 74 miles.
Chap. iii. ver. 3.
§ The numbers of Jonah have frequently been referred to children,
who are computed to form one fifth of the population; thus giving six
hundred thousand inhabitants for the city.
R 2
244
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
removed from those of the men*, renders a separate
house for each family almost indispensable. It was
probably as rare, in the time of the Assyrian mo-
narchy, to find more than one family residing under
one roof, unless composed of persons very intimately
related, such as father and son, as it is at present
in a Turkish city. Moreover, gardens and arable
land were enclosed by the city walls. According
to Diodorus and Quintus Curtius, there was space
enough within the precincts of Babylon to cultivate
corn for the sustenance of the whole population, in
case of siege, besides gardens and orchards.† From
the expression of Jonah, that there was much cattle
within the walls, it may be inferred that there was
also pasture for them. Many cities of the East, such
as Damascus and Isphahan, are thus built; the
amount of their population being greatly dispropor-
tionate to the site they occupy, if computed according
to the rules applied to European cities. It is most
probable that Nineveh and Babylon resembled them
in this respect.
The ruins hitherto examined have shown, that
* We learn from the book of Esther that such was the custom amongst
the early Persians, although the intercourse between women and men was
much less circumscribed than after the spread of Mohammedanism.
Ladies were even admitted to public banquets, and received strangers in
their own apartments, whilst they resided habitually in a kind of harem,
separate from the dwellings of the men.
"Ac ne totam
† Diod. Sic. lib. ii. c. 9. Quintus Curtius, v. cap. 1.:
quidem urbem tectis occupaverunt; per xc. stadia habitatur: nec omnia
continua sunt: credo quia tutius visum est, plurimis locis spargi; cetera
serunt coluntque, ut, si externa vis ingruat, obsessis alimenta, ex ipsius
urbis, solo subministrentur."
+
Chap. iv. ver. 11.
CHAP. II.]
245
SIZE OF NINEVEH.
there are remains of buildings of various epochs, on
the banks of the Tigris, near its junction with the
Zab; and that many years, or even centuries, must
have elapsed between the construction of the earliest
and the latest. That the ruins at Nimroud were
within the precincts of Nineveh, if they do not alone
mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, and by
Ptolemy's statement that the city was on the Lycus,
corroborated by the tradition preserved by the ear-
liest Arab geographers. Yakut, and others mention
the ruins of Athur, near Selamiyah, which gave the
name of Assyria to the province; and Ibn Said ex-
pressly states, that they were those of the city of the
Assyrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem.* They are
still called, as it has been shown, both Athur and
Nimroud. The evidence afforded by the examina-
tion of all the known ruins of Assyria, further iden-
tifies Nimroud with Nineveh. It would appear from
existing monuments †, that the city was originally
66
* Yakut, in his geographical work called the Moejem el Buldan, says,
under the head of " Athur," " Mosul, before it received its present name,
was called Athur, or sometimes Akur, with a haf. It is said that this
was anciently the name of el Jezireh (Mesopotamia), the province being
so called from a city, of which the ruins are now to be seen near the gate
of Selamiyah, a small town, about eight farsakhs east of Mosul; God,
however, knows the truth." The same notice of the ruined city of
Athur, or Akur, occurs under the head of " Selamiyah." Abulfeda says,
“To the south of Mosul, the lesser (?) Zab flows into the Tigris, Lear the
ruined city of Athur." In Reinaud's edition (vol. i. p. 289. note 11.)
there is the following extract from Ibn Said:- "The city of Athur,
which is in ruins, is mentioned in the Tauret (Old Testament). There
dwelt the Assyrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem." I am indebted for
these notices to Major Rawlinson.
† See previous chapter as to the identification of the names and ge-
nealogies of kings.
R 3
246
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
founded on the site now occupied by these mounds.
From its immediate vicinity to the place of junction
of two large rivers, the Tigris and the Zab, no better
position could have been chosen. It is probable
that the great edifice, in the north-west corner of
the principal mound, was the temple or palace, or
the two combined; the smaller houses were scattered
around it, over the face of the country. To the palace
was attached a park, or paradise as it was called, in
which was preserved game of various kinds for the
diversion of the king. This enclosure, formed by
walls and towers, may perhaps still be traced in the
line of low mounds branching out from the principal
ruin. Successive monarchs added to the first building,
and the centre palace arose by its side. As the popu-
lation increased with the duration and prosperity of
the empire, and by the forced immigration of con-
quered nations, the dimensions of the city increased
also. A king founding a new dynasty, or anxious
to perpetuate his fame by the erection of a new
building, may have chosen a distant site. The city,
gradually spreading, may at length have embraced
such additional palaces. This appears to have been
the case with Nineveh. Nimroud represents the ori-
ginal site of the city. To the first palace the son of
its founder added a second, of which we have the
ruins in the centre of the mound. He also built the
edifice now covered by the great mound of Ba-
asheikha, as the inscriptions on the bricks from that
place prove. He founded, at the same time, a new
city at Kalah Sherghat. A subsequent monarch again
CHAP. II.]
247
SIZE OF NINEVEH.
added to the palaces at Nimroud, and recorded the
event on the pavement slabs, in the upper chambers
of the western face of the mound. At a much later
period, when the older palaces were already in ruins,
edifices were erected on the sites now marked by the
mounds of Khorsabad, and Karamles. The son of
their founder built the great palace at Kouyunjik,
which must have exceeded those of his predeces-
sors in extent and magnificence. His son was en-
gaged in raising one more edifice at Nimroud; the
previous palaces, as it has been shown, having been
long before deserted or destroyed, when some great
event, perhaps the fall of the empire and destruction
of the capital, prevented its completion.
The city had now attained the dimensions assigned
to it by the book of Jonah, and by Diodorus Siculus.
If we take the four great mounds of Nimroud, Kouy-
unjik, Khorsabad, and Karamles, as the corners of a
square, it will be found that its four sides correspond
pretty accurately with the 480 stadia or 60 miles of
the geographer, which make the three days' journey
of the prophet.* Within this space there are many
large mounds, including the principal ruins in As-
* From the northern extremity of Kouyunjik to Nimroud, is about
eighteen miles; the distance from Nimroud to Karamles, about twelve;
the opposite sides of the square the same: these measurements correspond
accurately with the elongated quadrangle of Diodorus. Twenty miles is
the day's journey of the East, and we have consequently the three days'
journey of Jonah for the circumference of the city. The agreement of
these measurements is remarkable. Within this space was fought the
great battle between Heraclius and Rhazates (A. D. 627). "The city, and
even the ruins of the city, had long since disappeared: the vacant space
afforded a spacious field for the operations of the two armies." (Gibbon,
Decline and Fall, ch. xlvi.)
R 4
248
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
syria, such as Karakush, Baasheikha, Baazani, Hus-
seini, Tel-Yara, &c., &c. ; and the face of the country
is strewed with the remains of pottery, bricks, and
other fragments.
The space between the great public edifices was
probably occupied by private houses, standing in the
midst of gardens, and built at distances from one
another; or forming streets which enclosed gardens
of considerable extent, and even arable land. The
absence of the remains of such buildings may easily
be accounted for. They were constructed almost
entirely of sun-dried bricks, and, like the houses now
built in the country, soon disappeared altogether
when once abandoned, and allowed to fall into decay.
The largest palaces would probably have remained
undiscovered, had not slabs of alabaster marked
the walls. There is, however, sufficient to indicate,
that buildings were once spread over the space
above described; for, besides the vast number of
small mounds everywhere visible, scarcely a hus-
bandman drives his plough over the soil, without
exposing the vestiges of former habitations. Each
quarter of the city may have had its distinct name;
hence the palace of Evorita, where Sasacus destroyed
himself, and the Mespila and Larissa of Xenophon,
applied respectively to the ruins at Kouyunjik and
Nimroud,*
* I have already shown that the account given by Xenophon of Larissa,
as well as the distance between it and Mespila, agree in all respects with
the ruins of Nimroud, and their distance from Kouyunjik. (Vol. I. p. 4.)
The circuit of the walls of Larissa, two parasangs, also nearly coincides
with the extent of the quadrangle at Nimroud.
CHAP. II.]
249
ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
Existing ruins thus show, that Nineveh acquired
its greatest extent in the time of the kings of the
second dynasty; that is to say, of the kings mentioned
in Scripture. It was then that Jonah visited it, and
that reports of its size and magnificence were carried
to the west, and gave rise to the traditions from
which the Greek authors mainly derived the informa-
tion handed down to us.
I know of no other way, than that suggested, to
identify all the ruins described in the previous pages
with Nineveh; unless, indeed, we suppose that there
was more than one city of the same name; and that,
like Babylon, it was rebuilt on a new site, after having
been once destroyed.* In this case Nimroud and
Kouyunjik may represent cities of different periods,
but of the same name; for, as I have shown, the
palace of Kouyunjik must have been built long after
the foundation of the Nineveh of well-authenticated
history. The position of Khorsabad, its distance from
the river, and its size, preclude the idea that it marks
alone the site of a large city. As the last palace at
Nimroud must have been founded, whilst those at
Kouyunjik and Khorsabad were standing, it is most
probable that the city at that time embraced the
remains of the old town, although the earlier build-
ings may have been destroyed.
Having thus pointed out the evidence as to the
site and extent of Nineveh, it may not be uninter-
esting to inquire how it was built, and what know-
*The attempt to identify Larissa and Nimroud with Resen, will, I
presume, be now renounced.
250
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ledge the Assyrians possessed of the science of archi-
tecture.
The architecture of a people must naturally de-
pend upon the materials afforded by the country,
and upon the object of their buildings. The de-
scriptions, already casually given in the course of
this work of the ruined edifices of ancient Assyria,
are sufficient to show that they differ, in many
respects, from those of any other nation with which
we are acquainted. Had the Assyrians, so fertile
in invention, so skilful in the arts, and so ambi-
tious of great works, dwelt in a country as rich in
stone and costly granites and marbles as Egypt or
India, it can scarcely be doubted that they would
have equalled, if not excelled, the inhabitants of those
countries in the magnitude of their pyramids, and in
the magnificence and symmetry of their rock temples
and palaces. But their principal settlements were in
the alluvial plains watered by the Tigris and Eu-
phrates. On the banks of those great rivers, which
spread fertility through the land, and afford the
means of easy and expeditious intercourse between
distant provinces, they founded their first cities. On
all sides they had vast plains, unbroken by a single
eminence until they approached the foot of the Arme-
nian hills.
The earliest habitations, constructed when little
progress had been made in the art of building, were
probably but one story in height. In this respect the
dwelling of the ruler scarcely differed from the
meanest hut. It soon became necessary, however,
CHAP. II.]
251
ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
that the temples of the gods, and the palaces of the
kings, depositories at the same time of the national
records, should be rendered more conspicuous than
the humble edifices by which they were surrounded.
The means of defence also required that the castle,
the place of refuge for the inhabitants in times of
danger, or the permanent residence of the garrison,
should be raised above the city, and should be built
so as to afford the best means of resistance to an
enemy. As there were no natural eminences in the
country, the inhabitants were compelled to construct
artificial mounds. Hence the origin of those vast,
solid, structures which have defied the hand of time;
and, with their grass-covered summits and furrowed
sides, rise like natural hills in the Assyrian plains.*
Let us picture to ourselves the migration of one
of the primitive families of the human race, seek-
ing for some spot favourable to a permanent set-
tlement, where water abounded, and where the land,
already productive without cultivation, promised an
ample return to the labour of the husbandman. They
may have followed him who went out of the land of
Shinar, to found new habitations in the north† ; or
they may have descended from the mountains of Ar-
menia; whence came, according to the Chaldæan
historian, the builders of the cities of Assyria. It
*The custom of erecting an artificial platform, and building an edifice
on the summit, existed amongst the Mexicans, although they inhabited a
hilly country.
† Genesis, x. 11.
Xithurus and his followers. Berosus, apud Euseb. The similarity
between the history of this Chaldæan hero and that of the Noah of Scrip-
ture is very singular.
252
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
was not until they reached the banks of the great
rivers, if they came from the high lands, or only
whilst they followed their course, if they journeyed
from the south, that they could find a supply of
water adequate to the permanent wants of a large com-
munity. The plain, bounded to the west and south by
the Tigris and Zab, from its fertility, and from the
ready means of irrigation afforded by two noble
streams, may have been first chosen as a resting
place; and there were laid the foundations of a city,
destined to be the capital of the eastern world.
The materials for building were at hand, and
in their preparation required neither much labour
nor ingenuity. The soil, an alluvial deposit, was rich
and tenacious. The builders moistened it with water,
and, adding a little chopped straw that it might be
more firmly bound together, they formed it into
squares, which, when dried by the heat of the sun,
served them as bricks. In that climate the process
required but two or three days. Such were the
earliest building materials; and they are used to this
day almost exclusively in the same country. This
mode of brick-making is described by Sanchoniathon*;
* According to Sanchoniathon (Cory's Fragments), the people of Tyre
invented the art of brick-making, and of building huts. "Hypsuranius,"
he says, "invented in Tyre the making of huts of reeds and rushes, and
the papyri. After the generation of Hypsuranius were Agreus and
Halieus, inventors of the arts of hunting and of fishing. After them came
two brothers; one of them, Chrysor or Hephaestus, was the first who
sailed in boats; his brother invented the way of making walls with bricks.
From this generation were born two youths, one called Technites, and
the other Geïnus Autochthon. They discovered the method of mingling
stubble with the loam of the bricks, and drying them in the sun; they also
invented tiling."
CHAP. II.]
253
ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
and we have an allusion to it in Exodus *; for the
Egyptians, to harass their Jewish captives, withheld
the straw without which their bricks could not pre-
serve their form and consistency.
Huts for the people were speedily raised, the
branches and boughs of trees from the banks of the
river serving for a roof.
The inhabitants of the new settlement now sought
to build a place of refuge in case of attack, or a
dwelling place for their leader, or a temple to their
gods. It was first necessary to form an eminence,
that the building might rise above the plain and
might be seen from afar. This eminence was not
hastily made by heaping up earth, but regularly and
systematically built with sun-dried bricks. Thus a
platform, thirty or forty feet high, was formed; and
upon it they erected the royal, or sacred edifice.†
Sun-dried bricks were still the principal, but could
not in this instance, for various reasons, be the only
materials employed. The earliest edifices of this
nature appear to have been at the same time public
monuments, in which were preserved the records or
archives of the nation, carved on stone. In them
* Chap. v.
Such is the custom still existing amongst the inhabitants of As-
syria. When some families of a nomad tribe wish to settle in a village,
they choose an ancient mound; it being no longer necessary to form a
new platform, for the old abound in the plains. On its summit they
erect a rude castle, and the huts are built at the foot. This course ap-
pears to have been followed since the Arab invasion, and perhaps long
previous, during the Persian occupation. There are few ancient mounds
containing Assyrian ruins which have not served for the sites of castles,
cities, or villages built by Persians or Arabs. Such are Arbela, Tel Afer
Nebbi Yunus, &c. &c.
254
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
were represented in sculpture the exploits of the
kings, or the forms of the divinities; whilst the his-
tory of the people, and invocations to their gods, were
also inscribed in written characters upon the walls.
It was necessary, therefore, to use some material
upon which figures and inscriptions could be carved.
The plains of Mesopotamia, as well as the low lands
between the Tigris and the hill-country, abound in a
kind of coarse alabaster or gypsum. Large masses of
it everywhere protrude in low ridges from the alluvial
soil, or are exposed in the gullies formed by winter
torrents. It is easily worked, and its colour and
transparent appearance are agreeable to the eye.
Whilst offering few difficulties to the sculptor, it was
an ornament to the edifices in which it was placed.
This alabaster, therefore, cut into large slabs, was
used in the public buildings.
The walls of the chambers, from five to fifteen feet
thick, were first constructed of sun-dried bricks. The
alabaster slabs were used as panels. They were
placed upright against the walls, care being first
taken to cut on the back of each an inscription re-
cording the name, title, and descent of the king un-
dertaking the work. They were kept in their places
and held together by iron, copper, or wooden cramps
and plugs. The cramps were in the form of double
dovetails, and fitted into corresponding grooves in two
adjoining slabs.* The corners of the chambers were
* Every slab has this groove of a dovetail shape on the edges; but
there were besides three round holes at equal distances between them.
I am unable to account for their use —whether to receive plugs which
A
CHAP. II.]
255
ASSYRIAN ARCHITECTURE.
generally formed by one angular stone; and all the
walls were either at right angles, or parallel to each
other.
The slabs having been fixed against the walls, the
subjects to be represented upon them were designed
and sculptured, and the inscriptions carved. That
the Assyrian artist worked after the slabs had been
fixed, appears to be proved beyond a doubt, by figures
and other parts of the bas-reliefs being frequently
finished on the adjoining slab; and by slabs having been
found placed in their proper position, although still
unsculptured, in one of the buildings at Nimroud.*
The principal entrances to the chambers were, it
has been seen, formed by gigantic winged bulls and
lions with human heads. The smaller doorways
were guarded by colossal figures of divinities, or
priests. No remains of doors or gates were dis-
covered, nor of hinges; but it is probable that the
entrances were provided with them. The priests of
Babylon "made fast their temples with doors, with
locks and bars, lest their gods be spoiled by rob-
bers," and the gates of brass of Babylon are con-
were in some way connected with the superstructure, or rods of metal
which may have extended through the wall to the slab in the adjoining
chamber. Only one of the dovetails (of iron) remained in its place.
These cramps appear to have been used (according to Diodorus Siculus)
at Babylon; the stones of the bridge, said to have been built by Semi-
ramis, being united by them. Herodotus (lib. i. c. 186.) also states that
the stones of the bridge built over the Euphrates by Nitocris were joined
by iron and lead. Similar cramps made of lead and wood, inscribed with
the name of the king, are found in the Egyptian buildings as early as the
XVIII-XIX dynasty.
* This mode of sculpturing the stone after placing it appears to have
been generally the custom in Egypt and India.
† Epistle of Jeremy. Baruch, vi. 18.
256
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tinually mentioned by ancient authors. On all the
slabs forming entrances, in the oldest palace of Nim-
roud, were marks of a black fluid, resembling blood,
which appeared to have been daubed on the stone.
I have not been able to ascertain the nature of this
fluid; but its appearance cannot fail to call to mind
the Jewish ceremony, of placing the blood of the
sacrifice on the lintel of the doorway. Under the
pavement slabs, at the entrances, were deposited
small figures of the gods, probably as a protection to
the building. Sometimes, as in the early edifices,
tablets containing the name and title of the king,
as a record of the time of the erection of the
building, were buried in the walls, or under the
pavement.
The slabs used as a panelling to the walls of un-
baked brick, rarely exceeded twelve feet in height;
and in the earliest palace of Nimroud were generally
little more than nine; whilst the human-headed lions
and bulls, forming the doorways, vary from ten to
sixteen. Even these colossal figures did not com-
plete the height of the room; the wall being carried
* It has already been mentioned, that these small figures in unbaked
clay, were found beneath the pavement in all the entrances at Khorsabad.
They were only discovered at Nimroud in the most recent palace, in the
south-west corner of the mound. See p. 37. of this volume. M. Botta
conjectures that the copper lion, discovered at Khorsabad between the
bulls forming the entrance, was chained to the large sculptures by a chain
of copper or bronze, fastened to the ring on the back of the animal. But
the size of the smallest of those found at Nimroud (Vol. I. p. 128.) seems
to preclude this supposition. It is remarkable, however, that almost
every slab forming an entrance has a hole in the centre, as if intended
for a ring or bolt.
CHAP. II.]
257
THE ROOF.
some feet above them. This upper wall was built
either of baked bricks, richly coloured, or of sun-
dried bricks covered by a thin coat of plaster, on
which were painted various ornaments. It could
generally be distinguished in the ruins. The plaster
which had fallen, was frequently preserved in the
rubbish, and when first found the colours upon it
had lost little of their original freshness and bril-
liancy. It is to these upper walls that the complete
covering up of the building, and the consequent pre-
servation of the sculptures, may be attributed; for
when once the edifice had been deserted they fell in,
and the unbaked bricks, again becoming earth, encased
the whole ruin. The principal palace at Nimroud
must have been buried in this manner, for the sculp-
tures could not have been preserved as they were,
had they been covered by a gradual accumulation of
the soil. In this building I found several chambers
without the panelling of alabaster slabs. The entire
wall had been plastered and painted, and processions
of figures were still to be traced. Many such walls
exist to the east and south of the same edifice, and
in the upper chambers.*
The roof was probably formed by beams, supported
entirely by the walls; smaller beams, planks, or
branches of trees, being laid across them, and the
whole plastered on the outside with mud. Such
are the roofs in modern Arab cities of Assyria.
has been suggested that an arch or vault was thrown
VOL. 11.
* Plan 4. p. 14. of this volume.
S
It
258
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from wall to wall. Had this been the case, the re-
mains of the vault, which must have been con-
structed of baked bricks or of stone, would have
been found in the ruins, and would have partly
filled up the chambers. No such remains were
discovered.* The narrowness of the chambers in
all the Assyrian edifices, with the exception of one
hall (Y, plan 3.) at Nimroud, is very remarkable.
That hall may have been entirely open to the sky;
and, as it did not contain sculptures, it is not im-
probable that it was so; but it can scarcely be con-
ceived that the other chambers were thus exposed to
the atmosphere, and their inmates left unprotected
from the heat of the summer sun, or from the rains
of winter. The great narrowness of all the rooms,
when compared with their length, appears to prove
that the Assyrians had no means of constructing a
roof requiring other support than that afforded by
the side walls. The most elaborately ornamented
hall at Nimroud, although above 160 feet in length,
was only 35 feet broad. The same disparity is ap-
parent in the edifice at Kouyunjik. It can scarcely
be doubted that there was some reason for making
the rooms so narrow; otherwise proportions better
suited to the magnificence of the decorations, the im-
"
* M. Flandin (Voyage Archéologique à Ninive, in the Revue des Deux
Mondes) states that he found sufficiently large masses of kiln-burnt bricks
in the chambers at Khorsabad, to warrant the supposition that the roof
had been vaulted with them. But I am inclined to doubt this having
been the case; and I believe M. Botta to be of my opinion. It is evident
that there must have been much wood in the building to cause its de-
struction by fire, and this wood could only have been in the roof.
† Some of the chambers at Kouyunjik were about 45 feet wide.
CHAP. II.]
ROOFS OF PALACES.
259
posing nature of the colossal sculptures forming the
entrances, and the length of the chambers, would
have been chosen. But still, without some such arti-
ficial means of support as are adopted in modern
architecture, it may be questioned whether beams
could span 45, or even 35 feet. It is possible that
the Assyrians were acquainted with the principle
of the king-post of modern roofing, although in the
sculptures the houses are represented with flat roofs:
otherwise we must presume that wooden pillars or
posts were employed; bat there were no indica-
tions whatever of them in the ruins. Beams, sup-
ported by opposite walls, may have met in the centre
of the ceiling. This may account for the great
thickness of some of the partitions. Or in the
larger halls a projecting ledge, sufficiently wide to
afford shelter and shade, may have been carried
round the sides, leaving the centre exposed to the
air. Remains of beams were everywhere found at
Nimroud, particularly under fallen slabs. The wood
appeared to be entire, but when touched it crumbled
into dust. It was only amongst the ruins in the
south-west corner of the mound, that any was dis-
covered in a sound state.
The only trees within the limits of Assyria suffi-
ciently large to furnish beams to span a room 30 or 40
feet wide, are the palm and the poplar: their trunks
still form the roofs of houses in Mesopotamia. Both
easily decay, and will not bear exposure; it is not
surprising, therefore, that beams made of them should
have entirely disappeared after the lapse of 2,500 years.
$ 2
260
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The poplar now used at Mosul is floated down
the Khabour and Tigris from the Kurdish hills *; it
is of considerable length, and occasionally serves for
the roofs of chambers nearly as wide as those of the
Assyrian palaces.
It has been seen that the principle of the arch was
known to the Assyrians†, a small vaulted chamber
of baked bricks having been found at Nimroud; but
there have been no traces discovered of an arch or
vault on a large scale.
If daylight were admitted into the Assyrian palaces,
it could only have entered by the roof. There are
no communications between the inner rooms except
by the doorways, consequently they could only receive
light from above. Even in the chambers next to the
outer walls, there are no traces of windows. It may
be conjectured, therefore, that there were square open-
ings or skylights in the ceilings, which may have been
* Vol. I. p. 167.
† Arched gateways are continually represented in the bas-reliefs. Ac-
cording to Diodorus Siculus, the tunnel under the Euphrates at Babylon,
attributed to Semiramis, was also vaulted. Indeed, if such a work ever
existed, it may be presumed that it was so constructed. It was cased on
both sides, that is, the bricks were covered, with bitumen; the walls were
four cubits thick. The width of the passage was 15 feet; and the walls
were 12 feet high to the spring of the vault. The rooms in the temple
of Belus were, according to some, arched and supported by columns. The
arch first appears in Egypt about the time of the commencement of the
eighteenth dynasty (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 117.), or
when, as it has been shown, there existed a close connection between
Egypt and Assyria.
It is possible that some of the chambers, particularly if devoted to
religious purposes, were only lighted by torches, or by fires fed by bitu-
men or naphtha. This custom appears to be alluded to in the Epistle of
Jeremy. “Their faces are blackened through the smoke that cometh out
of the temple." (Baruch, vi. 21.) But no traces of smoke or fire were
found on the sculptures and walls of the earliest palace of Nimroud.
CHAP. II.]
261
THE PAVEMENT.
closed during winter rains by canvass, or some such
material. The drains, leading from almost every
chamber, would seem to show that water might occa-
sionally have entered from above, and that apertures
were required to carry it off. This mode of lighting
rooms was adopted in Egypt; but, I believe, at a much
later period than that of the erection of the Nimroud
edifices. No other can have existed in the palaces
of Assyria, unless, indeed, torches and lamps were
used; a supposition scarcely in accordance with the
elaborate nature of the sculptures, and the brilliancy
of the coloured ornaments; which, without the light
of day, would have lost half their effect.
The pavement of the chambers was formed either
of alabaster slabs, covered with inscriptions recording
the name and genealogy of the king, and probably
the chief events of his reign, or of kiln-burnt bricks,
each also bearing a short inscription. The alabaster
slabs were placed upon a thin coating of bitumen
spread over the bottom of the chamber, even under
the upright slabs forming its sides. The bricks
were laid in two tiers, one above the other; a thin
layer of sand being placed between them, as well
as under the bottom tier. These strata of bitumen
and sand may have been intended to exclude damp;
although the buildings, from their position, could
scarcely have been exposed to it. Between the lions
and bulls forming the entrances, was generally placed
one large slab, bearing an inscription.
I have already alluded* to the existence of a drain
* P. 79. of this Volume.
s 3
262
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
beneath almost every chamber in the older palace of
Nimroud. These were connected with the floor by a
circular pipe of baked clay, leading from a hole,
generally cut through one of the pavement slabs, in
a corner of the room. They joined one large drain,
running under the great hall (Y, in plan 3.), and from
thence into the river, which originally flowed at the
foot of the mound.
The interior of the Assyrian palace must have
been as magnificent as imposing.* I have led the
reader through its ruins, and he may judge of the
impression its halls were calculated to make upon
one who, in the days of old, entered for the first
time the abode of the Assyrian kings. He was ushered
in through the portal guarded by the colossal lions
or bulls of white alabaster. In the first hall he
found himself surrounded by the sculptured records
of the empire. Battles, sieges, triumphs, the ex-
ploits of the chace, the ceremonies of religion, were
portrayed on the walls, sculptured in alabaster, and
painted in gorgeous colours. Under each picture
were engraved, in characters filled up with bright
copper, inscriptions describing the scenes represented.
Above the sculptures were painted other events —
the king, attended by his eunuchs and warriors, re-
ceiving his prisoners, entering into alliances with
* According to Moses of Chorene (lib. i.), the palaces in Armenia at
the earliest period were built by Assyrian workmen, who had already at-
tained to great skill in architecture. The Armenians thus looked tra-
ditionally to Assyria for the origin of some of their arts.
In the palace of Scylas in the city of the Borysthenitæ, against which
Bacchus hurled his thunder-bolt, were placed sphinxes and gryphons of
white marble. (Herod. lib. iv. c. 79.)
CHAP. II.]
263
AN ASSYRIAN PALACE.
other monarchs, or performing some sacred duty.
These representations were enclosed in coloured bor-
ders, of elaborate and elegant design. The em-
blematic tree, winged bulls, and monstrous animals
were conspicuous amongst the ornaments. At the
upper end of the hall was the colossal figure of the
king in adoration before the supreme deity, or receiv-
ing from his eunuch the holy cup. He was attended
by warriors bearing his arms, and by the priests or
presiding divinities. His robes, and those of his fol-
lowers, were adorned with groups of figures, animals,
and flowers, all painted with brilliant colours.
The stranger trod upon alabaster slabs, each bear-
ing an inscription, recording the titles, genealogy, and
achievements of the great king. Several doorways,
formed by gigantic winged lions or bulls, or by the
figures of guardian deities, led into other apartments
which again opened into more distant halls. In each
were new sculptures. On the walls of some were
processions of colossal figures armed men and
eunuchs following the king, warriors laden with spoil,
leading prisoners, or bearing presents and offerings
to the gods. On the walls of others were portrayed
the winged priests, or presiding divinities, standing
before the sacred trees.
The ceilings above him were divided into square
compartments, painted with flowers, or with the
figures of animals. Some were inlaid with ivory,
each compartment being surrounded by elegant bor-
ders and mouldings. The beams, as well as the
sides of the chambers, may have been gilded, or
$ 4
264
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
even plated with gold and silver; and the rarest
woods, in which the cedar was conspicuous, were
used for the wood-work.* Square openings in the
ceilings of the chambers admitted the light of day,
A pleasing shadow was thrown over the sculptured
* Sun-dried bricks, with the remains of gilding, were discovered at Nim-
roud. Herodotus states that the battlements of the innermost walls of
the royal palace of Ecbatana, the ornaments of which were most pro-
bably imitated from the edifices of Assyria, were plated with silver and
gold (lib. i. c. 98.); these precious metals appear to have been generally
used in decorating the palaces of the East. Even the roofs of the palace
at Ecbatana are said to have been covered with silver tiles. The gold,
silver, ivory, and precious woods in the ceilings of the palaces of Babylon,
attributed to Semiramis, are frequently mentioned by ancient writers.
Thus, in the Periegesis of Dionysius, v. 1005–1008.
πρὸς δὲ νότον, Βαβυλὼν ἱερὴ πόλις ἥν ῥά τε πᾶσαν
τείχεσιν ἀῤῥαγεέσσι Σεμίραμις ἐστεφάνωσεν·
αὐτὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀκροπόληι μέγαν δόμον είσατο Βήλῳ
χρυσῷ τ' ἠδ᾽ ἐλεφάντι καὶ ἀργύρῳ ἀσκήσασα.”
Translated by Priscian, v. 950-953.-
"Ad partes Austri Babylon: quam moenibus olim
Mirandis posuit firmisque Semiramis urbem;
Cujus in arce domum splendentem fecerat auro,
Quam simul argentum varie decoravit eburque."
And by Rufus Festus Avienus (Orbis Descriptio, v. 1196—1201.) —
"Quâ sunt flabra Noti, Babylon subducitur arce
Procera in nubes: hanc prisca Semiramis urbem
Vallavit muris quos non absumere flammæ
Non areis penetrare queat; stat maxima Beli
Aula quoque argento, domus Indo dente nitescit,
Aurum tecta operit; sola late contegit aurum."
Zephaniah (xi. 14.) alludes to the "cedar work" of the roof; and
in Jeremiah (xxii. 14.) chambers "ceiled with cedar and painted with
vermilion" are mentioned. It is probable that the ceilings were only
panelled or wainscotted with this precious wood. (1 Kings, vi. 15.,
vii. 3.) The ceilings of Egyptian tombs and houses were like those de-
scribed in the text. (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 125.)
The ivory ornaments found in some of the chambers at Nimroud may
possibly have belonged to the ceiling.
CHAP. II.]
265
OBJECTS OF THE SCULPTURES.
walls, and gave a majestic expression to the human
features of the colossal forms which guarded the
entrances. Through these apertures was seen the
bright blue of an eastern sky, enclosed in a frame
on which were painted, in vivid colours, the winged
circle, in the midst of elegant ornaments, and the
graceful forms of ideal animals.*
These edifices, as it has been shown, were great
national monuments, upon the walls of which were
represented in sculpture, or inscribed in alphabetic
characters, the chronicles of the empire. He who
entered them might thus read the history, and learn
the glory and triumphs of the nation. They served,
at the same time, to bring continually to the remem-
brance of those who assembled within them on festive
occasions, or for the celebration of religious cere-
monies, the deeds of their ancestors, and the power
and majesty of their gods.
It would appear that the events recorded in the
buildings hitherto examined, apply only to the kings
who founded them. Thus, in the earliest palace of
Nimroud, we find one name constantly repeated;
the same at Kouyunjik and Khorsabad. In some
edifices, as at Kouyunjik, each chamber is reserved
* I have endeavoured, with the assistance of Mr. Owen Jones, to give,
in my work on the Monuments of Nineveh (Plate 2.), a representation of a
chamber or hall as it originally appeared. I have restored the details from
fragments found during the excavations, and from parts of the building still
standing. There is full authority for all except the ceiling, which must
remain a subject of conjecture. The window or opening in it has been
placed immediately above the winged lions, to bring it into the plate; but
it is probable that it was in the centre of the hall. The larger chambers
may have had more than one such opening.
266
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
In
for some particular historical incident; thus, on the
walls of one, we find the conquest of a people residing
on the banks of two rivers, clothed with groves of
palms, the trees and rivers being repeated in almost
every bas-relief. On those of a second is represented
a country watered by one river, and thickly wooded
with the oak or some other tree. In the bas-reliefs
of a third we have lofty mountains, their summits
covered with firs, and their sides with oaks and vines.
every chamber the scene appears to be different.
It was customary in the later Assyrian monuments
to write, over the sculptured representation of a cap-
tured city, its name, always preceded by a determin-
ative letter or sign.* Short inscriptions were also
generally placed above the head of the king in the
palace at Kouyunjik, preceded by some words appa-
rently signifying "this is," and followed by others
giving his name and title. The whole legend pro-
bably ran, "This is such an one (the name), the
king of the country of Assyria." At Khorsabad
similar short inscriptions are frequently found above
less important figures, or upon their robes; a practice
which, it has been seen, prevailed afterwards amongst
the Persians.† I may observe, that in the earliest
* This sign, which I have given, in note, p. 192., appears to be the first
letter of a word signifying city or castle, or to be a monogram for the
word. Dr. Hincks traces in it a rude representation of a rampart and
parapet. (On the Inscriptions of Van, p. 29.)
† On the great rock-tablet of Behistun we have not only the name and
genealogy of Darius written over his head, but also the name and country
The characters for "this is," pre-
of the prisoners placed above each.
ceding the proper names, are the same in the Kouyunjik and Behistun
inscriptions.
CHAP. II.]
267
CHARACTER OF THE KING.
palace of Nimroud, such descriptive notices have
never been found introduced into the bas-reliefs.
Were these magnificent mansions palaces or tem-
ples? or, whilst the king combined the character of a
temporal ruler with that of a high-priest or type of
the religion of the people, did his residence unite the
palace, the temple, and a national monument raised
to perpetuate the triumphs and conquests of the na-
tion? These are questions which cannot yet be satis-
factorily answered. We can only judge by analogy.
A very superficial examination of the sculptures
will prove the sacred character of the king. The
priests or presiding deities (whichever the winged
figures so frequently found on the Assyrian monu-
ments may be) are represented as waiting upon, or
ministering to, him; above his head are the emblems
of the divinity-the winged figure within the circle,
the sun, the moon, and the planets. As in Egypt,
he may have been regarded as the representative,
on earth, of the deity; receiving his power directly
from the gods, and the organ of communication
between them and his subjects.* All the edifices.
hitherto discovered in Assyria, have precisely the
same character; so that we have most probably the
palace and temple combined; for in them the deeds of
the king, and of the nation, are united with reli-
gious symbols, and with the statues of the gods.
Of the exterior architecture of these edifices, no
* Diodorus Siculus, lib. i. c. 90., and Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians,
vol. i. p. 245., and vol. ii. p. 67.
268
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
traces remain. I examined as carefully as I was
able the sides of the great mound at Nimroud, and
of other ruins in Assyria; but there were no frag-
ments of sculptured blocks, cornices, columns, or
other architectural ornaments, to afford any clue
to the nature of the façade. It is probable that
as the building was raised on a lofty platform, and
was conspicuous from all parts of the surrounding
country, its exterior walls were either cased with
sculptured slabs or painted. This mode of decor-
ating public buildings appears to have prevailed in
Assyria. On the outside of the principal palace of
Babylon, built by Semiramis, were painted, on bricks,
men and animals; even on the towers were hunting
scenes, in which were distinguished Semiramis her-
self on horseback, throwing a javelin at a panther,
The walls
and Ninus slaying a lion with his lance.*
of Ecbatana, according to Herodotus†, were also
painted with different colours. The largest of these
walls (there were seven round the city) was white,
the next was black, the third purple, the fourth blue,
the fifth orange. The two inner walls were differ-
ently ornamented, one having its battlements plated
with silver, the other with gold. At Khorsabad a
series of alabaster slabs, on which were represented
gigantic figures bearing tribute, appeared to M. Botta
* Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii.
+ Lib. i. c. 98.
+
These colours, with the number seven of the walls, have evidently
allusion to the heavenly bodies, and their courses. (Herod. 1. 1. c. 98.)
Seven disks are frequently represented as accompanying the sun, moon,
and other religious emblems at Nimroud.
CHAP. II.]
269
EXTERIOR WALLS.
to be an outer wall, as there were no remains of
building beyond it. It is possible that the sculptures
on the edge of the ravine in the north-west palace
of Nimroud, also apparently captives bearing tribute,
may have formed part of the north façade of the
building, opening upon a flight of steps, or upon a
road leading from the river to the great hall.*
We may conjecture, therefore, that the outer walls,
like the inner, were cased with sculptured slabs below
and painted with figures of animals and other devices
above and thus ornamented, in the clear atmosphere
of Assyria, their appearance would be far from
unpleasing to the eye. They were probably pro-
tected by a projecting roof; and, in a dry climate,
they would not quickly suffer injury from mere ex-
posure to the air. The total disappearance of the
alabaster slabs, may be easily accounted for by their
position. They would probably have remained out-
side the building, when the interior was buried; or
they may have fallen to the foot of the mound, where
they soon perished, or where they may perhaps still
exist under the accumulated rubbish.†
* D and E, plan 3., and see Vol. I. p. 126.
† The thickness of both the outer walls and the walls forming par-
titions between the chambers, may have contributed greatly to exclude
the heat and to keep the chambers cool. It was Mr. Longworth's impres-
sion, on examining the ruins, that there never had been any exterior
architecture, but that all the chambers had been, as it were, subterranean,
resembling the serdabs, or summer apartments, of Mosul and Baghdad.
But such a supposition does not appear to me consistent with the mag-
nificent entrances, and with the elevated position of the building. Had
underground apartments been contemplated, an artificial platform would
scarcely have been raised to receive them.
270
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
On the western face of the mound of Nimroud, at
the foot, I discovered many large square stones, which
probably cased the lower part of the building, or
rather of the mound itself. Xenophon, describing
the ruins, says that the lower part of the walls was
of stone to the height of 20 feet; the upper being of
brick.* The stones he saw were merely the casing,
the interior or body of the walls being built of sun-
dried bricks.
If
Although there were houses in Assyria of two
and three stories in height, as at Babylon, and as
represented in the sculptures of Kouyunjik‡, yet it
does not appear probable that the great buildings
just described, had more than a ground floor.
there had been upper rooms, traces of them would
still be found, as is shown by the discovery of the
chambers on the western face of the mound.§ Had
they fallen in, some remains of them would have
been left in the lower rooms.
The houses, and towers represented in some of the
later sculptures, have windows and doors ornamented
with cornices. We have no means of ascertaining
the forms of the chambers, nor of learning any par-
ticulars concerning their internal economy and ar-
rangement. No private houses, either of Assyria
Proper or Babylonia, have been preserved.
* Anab. lib. iii. c. iv. s. 7.
† Herod. lib. i. c. 180.
The
At Nimroud, although towers were represented in the bas-reliefs,
with windows evidently belonging to the upper stories, yet there were no
houses of two stories.
§ See p. 14. of this volume.
•
CHAP. II.]
271
TENTS WITHIN WALLS.
complete disappearance of private dwellings, as it has
been shown, is mainly to be attributed to the perish-
able materials of which they were constructed. The
mud-built walls returned to dust as soon as ex-
posed, without occasional repair, to the effects of
the weather to rain, the heat of the sun, or hot
winds. The traveller in Assyria may still observe
the rapid decay of such edifices. He
He may search in
vain for the site of a once flourishing village a few
years after it has been abandoned.
It would appear from the Assyrian sculptures that
tents were in common use, even within the walls of a
city. There are frequent representations of enclo-
sures, formed by regular ramparts and fortifications,
partly occupied by such habitations, in which are
seen men, and articles of furniture, couches, chairs,
and tables.


A House (Kouyunjik.) The interior of a Tent. (Kouyunjik.)
* This house appears to resemble the model of an Egyptian dwelling
in the British Museum. (See also Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, vol. ii. woodcuts 98 and 99.) From a bas-relief discovered in
the centre of the mound at Nimroud, it would appear that the upper
part was sometimes formed of a kind of canvass.
272
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
In the tent represented in the woodcut, jars
for cooling water appear to be suspended to the
poles. Such is now the practice in the East. It
is still not an uncommon custom, in the countries
included in ancient Assyria and Babylonia, for wan-
dering tribes to encamp at certain seasons of the
year within the walls of cities. In Baghdad, Mosul,
and the neighbouring towns, the tents of Arabs and
Kurds are frequently seen amongst the houses; and
such it would appear was the case in Assyria in the
earliest ages. Abraham, and Lot, resided in tents in
the midst of cities. Lot had his house in Sodom, as
well as his tents. We find continual mention of per-
sons having tents, and living within walls at the
same time.*
In the districts around Mosul, the in-
habitants of a village frequently leave their houses
during the spring, and seek a more salubrious air for
themselves, and pasture for their flocks, on the hills
or plains. I have frequently alluded to this custom
in the previous volume.
The absence of the column, amongst the ruins of
Assyria, is remarkable. It would appear that the
Assyrians did not employ this useful architectural
ornament; indispensable, indeed, in the construction
of the roofs of halls exceeding certain propor-
tions. That they could not have been unacquainted
with it is proved by pillars being represented, sup-
* These tents were probably made of black goat-hair, like those of the
modern Arabs-"I am black, but comely, O ye daughters of Jerusalem,
as the tents of Kedar" (Cant. i. 5.) — and were not the gay white pa-
vilions which are usually seen in modern Biblical illustrations.
CHAP. II.]
273
THE PROTO-IONIC.
porting a pavilion or tent, in the older sculptures of
Nimroud. They were probably of wood, appear to
have been painted, and were surmounted by a pine
or fir cone, that religious symbol so constantly re-
curring in the Assyrian monuments.* But the first
indication of the use of columns in buildings, is to
be found in the sculptures of Khorsabad. In a bas-
relief from that ruin, a temple, fishing pavilion, or
some building of the kind, is seen standing on the
margin, or actually in the midst of, a lake or river.

A Temple or Fishing Pavilion, supported by Proto-Ionic Columns, and standing
in a River or artificial Lake, (Khorsabad.)
* Such were probably the columns supporting the pavilion, or tent,
represented in the bas-relief engraved in the Monuments of Nineveh,"
Plate 30.
VOL. II.
T
274
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The façade is embellished by two columns, the capitals
of which so closely resemble the Ionic, that we can
scarcely hesitate to recognise in them the prototype
of that order.*
In a bas-relief at Kouyunjik, the entrance to a
castle was flanked by two similar columns. The city
represented, appeared to belong to a maritime people
inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean, and may
perhaps be identified (as it will hereafter be shown
with Tyre or Sidon. We have therefore the Ionic
column on monuments of the eighth, or seventh, cen-
tury before Christ.
It is remarkable that the column, which appears
thus to have been known to the Assyrians, was not
used generally in their buildings. That it was not,
unless merely of wood, appears to be proved by the
absence of all remains of shafts and capitals; and in
Eastern ruins these are the last things to disappear.
The narrowness of the chambers, also, as I have ob-
served, must be attributed to the want of means of
supporting a ceiling, exceeding in width the span of
an ordinary poplar or palm beam. It is possible that
a conventional architecture, invested, as in Egypt,
with a religious character, was introduced before the
knowledge of the column. Hence, at a subsequent
* On an ivory tablet from Nimroud, the capitals of pillars, supporting
a kind of frame enclosing a head, also nearly resemble the Ionic; but
less so than those given in the woodcut. They have, however, the egg
and tongue ornament under the helices. The lower part of the pine
or fir cone, surmounting the columns of wood described in the previous
page, has also much the appearance of the volutes of the Ionic.
CHAP. II.]
275
THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
period, when this useful ornament was otherwise in
common use, it was not admitted into sacred build-
ings. But, as far as I am aware, no remains of the
column, which cannot be distinctly referred to a
period subsequent to the Greek occupation, have yet
been found in Assyria.*
The walls of the Assyrian cities, as we learn from
the united testimony of ancient authors, were of ex-
traordinary size and height. Their dimensions, as
given by Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, have every
appearance of great exaggeration; but, from the re-
mains which still exist, it is highly probable that
they exceeded in thickness any modern walls. The
materials were generally bricks of clay, dried in the
sun. The inhabitants could thus raise their defences
rapidly, without either great toil, or the cost and
labour of transport from distant places. As the earth
was removed to make the bricks, a ditch was formed
round the walls; at least such, we are informed, was
the case at Babylon. Sometimes the walls were con-
structed of these bricks alone. They were probably
even then of sufficient strength to resist a siege.
Frequently, however, this earthen rampart was cased
with stones or slabs, carefully squared and adjusted;
so that those who were unacquainted with the mode
in which the walls were built, believed them to be
entirely of stone. Sometimes the lower part only
may have been cased with stone, the upper being
* Nor have any been found, I believe, amongst the ruins of Babylon.
T 2
276
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
entirely of brick; as, according to Xenophon, were
the walls of Mespila and Larissa.*
According to Diodorus Siculus the walls of Nineveh
were one hundred feet high, and so broad that three
chariots might be driven abreast upon them. They
were furnished with fifteen hundred towers, each two
hundred feet in height. Those of Babylon, according
to Herodotus, were two hundred cubits (or about three
hundred feet) high, and fifty cubits (or about seventy
five feet) thick. In the Book of Judith the walls of
* Anab. lib. iii. The lower part of the walls of Mespila, according to
Xenophon, was fifty feet high, and as many broad, and the upper one hun-
dred high. The plinth was of a polished stone full of shells — the lime-
stone still abounding in the country. The base of the walls is frequently
the common river conglomerate. There are no remains at Kouyunjik to
show that any part of the wall was of solid stone; yet there can scarcely
be a doubt that Mespila is represented by the ruins opposite Mosul. Nor
does the circuit of six parasangs, mentioned by Xenophon, agree with
the present dimensions, which do not amount to as many miles. Some
allowance must be made for a little exaggeration.
†The walls of Babylon formed one of the standard fables of the an-
cients. According to some they were of brass. The Greek scholiast,
upon the passage in the Periegesis of Dionysius (quoted p. 262.), says:
"To the south (of the Matieni) lies the great city of Babylon, which
Semiramis crowned with unbreakable, brazen or strong, walls; for the
wall is said to be brazen, for it was on every side flanked by the river."
Eustathius, commenting on the same passage of Dionysius, observes:—
"In the south of Mesopotamia is Babylon, the Persian metropolis, a
sacred city surrounded with a brazen wall according to some, and with a
river flowing round it; all of which, he says, Semiramis crowned with un-
breakable walls. Where some, forsooth, as it has been said, have narrated
that the wall was of brass, and have put forth many other marvels about
it, besides those above explained," &c. “Some say that when Ninus, king
of (As-)Syria, founded Nineveh, his wife, in order to surpass her husband,
built Babylon in the plain with baked bricks, asphalt, and hewn stones three
cubits broad and six long. Its perimeter was 355 stadia; the walls were
forty cubits high and thirty broad, so that chariots could pass one another,
and were flanked with gates with lofty towers. And she made brazen doors
of a great height.' According to Josephus, who quotes Berosus, Nebu-
CHAP. II.]
277
THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
Ecbatana are stated to have been seventy cubits in
height, and fifty broad, or corresponding in thickness
with those of Babylon. They were built of hewn
stones, six cubits long and three broad; and the gates,
"for the going forth of the mighty armies (of Nebu-
chadnezzar) and for the setting in array of the foot-
men," were seventy cubits high and forty wide.*
Of these enormous structures, allowing for exagge-
ration and inaccuracy in the statements of the Greek
historians, there are still certain traces. They do
not, however, enclose the space attributed to either
Babylon or Nineveh, but form quadrangular enclosures
of more moderate dimensions, which appear to have
been attached to the royal dwellings, or were perhaps
intended as places of refuge in case of siege. Such are
the remains of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, and Khorsabad;
and those on the left bank of the river Euphrates,
near Hillah, the site of the Babylon of Nebuchad-
nezzar. These walls are now marked by consecutive
mounds, having the appearance of ramparts of earth
hastily thrown up. On examination, however, they
are found to be regularly constructed of unbaked
chadnezzar built three walls round the interior, and three round the ex-
terior of Babylon, or probably three round the new, and three round the
old city. Within these walls were the celebrated hanging gardens. He
built also high walks of stone, with all manner of trees upon them, to give
the appearance of a mountain; besides which he made a paradise, which
was called the hanging garden, to please his wife, who, coming from
Media, loved a mountainous country. (Against Apion, book i.)
* Chap. i. v. 1—4.
†The walls of Nineveh were built, according to Eustathius, in eight
years by 140,000 men. Those of Babylon in fifteen. (Berosus, Frag.)
According to Quintus Curtius, a stadium was finished each day (lib. v.
c. 26.)
T 3
278
[CHAP. II.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
bricks. In height they have, of course, greatly de-
creased, and are still gradually decreasing, but the
breadth of their base proves their former magnitude;
and that they were of great strength, and able to resist
the engines of war then in use, we learn from the fact
that Nineveh sustained a siege for nearly three years
in the time of Sardanapalus, and could only be taken
by the combined armies of the Persians and Baby-
lonians when the river had overflowed its bed, and
had carried away a part of the wall. According to
Xenophon, Larissa was captured during the con-
sternation of the inhabitants caused by an eclipse of
the sun.
At certain distances in the walls there were gates,
sometimes flanked, as at Kouyunjik, by towers adorned
with sculptures, and sometimes formed by gigantic
figures, such as the winged bulls and lions. An en-
trance of this kind has recently been by chance exposed
to view, in the mounds forming the quadrangle at
Khorsabad. The lofty pyramidical structures, which
still exist at Nimroud, Kalah Sherghat, and Khorsa-
bad, may have been used, as it has been already ob-
served, as watch-towers. In the edifices of Nineveh,
bitumen and reeds were not employed to cement the
layers of bricks, as at Babylon; although both materials
are to be found in abundance in the immediate vicinity
of the city.* The Assyrians appear to have made
much less use of bricks baked in the furnace than the
Babylonians; no masses of brickwork, such as are
* Rich, however, mentions stones cemented with bitumen, as having
been found in an excavation amongst the ruins opposite Mosul.
CHAP. II.]
279
THE WALLS OF NINEVEH.
everywhere found in Babylonia Proper, existing to
the north of that province. Common clay moistened
with water, and mixed with a little stubble, formed,
as it does to this day, the mortar used in buildings.
But, however simple the materials, they have success-
fully resisted the ravages of time, and still mark
the stupendous nature of the Assyrian structures.
T 4
280
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
CHAP. III.
THE
ARTS AMONGST THE
ASSYRIANS.
THEIR ORIGIN. CON-
THE ASSYRIAN
NECTION BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND GREEK ART.
ORIGIN OF PERSIAN ART. ITS PASSAGE INTO ASIA MINOR.
THE LYCIAN SCULPTURES. VARIOUS GREEK ORNAMENTS AND
TASTE OF ASSYRIANS DIS-
FORMS BORROWED FROM ASSYRIA.
PLAYED IN EMBROIDERIES, ARMS, AND PERSONAL ORNAMENTS
IN DOMESTIC FURNITURE IN VESSELS OF GOLD AND SILVER.
EZEKIEL'S DESCRIPTION OF PAINTED BAS-RE-
-PAINTINGS.
LIEFS.
COLOURS USED BY THE ASSYRIANS.
THEIR DYES.
MATERIALS FOR SCULPTURE. ALABASTER OF MOSUL MARBLE.
LIMESTONE AND BASALT. KNOWLEDGE OF MECHANICS.
THE PULLEY. MODE OF TRANSPORT OF BLOCKS OF STONE.
THE remarks in the foregoing chapter, on the archi-
tecture of the Assyrians, naturally lead to the con-
sideration of the state of the arts in general amongst
them. It is impossible to examine the monuments
of Assyria without being convinced, that the people
who raised them had acquired a skill in sculpture
and painting, and a knowledge of design and even
composition, indicating an advanced state of civilisa-
tion. It is very remarkable, that the most ancient
ruins show this knowledge in the greatest perfection
attained by the Assyrians. The bas-relief represent-
ing the lion-hunt, now in the British Museum, is a
good illustration of the earliest school of Assyrian
art yet known. It far exceeds the sculptures of
Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, or the later palaces of Nim-
CHAP. III.]
281
ASSYRIAN SCULPTURE.
66
roud, in the vigour of the treatment, the elegance
of the forms, and in what the French aptly term
mouvement." At the same time it is eminently
distinguished from them by the evident attempt at
composition, — by the artistical arrangement of the
groups. The sculptors who worked at Khorsabad, and
Kouyunjik, had perhaps acquired more skill in hand-
ling their tools. Their work is frequently superior
to that of the earlier artists, in delicacy of execution
in the details of the features, for instance—and in
the boldness of the relief; but the slightest acquaint-
ance with Assyrian monuments will show, that they
were greatly inferior to their ancestors in the higher
branches of art-in the treatment of a subject, and
in beauty and variety of form. This decline of art,
after suddenly attaining its greatest perfection in
its earliest stage, is a fact presented by almost
every people, ancient and modern, with which we
are acquainted. In Egypt, the most ancient monu-
ments display the purest forms, and the most ele-
gant decorations. A rapid retrogression, after a cer-
tain period, is apparent, and the state of art serves
to indicate approximatively the epoch of most of her
remains. In the history of Greek, and Roman art,
this sudden rise and rapid fall are equally well known.
Even changes in royal dynasties have had an in-
fluence upon art; as a glance at monuments of
that part of the East of which we are specially treat-
ing will show. Thus the sculpture of Persia, as that
of Assyria, was in its best state at the time of the
earliest monarchs, and gradually declined until the
282
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
fall of the empire. After the Greek invasion, it re-
vived under the first kings of the Arsacid branch;
Greek taste still exercising an influence over the
Iranian provinces. How rapidly art degenerated to
the most barbarous forms, the medals and monuments
of the later Arsacids abundantly prove. When the
Sassanians restored the old Persian monarchy, and
introduced the ancient religion and sacred ceremonies
of the empire, art again appears to have received a
momentary impulse. The coins, gems, and rock
sculptures of the first kings of this dynasty, are dis-
tinguished by considerable elegance, and spirit of
design, and beauty of form. But the decay was as
rapid under them, as it had been under their pre-
decessors. Even before the Khosraws raised the glory
and power of the empire to its highest pitch, art was
fast degenerating. By the time of Yezdigird, it had
become even more rude, and barbarous, than in the
last days of the Arsacids.
This decline in art may be accounted for by sup-
posing that, in the infancy of a people, or after the
occurrence of any great event, having a very decided
influence upon their manners, their religion, or their
political state, nature was the chief, if not the only,
object of study. When a certain proficiency had been
attained, and no violent changes took place to shake
the established order of things, the artist, instead of
endeavouring to imitate that which he saw in nature,
received as correct delineations the works of his pre-
decessors, and made them his types and his models.
In some countries, as in Egypt, religion may have.
CHAP. III.]
233
ASSYRIAN ART.
contributed to this result. Whilst the imagination,
as well as the hand, was fettered by prejudices, and
even by laws, or whilst indolence or ignorance led
to the mere servile copying of what had been done
before, it may easily be conceived how rapidly a de-
viation from correctness of form would take place. As
each transmitted the errors of those who had preceded
him, and added to them himself, it is not wonderful
if, ere long, the whole became one great error.
It is
to be feared, that this prescriptive love of imitation
has excrcised no less influence on modern art, than
it did upon the arts of the ancients.
As the earliest specimens of Assyrian art which
we possess are the best, it is natural to conclude
that either there are other monuments still undis-
covered, which would tend to show a gradual pro-
gression, or that such monuments did once exist, but
have long since perished; otherwise it must be in-
ferred that those who raised the most ancient Assyrian
edifice, derived their knowledge directly from another
people, or merely imitated what they had seen in a
foreign land. Some are inclined to look upon the
style, and character of these early sculptures, as
purely Egyptian. But there is such a disparity in the
mode of treatment, and in the execution, that the
Egyptian origin of Assyrian art appears to me, to be
a question open to considerable doubt. That which
they have in common would mark the first efforts
of any people, of a certain intellectual order, to
imitate nature. The want of relative proportions
in the figures, and the ignorance of perspective-
284
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the full eye in the side face, and the bodies of the
dead scattered above, or below the principal figures,
-are as characteristic of all early productions of
art, as they are of the rude attempts at delineation
of children. It is only in the later monuments of
Nineveh, that we find evident and direct traces of
Egyptian influence; as in the sitting sphinxes and
ivories of Nimroud, and in the lotus-shaped orna-
ments of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik; perhaps also in
the custom which then prevailed of inserting the
name of the king, or of the castle upon, or im-
mediately above, their sculptured representations.
Neither the ornaments of the earliest palace of Nim-
roud, nor the costumes, nor the elaborate nature of
the embroideries upon the robes, with the groups
of human figures and animals, nor the mythological
symbols, are of an Egyptian character; they show a
very different taste and style.
The principal distinction between Assyrian, and
Egyptian art appears to be, that in the one, conven-
tional forms were much more strictly adhered to
than in the other. The angular mode of treatment
so conspicuous in Egyptian monuments, even in the
delineation of every object, is not perceivable in those
of Assyria. Had the arts of the two countries been
derived from the same source or had one been imi-
tated from the other they would both surely have
displayed the same striking peculiarity. The Assy-
rians, less fettered, sought to imitate nature more
closely, however rude and unsuccessful their attempts
may have been; and this is proved by the constant
CHAP. III.] ASSYRIAN INFLUENCE IN ASIA MINOR.
285
endeavour to show the muscles, veins, and anatomical
proportions of the human figure.
We must not lose sight of the assertion of Moses of
Chorene, derived no doubt from ancient traditions,
if not from direct historical evidence, that when
Ninus founded the Assyrian empire, a people far ad-
vanced in civilisation, and in the knowledge of the
arts and sciences, whose works the conquerors endea-
voured to destroy, were already in possession of the
country.* Who that people may have been, we can-
not now even conjecture. The same mystery hangs
over the origin of the arts in Egypt, and in Assyria.
They may have been derived, before the introduction
of any conventional forms, from a common source —
from a people whose very name, and the proofs of
whose former existence, may have perished even be-
fore tradition begins.
The monuments of Assyria furnish us with very
important data, as to the origin of many branches of
art, subsequently brought to the highest perfection in
Asia Minor, and Greece. I conceive the Assyrian
influence on Asia Minor to have been twofold. In
the first place, direct, during the time of the greatest
prosperity of the Assyrian monarchy or empire,
when, as it has been shown, the power of its kings
extended over that country; in the second, indirect,
through Persia, after the destruction of Nineveh.
Of the influence exercised upon the arts of western
Asia, during the early occupation of the Assyrians,
*Before the foundation of Nineveh, Ninus, according to a tradition
preserved by Stephen of Byzantium, resided in a city called Telané.
286
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
few traces have hitherto been discovered, unless the
remarkable monuments on the site of ancient Pteria
or Pterium belong to this period.* The evident
connection between the divinities, and sacred em-
blems worshipped in various parts of Asia Minor,
and those of Assyria, will be hereafter particularly
pointed out. The Assyrian origin of these monu-
ments, and of these religious symbols, once admit-
ted, we shall have no difficulty in recognising the
influence of Assyria on the arts and customs of Asia
Minor. The antiquities of that country, prior to a
well-known period, the Persian occupation, have been
but little investigated. Few remains of an earlier
epoch have yet been discovered. That such remains
do exist, perhaps buried under ground, I have little
doubt. It is most probable that, as we have ad-
ditional materials for inquiry, we shall be still more
convinced of this Assyrian influence, pointed out by
Herodotus, when he declares the founder of the king-
dom of Lydia to have been a descendant of Ninus,
and by other authors who mention the Syrian, or
Assyrian descent of many nations of Asia Minor.†
* Texier, L'Asie Mineure, pl. 75. 79. There appears to be now little
doubt that the celebrated rock-tablet on the road from Ephesus to
Phocæa, and between Sardis and Smyrna, described by Herodotus (lib.
ii. c. 106.), and attributed by him to Sesostris, was not an Egyptian, but
an Assyrian monument. It was the Chevalier Lepsius, I believe, who
first questioned the Egyptian origin of that at Nymphi.
†There are reasons for conjecturing that Pterium, itself, was not
unconnected with Assyria. According to Stephen of Byzantium, the same
name was given to the Acropolis of Babylon (in voce frέptov). The
inhabitants of Cappadocia were Leuco-Syrians, or white Syrians. Ac-
cording to several ancient geographers, the city of Melita in that pro-
CHAP. III.] ASSYRIAN INFLUENCE IN ASIA MINOR. 287
But the second, or indirect, period of this influence,
is very fully and completely illustrated by the monu-
ments of Asia Minor, of the time of the Persian
domination. The known connection between these
monuments, and the archaic forms of Greek art
renders this part of the inquiry both important and
interesting. The Xanthian marbles, acquired for this
country by Sir Charles Fellows, and now in the
British Museum, are remarkable illustrations of the
threefold connection between Assyria and Persia,
Persia and Asia Minor, and Asia Minor and Greece.
Were those marbles properly arranged, and placed
in chronological order, they would afford a most
useful lesson; and would enable even a superficial
vince was founded by Semiramis; as also Comana, on the Sarus, and
Zela, in Pontus. (Pliny, vi. 3. ; Strabo, xii. 385. and 389.) Thyatira, on
the Lycus, in Mysia, was also originally named Semiramis. We have a
people called Chaldeans, mentioned by Xenophon and Strabo, as found
near the Black Sea. Apollonius Rhodius (lib. ii. c. 965.) and Strabo
speak of the Assyrians on the Halys, and Dionysius (Perieg. 772.) as
inhabiting the north of Asia Minor. According to Stephen of Byzan-
tium, Ninus founded a city, called after him Ninoe (afterwards Aphro-
desias or Megalopolis), on the frontiers of Lydia and Caria; the same city
is mentioned by Suidas. There was another city of the same name in
the district of Commagena in Syria. The building of Tarsus, and Anchiale,
by Sardanapalus, must also be borne in mind; and the curious tradition,
preserved by Eusebius from Abydenus, that Sennacherib built a temple
at Athens, placing brass monuments in it, on which were inscribed his
deeds. (Eusebius, Chron. book i. c. 9.) The same author points out
another close connection between Assyria and Asia Minor, and Greece,
when he states that Axerdis, having killed his brother Adrameles, pur-
sued his army as far as Byzantium. In the army of Axerdis, was
Pythagoras, who was acquiring the wisdom of the Chaldees. When Sar-
danapalus was besieged by the allied army of the Medes, Babylonians,
and Bactrians, he sent his three sons and two daughters, with large trea-
sures of gold and silver, to Cottus, governor of Paphlagonia, who had
remained faithful to him.
288
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
observer to trace the gradual progress of art, from
its primitive rudeness to the most classic conceptions
of the Greek sculptor. Not that he would find
either style, the pure Assyrian or the Greek, in its
greatest perfection; but he would be able to see how
a closer imitation of nature, a gradual refinement of
taste, and additional study, had converted the hard
and rigid lines of the Assyrians, into the flowing
draperies, and classic forms of the highest order of
art.*
I have termed this second period that of indirect
influence, because the arts did not then penetrate
directly into Asia Minor from Assyria; but were
conveyed thither through the Persians. The Assyrian
empire had already existed for centuries, and had
exercised the supreme power over Asia, before it was
disputed by the kingdoms of Persia and Media,
united under one monarch. The Persians were
probably a rude people, possessing neither a literature
nor arts of their own, but deriving what they had
from their civilised neighbours. We have no earlier
*It is hoped that some chronological system will be adopted in the
arrangement of all the works of art in the British Museum; for no col-
lection in Europe, whatever may be its completeness in any particular
department, has a more full and comprehensive series of monuments,
giving the whole history of art, in its earliest stage, its most classic
period, and its decline - from the most ancient period of Egypt and
Assyria, to the time of the transfer of the seat of the Roman Empire to
Constantinople. A series so arranged would be invaluable; not only
as affording the means of studying the history of art, but as giving no
ordinary insight into the history of the human race.
†This would appear from the statements both of Herodotus and
Xenophon.
CHAP. III.]
289
SCULPTURES OF PERSEPOLIS.
specimen of Persian writing than the inscription con-
taining the name of Cyrus, on the ruins supposed to
be those of his tomb, at Murghaub; nor any earlier
remains of Persian art than the buildings and sculp-
tures of Persepolis, and other monuments to be at-
tributed beyond a question to the kings of the Achæ-
menian dynasty. It has already been shown that the
writing of the Persians was imitated from the As-
syrians, and it can as easily be proved that their
sculptures were derived from the same source. The
monuments of Persepolis establish this beyond a
doubt.* They exhibit precisely the same mode of
treatment, the same forms, the same peculiarities in
the arrangement of the bas-reliefs against the walls,
the same entrances formed by gigantic winged ani-
mals with human heads, and, finally, the same reli-
gious emblems. Had this identity been displayed in
one instance alone, we might have attributed it to
chance, or to mere casual intercourse; but when it
pervades the whole system, we can scarcely doubt
that one was a close copy, an imitation, of the other.
That the peculiar characteristics of the Persepolitan
sculptures were derived from the monuments of the
second Assyrian dynasty - that is, from those of the
latest Assyrian period --can be proved by the simi-
larity of shape in the ornaments, and in the cos-
tume of many of the figures. Thus, the head-dress
of the winged monsters forming the portals is lofty,
* See particularly the works of Sir R. K. Porter, of Flandin and Coste,
and of Texier.
VOL. II.
U
290
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
squared, and richly ornamented at the top, resem-
bling those of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and differ-
ing from the round, unornamented cap of the older
figures at Nimroud.*


Head of winged Bull. (Ehorsabad and
Kouyunjik.)
Head of winged Monster.
(Persepolis.)
The processions of warriors, captives, and tribute-
bearers at Persepolis, are in every respect similar to
those on the walls of Nimroud and Khorsabad; we
have the same mode of treatment in the figures,
the same way of portraying the eyes and hair. The
Persian artist introduced folds into the draperies;
but, with this exception, he certainly did not improve
upon his Assyrian model. On the contrary, his work
* For the rounded cap of the most ancient Assyrian monuments, see
the woodcuts of the colossal winged lion and bull in the first volume.
In Alexander's "Travels from India to England," pl. ix., there is an
engraving of a bas-relief of a winged lion discovered at Persepolis, which
even more closely resembles the Assyrian than the larger figures in the
works of Ker Porter, and Flandin and Coste.
CHAP. III.]
291
ASSYRIAN ART IN ASIA MINOR.
is greatly inferior to it in the general arrangement
of the groups, and in the elegance of the details.
From whence the Persians obtained the column,
and other architectural ornaments used at Persepolis,
it may be more difficult to determine. We have seen
that the column was not unknown to the later As-
syrians, although it does not appear to have been
employed in the construction of their palaces. The
Persians, therefore, may have partly derived their
knowledge from them, and partly, perhaps princi-
pally, from the Egyptians; whom, before the found-
ation of Persepolis, they had already conquered. It
will be observed that the capitals of their columns
frequently assume the shape of Assyrian religious
types, the bull for instance; whilst other portions
of them nearly resemble in the form of their orna-
ments, though not in their proportions, those of
Egypt.
The Persians introduced into Asia Minor the arts,
and religion, which they received from the Assyrians.
Thus the Harpy Tomb, and the monument usually
attributed to Harpagus at Xanthus, and other still
earlier remains, show all the peculiarities of the
sculpture of Persepolis, and at the same time that
gradual progress in the mode of treatment — the
introduction of action and sentiment, and a know-
ledge of anatomy - which marks the distinction be-
tween Asiatic and Greek art. Whilst there was a
manifest improvement in the disposition of the dra-
peries, and in the delineation of the human form,
we still remark, even in the latest works of the Per-
U 2
292
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
sian period in Asia Minor, the absence of all attempt
to impart sentiment to the features, or even to give
more than the side view of the human face.
There is one monument, however, from Xanthus,
which particularly deserves notice, from its connection
with Persian and Assyrian art and religious emblems.
I allude to the fragment of
a tomb in the British Mu-
seum, on which is represented
a figure struggling with a
rampant lion.

Fragment of a Lycian Monument, in the
British Museum.
The sculpture is so pecu-
liarly Assyrian in its treat-
ment, identical representa-
tions being found on the
monuments and cylinders of
Assyria, that there can be no doubt as to the origin of
the design. The combat with the lion was either a
pure religious type, or a symbol of the power and
wisdom of the king; which, first devised by the As-
syrians, was afterwards used by the Persians, and is
everywhere to be found on their monuments.
I add another illustration a bas-relief from the
Harpy Tomb, conjectured to represent the three
Graces between Juno and Venus. The forms of the
chairs and the general treatment are Assyrian. The
calf sucking the cow, originally an Assyrian emblem,
occurs on an altar in a bas-relief discovered at Khorsa-
bad, and is found among the ivories from Nimroud.*
* I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Scharf for the two woodcuts
from Lycian monuments.
CHAP. III.]
293
ASSYRIAN ART IN ASIA MINOR.

Bas-relief from a Monument from Xanthus, in the British Museum.
豆
​L
AN
The connection between art as introduced by the
Persians into Asia Minor, and the sculpture and
architecture of Greece, is out of the scope of these
volumes. The subject has been more than once suc-
cessfully treated. It is, I believe, now generally
admitted, how much, in the early stage of art, the
Greeks were indebted to their intercourse with that
country. However, the Greek sculptor was not a
mere imitator, as the Persian had been adopting
that which was most beautiful in the works of others,
he made it his own, and by a gradual process of
development produced, ere long, those severe and
graceful forms, which were the foundation of the
most noble monuments of human genius.*
It has already been mentioned that many archi-
* The resemblance between several archaic sculptures, particularly
one representing a warrior holding a spear, discovered five or six years
ago (I believe) at Athens, and similar figures at Persepolis, is very re-
markable. There is an engraving of this warrior in an Archæological
Journal (Ephemeris Archaiologiché) published in the Greek capital.
(See also the Revue Archéologique for 1844, pl. 1. p. 49.)
U 3
294
[CHAP. IIT.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Assyrian Ornament. (Nimroud.)
tectural ornaments, known to the Assyrians, passed
from them, directly or indirectly, into Greece. The
Ionic column has been cited
as an instance. We have,
moreover, in the earliest
monuments of Nineveh, that
graceful ornament, com-
monly called the honey-
suckle, which was so exten-
sively used in Greece, and
is to this day more gene-
rally employed than any
other moulding. In Assyria,
as I have pointed out, it
was invested with sacred
properties, and was either
a symbol or an object of
worship.


Greek Honeysuckle Ornament.
MM
Greek Honeysuckle Ornament.

That the similarity be-
tween the Assyrian and Greek ornament is not acci-
dental, seems to be proved, beyond a question, by the
alternation of the lotus or tulip, whichever this flower
may be, with the honeysuckle; by the number of
leaves or petals of the flower, and by their proceeding
in both from a semicircle, supported by two tendrils
or scrolls. *
The same ornament occurs, even in
India, on a lath erected by Asoka at Allahabad
(about B. C. 250); but whether introduced by the
Greeks which, from the date of the erection of the
* I have given in my work on the Monuments of Nineveh, several
specimens of this ornament, one from a painting on the walls of the
north-west palace. (Plate 86.)
CHAP. III.]
295
ASSYRIAN ORNAMENTS.
monument, shortly after the Macedonian invasion, is
not improbable -or whether derived directly from
another source, I cannot venture to decide.
*

On a Lath at Allahabad.
That the Assyrians possessed a highly refined taste
can hardly be questioned, when we find them invent-
ing an ornament which the Greeks afterwards, with
few additions and improvements, so generally adopted
in their most classic monuments. Others, no less
beautiful, continually occur in the most ancient bas-
reliefs of Nimroud. The sacred bull, with expanded
wings, and the wild goat, are introduced kneeling

MIM
Ornament. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* I am indebted to Mr. Fergusson, the author of the beautiful work
on the Temples of India, for a sketch of this ornament. The Lath or
Lât from which it was taken is a circular obelisk, or rather a monu-
mental pillar, of a single stone; and upon it was inscribed by Asoka, the
grandson of the Sandracottus of the Greeks, certain edicts of a Buddhis-
tical tendency, which are now the oldest authentic documents we have,
regarding the ancient history of India. There are at least five other
similar Lâts still existing in India; but Mr. Fergusson knows of no other
that has the honeysuckle ornament.
U 4
296
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Ornament. (N. W. Falace, Nimroud.)
before the mystic flower which is the principal feature
in the border just described. The same animals are
occasionally represented supporting disks, or flowers
and rosettes. A bird, or human
figure, frequently takes the place of
the bull and goat; and the simple
flower becomes a tree, bearing many
flowers of the same shape. This
tree, evidently a sacred symbol, is
elaborately and tastefully formed
and is one of the most conspicuous
ornaments of Assyrian sculpture.
The flowers at the ends of the
branches are frequently replaced in
later Assyrian monuments, and on
cylinders, by the fir or pine cone,
and sometimes by a fruit or orna-
ment resembling the pomegranate.
The guilloche, or intertwining bands, continually

*
Ornarent.
(N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* Such perhaps was "the net-work with pomegranates," one of the
principal ornaments in the temple of Solomon. (1 Kings, vii. 41, 42.)
The pomegranate was worked on the garments of Aaron. (Exodus,
xxviii. 33, 34.) It was evidently a sacred symbol, and was connected
with the god Rimmon. A deity, supposed by Achilles Tatius (lib. iii.)
to be Zeus or Jupiter, was represeuted in a temple at Pelusium holding a
pomegranate in his hand.
CHAP. III.]
ASSYRIAN ORNAMENTS.
297

found on Greek monu-
ments, and still in com-
mon use, was also well
known to the Assy-
rians, and was one of
their most favourite or-
naments. It was em-
broidered on their robes,
embossed on their arms
and chariots, and painted
on their walls.*
This purity, and ele-
gance of taste, was equally
displayed in the garments,
arms, furniture, and trap-
pings of the Assyrians.
The robes of the king
were most elaborately
embroidered. The part
covering his breast was
generally adorned, not
only with flowers and scroll-work, but with groups of
figures, animals, and even hunting and battle scenes.†
In other parts of his dress similar designs were in-
troduced; and rows of tassels or fringes were carried
round the borders. The ear-rings, necklaces, armlets,
Sacred Tree. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* See the sword-sheath, on the following page, and the chariot con-
taining warriors in woodcut facing p. 350.
† For the details on these embroidered robes, see my work on the
Monuments of Nineveh. These designs can scarcely have been engraved
upon a breast-plate of metal, as the sculptor has made no distinction be-
tween the upper and lower part of the king's dress. They may repre-
sent the linen breast-plates, worn by the Assyrians in the army of Xerxes.
(Herod. 1. vii. c. 63.)
298
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
and bracelets were all of the most elegant forms. The
clasps, and ends of the bracelets were fre-
quently in the shape of the heads of rams
and bulls, resembling our modern jewellery.
The ear-rings have generally on the later
monuments, particularly in the bas-reliefs
of Khorsabad, the form of a cross.
In their arms, the Assyrians rivalled even
the Greeks in elegance of design. The hilt
of the sword was fre-
quently ornament-
ed with four lions'
heads; two, with
part of the neck and
shoulders, made the
cross-bar or defence,
and two more with
extended jaws were
introduced into the
Earing.
(N. W. Palace,
Nimroud.)



PATAGON
handle. The end of
Assyrian Ear-rings. (Khorsabad.)
the sheath was formed by two entire lions, clasped


Filt of a Sword.
End of a Sword Sheath.
(Khorsabad)
(N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
CHAP. III.]
299
ASSYRIAN ARMS.
together, their heads turned outwards, and their
mouths open. Sometimes the whole of the sheath
was engraved, or embossed, with groups of human
figures, animals, and flowers.

SY.
The handles of the daggers
were no less highly orna-
mented, being sometimes in
the form of the head of a horse,
bull, or ram. The sheath fre-
quently terminated in the head
of a bird, to which a tassel was
suspended. The part of the
bow to which the string was
attached, was in the shape of
an eagle's head. The quiver
was richly decorated with groups of figures, and fan-
ciful designs.
Handles of three Daggers carried in the
Girdle. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Ornaments, in the form of the heads of animals,
chiefly the lion, bull, and ram, were very generally
introduced even in parts of the chariot, the harness
of the horses, and domestic furniture. In this respect
the Assyrians resembled the Egyptians.
Their tables, thrones, and couches were made both
of metal and wood, and probably inlaid with ivory.
We learn from Herodotus, that those in the temple
of Belus at Babylon, were of solid gold.* The chair
represented on the earliest monuments is without
a back, the legs are tastefully carved, and the seat is
adorned with the heads of rams. The cushion ap-
* The couch, or bedstead, as our version has it, of Og, king of Bashan,
was of iron. (Deut. iii. 11.)
300
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
pears to have been made of some rich stuff, em-
broidered or painted. The legs were strengthened
by a cross-bar, and frequently ended in the feet of
a lion, or the hoofs of a bull, either of gold, silver,
or bronze.* On the monuments of Khorsabad, and

A Throne or Stool (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* The bed of Solomon was of the wood of Lebanon; the posts were of
silver, the bottom of gold, and the curtains of purple. (Song of Solomon,
iii. 9, 10.) Chairs and couches, adorned with feet of silver, and other
metals, were looked upon as a great object of luxury in Persia; from
thence they were probably introduced into Asia Minor, and Greece.
Artaxerxes presented Entimos Gortyna, who had gone to him from
Greece, with " a couch having silver feet, and with all the furnitnre that
appertained to it, and with a dome-shaped tent, or curtain, worked with
flowers, and a silver seat and gilded dome; and with cups, bottles, and
other things of gold inlaid with jewels and of silver." (Athenæus, lib. ii.
c. 48.) In fact, this was a complete bed, probably something like the mo-
dern French bed and its furniture, accompanied by such objects as were
required for the toilette. The court of the garden of the palace of
Ahasuerus, when he feasted the people in Shushan the palace, was fitted
up “with white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine
linen and purple, to silver rings and pillars of marble: the couches were
of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and
black marble (or mosaic)." (Esther, i. 6.) The feet of the couch, on
which the body of Cyrus was placed in his tomb, were of solid gold.
(Arrian, vi. 29.) The couches and tables found by Pausanias in the tents
CHAP. III.]
301
ASSYRIAN FURNITURE.
in the rock-tablets of Malthaiyah, we find represent-
ations of chairs supported by animals, and by human
figures, sometimes prisoners, like the Caryatida of
the Greeks. In this they resembled the arm-chairs of
Egypt, but appear to have been more massive.

100
A Stool. (Khorsabad)
An Arm chair. (Khorsabad.)
This mode of ornamenting the throne of the king
was adopted by the Persians, and is continually seen
in the sculptures of Persepolis. The lion was both
an ornament and support, in the throne of Solomon.
"And there were stays (or arms) on either side on
the place of the seat, and two lions stood beside the
stays (or arms). And twelve lions stood there, on
the one side and on the other upon the six steps."*
of Mardonius, were of gold and silver. They had belonged to Xerxes.
(Herod, 1. ix. c. 82.) Couches wreathed with ivory and silver, and the
beds variegated or inlaid with gold, silver, and ivory, are mentioned by
Homer. (Od. xix. 55, 56. and xxiii. 199.)
* 1 Kings, x. 19, 20.
302
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
This description corresponds with the Assyrian chairs,
the arms of which are frequently supported by the
figures of animals.*
The forms of the furniture represented in the bas-
reliefs of the later period, as at Khorsabad, display
less taste and elegance than those of the earlier
monuments. The chairs have generally more than
one cross-bar, and are somewhat heavy and ill-pro-
portioned, the feet resting upon large inverted cones,

BEBSBEBEBIERIG
A Couch or Table. (Khorsabad.)
resembling pine-apples. The seats were high, the
feet of those who sat upon
them being raised consider-
ably above the ground; a
footstool was consequently
necessary. On the earliest
Assyrian monuments the shape

Footstools supported by Lion's Paws.
(N.W. Palace, Nimroud)
of the footstool is very beautiful; like the chair, it
was ornamented with the paws of lions, or the hoofs
of bulls.†
* In the Lycian sculptures we have examples of similar supports to
the chairs. The fashion was probably introduced into Asia Minor by the
Persians, who originally borrowed it from the Assyrians.
† The footstool of Solomon's throne was of gold. (2 Chron. ix. 18.)
CHAP. III.]
303
ASSYRIAN FURNITURE.
The tables and chairs were frequently shaped like
our camp stools, and may have been made to close:
they were also generally terminated by the feet of
animals.


31
A Table.
(N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Altars, or Stands for Jars.
(N.W. Falace, Nimroud)
The drinking cups, and vessels, used on festive occa-
sions were probably of gold, like those
of Solomon*, or of silver. When Aha-
suerus feasted all the people, both great
and small, for seven days in Shushan
the palace, wine was given to them in
vessels of gold, each one differing from
the other. The drinking vases of the
Assyrians were frequently wrought into
the shape of the head and neck of an
animal-such as a lion or bull, -and
resembled those afterwards in use
amongst the Greeks, and found in the
tombs of Etruria.

Cup with Bandle.
(Khorsabad)
* 1 Kings, x. 21.: "And all king Solomon's drinking vessels were
of gold, and all the vessels of the house of the forest of Lebanon were
of pure gold: none were of silver; it was nothing accounted of in the
days of Solomon.”
† Esther, i. 7.
304
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
None of the vases discovered at
Nimroud are, perhaps, purely Assyrian.
Those of alabaster and glass, from the
north-west palace, bearing the name
of the Khorsabad king, closely resem-
ble the Egyptian, as do the earthen
jars from the tombs.* In the bas-re-
liefs, however, we have occasional re-
presentations of vases; some carried
by attendants, who appear to be wait-
ing at feasts, and others borne by cap-
tives, as objects of tribute. In shape
they are not wanting in beauty, bearing
some resemblance to Greek pottery,
of a period succeeding the ruder ar-
chaic.
Drinking Cup.
(Khorsabad.)

Vase from a Bas-relief.t
(Khorsabad.)
The square basket, or utensil, so frequently repre-
sented in the Assyrian sculptures, as carried by the
winged figures, is generally very elaborately de-
corated. In the early bas-reliefs of Nimroud, a
group of figures is often introduced upon it, and the
margin is richly adorned with the honeysuckle orna-
ment, or with the intertwining bands. The corners
* Mr. Birch suggests that the alabaster vases were brought from
Egypt. Amongst the Asiatic nations who bring tribute to Thothmes III.
are the Kheva, who offer vases of gold and silver, somewhat similar to
those described in the text. (Hoskins's Æthiopia; Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, vol. i. pl. iv. First Series.)
† Note the similarity in shape between this vase, which was evidently
used in some religious ceremony connected with the worship of the later
Assyrians, and the vases in an Egyptian bas-relief from Alabastron, of
the king and his family worshipping the sun. (Wilkinson's Ancient
Egyptians, Second Series, vol. ii. plate 30.)
CHAP. III.]
305
ASSYRIAN SCULPTURES.
to which the handle is attached, are sometimes in
the form of eagles. In the sculptures of Khors-
abad, this square utensil is made to
represent a basket or wicker-work;
but in the early sculptures it appears
to be of metal.

Basket or Vessel carried
by Winged Figures.
(Khorsabad.)
The arms, domestic furniture, uten-
sils, personal ornaments, and details
I have described, show a very refined
and cultivated taste. In this respect,
the most ancient Assyrian monu-
ments with which we are acquainted, greatly exceed
the later. Many forms had been preserved, as in
the swords, bracelets, and armlets; but they had evi-
dently degenerated, and are more coarsely designed
in the sculptures. This is also evident in the em-
broideries of the robes, and in the details of the
chariots. We see the same love of elaborate and
profuse decoration, but not that elegance and va-
riety, so conspicuous in the ornaments of the first
period. The kneeling bull or wild goat, the graceful
flower, and the groups of men and animals skilfully
combined, are succeeded by a profusion of rosettes,
circles, and squares, covering the whole surface of
the dress, or the sides of the chariots. Although
there is a certain richness of appearance, yet the
classic forms, if the term may be used, of the earlier
artists, are wanting..
It is remarkable that the later Assyrians, whilst
retaining ancient designs in their arms, should have
discontinued their use in the embroideries of their
VOL. II.
X
306
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
robes; no longer introducing the groups of figures,
which previously formed so elegant and important
an ornament. This can
mere modification of taste.
evident reference to myths,
scarcely be ascribed to a
As all these
As all these groups have
and sacred subjects, their
omission appears to confirm the conjecture that an
essential change had taken place in the religious
system, as well as in the manners, of the Assyrians,
between the construction of the earliest and latest
monuments.
The bas-reliefs and sculptures of the Assyrians,
except, probably, those in black marble and basalt,
I could
were either partly or entirely painted.
not ascertain whether the ground, as well as the
figures, had been coloured; but M. Flandin states*
that he could trace on the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad
a tint of yellow ochre on all parts not otherwise
painted. It is not improbable that such was the
case, particularly in the Khorsabad and Kouyunjik
palaces, as a similar practice existed in Egypt.
There were fewer remains of colour at Nimroud,
I could
than in the ruins explored by M. Botta.
distinguish them on the hair, beard, and eyes, on
the sandals and bows, on the tongues of the eagle-
headed figures, and very faintly on a garland round
the head of a winged priest, and on the representa-
tion of fire in the bas-relief of a siege. These traces
being only found on certain parts of the human face,
and on particular objects, almost lead to the con-
* In his "Voyage Archéologique à Ninive," in the Revue des Deux
Mondes.
CHAP. III.]
307
ASSYRIAN PAINTINGS.
jecture that the earliest Assyrian sculptures were
but partially coloured. At Khorsabad the remains
of paint were far more general, being found on the
draperies, the mitre of the king, the flowers carried
by the winged figures, the harness of the horses, the
chariots, and the trees. In the bas-reliefs represent-
ing a siege, the flames issuing from the houses, and
the torches carried by the assailants, were invariably
coloured red.
The passage in Ezekiel, describing the interior of
the Assyrian palaces, so completely corresponds with,
and illustrates, the monuments of Nimroud and
Khorsabad, that it deserves particular notice in this
place. The prophet, in typifying the corruptions
which had crept into the religious system of the
Jews, and the idolatrous practices borrowed from
nations with whom they had been brought into con-
tact, thus illustrates the influence of the Assyrians.
"She saw men pourtrayed upon the wall, the images
of the Chaldeans pourtrayed with vermilion, girded
with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire
upon their heads, all of them princes to look to, after
the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldea, the land
of their nativity."* Ezekiel, it will be remembered,
* Ch. xxiii. v. 14. and 15. This description of the Assyrian sculp-
tures is very remarkable. The literal translation of the passage is:
"She saw men of sculptured (or painted) workmanship upon the wall,
likenesses of the Chaldæans, pictured (or sculptured) in shashar;
girded with girdles on their loins, with coloured flowing head-dresses
upon their heads, with the aspect of princes all of them, the like-
ness of the sons of Babel-Chaldæa, the land of their nativity." The
words in Italics are not in the text. Shashar occurs also in Jeremiah,
xxii. 14., where it is rendered in our version "vermilion." Gesenius
X 2
308
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
66
prophesied on the banks of the Chebar, a river which,
whether it can be identified with the Khabour of the
Arabs (the Chaboras of the Greeks), flowing through
the plains of Mesopotamia, and falling into the Eu-
phrates near Karkemish (Circesium), or with an-
translates it" red color, red ochre, rubrica;" the Vulgate
the Vulgate "sinopis,"
i. e. rubrica sinopensis, which was the most celebrated (Plin. Hist. Nat.
xxxv. 5. 13.); the Septuagint μíros, which in Homer is rubrica. All
the commentators, the Septuagint, and the Syrian and Chaldee versions,
give to Shashar the meaning of a colour. The Rabbis make it "cinnabar,"
which is near to vermilion. There is an Arabic root (Shazar), from
which Shuzret, redness of the eyes, and Eshzer, ruddy of appearance,
seem to be derived. The root itself, however, as a verb, does not include
the idea of redness; but has, amongst other analogous meanings, that of
twisting a rope," and that of "piercing a man," from which the idea of
sculpturing might be derived. It means also "to raise" and "be raised,"
and might be applied to bas-relief work. This agrees with the original
meaning of the Hebrew pp (hakek), to cut, to engrave, to sculpture ;
perhaps an onomatope, like our word "to hack." But in Jeremiah, xxxii.
14. there is" daubed with shashar:" here it would appear to mean a
paint, unless a painted bas-relief is intended. And the hieroglyphic word
for red is "tesher," the t and sh being interchangeable. The word '
(serouhé) means any thing, especially of woven stuff or leather, which hangs
over; and appears in the text to denote a head-dress falling down behind,
like that of many of the figures in the bas-reliefs. The word rendered
coloured (tebouleem), appears to be a passive participle of 1, "to
immerse," or "to dye;" but then there is no noun for head-dress itself,
and this word would appear to designate it. If it be a noun, its meaning
may be inferred from the Ethiopic root on (titbelal),
"to wrap,'
or "wind around," and "flowing turbans upon their heads" would be
the proper translation. In the various versions we have-Septuagint,
Codex Rom. Tарабάπтаι; the Codex Alex. Theodoret., Arab. Vers. and
the Syriac Vers. of Origen's Hexapla, riάpai Bañтai; the Vulgate, "tiaras
tinctas;" the Syriac version, "crowned with winding head-dresses;" the
Chaldee version, "they took their helmets down;" Symmachus, Syriac
from the Hexapla, "veil;" Theodotion, Syr. from the Hexapla, "cidares
inclinatæ." It will be observed that all the non-Semitic translators take
the word "tebouleem" for coloured, according to the obvious meaning of
the word in Hebrew; while the Semitic translators depart from the
Hebrew meaning, and incline to the Ethiopic, "to wind around," or
neglect the word altogether.
CHAP. III.]
COLOURS.
309
other of the same name rising in the mountains of
Kurdistan, and joining the Tigris above Mosul, was
certainly in the immediate vicinity of Nineveh. In
the passage quoted, the prophet is referring to a
period previous to the final destruction of the As-
syrian capital, an event which he most probably
witnessed, as the date usually assigned to his pro-
phecies is 593 before Christ, only thirteen years after
the Medo-Babylonian conquest. There can scarcely
be a doubt that he had seen the objects which he
describes the figures sculptured upon the wall, and
painted. The prevalence of a red colour, shown by
the Khorsabad remains, and the elaborate and highly
ornamented head-dress of the Khorsabad and Kouy-
unjik kings, are evidently indicated. The evidence
thus afforded of the existence of these monuments
before the fall of Nineveh, taken in connection with
the prophet's subsequent description of the complete
overthrow and destruction of the city*, is a con-
vincing proof, were any required, that the edifices
described in the previous pages must be referred to a
period preceding the Persian invasion.
The only colours first used in Assyria, like those
employed by all nations to give effect to their ear-
liest efforts, both in sculpture and architecture, were
probably blue, red, yellow, black, and white. The
tints formed by their combinations may have been
adopted at a later period. There is even reason to
doubt whether the green on the walls of some of the
* Ch. xxxi.
x 3
310
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
older monuments of Nimroud, was not a decomposed
blue. However, upon bricks from the north-west
palace, there are apparently shades of colours, pro-
bably produced by an intermixture of two or more
pigments; we have thus a purple, a violet, a rich
brown, &c. On the sculptures I have only found
black, white, red, and blue; and these colours alone
were used in the painted ornaments of the upper
chambers at Nimroud. At Khorsabad, green and
yellow continually occurred on the bas-reliefs; at
Kouyunjik, there were no traces whatever of colour.
Sir Gardner Wilkinson* has given an analysis of
the colours of the Egyptians, by which it would ap-
pear that the blue is a pulverised blue glass, made
by vitrifying the oxides of copper and iron with sand
and soda. The bright blue of the Assyrian monu-
ments appears to be a purer oxide of copper; and
its resemblance to an ore of that mineral, found in
very minute crystals in an ancient mine in Kurdistan,
has already been mentioned. The Egyptian green
was a mixture of yellow ochre with the vitreous
blue; and I conjecture that the green of the later
monuments of Assyria, was formed by a similar ad-
mixture of ochre with the blue oxide of copper.
* Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 301.
† Vol. I. p. 223. Amongst the objects of tribute mentioned in the
statistical tablet of Karnak, as having been brought from Babel, or
Babylon, are ingots of a substance, the nature of which appears to be
doubtful, but which Mr. Birch seems inclined to believe represents some
ore producing a blue colour; perhaps the copper ore described in my visit
to the Tiyari mountains. (Loc. cit.) It is mentioned on the Egyptian
monuments as also coming from Saenkar (Sinjar) and from the Ruten.
CHAP. III.]
311
COLOURS.
The Assyrian red exceeds in brilliancy that of
Egypt, which was merely an earthy bole. It nearly
approaches to vermilion on the sculptures of Khorsa-
bad, and has a bright crimson or lake tint on those
of Nimroud.
The black and yellow may have resembled in their
composition the pigments of the Egyptians; the first
a bone black, mixed with a little gum, and the second
an iron ochre. The white may have been obtained,
as it is to this day, by burning the alabaster or
common gypsum.
But although earthy and metallic substances were
used by the Assyrians, it is not improbable that
vegetable colours were also known to them; they
may even have been employed in painting their
sculptures. Indeed their use may account for the
absence of traces of colour upon many parts of the
bas-reliefs of Nimroud; the vegetable colours being
liable to rapid decomposition on exposure either to
damp or air. Dyes of the finest quality, particularly
reds and greens, which even European ingenuity has
been unable to equal, are obtained by the inhabitants
of Kurdistan from flowers and herbs, growing abund-
antly in their mountains.* The art of extracting
them is not a recent discovery, but has been known
for ages to people living in the same country; as we
learn from the frequent mention of Babylonian and
Parthian dyes by ancient authors. The carpets of
* It is possible that the brilliant dyes of Kurdistan and parts of Persia
may, to some extent, be attributed to the peculiar quality of the water
used in preparing them.
x 4
312
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Kurdistan and Persia are still unrivalled, not only
for the beauty of their texture, but for the brilliancy
of their hues. From the ornaments on the dresses
of the figures in the Assyrian sculptures, we may
conclude that similar colours were extensively used,
either in dying the garments themselves, or the
threads with which the material was wove.
Some bricks from Nimroud appear to have been
enamelled, the colours having been laid on very
thickly when in a liquid state, and then exposed to
the action of fire. Diodorus Siculus probably refers
to this process, when he states that the figures of
men and animals, on the walls of the palace of
Semiramis at Babylon, were painted on bricks be-
fore they were placed in the furnace.*
Although limited in the number of their colours,
the Assyrians displayed considerable taste and skill
in their arrangement. The contrasts are tastefully
preserved, and the combinations generally agreeable
to the eye. The use of a strong black outline is a
* Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii. c. 20. Bricks so enamelled, obtained from
the earliest palace at Nimroud, are included in the collection of Assyrian
antiquities in the British Museum, and are represented in my " Monu-
ments of Nineveh," Plates 84 and 87.
† Several specimens of Assyrian coloured ornaments are given in my
work on the Monuments of Nineveh, Plates 86 and 87. The following were
the parts of bas-reliefs on which colours were found at Nimroud and Khors-
abad. I give the respective colours. The hair, beard, eyebrows, eye-lids,
and eye-balls, black; the inner part of the eye, white; the king's mitre,
principally red; the crests of helmets, blue and red; the heads of ar-
rows, blue; the bows, red; the handles of maces, red; the harness of
horses, blue and red; sandals in oldest monuments, black, edged with
red; in those of Khorsabad, striped blue and red; the rosettes in the
garlands of winged figures, red; trees at Khorsabad a blueish green;
flowers carried by the winged figures, green, with red flowers occa-
sionally; fire, always red. It is probable that some of the red tints
CHAP. III.]
313
PAINTED SCULPTURES.
peculiar feature in Assyrian, as in Egyptian painting.
Black also frequently combines with white alone, and
alternates with other colours.
On the walls of chambers at Nimroud, I could trace
figures sketched in mere black outline upon a blue
ground; it is, however, possible, that other colours
originally employed had faded.
It is uncertain whether the Assyrians, like the
Egyptians, used different colours to denote races,
sexes, and the orders of priesthood. No trace of
paint, except on the eyes and hair, has yet been
found on the human body in Assyrian sculpture ;
unless the faces of the captives leading monkeys,
discovered at Nimroud, were painted black, which is
very doubtful.*
On the colossal lions and bulls forming the en-
trances, colour only remained in the eyes, the pupils
having been painted black, and the rest filled with a
thick white pigment.
Of the materials used by the Assyrians in the con-
struction of their palaces, it has already been shown
that a limestone or alabaster was the most common,
and served to case, or panel, the chambers. It abounds
in the country, and being very soft is easily quarried
and sculptured. It is still extensively employed in
the country, chiefly cut, as in the time of the Assy-
rians, into slabs, and forming in that state a casing
to walls of sun-dried or baked bricks. The modern
which remain were originally laid on to receive gilding. The tops of all
the slabs, that part upon which, it may be presumed, the upper wall of sun-
dried bricks rested, were painted red.
* Vol. I. p. 126.
314
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
slabs, however, are much smaller than those found
in the ruins, rarely exceeding four or five feet in
length, by two or three in breadth, and being only
a few inches thick. Thus shaped, they are exported
to Baghdad, where they are used for the pavement
of halls, and for fountains, and reservoirs, in the in-
terior of houses. When first taken from the quarry,
this alabaster is of a greyish white; but on exposure
it soon changes, growing darker, and ultimately be-
coming a deep grey, the colour of the slabs now in
the British Museum. It is extremely fragile, easily
decomposes, and wears away, if subjected to the
action of water, or even to damp. Several slabs
from Nimroud have retained the outline of the
matting in which they were packed, water having
penetrated into the cases. The back of the bas-
relief of the eagle-headed figure in the Museum is
an instance; on examination it will be seen that it
is not the result of pressure, but the outline of the
matting has been produced by the percolation of
water, through the fissures between the rushes. The
material being so very perishable, it will be a matter
of surprise that the sculptures should be so well pre-
served, even in their minutest details. This can only
be attributed to their having been suddenly buried,
before exposure, and to the great accumulation of
earth over them, by which they were preserved com-
pletely from damp in a country naturally dry.
On exposure to fire, this alabaster becomes of a
milky whiteness, as in the ruins of Khorsabad,
Kouyunjik, and the south-west corner of Nimroud.
CHAP. III.]
315
MATERIALS FOR SCULPTURE.
The outline of the sculptures becomes, at the same
time, sharper and more defined. They have con-
sequently a more pleasing appearance, than in the
grey slabs of the unburnt edifices; but they crack
into numberless pieces, which fall off in flakes, so
that it is impossible to move, and even frequently to
preserve them. The sculptures from Khorsabad in
the British Museum show this appearance, and are
easily distinguished by it from those of Nimroud.
The builders of the most ancient edifices at Nim-
roud also used a bright yellow limestone; a pair of
human-headed bulls in the north-west palace are of
this material.* Another pair of similar gigantic
figures once stood in the centre palace; only frag-
ments of them were discovered. This yellow lime-
stone must have been brought from some distance,
probably from the Kurdish hills; but I am unable
to determine the locality of the quarries. During
my journey in the mountains, I observed a stone
resembling it in the neighbourhood of Amadiyah,
but none nearer Mosul.
All the winged bulls and lions in the south-west
palace were sculptured out of a coarse grey lime-
stone. The limestone used for the casing of the outer
walls was harder and more compact, and was pro-
bably that fossiliferous stone described by Xenophon,
as forming the lower part of the wall of Mespila.‡
* Entrance to chamber B, plan 3. The detached head in the British
Museum is a specimen.
† A detached human head of this limestone, from the south-west
palace, will also be placed in the British Museum.
‡ Xenophon, Anabasis, 1. iii. ch. 3.
316
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
A duck, carved in a fine-grained white marble*,
was discovered in the rubbish covering the north-west
palace; but no other specimen of this material was
found in the ruins. The obelisk is of black marble.
Vases of a pure translucent alabaster were used by
the Assyrians; but there is reason to believe that
they were brought from elsewhere; probably, as it
has been conjectured, from Egypt.
The sitting figure from Kalah Sherghat, and frag-
ments of sculpture from the same ruins, are of
black basalt. This appears to have been the mate-
rial most generally employed in Assyria and Ba-
bylonia, for public monuments, when alabaster and
limestone were not to be obtained: in the absence of
granite it may, indeed, have been preferred to any
other stone, as being more durable. It abounds in
the Kurdish hills, particularly in the neighbourhood
of Jezirah (the ancient Bezabde); and in that part of
the Taurus through which the Tigris, and Euphrates
find a narrow and sudden outlet into the Assyrian
plains. It is highly probable that the great obelisk,
brought, according to a tradition, by Semiramis, from
the mountains of Armenia, was of this material.
Several figures, and fragments of sculpture in it,
have been at different times discovered in Baby-
lonian ruins. The country, for many miles round
Babylon, is a recent alluvium, and no stone fit for
building purposes could be reached without exca-
vating to a very considerable depth; consequently,
whilst employing generally, baked and sun-dried
bricks in the construction of their edifices, the inha-
* Now in the British Museum.
CHAP. III.]
317
MECHANICAL CONTRIVANCES.
bitants were compelled to obtain from afar, such
materials as were better calculated for the preserva-
tion of public records, and as would enable the artist
to erect large and durable monuments. The black
basalt of Armenia was best suited to this purpose,
and could without difficulty be floated down the Eu-
phrates and Tigris on rafts made of skins. Nearly
all the monuments hitherto discovered in Babylonia
are of this material.
Whether the Assyrians were acquainted with any
mechanical contrivances which enabled them to bring
by land, from great distances, the enormous masses
of stone employed in their public monuments, cannot
with any certainty be determined. That they were
acquainted with the pulley at a very early period is
evident, from its representation in the bas-relief of
part of which I have given a sketch *, and which was
originally in the most ancient palace of Nimroud.
In that sculpture a bucket appears to be attached to
a rope passing over a pulley, revolving on an iron or
wooden pin, and precisely similar in form to those
now in common use. †
Amongst the sculptures at Khorsabad was, I be-
lieve, a bas-relief representing the moving of a block
of stone, placed on a cart drawn by men. Once
* Page 32. of this volume.
†The pulley was also known to the Egyptians. One, in the Museum
of Leyden, is described by Sir Gardner Wilkinson, as having the sides of
athul, or tamarisk wood, the roller of fir, and the rope of leef, or fibres of
the date tree.
This bas-relief, if amongst the collection brought by M. Flandin
from Khorsabad, has not yet been published in M. Botta's work. I have
some recollection of having seen a drawing of it in M. Flandin's portfolio.
318
[CHAP. III.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
in the plains, with the assistance of rollers and levers,
no great difficulty would have been experienced in
moving any of the stones hitherto discovered in the
ruins; particularly as they were not sculptured until
they were placed in the edifices, and in the position
which they were intended to occupy; little care was
therefore required in their transport. That the an-
cients, however, possessed mechanical means for
moving large masses is evident, from the enormous
blocks used in the monuments of Egypt, and from the
stones forming the basement of the temple of Baalbec;
built, as it is well known, many centuries before the
superstructure. Although the mere physical power
of large bodies of men, of which the Assyrians, like the
Egyptians, had probably an almost unlimited com-
mand, went a great way in the transport of these
stupendous masses, yet we cannot believe that they
relied upon it alone. There are grounds for conjec-
turing, that they were acquainted with mechanical
contrivances which are either unknown to us, or are
looked upon as modern inventions. I do not mean
to join, from this remark, in the oft-repeated theme of
the inferiority of the moderns to the ancients, than
which nothing can be more unfounded: all that it is
necessary to admit is, that those who preceded us by
many centuries were not deficient in ingenuity and
reflection; and that experience and study had made
them familiar with many things, of which we would
boast ourselves the inventors.
CHAP. IV.]
319
DRESS OF THE KING.
CHAP. IV.
COSTUME OF THE ASSYRIAN KINGS.
THEIR DRESS.
THEIR ARMS. ·
THE HISTORY OF PARSONDES.
THE EUNUCHS.
OFFICERS OF
STATE. THE WARRIORS.
THEIR ARMOUR. THEIR COSTUME.
SPEARMEN. ARCHERS. HELMETS.
ARMS.
SLINGERS.
SHIELDS.
REGULAR TROOPS. CHARIOTS. HARNESS AND CA-
PARISON OF THE HORSES.-CAVALRY. -HORSES.
THE Assyrians were celebrated, at a very early period,
for the magnificence and luxury of their apparel.
"The Assyrian garments" became almost a proverb,
and having first been borrowed by the Persians,
descended, at a later time, even to the Romans.
These robes, as portrayed in the sculptures, confirm
the traditions of their beauty and costliness. The
dress of the king consisted of a long flowing garment,
descending to the ankles*, elaborately embroidered,
and edged with fringes and tassels. It was confined
at the waist by a girdle, to which were attached
cords with large tassels, falling down almost to the
feet. Over this robe a second, nearly of the same
length, but open in front, appears to have been
thrown. It was also embroidered, and edged with
*The Assyrians were not ignorant of the dignity, and majesty, which
flowing garments added to the figure.
"Pedes vestis defluxit ad imos,
Et vera incessu patuit Dea."
VIRG. Æn. 1. i.
320
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tassels.* On his head he wore a high mitre or tiara
of peculiar shape, reserved for the monarch alone.
It is impossible, from its representation in the sculp-
tures, to determine the nature of the material of
which it was made. As it was frequently adorned
with flowers and other ornaments, was worn in the
temple as well as in battle, and seems to have been
folded or arranged in bands, it may have been of
linen, wool, or silk. Only one band passed round
the head-dress of the earliest monuments; at a later
period two or more were introduced, and the mitre
itself was higher and more richly ornamented. These
peculiarities mark, distinctly, the respective ages of
sculptures, in which the figure of the king occurs.†


Head-Dress of the King.
(N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
Head Dress of the King. (Kouyunjik.)
* Such was probably the dress of the Babylonians as described by
Herodotus. "Their clothing is of this kind: they have two vests, one of
linen which falls to the feet, another over this, which is made of wool: a
white sash confines the whole." (Lib. i. c. 195.)
†The Persian monarchs wore a peculiar kind of head-dress, called
cidaris; it somewhat resembled the French cap of liberty, or the Phry-
gian head-dress. According to the lexicographers, only the king was
privileged to wear the top erect; this was probably in imitation of the
Assyrian peak. The cidaris of Darius was blue and white, or purple and
white. (Quint. Curt. 1. iii. c. 3. and l. vi. c. 6.)
CHAP. IV.]
321
DRESS OF THE KING.
cone.
This mitre was surmounted by a small point or
In the most ancient sculptures, the ends of
the band hang down the back, and are ornamented
with embroideries and fringes. A kind of hood is
sometimes represented as falling over the shoulders,
and two long ribbons or lappets descend almost to
the ankles.
Nothing remains in the bas-reliefs to indicate the
materials of the robes. Like those worn at a subse-
quent period by the Babylonians, one may have been
of linen, and the other of wool; or they may have
been of cotton, or even of silk, which was an article
of produce at a very early period in Assyria. They
were richly embroidered and dyed. The designs upon
them were most elaborate, consisting of figures of
men and animals, flowers, and various devices. The
part of the dress most highly ornamented was gene-
rally that which covered the breast, although groups
of men and animals were introduced elsewhere. The
art of embroidering figures in wool, was afterwards
practised with great success by the Persians. The
Medes had previously adopted the flowing robes of
the Assyrians, so celebrated for their beauty, that
their invention was attributed to Semiramis.*
*Diodorus Sic. 1. ii., and Ctesias.
"Et Syriæ gentes, et laxo Persis amictu,
Vestibus ipsa suis hærens."
MANILIUS, 1. iv. v. 7.
The extraordinary combinations of animal forms on these woofs are
mentioned, Philostrat. Imag. ii. 32. and ii. 5.; and Euripides, Ion, v. 1176.
Müller, Handbuch, s. 287.
The finest Persian tunic of the time of Darius was white and purple.
(Quint. Curt. 1. iii. c. 3.) This was the Zúpanie, Пepoiкòg xiтwv μeσó-
AEUROS, of Hesychius and Pollux. We have a close imitation of the As-
VOL. II.
Y
322
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The neck, and the arms from a little above the
elbow, were bare. More than one necklace of elegant
form, was generally suspended round the neck. The
arms were encircled by armlets, and the wrists by
bracelets, all equally remarkable for the taste and
beauty of the design and workmanship.* The
clasps were in the shape of the heads of lions and
other animals; and in the centre of the bracelets
were stars or rosettes, which were probably inlaid
with precious stones. Ear-rings of many kinds
were worn; those in the form of a cross appear to
have been most prevalent during the latter Assyrian
period.†
In the shape and workmanship of their arms the
Assyrians displayed, as it has been seen, considerable
taste and skill. The king, even in time of peace,
syrian garment in the Olympic stole as described by Apuleius (Metam.
1. xi.): "Et humeris dependebat, pone tergum, talorum tenus, pretiosa
chlamyda. Quaqua tamen viseres, colore vario circumnotatis insignibar
animalibus. Hinc dracones Indici; inde gryphes Hyperborei: quos in
speciem pinnatæ alitis, generat mundus alter. Hanc Olympiadem stolam
sacrati nuncupant."
* Astyages wore a purple coat and rich habit, necklaces around his neck,
and bracelets on his arms. Being pleased with the replies of Cyrus, his
grandson, when first introduced to him, he presented him with similar
articles of dress. (Xenophon, Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.) The golden ear-rings,
peculiar to the Ishmaelites, the ornaments, collars, and purple raiment
of the kings of Midian, are mentioned in Judges, viii. 26. The de-
scription given by Quintus Curtius (lib. iii. c. 3.) of the dress of Darius,
of his embroidered robes, golden girdle, and sword adorned with jewels,
agrees well with the sculptured representation of the Assyrian king.
"Cultus regis inter omnia luxuria notabatur: purpureæ tunicæ medium
albo intextum erat: pallam auro distinctam aurei accipitres, velut rostris
inter se corruerent, adornabant, et zona aurea muliebriter cinctus acinacem
suspenderat, cui ex gemma erat vagina. Cidarim Persæ regium capitis
vocabant insigne; hoc cærulea fascia albo distincta circumibat."
† See page 298.
CHAP. IV.]
ARMS.
323
appears always to have carried a sword and two
daggers. He is sometimes represented leaning,
during the celebration of religious ceremonies, upon
a bow, and holding two arrows in one hand. When
returning from war, he also frequently raises the two
arrows; and this action appears to indicate triumph
over his enemies. When not engaged in battle, he is
usually portrayed at Khorsabad, and sometimes at
Nimroud, with a long staff or wand in his right hand,
the other resting on the hilt of his sword.
The king appears to have thrown off the outer
robe during the chase, and in battle; the under
garment was then confined at the waist by a broad
girdle. A small apron, or square piece of linen,
fell, on one side of the dress, over the loins, and
was probably attached to the girdle; it was richly
embroidered, and edged with fringes and tassels.
When in battle his arms were the bow and the sword;
in the sculptures he is seen using both. In a bas-
relief of the later period, discovered at Nimroud,
he was represented with a spear in one hand, standing
over a prostrate captive; but in no other instance,
as far as I am aware, has he been found with that
weapon.
The sandals worn by the king, and by his prin-
cipal officers, were formed of a sole either of wood
or thick leather; to which was attached an upper
case covering the heel and side of the foot, but leav-
ing exposed the instep and toes. It was fastened by
bands attached to loops, and carried twice over the
instep. They crossed on the top of the foot, and
By
r 2
324
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
were passed round the great toe, and between it and
the adjoining toe. In the sculptures, a red colour
could generally be traced on the heel; the body of
the sandal was painted black, and edged with red;
the bands were black.

A Sandal. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
The sandal represented at Khorsabad, and in sculp-
tures of the same period, is altogether of a different
shape. It appears to have consisted of a simple lea-
ther covering for the heel, held by three strings
passing over the instep. It was painted in the bas-
reliefs, in alternate stripes of red and blue.*

A Sandal, (Khorsabad.)
The attendants upon the king, both in time of
peace and war, were chiefly eunuchs; and that these
* The sandals of the enemies of the Assyrians, differ from those of the
Assyrians themselves. Sometimes a simple band, probably attached to
a sole, passes over the instep and round the heel. Other sandals appear
to resemble shoes, with a sole and upper rim united by cross-bars, between
which the foot was left exposed.
CHAP. IV.]
325
THE EUNUCHS.
persons rose to the highest rank, and were not mere
servants, we learn from the Rabsaris, or chief of the
eunuchs, being mentioned amongst the principal offi-
cers of Sennacherib.* In the sculptures eunuchs are
represented as commanding in wart; fighting both
in chariots and on horseback; and receiving the pri-
soners, and the heads of the slain after battle. They
were also employed as scribes, and are seen writing
down the number of the heads, and the amount of the
spoil, obtained from the enemy. They were even
accustomed to officiate in religious ceremonies. I
They appear, indeed, to have occupied the same im-
portant posts, and to have exercised the same in-
fluence in the Assyrian court, as they have since
done in the East; where they have not only con-
tinually filled the highest offices of state, but have
even attained to sovereign power. § It is to Assyria
that tradition assigns the origin of the barbarous
practice of mutilation, and it is upon a female that
the odium of its introduction rests. ||
* 2 Kings, xviii. 17., and of Nebuchadnezzar, Jeremiah, xxxix. 3. In
Daniel, i. 3. we have mention of the prince of the eunuchs. So many
of the principal offices about the court were held by these persons, that
their name came at last to be confounded with that of the great officers
of state (compare 1 Samuel, viii. 15., 1 Kings, xxii. 9., and 2 Kings,
xxiv. 12.), and chamberlains and courtiers (2 Kings, ix. 32.). Potiphar
is called a "saris" or eunuch. That eunuchs were also an object of trade,
and were brought, as at this day, from the centre of Africa, we learn
from Jeremiah, xxxviii. 7.
† An eunuch set over the men of war is mentioned in 2 Kings, xxv. 19.
See woodcuts in Chapter VII.
§ As Agha Mohammed Khan of Persia.
Marcellinus, 1. xiv. c. 6., and Claudian in Eutrop. 1. i. v. 339. et seq.
"Seu prima Semiramis astu
Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acutæ
Y 3
326
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The countenance of the eunuchs is strongly con-
trasted in the sculptures with those of the men; and
the rounded form, the bloated cheek, and double
beardless chin, at once mark them, and distinguish
them from females. Their dress consisted of a long
tunic descending to the ankles, resembling the
king's in shape, and in the richness and elegance of its
embroideries. It was confined at the waist by a girdle
edged with fringes; and a band, similarly adorned,
passed over the shoulders. They wore no upper robe
like that of the king. Their ear-rings, armlets, brace-
lets, and necklaces were similar in form to those
of the monarch. In battle they were armed with the
bow and the spear; and in peace, as well as in war,
generally carried a sword and daggers. When re-
presented as attending upon the king, they usually
bear a quiver, bow, and mace; all probably for his
use. At other times they raise a parasol or fan over
his head, or present him with the sacred cup; on
which occasion they are frequently unarined.*
The umbrella or parasol, that emblem of royalty
so universally adopted by Eastern nations, was gene-
rally carried over the king in time of peace, and
sometimes even in war. In shape it resembled, very
closely, those now in common use; but it is always
Mollities, levesve genæ se prodere possent,
Hos sibi conjunxit similes; seu Parthica ferro
Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram;
Servatosque diu puerili flore, coegit
Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventani.”
*The cup-bearer appears to have been one of the principal officers
in the Assyrian court. See 2 Kings, xviii., where the Rab shakeh, or
chief of the cup-bearers, is sent to induce the Jews to surrender.
CHAP. IV.]
327
THE UMBRELLA.
seen open in the sculptures. It was edged with
tassels, and was usually ornamented at the top by a
flower or some other ornament. On the later bas-
reliefs, a long piece of embroidered linen or silk, fall-
ing from one side like a curtain, appears to skreen
The parasol was
the king completely from the sun.
reserved exclusively for the monarch, and is never
represented as borne over any other person.
The vizir or prime minister, the principal officers
and the attendants of the king, were clothed in robes
resembling those of the eunuchs. They were armed
with swords and daggers, and also wore necklaces,
bracelets, and ear-rings. A fillet or band, either
plain or richly ornamented, frequently confined their
hair, and encircled their temples. The eunuch is
occasionally represented with this head-dress. The
ends of the band were allowed to fall down the back.
The Assyrians paid particular attention to the
adorning of their persons. Besides wearing the nu-
merous ornaments described, they most carefully and
elaborately platted their hair and beards. The hair
was parted over the forehead, and fell from behind
the ears on the shoulders, in a large bunch of
ringlets. The beard was allowed to grow to its
full length; and, descending low on the breast, was
divided into two or three rows of curls. The mous-
tache was also carefully trimmed, and curled at the
ends. The hair, as well as the beard, appears to
have been dyed, as is still the custom in Persia: but
it has been doubted whether the hair, represented in
the sculptures, was natural or artificial. The Egyp-
Y 4
328
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tians were accustomed to wear large wigs, elaborately
platted and adorned; and even false beards were not
unknown. The Persians, also, at a later period,
adopted this artificial coiffure *; but we have no
evidence of its having been in use in Assyria. On
the contrary, according to Herodotus, the Baby-
lonians wore their hair long. † The great regularity
of the curls in the sculptures, would certainly lead to
the impression that part of the hair, at least, was
false; but we can scarcely suppose that the warriors,
as well as the king, and the principal officers of state,
wore false beards; for all the sculptured beards are
equally elaborate and studied in the arrangement.
The mode of representing hair in the bas-reliefs is
most probably conventional. Most Eastern people
have been celebrated for the length, and beauty of
their hair; and if the Assyrians were as well provided
with it, as the inhabitants of Persia were, in the days
of Darius, or as they now are, they would have had
little occasion for a wig.
The eyebrows were dyed black. Some substance
resembling the kohl, or surma, used in the East to
blacken the lids, and to give additional lustre to the
eyes, was also employed; and we may conjecture that
the complexion was improved, and colour added to
the cheek, by paints and cosmetics. On the sculp-
tures, traces of thick black and white pigments are
always visible on the eyes, eyebrows, and hair; and
these parts of the bas-reliefs appear to have been
more carefully painted than any others.
* Xenophon, Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.
† Lib. i. c. 195.
CHAP. IV.]
329
HISTORY OF PARSONDES.
Nicolaus of Damascus has preserved so faithful,
and entertaining an account of the manners of the
Babylonians, that I cannot resist the temptation of
quoting it, as illustrative of the Assyrian sculptures
in many respects. From whence this author obtained
the following anecdote, it would now probably be
impossible to ascertain; although it is evident, from its
curious and accurate details, that it was borrowed from
some ancient writer, who had himself witnessed the
customs and fashions which he describes. The story
is thus related: "In the reign of Artæus, the king
of the Medes, and one of the successors of Sardana-
palus, the king of the Assyrians, there was amongst
the Medes one Parsondes, a man renowned for his
courage and strength, and greatly esteemed by the
king on account of his good sense and the beauty of
his person. He particularly excelled in the chase
and in battle, whether he fought on foot, from his
chariot, or on horseback. Now this Parsondes ob-
served that Nanarus (the governor or tributary king)
of Babylon, was very careful in his personal attire,
and wore ear-rings, and shaved himself carefully, and
was effeminate and unwarlike, and he disliked him
exceedingly; so he asked Artæus, the king, to deprive
Nanarus of his government, and to bestow it on him-
self. But Artæus, having bound himself by the
compact entered into by Arbaces, was loth to act
unjustly towards the Babylonian, and gave no answer
to Parsondes. The matter, however, reached the ears
of Nanarus, who promised great rewards to any one
of his sutlers who would catch his enemy.
"It happened one day that Parsondes, when hunt-
330
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ing, went far from the king to a plain near Babylon.
Sending his servants into a neighbouring wood, that
they might drive out, by their shoutings, the wild
beasts, he remained outside to take the game. Whilst
chasing a wild ass he separated himself from his
attendants, and came to a part of the Babylonian
territories, where the sutlers were preparing markets
for Nanarus. Being thirsty, he asked of them to
drink; and they, delighted to have this opportunity
of seizing him, gave him that which he required,
took his horse, and bade him refresh himself. They
then placed a sumptuous feast before him, served him
with very sweet wine mixed with a certain intoxica-
ting drug, and brought beautiful women to keep
him company; so that, at length, overcome by the
wine, he fell fast asleep. The sutlers then took him,
and brought him bound to Nanarus.
6
"When Parsondes had recovered from the effects
of the wine, Nanarus upbraided him for his conduct.
Why,' said he, did you, who have never suffered
any wrong at my hands, call me a man-woman
(androgyne), and ask my government of Artæus, as
if I were of no account, although of noble birth?
Many thanks to him that he did not grant your re-
quest.' Parsondes, nothing abashed, replied, 'Because
I thought myself more worthy of the honour; for I
am more manly, and more useful to the king than
you,
who are shaven, and have your eyes underlined
with stibium, and your face painted with white lead.'
'Are you not ashamed, then,' said Nanarus, 'being
such as you describe yourself to be, to have been
CHAP. IV.]
331
HISTORY OF PARSONDES.
6
so overcome by your stomach and passions, that
should have fallen into the hands of one so
you
greatly inferior to yourself? But I will quickly make
you softer and fairer than any woman.' And he
swore by Belus and by Mylitta - for such is the
name which the Babylonians give to their Venus;
then, beckoning to an eunuch, Lead off,' cried he,
'this fellow. Shave, and rub with a pumice-stone, the
whole of his body except his head. Bathe him twice
a-day, and anoint him. Let him underline his eyes,
and plait his hair as women do. Let him learn to
sing and to play on the harp, and to accompany it
with his voice, that he may be amongst the female
musicians, with whom he shall pass his time, having a
smooth skin, and wearing the same garments as they
do.' The eunuch did as he was commanded, and kept
Parsondes in the shade, washing him twice every
day, and polishing him with a pumice stone, and
making him pass his time in the same way as the
women, so that he became very shortly fair, tender,
and woman-like, singing and playing even better than
any of the female musicians.
"The king, Artæus, having offered a reward, and
searched in vain for his favourite, at last concluded
that he had been devoured by wild beasts whilst
hunting.
"Parsondes, having passed seven years in this mode
of life at Babylon, induced an eunuch, who had been
severely flogged and insultingly treated by Nanarus,
to run away and inform Artæus of what had hap-
pened to him. Artaus immediately sent an envoy
332
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
to demand the liberation of his former favourite.
But Nanarus, frightened, declared that he had never
seen Parsondes since he had disappeared. Artæus,
however, sent a second ambassador, much greater in
rank and more powerful than the previous one, and
threatened, by letter, to put to death the Babylonian,
unless he delivered up his captive. Nanarus, being
now greatly alarmed, promised to give up the man,
and moreover apologised to the ambassador, de-
claring, that he was sure the king would see that he
had justly treated one, who had endeavoured to ruin
him in the king's favour. He then entertained
the ambassador with a great feast, during which
entered, to the number of one hundred and fifty,
the female players, amongst whom was Parsondes.
Some sang, and others played on the flute; but
the Mede excelled them all both in skill and beauty,
so that when the feast was over, and Nanarus asked
the ambassador which of the women he thought
superior to the rest in beauty and accomplishments,
he pointed without hesitation to Parsondes. Nanarus,
clapping his hands, laughed a long time, and then
said, 'Do
'Do you wish to take her with you?' Cer-
tainly,' replied the ambassador. But I will not give
her to you,' said Nanarus. Why, then, did you ask
me?' exclaimed the other. This,' said Nanarus, after
a little hesitation, is Parsondes, for whom you have
come.' And the ambassador disbelieving him, he
swore to the truth of what he had said.
6
6
6
•
"On the following day the Babylonian placed Par-
sondes in a waggon, and sent him away with the
CHAP. IV.]
333
HISTORY OF PARSONDES.
ambassador to Artæus, who was at Susa.
But the
king did not recognise him, and was a long time
before he would believe that so valiant a man could
become a woman.
"Parsondes exacted a promise from Artæus, that
he would revenge him upon Nanarus. And when
the king came to Babylon, he gave Nanarus ten days
to do what was right; but the Babylonian, alarmed,
fled to Mitraphernes, the chief of the eunuchs, and
promised him for himself ten talents of gold, and ten
gold cups, and two hundred of silver, and one hun-
dred talents of silver money, and several suits of
clothes; and for the king, one hundred talents of
gold, and a hundred gold cups, and three hundred
of silver, and one thousand talents of silver money,
and numerous dresses and other fine gifts, if he
would save his life and keep him in the government
of Babylon. The eunuch, who was held in great
estimation by the king, succeeded; but Parsondes
waited his opportunity, and afterwards, finding an
occasion, took his revenge both on Nanarus and the
eunuch." *
There are many customs mentioned in this nar-
* Fragments of Nicolaus of Damascus, in the Prodromos Hellenikes
Bibliothekes, 8vo. Paris, 1805, p. 229. I am indebted to Mr. Birch for
this free version of the anecdote. That the effeminate customs described
by Nicolaus existed amongst the kings and nobles of the Assyrian em-
pire, is confirmed by all the ancient historians. Sardanapalus, according
to Athenæus, when first seen by Arbaces, was adorned and dressed like
a woman, his chin was shaved, and his skin was rubbed smooth with the
pumice-stone. His flesh was as white as milk, and his eyes and eyebrows
were painted black. (Athen. lib. xii.) Astyages, too, according to Xeno-
phon (Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.), had his eyes and face painted, and wore false
hair.
334
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
rative which, it is evident, from the sculptures of
Nimroud, existed amongst the Assyrians, such as those
of painting the eyes and face, and platting the hair.
The anecdote, too, is quite in accordance with Eastern
manners; and if there be any truth in it, we may
conclude that, in their mode of transacting public
business, as well as in their domestic life, the Assy-
rians did not differ greatly from the Persians and
Turks of modern times. We have the eunuch holding
the highest offices of the state, and possessing great
influence over the monarch. Through him political
intrigues were carried on, and he was as disposed to
accept a bribe, both on his own account and on that
of his master, as those who still hold the same posi-
tion in Eastern courts. It was through the influence
of the chief eunuch, that Arbaces succeeded in seeing
Sardanapalus, and being a witness to that effeminacy
of dress and manner, which encouraged the Mede to
rebel against the Assyrians.*
When in the presence of the king, the eunuch and
principal officers of state, were in the highest degree
respectful in their demeanour. They stood before him
with their hands crossed in front- an attitude still
assumed in the East, by an inferior in the presence
of his master. It
It is interesting thus to trace the
observance of the same customs, during so many
centuries. The vizir is also frequently represented
elevating his right hand-an action apparently de-
* Athenæus, lib. xii.
† We find (Tobit, i. 22.) that, even in the days of Esarhaddon, a
Jew was the principal banker, steward, and keeper of the accounts of the
palace; as he is still in the East, where not outwitted by the Armenian.
CHAP. IV.]
335
RESPECT FOR ROYALTY.
noting an oath or homage. Dependants are seen in
the same posture, on monuments of the Achæmenian,
and Sassanian dynasties.
We know from the story of Esther, how sacred the
person of the king was considered, it being death
for even the queen to venture before him unbidden.*
Deioces permitted no one to see him, except certain
privileged persons; and it was unlawful for any one
to laugh or spit in his presence.†
The costume of the warriors differed according to
their rank and the nature of the service they had
to perform. Those who fought in chariots, and held
the shield for the defence of the king, are generally
seen in coats of scale armour, which descend either
to the knees or to the ankles. A large number of
the scales were discovered in the earliest palace of
Nimroud. § They were generally of iron, slightly
embossed or raised in the centre; and some were
inlaid with copper. They were probably fastened
to a shirt of felt, or coarse linen. Such is the
* Esther, iv. 11.
† Herod. lib. i. ch. 99. So the passage must be understood, for it says
that no man was admitted into the king's presence; and yet he was
consulted through messengers, who, we must presume, were forbidden to
laugh and spit before him.
Jeremiah thus describes the dresses of the warriors. "Order ye the
buckler and shield, and draw near to battle. Harness the horses; and
get up, ye horsemen, and stand forth with your helmets; furbish the
spears, and put on the brigandines (or coats of mail)." (Ch. xlvi. v. 3, 4.)
§ In chamber I, plan 3, where also the helmets and various other iron
and copper fragments were found. Some interesting scale armour, in-
scribed with the name of Shishak I., is in the collection of Dr. Abbot at
Cairo. (Prisse Monum.)
|| Plates of steel, resembling the scales of fishes, are described by
Herodotus as worn by the Persian warriors. (Lib. vii. c. 61.)
336
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
armour always represented in the most ancient sculp-
tures. At a later period other kinds were used; the
scales were larger, and appear to have been fastened
to bands of iron or copper. The armour was fre-
quently embossed with groups of figures, and fanciful
ornaments; but there is no reason to believe, that the
rich designs on the breasts of the kings were on metal.*
in use.
The warriors were frequently dressed in an em-
broidered tunic, which was probably made of felt or
leather, sufficiently thick to resist the weapons then
On the sculptures of Kouyunjik they are
generally seen in this attire. Their arms were bare
from above the elbow, and their legs from the knees
downwards, except when they wore shirts of mail
which descended to the ankles. They had sandals
on their feet. The warriors on the later Assyrian
monuments, particularly on those of Khorsabad, are
distinguished by a peculiar ornament, somewhat re-
sembling the Highland phillibeg. It appears to be
fastened to the girdle, and falls below the short tunic.
In the sculptures of Kouyunjik and of monuments
of the same period, the dress of the soldiers appears
to vary, according to the manner in which they
are armed. Those with spear and shield wear
pointed or crested helmets, and plain or embroidered
tunics, confined at the waist by a broad girdle. A
* They may have been the "linen cuirasses" mentioned by Herodotus
(lib. vii. c. 63.) as worn by the Assyrians in the army of Xerxes.
M. Lajard has published in his work on the worship of Mithra (plate
47.) a piece of armour similar in shape to that found at Nimroud, and
which has every appearance of being Assyrian. It is embossed with
groups of figures and Assyrian symbols.
CHAP. IV.]
337
DRESSES OF THE WARRIORS.
kind of cross-belt passes over the shoulders, and
is ornamented in the centre
of the breast by a circular disk,
probably of metal. The slingers
are attired in the embroidered
tunic, which I conjecture to be
of felt or leather; and wear a
pointed helmet, with metal lap-
pets falling over the ears. Both
the spearmen and slingers have
greaves, which appear to have
been laced in front. *

A Spearman. (Kouyunjik.)
The archers are dressed in
very short embroidered tunics,
which scarcely cover half the
thigh, the rest of the leg being left completely bare.
They are chiefly distinguished from
other warriors by the absence of the hel-
met. A simple band round the temples
confines the hair, which is drawn up in
a bunch behind.

Greave or Gaiter
worn by Warriors.
(Khorsabad.)
It is probable that these various cos-
tumes indicate people of different coun-
tries, auxiliaries in the Assyrian armies,
who used the weapons most familiar to
them, and formed different corps or divisions.†
* They were perhaps of leather, or, like the boots of the Baotians, of
wood, or even of brass, as the greaves of Goliah. (1 Samuel, xvii. 6.)
The whole of the giant's armour, his helmet, his coat of mail, and his
shield, were of the same metal.
† According to Diodorus Siculus (1. ii.), it was customary for the
nations tributary to the Assyrians to send, yearly, bodies of troops to
VOL. II.
Z
338
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Thus in the army of Xerxes, were
marshalled men of many nations;
each armed according to the fashion
of his country, and fighting in
his own peculiar way. We may,
perhaps, identify in the Assyrian
sculptures, several of the costumes
described by the Greek historian,
as worn by those who formed the
vast army of the Persian king.

An Archer. (Kouyunjik.)
In the shape of their helmets
the Assyrians displayed consider-
able taste. We trace in them, indeed, many well-
known forms afterwards adopted by the Greeks.*


A
Helmets. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
The pointed helmet in the bas-reliefs, from the
earliest palace of Nimroud, appears to have been the
serve either in war or as garrisons. They were encamped outside the
gates of Nineveh. The Assyrian king had thus, always a considerable
standing army at his disposal.
*The invention of the crested helmet, as well as of the ornamented
shield, is attributed by Herodotus (lib. i. c. 171.) to the Carians, but it is
more probable that they received both indirectly from the Assyrians.
CHAP. IV.]
FORMS OF THE HELMETS.
339
most ancient, and in the most general use; it is,
indeed, characteristic of the Assyrian warrior. Several
were discovered in the ruins: they were of iron; and
the rings which ornament the lower part, and end in
a semicircle in front, were inlaid with copper.
*
These pointed helmets were sometimes furnished
with lappets or flaps covered with metal scales, con-
cealing the ears, the back of the head, the chin, and
the neck, and falling over the shoulders; the whole
head-dress having then very much the appearance
of the early Norman casque. At a later period, a
metal lappet merely protected the ears and the side
of the face, and was attached to the outer rim of the
helmet.†
Circular iron caps, fitting closely to the head, were
also in use at an early period. The
horseman who leads the horse of the
warrior, in a bas-relief from the most
ancient palace at Nimroud, is repre-
sented with this head-dress; and in
a sculpture from the centre ruins, it
is worn by archers.

.
CORR
Circular Helmet.
(Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
The helmets of the later monuments of Nimroud,
and of those of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, are fre-
quently surmounted by a curved crest, or by a kind
of plume. They show considerable variety, and
even elegance, in their forms. The simple curved
crest, resembling that of the Greek helmet, appears,
* Herodotus says that the Assyrian helmets were of brass. Loc. cit.
† See woodcuts on opposite page, and on page 337.
See woodcut, page 357.
z 2
340
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
from the sculptures, to have been peculiar to some
nation conquered by the Assyrians; but fragments of

Assyrian Warriors fighting with the Enemy, An Eagle is carrying away the Entrails of the Slain
(Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
helmets of this shape were found, in the excavations,
in the same chamber as the pointed casques.
The conical helmet of the Assyrians, appears to
have been worn even to the latest period. It has
been conjectured that this head-dress connects them
with the Scythians, who, according to Herodotus,
had high-pointed caps. In the rock-sculptures of
*
* The Sace, who were a Scythian nation, had caps which terminated in
a point, and wore loose trowsers. (Lib. vii. c. 64.) The latter article of
dress is certainly not represented in the Assyrian sculptures.
CHAP. IV.] ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS.
341
Behistun, the Scythian prisoner is represented with a
lofty conical head-dress; which differs, however, in
shape from the Assyrian helmet. It is slightly curved
at the top, and was probably, therefore, made of felt,
or some pliable material, and not of metal; and this
may also be inferred from the expression of Hero-
dotus, "that the caps, although coming to a point,
stood erect."
The arms of the early Assyrians were the spear,
the bow, the sword, and the dagger.* The sling is
not represented in the most ancient monuments as
an Assyrian weapon, although used by a conquered
nation: it was, perhaps, introduced at a later period.
The bows were of two kinds; one long and slightly
curved, the other short and almost angular: the two
appear to have been carried at the same time, by
those who fought in chariots.
The arrows were probably made of reeds, and were
kept in a quiver slung over the back. The king,
however, and the great officers of state, were followed
by attendants, who carried the quivers, and supplied
their masters with arrows. The bow was drawn to
the cheek, or to the ear, as by the Saxons, and not to
the breast, after the fashion of the Greeks. The
barbs were of iron and copper, several of both mate-
rials having been found in the ruins. When in battle,
it was customary for the archer to hold two arrows
in reserve, in his right hand; they were placed be-
tween the fingers, and did not interfere with the
* The Assyrians in the Army of Xerxes carried shields, spears, daggers,
and wooden clubs knotted with iron. (Herod. loc. cit.)
z 3
342
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
motion of the arm, whilst drawing the bow. When
marching he usually carried the larger bow over his
shoulders, having first passed his head through it.
The bow of the king was borne by an attendant. The
smaller bows were frequently placed in the quiver,
A
particularly by those who fought in chariots.
leather, or linen, guard was fastened by straps to the
inside of the left arm, to protect it when the arrow
was discharged. The swords were worn on the left
side, and suspended by belts passing over the
shoulders, or round the middle; some were short and
others long. I have already alluded to the beauty of
the ornaments on the hilt and sheath.
The dagger appears to have been carried by all,
both in time of peace and war; even the priests and
divinities are represented with them.* They were
worn indifferently on the left and right side, or per-
haps on both at the same time. Generally two, or
sometimes three, were inserted into one sheath,
which was passed through the girdle. The handles,
as I have already mentioned, were most elaborately
adorned, and were frequently in the shape of the
head of a ram, bull, or horse, being made of ivory or
rare stones. A small chain was sometimes fastened
*This is still the custom in Persia. In that country no dress, except
that of persons specially devoted to religious duties, is complete without
a dagger with a jewelled or ivory handle. The dagger was probably used
by the Assyrians not only as a weapon, but, like the μaxapa of the
Greeks for carving the dinner. Cf. Ælian, ii. 17., for the story of Ochus,
who was watched by the magi when he ate his first dinner, and his cutting
a loaf and laying a slice of meat on it.
† See woodcut p. 299. Several dagger-handles of ivory, carved in
the shape of the fore-part of bulls, and other animals, were found in the
tomb of an ivory-worker at Memphis.
CHAP. IV.]
343
ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS.
to the hilt, or to the sheath, probably to retain it in
its place. A dagger, resembling in form those of the
sculptures, was found amongst the ruins of Nimroud:
it is of copper. The handle is hollowed, either to re-
ceive precious stones, ivory, or enamel.
The spear of the Assyrian footman was short,
scarcely exceeding the height of a man; that of the
horseman appears to have been considerably longer.
The iron head of a spear from Nimroud, is in the
British Museum. The shaft was probably of some
strong wood; and did not consist of a reed, like
that of the modern Arab lance. The large club
pointed with iron, mentioned by Herodotus amongst
the weapons carried by the Assyrians, is not repre-
sented in the sculptures; unless, indeed, the de-
scription of the historian applies to the mace, a
weapon in very general use amongst them, and fre-
quently seen in the bas-reliefs. This weapon con-
sisted of a short handle, probably of wood, to which
was fixed a head, evidently of metal, in the shape of
a flower, rosette, lion, or bull. To the end of the
handle was attached a thong, apparently of leather,
through which the hand was passed. I have not found
any representation of warriors using the hatchet, ex-
cept when cutting down trees, to clear the country
preparatory to a siege. It is, however, generally
seen amongst the weapons of those who fought in
chariots, and was carried in the quiver, with the
arrows and short angular bow.*
In the bas-reliefs of Kouyunjik, slingers are fre-
* See woodcut facing p. 350.
Z 4
344
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
quently represented amongst the
Assyrian troops. The sling ap-
pears to have consisted of a
with a thong,
doubled rope,
probably of leather, to receive
the stone; it was swung round
the head. The slinger held a
second stone in his left hand, and
at his feet is generally seen a
heap of pebbles ready for use.*

Slinger. (Kouyunjik.)
The javelin is frequently in-
cluded amongst the weapons of
the Assyrian charioteers; but the warriors are not
represented as using it in battle. It was carried in
the quiver amongst the arrows.
The shields of the Assyrians were of various forms
and materials. In the more ancient bas-reliefs a
circular buckler, either of hide or metal, perhaps
in some instances of gold and silvert, is most fre-
quently introduced. It was held by a handle fixed
to the centre. Light oblong shields of wicker-work,
carried in a similar manner, are also found in the
early sculptures; but those of a circular form appear
to have been generally used by the charioteers.
Suspended to the backs of the chariots, and also
* That the Persian slingers were exceedingly expert, used very large
stones, and could annoy their enemies whilst out of the reach of their
darts or arrows, we learn from several passages in Xenophon. (See par-
ticularly Anabasis, lib. iii. c. 3.)
† King Solomon made three hundred shields of beaten gold; three
pounds of gold to each shield. (1 Kings, x. 17.) The servants of Hadad-
ezer, king of Zobah, carried shields of gold. (2 Samuel, viii. 7.) The
shield of Goliah was of brass.
CHAP. IV.]
345
ARMS OF THE ASSYRIANS.
carried by warriors, are frequently seen shields in the
shape of a crescent, narrow, and curved outwards at
the extremities. The face is ornamented by a row of
angular bosses, or teeth, in the centre of which is the
head of a lion.
In the sculptures of Khorsabad, the round shield
is often highly ornamented.
It
resembles, both in shape and in the
devices upon it, the bucklers now
carried by the Kurds and Arabs,
which are made of the hide of the
hippopotamus. In the bas-reliefs
of Kouyunjik, some warriors bear
oval shields, very convex, and suf-
ficiently large to cover the greater
part of the body. The centre
and outer rim were decorated
with bosses.

SM
Shield. (Kouyunjik.)
The shield used during a siege Assyrian Warrior with Spear and
concealed the whole person of the
warrior, and completely defended him from the ar-
rows of the enemy. It was made either of wicker-
work, or of hides, and was furnished at the top with
a curved point, or with a square projection, like a
roof, at right angles to the body of the shield; which
may have served to defend the heads of the com-
batants against missiles, discharged from the walls
and towers. Such were probably the shields used by
the Persian archers at the battle of Platea.*
* Herod. lib. ix. c. 61. The expression of the Greek historian, that
the Persians made a fence of their osier shields, has perplexed the com-
346
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The archers, whether fighting on foot or in chariots,
were accompanied by shield-bearers, whose office it was
to protect them from the shafts of the enemy. Some-
times one shield covered two archers. The shield-
bearer was usually provided with a sword, which
he held ready drawn for defence. The king was
always attended in his wars by this officer; and
even in peace, one of his eunuchs usually carried
a circular shield for his use.* This shield-bearer
was probably a person of rank, as in Egypt. On
some monuments of the later Assyrian period, he
is represented carrying two shields, one in each
hand.†
Some of the circular bucklers appear to have been
made of small pieces of wood or leather, carefully
united. The handles attached to the small circular
shields may have been of leather; but those belong-
mentators, who conjecture that the archers formed a rampart of bucklers,
from behind which they discharged their arrows. But the sculptures of
Nimroud, and Kouyunjik, completely illustrate the passage; a shield
covering the whole person being held by a second warrior. The shields
of the Persians were of osier covered with skins.
* Teucer, when discharging his arrows against Hector, was protected
by the shield of Ajax.
“And last, young Teucer with his bended bow
Secure behind the Telamonian shield,
The skilful archer wide surveyed the field."
And again:
Iliad, b. viii. 1. 319.
"Thus Ajax guards his brother in the field,
Moves as he moves, and turns the shining shield.”
1. 327.
Goliah had one "bearing his shield, who went before him." (1 Samuel,
xvii. 7.)
+ See woodcut, p. 372.
See woodcut, p. 337.
CHAP. IV.]
347
ASSYRIAN ARMIES.
ing to the larger, which were supported entirely by
them, must have been of wood or metal.*
Standards were carried by the charioteers. In
the sculptures only two devices have hitherto been
found; one a figure (probably that of the divinity)
standing on a bull and drawing a bow; the other,
two bulls running in opposite directions.† These
figures are enclosed in a circle, and fixed to the
end of a long staff, ornamented with streamers and
tassels. The standards seem to have been partly
supported by a rest in front of the chariot, and a
long rod or rope connected them with the extremity
of the pole. In a bas-relief from Khorsabad, this rod
is attached to the top of the standard.‡
The Assyrians, like the Egyptians, appear to have
had organised and disciplined troops. In the sculp-
tures of Kouyunjik, we not only find long lines of
warriors on foot, divided into companies, each dis-
tinguished by their dress or their arms; but also
horsemen and chariots marshalled in array.§ In
* According to Herodotus (lib. i. c. 171.) the Carians invented the
handle of the shield; held before their time by a thong of leather sus-
pended from the neck. The bucklers used during the Trojan war had
wooden handles. (Iliad, viii. 193.)
+ See "Monuments of Nineveh," plates 27 and 14. Mr. Birch sug-
gests that these may resemble the symbols of war and peace, which were
attached to the yoke of Darius's chariot.
Standards, somewhat similar to those represented in the Assyrian bas-
reliefs, were in use in Egypt. Some sacred animal, or emblem, was also
generally placed upon them. Standards and banners are mentioned on
several occasions in the Bible. (Jer. iv. 21.; Song of Solomon, vi. 4.)
§ Uzziah "had a host of fighting men, who went out to war by
bands." (2 Chron. xxvi. 11.) Josephus (1. ix. c. 10.) describes how
these men were divided into companies, and were armed, each man with
a sword, shield, breast-plate of brass, bow and sling; the weapons carried
by the warriors of the Assyrian sculptures.
348
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
one chamber of these ruins, the walls were covered
with small figures of armed men, marching in file.
In the same edifice were representations of archers
defended by shields, and drawn up in line before
the walls of a besieged city. In front of them were
rows of spearmen, the first rank kneeling, and the
second stooping, to enable the archers behind to dis-
charge their arrows. The group thus formed bears
some resemblance to the phalanx of the Greeks, and
to the squares of modern infantry.

Warriors forming a Phalanx before the Walls of a besieged City. (Kouyunjik.)
A great part of the strength of the Assyrian armies
consisted in chariots and horsemen, to which we have
frequent allusion in the inspired writings.* The cha-
* The chariots and horses of Naharaina (Mesopotamia) are mentioned
in an Egyptian monument of the earliest kings of the 18th dynasty: an
officer of Thothmes I. "captured for him, in the land of Naharaina,
twenty one hands, a horse, and a chariot." (Birch's Memoir on the Sta-
tistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 8.) The Elamites, amongst the tributaries
of the Assyrians, were celebrated for their chariots carrying archers.
(Isaiah, xxii. 6.) Chariot cities, or cities for the support of warriors
CHAP. IV.]
349
ASSYRIAN CHARIOTS.
*
riots appear to have been used by the king, and the
highest officers of state, who are never seen in battle
on horseback; or, except in sieges, on foot. They
contained either two or three persons. The king was
always accompanied by two attendants-the warrior
protecting him with a shield (who was replaced during
peace, by the eunuch bearing the parasol), and the
charioteer. The principal warriors were also fre-
quently attended by their shield-bearers, though more
generally by the driver alone.
The chariot was used during a siege, as well as
in open battle. The king and his warriors are fre-
quently represented as fighting in chariots with the
enemy beneath the walls of a castle; or as having
dismounted from their cars, to discharge their arrows
against the besieged. In the latter case, grooms on
foot hold the horses. When the king in his chariot
formed part of a triumphal procession, armed men
led the horses. The chariot was also preceded, and
followed by men on foot.
The Assyrian chariot was probably made of
wood. It appears to have been open behind; but,
fighting in chariots, are frequently mentioned in the Bible. (2 Chron. i.
14., and viii. 6.) Solomon had 1400 chariots, the Syrians 700 (2 Samuel,
x. 18.), the Philistines 30,000 (1 Samuel, xiii. 5.).
* Amongst the ancient Indians the king, and men of rank generally,
combated in chariots; very rarely, and only at a later period, on horse-
back. In the Assyrian sculptures, only war-chariots have hitherto been
discovered; we have no representation of the magnificent carriages which,
under the name of armamaxæ, were used by the ancient Persians in pro-
cessions, and for their women.
+ Chariots of iron are mentioned in Judges (i. 19. and iv. 3.) The
car discovered in an Egyptian tomb, and now at Florence, was made of
birch-wood and ivory.
350
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
unlike those commonly used by the Egyptians, to
have been completely panelled at the sides. It varied
considerably in form, at different periods. As repre-
sented on the earliest monuments, it is low with the
upper part rounded. To each side were fixed, as
in Egypt, two quivers, containing arrows, a small
crooked bow, a javelin, and a hatchet or battle-
axe. The pole was sustained by a forked rod, fast-
ened to the forepart of the chariot, which was also
connected with the end of the pole by a singular
contrivance. Neither the use, nor the material of
this part of the chariot, can be determined from the
sculptures. Its size precludes the idea of metal, or
even of solid wood; and I can only conjecture that
it was a light wooden frame-work, covered with linen
or silk, and intended as an ornament. It was elabo-
rately painted or embroidered, and was generally
divided into three compartments, containing sacred
emblems such as the sun, moon, seven stars, and
the horned-cap.
Although the yoke was for two
horses, three were generally harnessed to the chariot.*
There is no indication of traces, nor can it be ascer-
tained from the sculptures how the third horse was
attached. It was probably intended to supply the
place of either of the other horses when killed or
seriously wounded, and did not draw. In a bas-
relief representing the passage of a river, a cha-
* In this respect the most ancient Assyrian chariot differed from the
Egyptian, to which only two horses were harnessed.
† As amongst the Greeks in the time of Homer. This third horse was
called παρωρος.
See woodcut, p. 381.
ASSYRIAN WARRIORS IN A CHARIOT. (8. W. Ruins, Nimroud, but originally brought from the N. W. Palace.)
To face page 350. Vol. JI,

CHAP. IV.]
351
ASSYRIAN CHARIOTS.
riot is seen in a boat, and consequently without the
horses. We can thus judge of the form of the pole
and yoke, but not of the precise mode of their use,
nor of the material of which they were made.
The wheels of the earliest chariots had six spokes,
and the felloes consisted of four pieces. They appear
to have been thicker and more solid, and the whole
chariot, indeed, to have been heavier than that of the
Egyptians. At the end of the pole, which was curved
upwards, was generally the head of a bull, ram, or
some other animal, probably, as among the Greeks, in
metal. Sometimes a semicircular metal plate or crest,
ornamented with the figure of the winged bull, or with
some other religious emblem, was attached to the end
of the pole, and rose above the backs of the horses.
Behind the chariot was suspended a shield, with
teeth or bosses like that described; and a spear was
fixed in a rest, which was usually in the shape of
a human head.
The warriors stood upright in the chariot, which
does not seem to have been furnished with seats.
At a later period the Assyrian chariot* appears
to have undergone a considerable change, both in
form and size. The large ornamented frame-work,
stretching from the forepart to the end of the pole,
was replaced by a thin rod, or by a rope or leather
thong, knotted in the centre or near one end. The
horses were also differently harnessed.
The pole
no longer ended in the head of an animal, and the
* See woodcut opposite p. 137.
352
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
yoke, as far as we can judge by the sculptures, was
altogether of another shape. The later Assyrian
chariot, moreover, like the Egyptian and Persian, was
always drawn by two horses, and not by three. * It
was also much higher, and larger, than that of the
more ancient sculptures, the wheel alone being almost
of the height of a man. The upper part was not
rounded, but square, with a projection in front, which
may have been a case to receive arrows; quivers not
being attached to the sides, as they are to the cha-
riots represented in the oldest Nimroud bas-reliefs.
The panels were carved, and adorned with rosettes and
tassels. The wheel had eight, and not six, spokes;
and was apparently strengthened by four pieces of
metal, which bound the felloes. The whole chariot
closely resembled that of the Persepolitan sculptures,
and of the great Mosaic from Pompeii in the Museum
of Naples, the subject of which is conjectured to be
one of the battles between Alexander and Darius.
The later chariots were often completely covered
with ornaments; those represented on the earlier
monuments had a very elegant moulding, or border,
round the sides. They were probably inlaid with
gold, silver, and precious woods, and also painted. †
* From a passage in Zechariah (vi. 2.) it would appear that the chariot-
horses were sometimes paired according to their colours. The chariot
of Darius on cylinders, and on the silver daric, as well as in the Per-
sepolitan sculptures, is drawn by two horses.
+ Such were the chariots obtained by the Egyptians from Naharaina
(Mesopotamia), fifteen centuries before Christ. In the Statistical Tablet
of Karnak are mentioned "thirty chariots worked with gold and silver,
with painted poles," as brought from that country, and chariots similarly
adorned with paintings, from the Ruten-nu, a neighbouring people.
CHAP. IV.]
353
HORSE FURNITURE.
In a bas-relief at Khorsabad, a figure of the king
drawing a bow was placed as a device on a chariot
panel.
Chariots armed with scythes are not represented in
the Assyrian sculptures, although mentioned by Cte-
sias as having been employed in the army of Ninus.
As chariots were in such general use, we may pre-
sume that the Assyrians had formed roads, not only
over the plains, but through the mountainous pro-
vinces of their dominions. Indeed, in the sculptures
of Kouyunjik, both chariots and horsemen are seen
crossing high mountains.
The harness and trappings of the horses were

W
Teuee
དད་༔་
Groom leading Horses.* (From a Fragment discovered at Khorsabad, and now in the
British Museum.)
* It must be remarked that these horses may belong, not to the As-
syrians, but to a conquered nation. Mr. Birch observes that the people
leading them have the same head-dress and garments as the Ruten of a
tomb at Thebes.
VOL. II.
A A
354
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
extremely rich and elegant. Plumes waved over the
heads of the animals, or fanciful crests rose gracefully
in an arch above their ears, and descended in front to
their nostrils. To these ornaments were sometimes
appended long ribands or streamers, which floated on
the wind. Large tassels of wool or silk, dyed many
colours, fell on the forehead, and were attached to
many parts of the harness. The bridle generally
consisted of a head-stall, a strap divided into three
parts connected with the bit, and straps over the
forehead, under the cheeks, and behind the ears. All
these details were elaborately ornamented. In the
earlier sculptures we find the figures of winged bulls,
and other symbolical devices, on parts of the head-
furniture; in the later, rosettes are more commonly
introduced, frequently producing a very pleasing
appearance.
It is probable that the bit, as well as many orna-
ments of the bridle and trappings, were of gold and
other precious materials.*
The bit of the earlier Assyrians was in the form of
a double wedge or dovetail, and appears to have acted
more like a curb than a snaffle. The rein was at-
tached to the centre, and the bit probably worked as
a lever. At a later period the form of the bit was
altered, and the rein was fastened nearer the end, to
add to its power.
Round the necks of the horses were hung tassels,
* The horses ridden by Astyages and Cyrus had bridles of gold.
Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3. Compare 1 Esdras, iii. 6., where the chariots
with bridles of gold of the Persians are mentioned.
CHAP. IV.]
355
HORSE FURNITURE.
rosettes, and engraved beads. Three straps, richly
embroidered, passing under the forepart of the belly,
kept the harness and chariot-pole in their places. A
breast-band, adorned with tassels, was also supported
by these straps. To the yoke was suspended a very
elegant ornament, formed by the head of an animal,
and a circle, in which was sometimes introduced a
winged bull, a star, or some other sacred device. It
fell on the shoulder of the animal, and to it were
attached three clusters of tassels.
Embroidered clothes, or trappings, were frequently
thrown over the backs of the chariot-horses, and al-
most covered the body*, from the ears to the tail.
They were kept in their place by straps passing
round the breast, the rump, and the belly.
The chariot horses of the later Assyrian period
differed entirely in their trappings and harness from
those of the earlier. High plumes, generally three
in number, and rising one above the other, waved
over their heads. Frequently an arched crest, and
clusters of tassels, were placed between their ears.
Similar tassels fell over their foreheads, and hung
round their necks. The harness attached to the
yoke, was more profusely ornamented with rosettes
and fringes, than that of the earlier Assyrian chariot;
but the ornaments showed less variety and taste.
The manes were either allowed to fall loosely on
the neck, were platted, or were cut short and stood
In the earlier sculptures, the tails of the
erect.
*"Dedan was thy merchant in precious clothes for chariots."
(Ezekiel, xxvii. 20.)
A A 2
356
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
horses are simply bound in the centre with ribands ;
in the later, the end is platted, as is now the fashion
in Persia and Turkey, and tied up in a bunch.*
Each horse appears to have been guided by two
reins, and the charioteer held three in each hand
when driving three horses. He also carried a whip,
which, like the Egyptian, consisted of a simple thong,
attached to a loop at the end of a short handle. In
the later Assyrian sculptures this thong is frequently
divided into two or three lashes, the handle of the
whip terminating in the head of a bull or lion.
The horsemen formed a no less important part of
the Assyrian army than the charioteers.† Horsemen
are seen in the most ancient sculptures of Nimroud‡;
and I have already mentioned that disciplined bodies
of cavalry were represented in the bas-reliefs of
Kouyunjik. We learn from the book of Judith that
Holofernes had 12,000 archers on horseback. § The
king himself is never represented on horseback, al-
though a horse richly caparisoned, apparently for his
use-perhaps to enable him to fly, should his chariot-
* This later fashion appears to have been adopted by the Persians,
and is represented in the Persepolitan sculptures. (Sir R. Kerr Porter,
Pl. 41. 48, 49, and 50.) Compare also the chariot and horses on the daric,
and on the early tombs from Xanthus.
"Assyrians clothed in blue, captains and rulers, all of them desirable
young men, horsemen riding upon horses." (Ezekiel, xxiii. 6.)
+
It is singular, as observes Sir Gardner Wilkinson (Ancient Egyp-
tians, vol. i. p. 288.), that horsemen are nowhere represented on the
monuments of Egypt, although there can be no doubt, from numerous
passages in the sacred writings, that cavalry formed an important part of
the Egyptian armies.
§ Judith, ii. 15. Solomon had 12,000 horsemen. (1 Kings, x. 26.)

Printed by Hulimandel & Walton
16 0 0 0
ASSYRIAN CHARIOT OF THE LATER PERIOD: S.W.RUDINS NIMROUD
John Murray Albemarle Street, 184.8
.
CHAP. IV.]
357
HORSEMEN.
horses be killed-is frequently seen led by a warrior
and following his chariot.
In the earliest sculptures the horses, except such
as are led behind the king's chariot, are unprovided
with clothes or saddles. The rider is seated on the
naked back of the animal. At a later period, how-
ever, a kind of pad appears to have been introduced;
and in a sculpture at Kouyunjik was represented a
high saddle not unlike that now in use in the East.
*
The horsemen were armed with swords and bows,
or with swords and long spears. They wore short
tunics and their legs and feet were bare. When
riding without pads or saddles, they sat with their

O'
Horsemen one Drawing the Bow, the other bolding the Reins of both Horses.
(N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* "The horsemen lifteth up both the bright sword and glittering
spear." (Nahum, iii. 3.)
A A 3
358
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
After
knees almost on a level with the horse's back.
the introduction of saddles, their limbs appear to
have been more free, and they wore greaves or boots,
but were unprovided with stirrups.
When an archer on horseback was in battle, his
horse was held and guided by a second horseman,
who rode by his side. He was then able to discharge
his arrows freely. On the monuments of Khorsabad
and Kouyunjik, the cavalry are usually armed with
the spear. When using this weapon they did not
require a second horseman to hold the reins.
The riding-horses are less richly and profusely
adorned than those in harness, the horsemen being
probably of inferior rank to those who fought in
chariots. The head-stall was surmounted by an
arched crest, and round the neck was an embroidered
collar, ending in a rich tassel or bell.*

/ / / /|/ / / /
Head Dress of a Riding Horse. (Kouyunjik.)
* See woodcut, p. 28., where a bell appears to be suspended round
the neck of a horse. Bells for horses' necks are mentioned in Zechariah,
xiv. 20.
CHAP. IV.]
359
HORSES.
The horses of the Assyrians, as far as we can judge
from the sculptures, were well formed and apparently
of noble blood. It has been doubted whether the
breed for which Mesopotamia and the neighbouring
deserts of Arabia are now celebrated, existed in the
same vast plains at a remote period; or whether it
was introduced shortly before the Mohammedan con-
quest. Although we have no mention in the sacred
writings of a trade actually carried on in horses with
Assyria, as with Egypt, yet it may be inferred from
several passages that it did exist.* Horses, it will be
remembered, were offered to the Jews, by the general
of the Assyrian king, as an acceptable present†;
and in the statistical tablet of Karnak they are men-
tioned amongst the objects of tribute brought by the
people of Naharaina (Mesopotamia) and the neigh-
bouring countries to the Egyptians. We may judge,
therefore, that the Assyrian horses were celebrated at
a very early period. The Egyptians, indeed, appear to
have been chiefly indebted to the countries watered by
the Tigris and Euphrates for their horses, no repre-
sentation of this animal occurring, I believe, on Egyp-
* 1 Kings, x. 28, 29.
† 2 Kings, xviii. 23. "Now therefore, I pray thee, give pledges to
my lord the king of Assyria, and I will deliver thee two thousand horses,
if thou be able on thy part to set riders upon them." It may be inferred
from this passage, that cavalry was not extensively used by the Jews.
The horses alluded to in the 3rd verse of the 14th chapter of Hosea, are
probably to be taken in connection with Assyria, mentioned in the pre-
vious parts of the verse.
"Asshur shall not save us; we will not ride upon
horses." It is remarkable that there is no mention in the Bible of Arab
horses, afterwards so celebrated. The Arabs in the army of Xerxes were
mounted on camels, and were placed in the rear, because, says Hero-
dotus, the camels frightened the horses (lib. vii. c. 87.).
A A 4
360
[CHAP. IV.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
tian monuments earlier than the eighteenth dynasty.*
However that may be, no one can look at the horses
of the early Assyrian sculptures without being con-
vinced that they were drawn from the finest models.†
The head is small and well-shaped, the nostrils large
and high, the neck arched, the body long, and the legs
slender and sinewy. "Their horses are swifter than the
leopards, and more fierce than the evening wolves,"
exclaims the prophet, of the horses of the Chaldeans.‡
That the Assyrians faithfully portrayed animals is
shown by the lions, bulls, goats, and stags so fre-
quently introduced into their bas-reliefs; it is highly
probable, therefore, that they carefully copied the forms
of their horses, and showed the points for which they
were most distinguished. It is not unlikely that the
plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, producing
during the winter and spring the richest pasturage,
were at the earliest period as celebrated as they are
now for the rearing of horses; particularly when so
large a supply must have been required for the
cavalry and chariots of the Assyrian armies. At a
later period, indeed, we find the plains of Babylonia
furnishing horses to the Persians, both for the private
use of the king and for his troops. It may, there-
fore, be conjectured that they were of the most
noble and celebrated breeds; for the Persians being
masters of the greater part of Asia and of Egypt,
* Birch's Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 32.
† The magnificent description of the war-horse in Job (ch. xxxix.),
shows that horses of the noblest breed were, at a very early period, not
only known in Syria, but used in battle.
Habakkuk, i. 8.
To face page 360. Vol. II.

:
A HORSEMAN PURSUED BY ASSYRIAN WARRIORS, KOUYUNJIK. (From a Cast in the British Museum.)
CHAP. IV.]
361
HORSES,
could have obtained horses, had they found better,
from elsewhere.* According to Herodotus, the stud
maintained by the Babylonians for the Persian mon-
arch included 800 stallions and 16,000 mares.† It
may have been derived by the Persians from those
whom they conquered; and it is not improbable that
the Assyrians themselves supplied their cavalry from
similar studs kept up near Babylon, or in other
parts of the Mesopotamian plains. Amongst the ob-
jects of tribute brought by the Ruten-nu to the
Egyptians, in the time of Thothmes III., are par-
ticularly mentioned brood-mares ; and this people,
it will be shown, are supposed to have inhabited As-
syria Proper, or some country immediately adjacent.
* According to Xenophon (Cyrop. lib. i. c. 3.) it was very difficult to
breed horses in Persia Proper; and it was a rare thing to see a horse in the
country, which was too mountainous for riding. This must apply only to
the most western and northern provinces; but even this part of Persia
now produces a very good horse, probably originally bred from the
Turcoman and Arab. The site of the Nisæan plains, so celebrated for
their horses, has not yet been satisfactorily determined. Major Rawlinson
believes them to have been somewhere in the mountains of Luristan.
(Notes on a March through Susiana: Journal of the Geographical
Society.)
† Lib. i. c. 192.
Birch's Memoir on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 44.
362
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
CHAP. V.
MILITARY SYSTEM OF THE ASSYRIANS.
MAGNITUDE OF THEIR
ARMIES. THEIR POMP.-
OTHER ENGINES OF WAR.
WALLS.
SIEGES.
THE BATTERING-RAM AND
g
MODE OF DEFENCE.
SCALING THE
SACK OF A CITY.
TREATMENT OF THE CAPTIVES
EARLIEST
KNOWLEDGE OF SHIP BUILDING.
AND OF THE CITY.
VESSELS. LATER VESSELS, AS REPRESENTED AT KHORSABAD
AND
A
KOUYUNJIK.
ENEMIES
OF THE ASSYRIANS
DISTIN
GUISHED BY THEIR DRESS. ARMENIANS AND PARTHIANS OR
PERSIANS. CAPTIVES AND TRIBUTE FROM INDIA.
-THE JEWS. THE BABYLONIANS.
THERN NATIONS.
THE PHOENICIANS.
THE ARABS.
- NOR-
IDENTIFICATION OF ENEMIES OF THE AS-
SYRIANS WITH THOSE OF THE EGYPTIANS.
or-
As the Assyrians possessed disciplined and
ganised troops, it is probable that they were also
acquainted, to a certain extent, with military tactics,
and that their battles were fought upon some kind
of system. We know that such was the case with
the Egyptians; and their monuments show that
amongst their enemies, also, there were nations not
unacquainted with the military science. They had
bodies of troops in reserve; they advanced and re-
treated in rank, and performed various manoeuvres.
Although, in the Assyrian sculptures, we have no
attempt at an actual representation of the general
plan of a battle, as in some Egyptian bas-reliefs,
yet from the order in which the soldiers are drawn
CHAP. V.]
363
POMP OF THE KINGS.
up before the castle walls, and from the phalanx
which they then appear to form, it seems highly
probable that similar means were adopted to resist
the assaults of the enemy in the open field.
The king himself, attended by his vizir, his eu-
nuchs, and principal officers of state, was present in
battle, and not only commanded, but took an active
part in the affray. Even Sardanapalus, when called
upon to place himself at the head of his armies to
meet the invading Medes, showed a courage equal
to the occasion, and repulsed his enemies. Like the
Persian monarchs who succeeded him in the dominion
of Asia, the Assyrian king was accompanied to the
war, however distant its seat might be, by his wives,
his concubines, and his children, and by an enormous
retinue of servants. Even his nobles were similarly
attended. Their couches were of gold and silver,
and the hangings of the richest materials. Vessels
of the same precious metals were used at their tables;
their tents were made of the most costly stuffs, and
were even adorned with precious stones.* They
were also accompanied by musicians, who are repre-
* The canopy or tent of Holofernes was of purple, gold, and emeralds,
and precious stones; and every man had gold and silver (vessels) out of
the king's house. Judith, x. 24. This book contains an interesting ac-
count of the luxurious manner of living of the great Assyrian warriors,
confirming what has been said in the text, and showing that the Persians
were, in this respect, as almost in every other, imitators of the Assyrians.
Herodotus (lib. ix. c. 82. and 83.) describes the equipage, furnished with
gold and silver, and with various coloured hangings, and the gold and
silver couches and tables, found in the tents of Mardonius after the defeat
of the Persian army. They had been left by Xerxes when he fled from
Greece.
364
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
sented in the sculptures as walking before the war-
riors, on their triumphant return from battle.
The army was followed by a crowd of sutlers,
servants, and grooms; who, whilst adding to its
bulk, acted as an impediment upon its movements,
and carried ruin and desolation into the countries
through which it passed. As this multitude could
not depend entirely for supplies upon the inha-
bitants, whom they unmercifully pillaged, provi-
sions in great abundance, as well as live stock, were
carried with them. Holofernes, in marching from
Nineveh with his army, took with him "camels
and asses for their carriage, a very great number,
and sheep, and oxen, and goats without number for
their provision; and plenty of victuals for every
man.”*
Quintus Curtius † thus describes the march of a
Persian army:-The signal was given from the tent
of the king, on the top of which, so as to be seen
by all, was placed an image of the sun, in crystal.
The holy fire was borne on altars of silver, sur-
rounded by the priests chanting their sacred hymns.
They were followed by three hundred and sixty-five
youths, according to the number of the days in the
year, dressed in purple garments. The chariot, dedi-
cated to the supreme deity (Jovi), or to the sun, was
drawn by snow-white horses, led by grooms wearing
white garments, and carrying golden wands. The
* Judith, ii. 17.
† Lib. iii. c. 3.; and compare Herodotus's description of the army of
Xerxes, 1. vii. c. 61.
CHAP. V.]
365
THE PERSIAN ARMY.
horse especially consecrated to the sun was chosen
from its size.* It was followed by ten chariots, em-
bossed with gold and silver, and by the cavalry of
twelve nations, dressed in their various costumes,
and carrying their peculiar arms. Then came the
Persian immortals, ten thousand in number, adorned
with golden chains, and wearing robes embroidered
with gold, and long-sleeved tunics, all glittering with
precious stones. At a short interval fifteen thousand
nobles, who bore the honourable title of relations of
the king, walked in garments which, in magnificence
and luxury, more resembled those of women than of
men. The doryphori (a chosen company of spear-
men) preceded the chariot in which the king him-
self sat, high above the surrounding multitude. On
either side of this chariot were effigies of the gods.
in gold and silver. The yoke was inlaid with the
rarest jewels. From it projected two golden figures of
Ninus and Belus, each a cubit in length. A golden
eagle with outspread wings was placed between them.
The king was distinguished, from all those who sur-
rounded him, by the magnificence of his robes, and
by the cidaris, or mitre, upon his head. By his side
walked two hundred of the most noble of his relations.
* That the custom of dedicating chariots and horses to the sun pre-
vailed in Asia long before the Persian domination, we learn from the
passage in 2 Kings, xxiii. 11., where Josiah is described as taking away
the horses that the kings of Judah had given to the sun, at the entering
in of the house of the Lord, by the chamber of Nathan-melech, the
chamberlain, which was in the suburbs, and burning the chariots of the
sun with fire.
† Some MSS. have "War and Peace." Ninus was an emendation first
suggested by Scaliger.
366
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Ten thousand warriors, bearing spears, whose staffs
were of silver and heads of gold, followed the royal
chariot. The king's led horses, forty in number, and
thirty thousand footmen, concluded the procession.
At the distance of one stadium, followed the mother
and wife of the king, in chariots. A crowd of
women, the handmaidens and ladies of the queens,
accompanied them on horseback. Fifteen cars, called
armamaxæ, carried the children of the king, their
tutors and nurses, and the eunuchs. The king's three
hundred and sixty concubines, who accompanied him,
were adorned with royal splendour. Six hundred
mules, and three hundred camels bore the royal trea-
sury, guarded by the archers. The friends and re-
lations of the ladies were mingled with a crowd of
cooks, and servants of all kinds. The procession was
closed by the light-armed troops.
The armies were provided with the engines, and
materials necessary for the siege of the cities they
might meet with, in their expedition. If any natural
obstructions impeded the approach to a castle, such
as a forest or a river, they were, if possible, removed.
Rivers were turned out of their courses if they im-
peded the operations of the army *; and warriors are
frequently represented in the sculptures cutting down
trees which surround a hostile city.
The first step, in a siege, was probably to advance
the battering-ram. If the castle was built, as in the
plains of Assyria and Babylonia, upon an artificial
* In the Stratagemata of Frontinus (l. iii. c. 7. s. 5.) Semiramis, like
Cyrus, is said to have taken Babylon by turning off the river.
CHAP. V.]
367
THE BATTERING-RAM.
eminence, an inclined plane, reaching to the summit
of the mound, was formed of earth, stones, or trees,
and the besiegers were then able to bring their en-
gines to the foot of the walls. This road was not
unfrequently covered with bricks, forming a kind of
paved way, up which the ponderous machines could
be drawn without much difficulty.
This mode of reaching the walls of a city is fre-
quently alluded to by the prophets, and is described
by Isaiah: "Thus saith the Lord concerning the
king of Assyria, He shall not come into this city,
nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with
shields, nor cast a bank against it."* Similar ap-
proaches were used by the Egyptians. They not
only enabled the besiegers to push their battering-
rams up to the castle, but at the same time to esca-
lade the walls, the summit of which might otherwise
have been beyond the reach of their ladders.
The battering rams were of several kinds. Some
were joined to moveable towers which held warriors
and armed men. The whole then formed one great
temporary building, the top of which is represented in
the sculptures, as on a level with the walls, and even
turrets, of the besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the
battering ram is without wheels; it was then per-
* Chap. xxxvii. 33.; and compare 2 Kings. xix. 32.; Jeremiah, xxxii.
24., and xxxiii. 4. The shields mentioned by the prophet were probably
the large kind made of wicker-work, represented in the Nimroud sculp-
tures, and were used exclusively for a siege; those carried by the warriors
in battle being smaller, and generally round.
† Ezekiel, xvii. 17. "Neither shall Pharaoh with his mighty army
and great company make for him in the war, by casting up mounts, and
building forts, to cut off many persons."
368
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
haps constructed on the spot, and was not intended
to be moved. The moveable tower was probably

Battering-Ram with moveable Tower containing Warriors. (N.W. Palace, Nimroud.)
sometimes unprovided with the ram; but I have
not met with it so represented in the sculptures.
When Nebuchadnezzar, king of Bablyon, besieged
Jerusalem, he "built forts against it roundabout." *
These forts or towers, if stationary, were solidly con-
structed of wood; if moveable, they consisted of a
light frame covered with wicker-work. The Jews
were forbidden to cut down and employ, for this pur-
* Jeremiah, lii. 4.
CHAP. V.]
369
MOVEABLE TOWERS.
pose, trees which afford sustenance to man. "Only
the trees which thou knowest that they be not trees
for meat, thou shalt destroy and cut them down:
and thou shalt build bulwarks against the city that
maketh war with thee until it be subdued."*
When the machine containing the battering-ram
consisted of a simple frame-work, not forming an

के के
Bas-relief representing Warriors before a besieged City. A Battering-ram drawn up to the
Walls, and Captives impaled. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
artificial tower, a cloth or some kind of drapery,
edged with fringes, and otherwise ornamented, ap-
pears to have been occasionally thrown over it.
VOL. II.
* Deuteronomy, xx. 19, 20.
BB
370
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Sometimes it may have been covered with hides. It
moved either on four, or on six wheels, and was
provided with one ram or with two. The mode of
working the rams cannot be determined from the As-
syrian sculptures. It may be presumed, from the re-
presentations in the bas-reliefs, that they were partly
suspended by a rope fastened to the outside of the
machine, and that men directed and impelled them
from within. Such was the plan adopted by the
Egyptians, in whose paintings the warriors, working
the ram, may be seen through the frame.*
Sometimes this engine was ornamented by a carved
or painted figure of the presiding divinity, kneeling
on one knee and drawing a bow.†
The artificial tower was usually occupied by two
warriors; one discharged his arrows against the be-
sieged, whom he was able from his lofty position to
harass more effectually than if he had been below;
the other held up a shield for his companion's defence.
Warriors are not unfrequently represented as stepping
from the machine to the battlements.
Ezekiel alludes to all these modes of attack. "Lay
siege against it," he exclaims, speaking of the city of
Jerusalem, "and build a fort against it, and cast a
mount against it; set the camp also against it, and
set battering-rams against it round about."
my
Archers on the walls hurled stones from slings,
* Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. plate, p. 360.
†This device is seen on a battering-ram in a bas-relief engraved in
"Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 19.
Ch. iv. ver. 2.
CHAP. V.]
371
MINES.
and discharged their arrows against the warriors in
the artificial towers; whilst the rest of the besieged
were no less active in endeavouring to frustrate the
attempts of the assailants to make breaches in their
walls. By dropping a doubled chain or rope from the
battlements, they caught the ram, and could either
destroy its efficacy altogether, or break the force of
its blows. Those below, however, by placing hooks
over the engine, and throwing their whole weight
upon them, struggled to retain it in its place.
*
The besieged, if unable to displace the battering-
ram, sought to destroy it by fire, and threw lighted
torches, or fire-brands, upon it. But water was
poured upon the flames, through pipes attached to
the artificial tower.
Other engines and instruments of war were em-
ployed by the besiegers. With a kind of catapult,
apparently consisting of a light wooden frame covered
with canvass or hides, they threw large stones and
darts against the besieged, who, in their turn, en-
deavoured to set fire to it by torches. A long staff
with an iron head, resembling a spear, was used to
force stones out of the walls. Mines were also
opened, and the assailants sought to enter the castle
through concealed passages. † Those who worked at
them or advanced to the attack were perhaps pro-
tected by the testudo, as represented in the Egyptian
* "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 19. Uzziah made large machines
for battering walls, and instruments to cast stones, and grappling irons,
and other instruments. (2 Chron. xxvi. 15., and Josephus, lib. ix. c. 10.)
† All these modes of attack and defence are represented in the plate
before referred to, and in Plate 29.
B B 2
372
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Warriors forcing Stones out of the lower Part of the Wall of a besieged City.
(S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
paintings; but this defence is not seen in the As-
syrian sculptures.
Attempts were made to set fire to the gates of the
city by placing torches against them*, or to break
them open with axes.
Mounting to the assault by ladders was constantly
practised, and appears to have been the most general
mode of attacking a castle; for ladders are found on
those bas-reliefs, in which neither the battering-ram
nor other engines are introduced. They reached to
"Abimelech went hard unto the door of the tower to burn it with
fire." (Judges, ix. 52.)
It is remarkable that the battering-ram is not introduced in the
sculptures hitherto discovered at Kouyunjik, nor, as far as I am aware,
in those of Khorsabad. It would appear, therefore, that at the period of
the building of those edifices, it had fallen into disuse. Scaling ladders
appear in Egyptian sculptures as early as the nineteenth dynasty. Ramses
III. is seen taking a city by their means, at Medinat Habou.
To face page 372. Vol, 11.

go.
A CITY TAKEN BY ASSAULT, AND THE INHABITANTS LED AWAY CAPTIVE,
(Kouyunjik.)
CHAP. V.]
373
DEFENCE OF THE WALLS.
the top of the battlements, and several persons could
ascend them at the same time. Whilst warriors,
armed with the sword and spear, scaled the walls,
archers posted at the foot of the ladders kept the
enemy in check, and drove them from the walls.
The troops of the besieging army were ranged
in ranks below. The king was frequently present
during the attack. Descending from his chariot,
which remained stationary at a short distance behind
him, he discharged his arrows against the enemy.
He was attended by his shield-bearer, and eunuchs,
one of whom generally held over him the emblem of
royalty, the umbrella, whilst the others bore his arms.
He is sometimes represented in his chariot, superin-
tending the operations, or repulsing a sally. War-
riors of high rank likewise came in chariots, accom-
panied by their shield-bearers and charioteers.* The
vizir and the chief of the eunuchs are frequently seen
in the midst of the combatants.
The besieging warriors were protected, as I have
already mentioned, by large shields of wicker-work,
sometimes covered with hides, which concealed the
entire person.
Three men frequently formed a
group; one held the shield, a second drew the bow,
and a third stood ready with a sword to defend the
archer and shield-bearer, in case the enemy should
sally from the castle.
The besieged manned the battlements with archers
and slingers, who discharged their missiles against the
* "The choicest valleys shall be full of chariots, and the horsemen
shall set themselves in array at the gate." (Isaiah, xxii. 7.)
BB 3
374
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
assailants. Large stones and hot water were also
thrown upon those below.*
When the battering-ram had made a breach, and
the assault had commenced, the women appeared
upon the walls; and, tearing their hair or stretching
out their hands, implored mercy. The men are
not unfrequently represented as joining in asking for
quarter. When the assailants were once masters of
the place, an indiscriminate slaughter appears to have
succeeded, and the city was generally given over to
the flames. In the bas-reliefs warriors are seen deca-
pitating the conquered, and plunging swords or dag-
gers into their hearts, holding them by the hair of
their heads. The prisoners were either impaled and
subjected to horrible torments, or carried away as
slaves. The manner of impaling adopted by the As-
syrians, appears to have differed from that still in use
in the East. A stake was driven into the body im-
mediately under the ribs. † In a bas-relief discovered
at Khorsabad, a man was represented flaying a pri-
soner with a semicircular knife. I
The women, children, and cattle were led away
by the conquerors; and that it was frequently the
custom of the Assyrians to remove the whole popu-
lation of the conquered country to some distant part
of their dominions, and to replace it by colonies.
of their own, we learn from the treatment of the
* A woman from the battlement of Thebez cast a millstone upon
Abimelech's head, and brake it. (Judges, ix. 53.)
† See woodcut, p. 369. When Darius took Babylon he impaled 3000
prisoners. (Herod. iii. 159.)
+ The Scythians scalped and flayed their enemies, and used their skins
as horse-trappings. (Herod. iv. 64.)
CHAP. V.]
375
CAPTIVES.
people of Samaria.*
pointed to take an inventory of the spoil. They
appear to have stood near the gates, and wrote down
with a pen, probably upon rolls of leather, the num-
ber of prisoners, sheep, and oxen, and the amount of
the booty, which issued from the city. The women
were sometimes taken away in bullock-carts, and are
usually seen in the bas-reliefs bearing a part of their
property with them-either a vase or a sack, perhaps
filled with household stuff. They were sometimes
accompanied by their children, and are generally re-
presented as tearing their hair, throwing dust upon
their heads, and bewailing their lot.
Eunuchs and scribes were ap-
After the city had been taken, a throne for the
king appears to have been placed in some con-
spicuous spot, within the walls. He is represented
in the sculptures as sitting upon it, attended by
his eunuchs and principal officers, and receiving
the prisoners brought bound into his presence. The
chiefs prostrate themselves before him, whilst he
places his foot upon their necks, as Joshua com-
manded the captains of Israel to put their feet
upon the necks of the captive kings. This custom
* 2 Kings, xvii. 24. According to Josephus (lib. ix. c. 12.), Tig-
lath-pileser having taken Damascus, removed all the inhabitants, and
peopled the city with his own subjects. So, also, when Nebuchadnezzar
took Jerusalem, he carried away all the people captive, and "burned the
king's house and the houses of the people with fire, and brake down the
walls." (Jeremiah, xxxix. 8 and 9.)
t "And it came to pass, when they brought out those kings unto
Joshua, that Joshua called for all the men of Israel, and said unto the
captains of the men of war which went with him, Come near, put your
feet upon the necks of these kings. And they came near, and put their
BB 4
376
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
long prevailed in the East. In the rock-sculpture
of Behistun, Darius is seen with his foot upon the
neck of Gomates, the rebellious Magian, who declared
himself to be Bartius, the son of Cyrus.* When
inferior prisoners were captured, their hands were
tied behind, or their arms and feet were bound by
iron manacles. †


כ י**
Manacles for the Feet. (Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.)
Manacles for the Hauds.
(Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.)
They were urged onwards by blows from the
spears, or swords, of the warriors to whom they were
intrusted. In a bas-relief from Khorsabad, captives
are led before the king by a rope fastened to rings
passed through the lip and nose. I
In the sculptures of Khorsabad, and Kouyunjik, cap-
feet upon the necks of them." (Joshua, x. 24.) To make "a footstool of
thine enemies" is the common biblical expression for triumph.
* Major Rawlinson's Memoir on the Inscription at Behistun. (Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society.)
t "To bind their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of
iron." (Psalm cxlix. 8.) These fetters were sometimes made of brass.
They put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him with fetters of brass,
and took him to Babylon." (2 Kings, xxv. 7.) Samson was also bound
with fetters of brass. (Judges, xvi. 21.)
This sculpture illustrates the passage in 2 Kings, xix. 28. “I will
put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips." The king is repre-
sented in the bas-relief as holding a rope fastened to a ring, which passes
through the lips of a prisoner, one of whose eyes he appears to be piercing
with his spear.
CHAP. V.]
377
THE SACK OF A CITY.
tives are seen bringing small models of their cities to
the victorious king, as a token of their subjection.
Similar models are borne in triumphal processions.
The heads of the slain were generally collected,
and brought either to the king, or to an officer ap-
pointed to take account of their number.* This mode
of reckoning the loss of the enemy was long resorted
to in the East.
As soon as the soldiers entered the captured city,-
they began to plunder, and then hurried away with
the spoil. They led off the horses, carried forth on
their shoulders furniture,
and vessels of gold, silver,
and other metals; and made
prisoners of the inhabitants,
who, probably, became the
property of those who seized
them.
The Assyrian warriors are
seen in the sculptures bear-
ing away in triumph the
idols of the conquered na-
tions, or breaking them into
pieces, weighing them in scales, and dividing the
fragments. Thus Hosea prophesied that the calf,

A Fair of Scales for weighing the Spoil.
(Khorsabad.)
* See woodcut, p. 184. When Ahab's seventy sons were killed, their
heads were cut off, and brought in baskets to Jezreel. They were after-
wards laid" in two heaps at the entering in of the gate." (2 Kings, x. 8.)
The Egyptians generally counted by hands.
In a bas-relief from Khorsabad. Babylon is taken, Bel is con-
founded, Merodach is broken in pieces; her idols are confounded, her
images are broken in pieces." (Jeremiah, 1. 2.) Compare Isaiah, xxi. 9.
378
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the idol of Samaria, should be carried away by the
Assyrians.*
When the city had been sacked, it was usually
given up to the flames, and utterly destroyed. The
surrounding country was also laid waste. † If it had
been a capital-a place of strength and renown—
it was seldom rebuilt on the same spot; which was
avoided, as unfortunate, by those who survived the
catastrophe and returned to the ruins.
Ezekiel, in prophesying the destruction of Tyre by
Nebuchadrezzar, has faithfully recorded the events of
a siege, and the treatment of the conquered people.
His description illustrates the bas-reliefs of Nim-
roud :
"Thus saith the Lord God; Behold, I will bring
upon Tyrus Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon, a
king of kings, from the north, with horses, and with
chariots, and with horsemen, and companies, and
much people. He shall slay with the sword thy
daughters in the field: and he shall make a fort
against thee, and cast a mount against thee, and lift
up the buckler against thee. And he shall set en-
gines of war against thy walls, and with his axes he
* Ch. x. ver. 6. And Jeremiah declares that the Babylonians shall
kindle a fire in the houses of the gods of the Egyptians," and burn them,
and carry them away captive." (Ch. xliii. ver. 12.) In a bas-relief from
the centre palace of Nimroud, the Assyrian warriors were represented
carrying away the image of a bird. See woodcut, p. 462.
† When Holofernes took Damascus "he went into the plain in the
time of wheat harvest, and burnt up all the fields, and destroyed the
flocks and herds; also he spoiled the cities, and utterly wasted the coun-
tries, and smote all the young men with the edge of the sword.” (Judith,
ii. 27.)
CHAP. V.]
SHIPS.
379
shall break down thy towers. By reason of the
abundance of his horses, their dust shall cover thee:
thy walls shall shake at the noise of the horsemen,
and of the wheels, and of the chariots, when he shall
enter into thy gates, as men enter into a city wherein
is made a breach. With the hoofs of his horses shall
he tread down all thy streets: he shall slay thy
people by the sword, and thy strong garrisons shall
go down to the ground. And they shall make a spoil
of thy riches, and make a prey of thy merchandise:
and they shall break down thy walls, and destroy
thy pleasant houses: and they shall lay thy stones,
and thy timber and thy dust in the midst of the
water."
11
Although the Assyrians were properly an inland
people, yet their conquests and expeditions, particu-
larly at a later period, brought them into contact
with maritime nations. We consequently find, on
the monuments of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, fre-
quent representations of naval engagements and
operations on the sea- coast. In the most ancient
palace of Nimroud, only bas-reliefs with a river have
been discovered; they furnish us, however, with the
forms of vessels, evidently of Assyrian construction-
all those in the sculptures of Khorsabad and Kouy-
unjik belonging probably to allies or to the enemy.
It may be presumed that the rivers navigated by the
early Assyrians, and represented in their bas-reliefs,
were the Tigris, Euphrates, and Khabour.
* Ch. xxvi. ver. 7—12.
380
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Herodotus thus describes the Babylonian vessels
of a later period: "The boats used by those who
come to the city (Babylon) are of a circular form,
and made of skins. They are constructed in Armenia,
in the parts above Assyria. The ribs of the vessels
are formed of willow boughs and branches, and
covered externally with skins. They are round like
a shield, there being no distinction between the head
and stern. They line the bottoms of their boats with
reeds (or straw), and, taking on board merchandise,
principally palm wine, float down the stream. The
boats have two oars, one man to each: one pulls to
him, the other pushes from him. These vessels are of
different dimensions; some of them are so large that
they bear freight to the value of 5000 talents. The
smaller have one ass on board; the larger, several.
On their arrival at Babylon the boatmen dispose
of their goods, and also offer for sale the ribs and
the reeds (or straw). They then load their asses
with the skins, and return with them to Armenia,
where they construct new vessels."*
I was, at one time, inclined to believe that the de-
scription of Herodotus applied to the rafts still con-
structed on the rivers of Mesopotamia, and used, it
will be remembered, for the conveyance of the sculp-
The materials
tures from Nimroud to Busrah. †
of which they are made are precisely those men-
tioned by the Greek historian, and they are still
disposed of, at Baghdad, in the same way as they
* Lib. i. c. 194.
† See p. 96. of this volume.
CHAP. V.]
381
SHIPS.
were in his day at Babylon. But the boats which
excited the wonder of Herodotus seem to have been
more solidly built, and were capable of bearing ani-
mals, to which purpose the modern raft could not be
applied. They were probably more like the circular
vessels now used at Baghdad, built of boughs, and
sometimes covered with skins, over which bitumen is
smeared, to render the whole waterproof. The boats
commonly employed for the conveyance of goods and
animals, on the lower part of the Tigris and Eu-
phrates, and for ferries on all parts of those rivers,
are constructed of planks of poplar wood, rudely
joined together by iron nails or wooden pins, and
coated with bitumen.
In a bas-relief from the most ancient palace of
Nimroud, two kinds of boats are introduced. The
larger vessel contains the king in his chariot, with
his attendants and eunuchs.
oars, and towed by men.
that described by Herodotus.
It is both impelled by
The smaller resembles
The head does not

A Boat carrying a Chariot, and Men floating on inflated Skins
differ in form from the stern, and two men sit face
to face at the oars.
In this bas-relief are also represented men sup-
382
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
porting themselves upon inflated skins,
a manner
of crossing rivers still generally practised in Meso-
potamia.
The larger boats were steered by a long oar; to
the end of which was attached a square or oval board.
This oar was held in its place by a rope, fastened to
a wooden pin at the stern. By this contrivance, the
steersman had considerable control over the vessel,
and could impel it, or turn the head at pleasure.
This mode of steering, and propelling boats, still pre-
vails on the Mesopotamian rivers.
It may be presumed, that the Assyrians soon ac-
quired a more intimate acquaintance with the art of
ship-building, than is displayed by these rude ves-
sels; although they may not have put their know-
ledge in practice on the rivers. A tradition has even
assigned the invention of ships to Semiramis.* In a
bas-relief, from the centre palace of Nimroud, vessels
were represented with a mast, and with a carved
prow and stern, both ornamented with the head of
an animal or bird, probably in metal. † They were
also impelled by oars; and from the relative size
between them and the figures, they do not appear
to have been larger than the rude boats of the
earlier monuments. The mast was retained in its
position by two ropes. The oars were long, and the
blade projected at an angle with the handle. They
* Pliny, lib. vii. 417. That the Chaldees were skilful ship-builders,
" and exulted in their ships," we learn from Isaiah, xliii. 14.
† See woodcut, p 395. In this ornament at the prow and stern they
resemble some of the Egyptian war-galleys, and those of the Greeks and
Romans.
CHAP. V.]
383
SHIPS.
were probably used like paddles, which they re-
semble, indeed, in form. Although these ships were
near a castle, it would appear from the fish and
marine monsters in the water-that the sea, and not
a river, was represented.
The vessels of the Khorsabad sculptures show
a considerable advance in the knowledge of ship-
building. That they did not belong to the Assy-
rians, but to some allied nation, appears to be indi-
cated by the peculiar costume of the figures in them.*
The form of the vessel is not inelegant: it is that of
a sea monster the prow being in the shape of the
head of a horse, and the stern in that of the tail of a

A Ship. (Khorsabad.)
* Small boats similarly constructed are, however, introduced into a
bas-relief, which appears to represent a scene on an Assyrian river or lake.
(See woodcut, p. 273.)
384
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
fish. Several men stand at the oars. The mast, sup-
ported by two ropes, appears to be surmounted by a
box, or what is technically called a crow's nest; which,
in the galleys of the Egyptians, frequently held an
archer.
From the nature of the animals and fish swarming
in the water round the vessels, the Khorsabad bas-
reliefs like that which I have just described-
A castle
evidently represent an event on the sea.
stands on the shore, and the ships are employed in
bringing planks, and beams of wood, to form an
artificial approach, by which the besiegers may reach
the walls. Some of these planks are dragged, at the
stern of the vessels, by ropes; others are on deck.
In the sea is seen a figure with the human form to
the waist, and with the tail of a fish. The horned
cap connects it with the sacred emblems of the
Assyrian sculptures, and we may, probably, recognise
in it Oannes, or the Chaldæan sea god.*
But it was in the sculptures of Kouyunjik, that
vessels were found represented in the greatest per-
fection. From their position, in the bas-reliefs, with
reference to the besieging army, it would seem that
they did not belong to the Assyrians themselves; but
to a people with whom they were at war, and whom
they appear to have conquered. The sea was also
here indicated by the nature of the fish and marine
animals; such as the star or jelly fish, and a kind
of shark. A castle stood on the shore; and the
* A sea-piece, such as that described in the text, is amongst the As-
syrian bas-reliefs in the Louvre.
CHAP. V.]
385
SHIPS.
inhabitants, attacked on the land side, were deserting
the city, and taking refuge in their vessels.*
The larger galleys of these bas-reliefs were of pe-
culiar form, and may, I think, be identified with the
vessels used to a comparatively late period, by the in-
habitants of the great maritime cities of the Syrian
coast by the people of Tyre and Sidon. Their
height out of the water, when compared with the
depth of keel, was very considerable. The forepart
rose perpendicularly from a low sharp prow, which
resembled a plough-share, and was probably of iron
or some other metal, being intended, like that of the
Roman galley, to sink or disable the enemy's ships.
The stern was curved from the keel, and ended in a
point high above the upper deck. There were two
tiers of rowers; but whether they were divided by a
deck, or merely sat upon benches placed at different
elevations in the hold, does not appear from the
sculptures. Above the rowers was a deck, on which
stood the armed men. These vessels had only one
mast, to the top of which was attached a very long
yard, held by ropes. In the sculptures, the sails
were represented as furled. The number of rowers.
in the bas-reliefs was generally eight on a side. Only
the heads of the upper tier of men were visible; the
lower tier was completely concealed, the oars passing
through small apertures, or port-holes, in the sides of
the vessel.
These galleys nearly resemble in form the vessels
VOL. II.
"Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 71.
CC
386
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
represented on certain coins of ancient date; which,
although not yet satisfactorily classed, evidently be-
long to the period of the Persian supremacy in Asia.
This may be inferred by their having on one side

о
Ship. (Kouyunjik.)
100
the effigy of the king in his chariot, attended by his
charioteer, as found on darics and cylinders un-
doubtedly Persian.

Coin of uncertain Origin, conjectured to have been struck in a City on the Syrian Coast during
the Persian Occupation.
These coins, which are rare, have been discovered
both in Babylonia and on the coasts of Cilicia and
Syria*, and were probably struck by the cities on
* Those in the British Museum, from the collection of Mr. Rich, were
principally found in the bed of the Euphrates, near Babylon; but, as they
CHAP. V.]
387
SHIPS.
66
the shores of the Mediterranean during their sub-
jection to Persia. There are many peculiarities in
the figures, groups, and inscriptions upon them,
to connect them with other coins of the same class,
generally known as the uncertain of Cilicia;" all
of which may perhaps be assigned to cities of Pho-
nician origin, either in Asia Minor, Syria, or Cyprus.
The mere fact of these coins having been occasion-
ally found on the banks of the Euphrates, is not
sufficient to prove that they were coined in Babylon,
of which city we have no ancient money.
*
The galleys, both on these coins and in the Kouy-
unjik bas-reliefs, are further identified with the
vessels of the Syrian coasts, by the coins of Sidon
of a later period, which bear on one side a galley
were accompanied by other coins of a much later (I think of the Arsacid
or Sassanian) period, they must have been deposited there long after
the fall of the first Persian empire, and consequently long subsequent to
the time of their coinage.
,כרה
خاره
or
حور
Almost all ancient cities of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands, whose
names commenced with " Cor," stood upon the sea-coast. This word
may, therefore, have some reference to their position, and may point to
a Phoenician origin. It may, perhaps, be connected with the Hebrew
“to dig” and the Arabic
the mouth of a river, and
bay of the sea, still used on the Arabian coast; for instance, the mouths
of the Euphrates and Karoon are known as the Khor-mousa, the Khor-
bamishere, &c. In Pontus were Cor-alla, Cor-dyla, Cot-yora; in Paph-
lagonia, Car-usa, Car-ambes; in Cyprus, Core and Cor-ineum; in Cilicia,
Cor-ycus, Cor-acesium; in Crete, the promontory and city of Cor-ycus;
in Ionia, Cor-ycus; the Cor-icumlittus and Cor-ydalla in Lycia; in
Rhodes, Cor-ymbia and Cor-dylusa; in Messenia, Cor-yphasium. The
sense of cavern, also included in the word, will well suit Cor-ycus in
Cilicia, and the celebrated cave of the same name in Phocis. The de-
rivation of "a hole," or 3, "to dig," may indicate an artificial har-
bour, and an early Phoenician settlement.
חור
CC 2
388
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
similarly constructed, and on the other the head of
an Assyrian goddess.
The castles of the maritime people, whose conquest
is recorded by the Kouyunjik bas-reliefs, are distin-
guished by the shields hung round the walls. This
peculiarity appears to illustrate a passage in Ezekiel
concerning Tyre: "The men of Arvad with thine
army were upon the walls round about, and the Gam-
madims were in thy towers: they hanged their shields
upon thy walls round about.” * We have no other
allusion to this custom in Holy Writ; and its par-
ticular mention in con-
nection with Tyre, may
perhaps be considered a
further proof in favour of
the identification of the
event, recorded by the
sculptures, with a siege
and capture of that city.

目
​目
​= = =
自
​Castle of a Maritime People, probably the
Tyrians. (Kouyunjik.)
Around the sides of the vessels were also sus-
pended the shields of the warriors; and a similar
custom appears to have prevailed amongst other
nations in the infancy of the art of ship-building.†
The Tyrian vessels were constructed of the most
costly materials. The sails were of "fine linen with
embroidered work from Egypt;" and the ornaments
were of "blue and purple from the isles of Elisha."
The benches were of ivory, and, it will be remarked,
were made by Assyrian workmen, of whose skill we
* Ezekiel, xxvii. 11.
† On the sides of the upper deck of the Chinese junks are suspended
the shields and arms of the crew.
CHAP. V.]
389
SHIPS.
have full proof in the beautiful carvings from Nim-
roud. The oars were of the wood of the oaks of
Bashan, the planks of fir-trees from the mountain
of Senir, and the masts of cedar of Lebanon. The
people of Zidon and Arvad were employed as ma-
riners, and the management and sailing of the ship
were confided to the pilots of Tyre, who, through
long experience, were well versed in the art of navi-
gation, and were consequently looked upon as "the
wise men" in a city of sailors and merchants.*
these vessels the Phoenicians coasted along the shores
of the Mediterranean, and carried on an active com-
merce with very distant nations; establishing their
colonies, and diffusing far and wide their civilisation,
their arts, and their language.
In
Besides the vessel I have described, a smaller is
represented in the same bas-reliefs. It has also a
double tier of rowers; but the head and stern are

000
Galley. (Kouyunjik,)
* The 27th chapter of Ezekiel contains a complete description of the
vessels of the Tyrians, and is a most important and interesting record
of the commercial intercourse of the nations of antiquity.
C c 3
390
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
differently constructed from those of the larger
galley, and both being of the same shape, are not to
be distinguished one from the other, except by the
position of the rowers. They rise high above the
water, and are flat at the top, with a beak projecting
outwards. This vessel had no mast, and was im-
pelled entirely by oars. On the upper deck are seen
warriors armed with spears, and women.
It is impossible to determine, from the sculptures,
the size of the vessels; as the relative proportions
between them, and the figures they contain, are not
preserved. It is most probable that the four rowers
in each tier are merely a conventional number; and
we cannot, therefore, conjecture the length of the ship
from them.
No representations of naval engagements, as on
the monuments of Egypt, have yet been found in the
Assyrian edifices. It is most probable that, not being a
maritime people, the Assyrians -as the Persians did
afterwards-made use of the fleets of their allies in
their expeditions by sea, furnishing warriors to man
the ships.
The bas-reliefs hitherto discovered in Assyria,
principally record the wars and triumphs of the As-
syrians, and represent their achievements in battle.
Their enemies, therefore, are frequently portrayed in
them. On the earlier monuments the conquered are
marked by two distinct costumes. In the series of
sculptures, forming the southern side of the great hall
in the north-west palace*, they are principally distin-
guished by the absence of helmets and armour.
* Hall B, plan 3.
A
CHAP. V.]
391
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
simple fillet, or band, binds their temples, and in no
instance have they any other head-dress. Their long
hair, and beards, are less carefully and elaborately
arranged than those of the Assyrians; but this dis-
tinction may be attributed to the malice of the
sculptor, who appears to have wilfully disfigured
the pictures of the enemies of his nation, or at least
to have bestowed less care upon them than upon
those of his own people. They wore short tunics,
descending to the knee. Their sandals were peculiar,
formed apparently by a number of straps, or cross-
bars, from the instep to the sole of the foot. They
used the same arms as the Assyrians, with the ad-
dition of the sling-a weapon which is not seen in
the hands of the conquerors in the most ancient bas-
reliefs. The women were clothed in long embroidered
robes descending to the ankles, fitting tight over the
breasts (which are indicated in the sculptures), and
confined at the waist by a girdle. Their hair fell
loosely over their shoulders. The conquered have no
very marked peculiarity in the form of their features,
to distinguish them from the Assyrians; and, if their
race or nation was shown at all, it was, probably, as
on the monuments of Egypt, by colour, which has
completely disappeared. There is nothing in the
bas-reliefs to show the region they inhabited. They
possessed walled cities, some standing on a river;
and their country was apparently wooded, as trees are
generally represented in the sculptures. It may be
presumed that they were not far behind their con-
querors in civilisation; for they were acquainted with
C C 4
392
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the use of the pulley; and, it may be inferred from
their castle-gates, with the principle of the arch.
They possessed chariots drawn by horses nearly as
richly caparisoned as those of the Assyrians. Their
chariot-wheels had eight, or even twelve spokes, dif-
fering in this respect from those of the conquerors.
On a bas-relief, representing captives brought before
the king, we find—amongst vases and bowls of elegant
shapes-objects resembling elephants' tusks, bundles
of precious wood, and shawls; this would appear to
connect the conquered people with some Asiatic
nation far to the east of Assyria.
The other conquered race, represented in the
earliest sculptures of Nimroud, are chiefly distin-
guished by their conical caps; which are not pointed,
like the Assyrian helmet, but rounded at the top, and
apparently made of felt, or bands of linen. They
wore high boots reaching half way up the calf of the
leg, and turned up at the toes, like those still in use
in Persia and Turkey; and were dressed either in
short tunics, scarcely covering the knee, or in robes
descending to the ankles. Their hair, although long,
was not curled, but was gathered into a bunch be-
hind; the end being either tucked under the cap, or
confined by a band passing round the temples. On
the northern side of the great hall of the north-west
palace, were discovered two bas-reliefs *, representing
the siege of a city belonging to this people, which
stood on the banks of a river. Beneath the walls
* Nos. 27. and 28. hall B, plan 3. No. 27. will be placed in the British
Museum.
CHAP. V.]
393
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
the armies of the two nations are seen in battle the
Assyrians in chariots, their enemies chiefly on horses.
One of the horsemen turns back, like the Parthians of

Flying Warrior discharging an Arrow. (N.W. Falace, Nimroud.)
old, whilst his horse is at full speed, to discharge an
arrow against his pursuers.
And
*
"Fidentemque fugâ Parthum, versisque sagittis."
Parthum."
"Versis animosum equis
VIRG. Georg. 3.
HOR. Carm. lib. i. ode. xix.
Justin (lib. xli. c. 2.) describes this mode of combating as peculiar to
the Parthians, and very dangerous to those incautiously engaging in their
pursuit. That the same custom existed at a very early period amongst
the Persians, we learn from Xenophon. (Anabasis, book iii. ch. 3.)
394
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
The bas-reliefs in the outer chambers, to the north
of the great hall*, represent the same people. In
those sculptures, it will be remembered, the captives
are seen bringing monkeys, amongst other objects of
tribute. Some of the tribute-bearers on the obelisk
appear to belong to this nation; for they are similarly
attired, and also bring monkeys. Other animals led
by them, such as the elephant, rhinoceros, and Bac-
trian camel, evidently show that they came from
some country far to the east of Assyria-either
from India itself or from its confines; and we are
naturally led to conjecture, that the monument was
erected to celebrate the Indian expedition of one of
the early Assyrian monarchs-the Ninus, Semiramis,
or Ninyas of history. The other tribute appears to
be elephants' tusks, shawls, precious woods, a kind of
fruit or plant, and vessels probably of gold and silver.
The inscription may record the conquest of many
countries; and more nations than one are probably
represented by the figures bearing these various
objects.
The unplaced bas-reliefs, discovered together near
the great bulls in the centre of the mound, do not ap-
parently celebrate the subjection of the same countries
as the obelisk. If this be the case, there seems to me
additional reason for believing them to be of a later
period than that monument, and than the bulls, on
It is still the favourite mode of fighting of that people. It is called the
Kaikaj. The Bakhtiyari, and other mountain tribes, are particularly
skilful in it, and will hit a small mark, turning back and discharging their
rifles whilst their horses are at full speed.
* Chambers D and E, plan 3.
CHAP. V.]
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
395
which the name of the son of the builder of the
north-west palace occurs. They record the subju-
gation of several nations. In some were represented
warriors on fleet camels, fleeing from the Assyrians.
Women, also mounted on camels, were seen escaping
from their enemies.* The head-dress of the men was
a simple fillet passing round the temples, the hair
being either confined by it, or sometimes allowed to
fall loose on the shoulders. They wore short tunics
or aprons from the waist to the knee, the rest of the
body being left naked. The women were clothed in
robes descending to the ankles, and their hair was long.
This people appears to have possessed large flocks of

M
A Walled City standing on a River or on the Sea. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
* The saddles of the camels appear to have consisted of a square pad
or seat, placed upon the hump.
396
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
camels, sheep, goats, and horned cattle, and to have
inhabited a country producing the palm-tree. As
they used camels in war, we may conjecture that
they were Arabs living either in the south of Meso-
potamia, or in a part of the Arabian Peninsula.*
Another conquered people represented in these bas-
reliefs dwelt in fortified cities, standing on the banks
of a river, and having palms within and without
the walls. The men wore their hair loose, and were
mostly armed with bows. After their cities had been
captured, the women were taken away in square carts,
drawn by oxen. These carts had wheels with eight
spokes. The palm-trees represented in the bas-reliefs
may indicate some part of Babylonia.

Captive Women in a Cart drawn by Oxen. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
A third nation, whose subjugation is recorded, had
cities or castles built on the tops of mountains. They
wore helmets ornamented with a curved crest, and
were armed with spears and bows.
A fourth possessed walled cities surrounded by lofty
ramparts, and wore caps apparently formed of bands
of linen, resembling the Phrygian cap reversed. They
* The Arabs, mounted on camels, formed a part of the great army of
Xerxes, and the camel-riding Shasu (Arabs) are frequently mentioned in
the monumental inscriptions of Egypt.
To face page 396. Vol. II.

SW
ASSYRIAN HORSEMEN PURSUING A MAN, PROBABLY AN ARAB, ON A CAMEL. (Centre Ruins, Nimroud.)
CHAP. V.]
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
397
were armed with spears and bows. The women are
distinguished by hoods covering the head, and falling
over the shoulders. In one bas-relief the captive
king, or chief, of this people is seen crouching before
the Assyrian king, who is placing the end of a spear,
or wand, on the head of his prostrate foe in token of
triumph.
In two bas-reliefs built into the walls of the south-
west palace, but not originally belonging to that
building, were represented the victories of the Assy-
rians over warriors, who wore a helmet with a curved
crest, resembling in shape that in early use amongst
the Greeks.*
The subjugation of several nations was recorded on
the walls of Khorsabad. The captives, and tribute-
bearers, were generally distinguished by caps or
turbans, fitting closely to the head, and apparently
made of folds of linen, or some similar material. It
has been conjectured that they are Jews; but, un-
less the inscriptions furnish some evidence of the
fact, there is nothing, I think, sufficiently marked,
either in their physiognomy or dress, to identify
them with that people. Several heads from these
bas-reliefs are now in the British Museum. The
features may certainly be distinguished from those
of the Assyrians, particularly in the shape of the
nose, which is very hooked; but this is a peculiarity
* See woodcut, p. 28. of this volume.
† It has been suggested that one of the names written over the be-
sieged city in a Khorsabad bas-relief is that of Ashdod, or Azotus,
against which Sargon, king of Assyria, sent Tartan. (Isaiah, xx.)
398
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
common to several eastern races, and not confined to
the Jew. The hair and beard are less elaborately
curled; but, as it has already been observed, they may
have been left unfinished by the sculptor, to mark the
distinction between the conquerors and the conquered.
The head-dress of another vanquished people con-
sists of a hood, which completely covers the head,
conceals the hair, and falls over the shoulders, re-
sembling that of the women in some of the bas-reliefs.
from the centre of the mound at Nimroud.
Men dressed in skins were represented amongst the
conquered nations at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik.
The only Asiatic people thus clothed, in the army of
Xerxes, according to Herodotus, were the Caspians
and the Pactyes, who wore goat-skins. Some of the
skins in the Khorsabad sculptures appear to be those
of leopards; if so, the wearers may be identified with
an African nation.*
Monsieur Flandin conjectures, that negroes are in-
cluded amongst the conquered people of the Khorsabad
bas-reliefs. In a drawing he has given to a prisoner
the well-known negro features, and the short woolly
hair. But the only bas-relief in which he believes
the negro to occur is very much injured; and a little
too much imagination may have been resorted to in
its restoration.
* They may, however, be the skins of spotted gazelles. The skins may
indicate, as on Egyptian monuments, a division of the human race.
The Egyptians ethnographically divided mankind into four branches : —
1. The Rut, themselves; 2. the Naamu, or Nations, the Semitics; 3.
the Nahsi, or Negroes; and 4. the Tamahu, or Northerns, who are dis-
tinguished by the ostrich-feathers on their heads, and by tunics of goat-
skins.
CHAP. V.]
399
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
The tribute brought by the subject nations por-
trayed in the Khorsabad sculptures consists chiefly
of vases and bowls, ear-rings, bracelets, and other
ornaments, all probably made of the precious metals.
The conquerors, after the sacking of a city, carry
away couches, tables, and chariots. The chariots
differ from those of the Assyrians in the form of the
yoke, (which is very distinctly represented in a bas-
relief,) in the pole, in the four-spoked wheel, and
in having an angular projection at the back.

Chariot carried away by the Assyrians, amongst other Spoil, from a captured City. (Khorsabad
At Kouyunjik, as I have already had occasion to
observe, the conquest of a different people appears to
have been recorded on the walls of each chamber. It
was during the reign of one of the kings to whom I
would attribute the foundation of this magnificent
edifice, either Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, or Shalma-
neser, that the bounds of the empire were enlarged to
an unexampled extent. Almost the whole of western
400
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Asia was overrun by the Assyrians; and their vic-
torious armies, having subdued Syria and Judæa, and
carried away captive their monarchs and their in-
habitants, penetrated through Egypt into Ethiopia
and Lybia. Records of these conquests still exist in
Syria, in Cyprus, and in various parts of Asia Minor.
*
I have pointed out on what grounds we may iden-
tify with the Tyrians, or with the Phoenicians in-
habiting the Syrian coasts, the maritime people re-
presented in the sculptures. History has recorded
the conquest of Tyre by Shalmaneser†; and the
tablet at the Nahr-el-Kelb, near Beyrout, bears, I
conjecture, either his name or that of a monarch of
the same dynasty. The Kouyunjik bas-reliefs may,
* I discovered the name of the Kouyunjik king on the rock-tablet at
the mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb (the Lycus), near Beyrout, of which a cast,
taken by Mr. Bonomi, is in the British Museum. It is curious that, in a bas-
relief found at Khorsabad, a niche, containing a figure precisely similar to
that at the Nahr-el-Kelb, was represented on the walls of a castle. I have
not been able to examine, or to obtain an accurate description, of the
Assyrian monument recently discovered in Cyprus, and now at Berlin.
I am inclined, however, to believe that it is of the same period as the
Syrian bas-reliefs.
† Josephus (lib. ix. c. 14.) states that Shalmaneser warred against
Tyre when Elulæus was king. According to Menander, as quoted by
the Jewish historian, the Assyrian monarch subdued the whole of Pho-
nicia. The Tyrians having revolted, Shalmaneser attacked them with
sixty vessels and eight hundred rowers, furnished by the inhabitants of
the other maritime cities. The Tyrians, however, engaged this large
fleet with only twelve galleys, completely dispersed it, and took five hun-
dred men prisoners. The Assyrians then invested the city for five years,
cutting off the communication of the inhabitants with the rivers and wells
which furnished them with fresh water. Eusebius, quoting from Abyde-
nus, states that Sennacherib defeated the Greek fleet on the Cilician coast.
The whole passage is curious, as connecting Sennacherib with a Sarda-
napalus of history, and attributing to him the building of Tarsus, in the
form of Babylon, with the Cydnus running through the centre.
CHAP. V.]
401
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
therefore, portray this event. In them the con-
quered people are distinguished by the absence of
both head-dress and helmet-their hair falling loosely
on their shoulders. The women wear high turbans
or mitres, to the back of which a veil appears to have
been attached.
*
Amongst other conquered people were represented
the inhabitants of a city, which stood between two
rivers, and in the midst of groves of palm-trees.
They may have been the Babylonians, and the bas-
reliefs may have recorded the reconquest of their city
after one of those rebellions, alluded to in history,
in which they had thrown off the Assyrian yoke. †
Another subdued nation had castles built on lofty
mountains, and in the midst of forests. Some cities
captured by the Assyrians, at this period, were built
on the banks of rivers, in the midst of vineyards,
and on mountains clothed with firs or pines. The
fir, which does not grow, as far as I am aware, in
the mountains of Kurdistan, seems to indicate a
country far to the north of Assyria Proper.
On the walls of one chamber the Assyrian warriors
were represented taking by assault, a city built in
the midst of mountains and forests. The walls
were defended by men armed with spears and bows,
and carrying small square shields. § They were
clothed in short tunics, descending to the knee, and
* “Monuments of Nineveh," Plates 72 and 73.
† Under Merodach Baladan, for instance.
"Monuments of Nineveh," Plates 74. 77, 78, 79, 80, and 81.
§ See woodcut facing p. 372.
VOL. II.
D D
402
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
confined at the waist by a girdle. Their hair was
gathered in a bunch at the back of the head, or
was cut short. The women wore long robes, or-
namented with fringes. Their hair was either con-
fined by a fillet passing round the temples, or was
completely concealed by a hood, which, covering
the head and lower part of the face, fell over the
shoulders. When driven away captive by the Assy-
rians, they carried their children with them *, and
bore in their hands vases, bowls, and skins filled
with water or provisions.
In the sculptures of Kouyunjik, sheep, goats, and
horned cattle were frequently included amongst the
spoil taken from the conquered nations. From a
burning city, containing large
buildings several stories in
height, the Assyrian warriors
were represented hurrying
away with vases, chariots,
couches, beds, horses fully ca-
parisoned, and various other
objects, the nature of which
I could not determine, as the
bas-reliefs had been greatly
injured. Women riding upon
mules, and mules laden with
booty, were also introduced Enemies of the Assyrians discharging their
into a procession of captives.‡

Arrows behind them, (Kouyunjik.)
* The younger children were represented seated on the mother's
shoulder, and held by the leg.
† "Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 74.
+
Id., Plates 82 and 83.
CHAP. V.]
403
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
Such being the conquered nations, as represented
in the Nineveh sculptures, it may not be uninteresting
to inquire whether the Assyrians themselves, or their
enemies, can be identified with any of the races por-
trayed on Egyptian monuments.
The Sharu of the Egyptian paintings, in the form
of their features and in their dress, have some resem-
blance to the Assyrians, with whom Sir Gardner
Wilkinson is inclined to identify them.* They could
not, however, have been the Assyrians portrayed on
the most ancient monuments of Nimroud. The high
pointed helmet or cap, with lappets protecting the
ears, the ear-rings and other ornaments in the form
of a cross, and the cross-belt over the breast, are all
peculiarities of costume marking the sculptures of
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, but never seen in the
earlier sculptures. The Sharu were, moreover, armed
with falchions, and short swords of a peculiar shape,
which I have not met with in the Assyrian bas-
reliefs.
The Khita, or Sheta, of the Egyptian inscriptions
were an Asiatic people, wearing a large cap and a
long loose robe with open sleeves, and capes covering
the shoulders. They are sometimes represented with
oblong or square shields. They fought both on foot
and in chariots, which carried three persons, like
those of Assyria, and they lived in walled cities. †
Mr. Birch identifies them with the Chaldæans; and
that they inhabited a country near Assyria Proper
*
Ancient Egyptians, vol. i.
p.
375.
† Id., p. 383.
DD 2
404
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
*
may be inferred, by their being generally named
with Naharaina and Singara. They resemble a
people whose conquest by the Assyrians is recorded
in the bas-reliefs of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik †,
and who, like the Khita, inhabited castles, carried
square or oblong shields, and wore hoods over their
heads.
The Shairutana of the Egyptian monuments have
many peculiarities in common with the Assyrians
of the most recent bas-reliefs of Nimroud; but the
helmet, ornamented with horns and surmounted by
a crest, consisting of a ball on a small shaft, is not
Assyrian. They carried a round shield, a long spear,
a javelin, and a pointed sword; and wore a short
dress, over which was a coat of mail, or a cuirass of
broad metal plates overlying each other, adapted to
the form of the body, and secured at the waist by a
girdle. They allowed their beards to grow, and had
large ear-rings. Their features were distinguished
by a prominent aquiline nose, and their complexion
was lighter than that of the Egyptians. The Tok-
kari, or Takaru, also, bear some resemblance to a
people represented in the Assyrian sculptures, both
in their arms and dress, and in the shape of the
carts drawn by oxen.§
* Menander, as quoted by Josephus (lib. ix. c. 14.), mentions the con-
quest of a nation called the Kittai by Elulæus, king of Tyre. They
must have been a maritime people, for the Tyrians are said to have sailed
against them.
† See woodcut facing p. 372.
Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 365.
§ See woodcut, p. 396.
CHAP. V.]
405
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
Mr. Birch is inclined to identify the Ruten-nu, or
Lodan-nu, of the statistical tablet of Karnak with the
Cappadocians, or Leuco-Syrians, inhabiting the coun-
try to the north and south of the Taurus; who,
he conjectures, are also represented at Khorsabad.
Their physical characteristics in the Egyptian sculp-
tures are a light complexion, brown or red hair,
and blue eyes; and they bring horses, chariots, rare
woods, ivory, gloves, a bear, and gold and silver
vases, with the head of Baal. They wore tight
dresses, apparently of wool, fastened in front with a
buckle, and carried objects like long gloves. That
the Ruten inhabited a country adjoining the Assy-
rians may be inferred, from their being mentioned
in geographical lists between Naharaina (Mesopo-
tamia), and Singara (Sinjar). Amongst the spoil
represented as brought from a conquered city at
Khorsabad, is the chariot closely resembling, in its
yoke and four-spoked wheels, that seen at Thebes
amongst the objects of tribute of this people. †
*
It is singular that the name of Assyria cannot be
satisfactorily identified as that of a conquered nation
on any Egyptian monument. With the exception
of the statistical tablet of Karnak, in which, as it has
been seen, Nineveh appears to be mentioned §, there
* Memoir on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 17.
† Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 377.; and see woodcut of
chariot, p. 399.
‡ At Medinat Haboo there appears to be, amongst other names of
conquered Asiatic nations, "Atur," which Mr. Birch connects with Ataru,
Aturia; but the reading is, I believe, doubtful. (Memoir on the Statis-
tical Tablet of Karnak, p. 24.)
§ See page 224.
DD 3
406
[CHAT. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
is no record of any expedition undertaken by the
Egyptians beyond Mesopotamia into Assyria Proper.
Naharaina, and the Euphrates, seem to have been the
boundaries of their conquests. Assyria may have
been at that period too powerful to invite invasion;
or a campaign against it, proving unsuccessful, may
not have been recorded. Among the people beyond
Syria, subdued by the Egyptians, are only mentioned
the inhabitants of Naharaina and Singara, and the
Khita, and the Ruten; and, unless either of those
nations include the Assyrians, we must infer that the
Sinjar formed the limits of the Egyptian expeditions
in this part of Asia. The Ruten and the Khita may,
perhaps, be identified with some of the nations with
whom the Assyrians themselves were at war; but in
the Egyptian sculptures we do not find those peculiari-
ties in the costume, and in the forms of the chariots,
and horse-furniture, which would satisfactorily con-
nect the people represented with the inhabitants of
Nineveh. It can scarcely be doubted that had the
Assyrian warriors of the early Nimroud bas-reliefs
been amongst the Egyptian captives, these distinc-
tions would have been carefully portrayed. Nor, it
will be remembered, does the name of Babel, or
Babylon, more than once occur in the great statis-
tical tablet of Karnak; whilst Singara and Naharaina
are continually included amongst the conquered na-
tions. Neither is there any mention of the great
cities situated between Nineveh and Babylon, and
in Susiana, nor of the rivers flowing into the Tigris
after its passage through the Taurus. These facts
CHAP. V.]
407
ENEMIES OF THE ASSYRIANS.
appear to prove that the Egyptians had not, at an
early period, carried their conquests into Assyria
Proper, Babylonia, or Chaldæa, although there are
strong grounds for suspecting that they were not
unacquainted with the inhabitants of those countries,
but that, on the contrary, they had felt the influence
which the Assyrians exercised over Asia.*
* I am indebted to Mr. Birch for the following note with regard to the
various people mentioned in the text. "Different opinions exist as to
whom the Sharu or Kharu are to be referred. They cannot be Assyrians,
for in one of the hieratic papyri (Select Papyri, lxxxiv. 1. 11.), the
writer states, thou hast a galley going to the Sharu,' which would
apparently refer to a galley coasting along the Mediterranean, probably
for the sake of wine, which in another papyrus is especially alluded to as
their product. (Select Papyri, pl. xcvii. 1. 1.) The earliest mention of
them is in the statistical tablet of Karnak, in the reign of Thothmes III.,
when they supplied Egypt with bows. (Birch, Gallery, p. 88-192., and
Statistical Tablet.) They are the Syri or Syrians. Osburn (Ancient
Egypt, p. 57.) supposes the name to be Tyre, 73, Tsur, which is nearly the
same. According to Dr. Hincks (An Attempt to ascertain the Letters of
the Hieroglyphic Alphabet, p. 15.) it is Khelbon, Xalußwv, or Aleppo.
The necklaces and ear-rings are probably in the shape of the goddess
Astarte, or Ashtaroth. The name is distinct from Tyre, written in
hieroglyphics Turu,' and from Khaleb, written with very different sym-
bols. From their maritime position they were probably Syrians in general.
The Khita were probably a Mesopotamian people. They have been con-
jectured to be the Scythians (Champollion, Lettres Ecrites, p. 151.
501.), the Shethites or Moabites (Osburn, Ancient Egypt, p. 136.), the
Hittites (cf. Bunsen, Egyptens Stelle, Buch i. S. 480.), and the Cuthæans
of Mesopotamia (Birch, Gallery, p. 89.). For the reasons for supposing
them to be the Cuthæans, Casdim, or Chaldæans, see the Statistical
Tablet of Karnak, p. 22 and 23. The Shairutana are always described
as a maritime people, as the Shairutana of the Sea.' (Champ. Mon.
Egypt. pl. ccciii. No. 1.) They appear at the time of the nineteenth
dynasty as allies or enemies of the Pulusatu, or Philistines. They have
been conjectured to be the Sidonians (Osburn, Anc. Egypt. p. 108.); and
the helmet has been supposed to be surmounted by the disk and crescent
of Astarte. All this is, however, doubtful, and another way of writing
Sidon (not to object to the introduction of r), occurs in the historic
papyri. Did the 'Great Lake,' or 'Sea,' refer to the Caspian? The
DD 4
408
[CHAP. V.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
people called by Sir Gardner Wilkinson Takaru, are of the same race as
the Philistines. There is some difficulty about the reading of this name,
whether Fikaru, or Takaru, or Takalu. They have been conjectured to
be the Philistine people of Ekron. (Osburn, Anc. Egypt. p. 140.) The
people of Naharaina are once represented in the monuments of Egypt,
in a tomb at Gournah. Their heads are bound with a simple fillet;
they are dressed in ample garments, and have long beards, resembling
the other Semitic races. Their tribute is gold and silver vases. The
tomb is of the age of Thothmes IV., and either represents an event of
that, or of the preceding, reign. (Champ. Monum. tome ii. pl. clx.)
Atur is the Egyptian word for 'river;' it suggests that Aturia and
Assyria meant the land of the river.' The name of Assuar in the
Select Papyri, as a country conquered by the Egyptians (Pl. lvii. l. 6. ;
Hincks's Attempt, p. 46.), is not certainly identified with Assyria."
CHAP. VI.] PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ASSYRIANS.
409
CHAP. VI.
PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ASSYRIANS.
-PUBLIC FESTIVALS.
MANUFACTURES.
GOLD AND SILVER.
EMBROIDERIES AND CARPETS.
IRON AND COPPER.
MUSIC.
METALS.
IVORY.
GLASS.
AGRICULTURE. DOMESTIC ANIMALS.
WILD ANIMALS.
THE
LION. THE WILD BULL.-
PARADISES.
HUNTING.
THE IBEX.
WILD ANIMALS BROUGHT AS
J
PARKS OR
TRIBUTE.
THE
BACTRIAN CAMEL, ELEPHANT, AND RHINOCEROS.-
APES. BIRDS.
FISH.
TREES.
MONKEYS AND
THE monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria, furnish
us with few details illustrating the private life and
domestic economy of those who raised them. The
bas-reliefs are mostly public records of conquests, tri-
umphs, and great religious ceremonies. As they were
placed in palaces and temples, they could, of course,
but refer to national events; no others being worthy
of so conspicuous a position. If any memorial of the
private life of an individual were preserved, or if his
peculiar profession or trade were indicated, it must
have been in his own dwelling or in his tomb, as in
Egypt. Hitherto only the public buildings of Assy-
ria have been discovered, and we have consequently
only the public records. If the interiors of houses
and the occupations of their inmates, are represented
in the bas-reliefs, they are casually introduced, to
illustrate or to convey more fully the meaning of
the general subject. Thus within the walls of castles
belonging to the Assyrians, or captured by them,
410
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
are seen buildings and tents. The inhabitants are
slaying sheep, and engaged in domestic occupations,
seated and conversing together, feeding their horses,
and preparing their couches. But these details are
all made subservient to the main action, which is
the siege or triumph."
*
With such scanty materials at our command, we
can scarcely venture to form any conjecture as to
the manners and private life of the Assyrians. The
subject must be deferred until further discoveries
have supplied us with additional information.
From casual notices in the Bible and in ancient
history, we learn that the Assyrians, as well as those
who succeeded them in the empire of Asia, were fond
of public entertainments and festivities, and that they
displayed on such occasions the greatest luxury and
magnificence. The Assyrian king, called Nabucho-
donosor in the book of Judith, on returning from his
victorious expedition against Arphaxad, feasted with
his whole army for one hundred and twenty days.
The same is related by the Greek authors of Sarda-
napalus, after his great victory over the combined
armies of the Medes. The book of Esther describes
the splendour of the festivals given by the Baby-
lonian king. The princes and nobles of his vast
dominions were feasted for one hundred and eighty
days; and for one week all the people of Susa as-
* In the Assyrian sculptures attendants are frequently introduced
carrying vessels and skins, probably containing provisions. It may be
observed that the skins are tied precisely as they are to this day in
Mesopotamia—the two extremities being fastened by the opposite ends
of one string.
CHAP. VI.]
411
ASSYRIAN FESTIVITIES.
sembled in the gardens of his palace, and were served
in vessels of gold. The richest tapestries adorned
the halls and tents, and the most costly couches were
prepared for the guests.* Wine was served in abun-
dance, and women, including even the wives and con-
cubines of the monarch, were frequently present to
add to the magnificence of the scene. According to
Quintus Curtius, not only did hired female per-
formers exhibit on these occasions, but the wives and.
daughters of the nobles, forgetting their modesty,
danced before the guests, divesting themselves even
of their garments.† Wine was drunk immoderately.
When Babylon was taken by the Persians, the in-
habitants were celebrating one of their great festivals,
and even the guards were intoxicated. I The Baby-
lonian king, ignorant of the approaching fate of his
capital, and surrounded by one thousand of his
princes and nobles, and by his wives and concubines,
drank out of the golden vessels that had been carried
away from the Jewish temple. § On the walls of the
palace at Khorsabad was a bas-relief representing a
public feast, probably in celebration of a victory.
Men were seen seated on high chairs with drinking-
cups
in their hands; whilst attendants were bringing
in bowls, goblets, and various fruits and viands, for
* Esther, i.; Daniel, v.
† That it was subsequently the custom of the Persians to introduce
their wives and concubines at their public banquets, is shown by the
anecdote of Amyntas and the Persian ambassadors, related by Herodotus.
(Lib. v. c. 18.)
Xenophon, Cyrop. vii. 5.; Herod. 1. i. c. 191.
§ Daniel, v. 2.
412
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the banquet. At Nimroud part of a similar bas-
relief was discovered.
Music was not wanting on these occasions. It is
probable that the Assyrians, like the Egyptians, had
various musical instruments: only two kinds, how-
ever, are represented in the sculptures-a drum
and a sort of triangular harp or lyre, which is held
between the left arm and the side, and apparently
suspended from the neck. The strings of this harp,
nine or ten in number, are stretched between a flat
board and an upright bar, through which they pass.
Tassels are appended to the ends of the strings, and
the bar itself is generally surmounted by a small
hand, probably of metal or ivory. The instrument
was struck with a plectrum held in the right hand :
the left appears to have been used either to pull the
strings, or to produce notes by pressure. Like the
Egyptian harp, it had no cross-piece between the
upright bar and the flat board or base; it is difficult,
therefore, to understand how the strings could have
been sufficiently tightened to produce notes.*
In describing the dress of the Assyrians, I have
had occasion to allude to their skill in the manu-
facture of linen and woollen stuffs, which were dyed,
and embroidered not only with a variety of beau-
* There is a representation of this musical instrument in the bas-relief
of the king standing over the crouching lion, now in the British Museum;
and see my
"Monuments of Nineveh," Plate 12., in which a figure is
also introduced playing upon a kind of drum. The god which Mr. Birch
conjectures to be Baal (Gallery, fig. 80.), is represented at Talmis playing
on a triangular lyre. (Rosellini, M. C., Teste, tom. iii. p. 19. tav. ann.)
CHAP. VI.]
413
MANUFACTURES.
tiful ornaments, but with groups of human figures
and animals. Of all Asiatic nations, the Babylonians
were most noted for the weaving of cloth of divers
colours. In these stuffs gold threads were intro-
duced into the woof of many hues.* Amongst those
who traded in "blue clothes and embroidered work"
with Tyre, were the merchants of Asshur or As-
syria; and that the garments of Babylon were
brought into Syria, and greatly esteemed at a very
early period, we learn from their being classed
amongst the most precious articles of spoil, even
with gold, in the time of Joshua. They formed,
perhaps, "the dyed attire and embroidered work"
so frequently mentioned in the Scriptures as the
garments of princes, and the most costly gifts of
kings. The ornaments and figures upon them may
either have been dyed, worked in the loom, or em-
broidered with the needle, like "the prey of divers
colours of needle-work, of divers colours of needle-
work on both sides."
The cotton manufactures of Babylon were as re-
markable for brilliancy of colour as fineness of tex-
ture, and Pliny attributes the invention of cotton weav-
ing to Semiramis. || The silken robes of Assyria were
equally esteemed. The looms of Babylon maintained
* Pliny, viii. 48.
† Ezekiel, xxvii. 24.
‡ Joshua, vii. 21. Achan confesses to Joshua that "when he saw
among the spoils a goodly Babylonish garment, and two hundred shekels
of silver, and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels weight, he coveted, and
took them."
Ş Judges, v. 30.
C. vii. p. 417.
414
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
their celebrity long after the fall of the Assyrian
empire-even to the time of the Roman supremacy.*
The carpets of Babylon were no less prized than
her other manufactures. Like the Assyrian robes,
they appear to have been embroidered with figures of
animals and flowers. A purple carpet covered the
tomb of Cyrus; and on the bed upon which the body
was placed, were Babylonian garments, carpets, and
purple drapery.†
These manufactures probably formed one of the
principal branches of trade of "this land of traffic and
city of merchants." The Babylonians and Assy-
rians carried on a considerable commerce with India;
and the costly produce of that peninsula was conveyed
through the Babylonian territories to the most dis-
tant regions of Syria, from whence it was diffused
over western Europe and Asia Minor. §
* According to Plutarch, Cato, receiving as a legacy a Babylonish gar-
ment, sold it, because too costly for a citizen to wear. Arech, on the
Euphrates, was long celebrated for its looms. Some Babylonian curtains
and draperies were sold, according to Pliny, for nearly 7000l.
† Arrian, vi. 29. The carpets of Babylon, worked with wonderful
animals, are described by Athenæus, v. p. 197. From Persia they passed
into Greece. (Eschyl. Agam. 1. 898, 899. 913. 925.; Aristophanes,
Ranæ, 1. 935.; Aristot. Phys. Ausc. iv.; Menander, apud Athen. xi.
p. 484. 500.) The Parthians appear to have preserved the art of these
manufactures (Pliny, l. viii. c. 73.), for which the modern Persians and
the inhabitants of the Kurdish mountains are still eminently distin-
guished.
‡ Ezekiel, xvii. 4.
§ Heeren has fully and ably described the nature and extent of the
commerce of the Babylonians in his Essays on the Policy and Commerce
of the Ancients. The commercial route from India to Syria was first to
the Sabæi and Dedan on the southern and eastern coast of Arabia.
(Isaiah, lx. 6.; Ezekiel, xxvii. 15. and 20.) It then passed through the
CHAP. VI.]
415
METALS.
The Assyrians were no less celebrated for their
skill in working metals than for their embroideries. *
Their mountains furnished a variety of minerals.
silver, iron, copper, and lead, and perhaps even gold.
Iron, the most useful of all metals, was the one
which most abounded, and which could be most easily
procured, as soon as the process of extracting it from
the ore was known. I have observed that it is
found in great quantities scattered on the sides of
mountains, three or four days' journey from Mosul. †
Amongst the objects of tribute enumerated in the
statistical tablet of Karnak, iron is mentioned as
brought to the Egyptians almost exclusively by the
inhabitants either of Assyria Proper, or of the coun
tries immediately adjacent-by the Tahai, the Ruten-
nu, and the Asi. It was generally exported in the
form of bricks or pigs, but also occasionally in the
ore. The same nations, particularly the Tahai, offered
gold, silver, tin (?), copper, brass, lead, and anti-
mony (?). These metals were not only brought in
the rough state, or, if gold and silver, in rings, but
even manufactured into vases of beautiful form.
Birch remarks: "The silver vases of the Tahai
are a remarkable tribute, as they show an excellence
Mr.
Gerrhæi. (Diod. iii. 41. ; Strabo, xv.) North of the Dedan, the route lay
through Thema (Isaiah, xxi. 14.; Job, vi. 19.; Jeremiah, xxv. 23., xlix.
7,8.; Ezekiel, xxv. 13.); from thence to the land of Kedar. (Isaiah, lx. 7.)
* It was the custom of the Babylonians, as we learn from Jeremiah,
xxiv. 1., to carry away the smiths and carpenters of a conquered nation.
It is probable, therefore, that whilst the Assyrians themselves were skil-
ful in various arts, they had also collected together during their con-
quests expert workmen from all parts of Asia.
† Vol. I. p. 223.
416
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
in working metals among these people; indeed, the
art of toreutic work in Asia influenced so largely
even the Greek world at a later period, as to rival
and gradually supersede the fictile painted vases of
the Greeks."* And he then mentions "the offer-
ings of vases of gold and silver, with handles, and
feet, and covers in the shape of animals, such as the
bull and gazelle (or ? wild goat), kneeling Asiatics,
the heads of lions, goats, and even of the god Baal."
All these are pure Assyrian emblems. The vase in
the form of a lion's head, probably similar to that
represented in the sculptures of Khorsabad †, is par-
ticularly alluded to amongst the offerings of the
Tahai. The tribute obtained by the Egyptians from
Naharaina, or Mesopotamia, consisted of vases of gold,
silver, and copper, and precious stones; and vases
of gold, silver, and brass were the presents brought
by the prince of northern Syria to David. I
Gold is not now, I believe, known to exist in the
mountains of Kurdistan. As, both according to
sacred and profane authors, it was collected in such
extraordinary quantities in Nineveh and Babylon,
and as it is generally included in the Egyptian in-
scriptions amongst metals brought from that part of
Asia, it is to be presumed that mines of it were once
worked within the Assyrian dominions. § It was
* Observations on the Statistical Tablet of Karnak, p. 33.
† See woodcut, p. 303.
2 Samuel, viii. 10., and 1 Chron. xviii. 10.
§ Sardanapalus is said to have placed one hundred and fifty golden
beds, and as many tables of the same metal, on his funeral pile, besides
gold and silver vases and ornaments in enormous quantities, and purple
CHAP. VI.]
417
METALS.
used by the Assyrians, as I have already mentioned,
in their architectural ornaments, bricks and tiles of
gold and silver being even placed in the exterior
walls of their palaces.* That they were at a very
early period acquainted with the art of gilding is
proved by the remains of very thin gold leaf, found
not only on the ivories and on bricks, but even
under the great throne or altar in the north-west
palace, where it must have been deposited during the
building of the edifice.†
Silver is found in the mountains of Kurdistan, and
mines of it are still worked by the Turkish govern-
ment near the frontiers of ancient Assyria, and in
Armenia. It is very probable that others exist in a
country whose mineral riches have not been explored.
and many coloured raiments. (Athenæus, lib. xii.) When Nineveh was
taken, it contained, according to some absurd traditions 25,000,000,0007.
sterling in gold! The spoiler might well have exclaimed, “Take ye
the gold, take ye the silver—the riches of Nineveh are inexhaustible-
her vases and precious furniture are infinite." (Nahum, ii. 9.) That
this precious metal, however, was most plentiful, we can scarcely doubt.
The statue of solid gold raised by Nebuchadnezzar in the plain of Dura
was threescore cubits high, and six cubits broad. (Daniel, iii. 1.) He-
rodotus and Diodorus describe the statues of this metal in the temple of
Belus, at Babylon. The base of the table, the seat of the throne, and
an altar on which sacrifices were offered, were all of the purest gold.
Xerxes carried away the golden statue of the god, twelve cubits in height,
which his father Darius had not ventured to seize. (Herod. 1. i. c. 183.)
According to Diodorus, the value of the gold taken from the temple
of Belus alone by Xerxes amounted to above 7350 Attic talents, or
21,000,000l. sterling money!
* Thus the walls of Ecbatana were partly plated with gold and silver.
(Herod. l. i. c. 98.)
† Gold and silver "spread into plates" are mentioned in Jeremiah
amongst the objects of trade brought from Uphaz and Tarshish (ch. x. ver.
9.); and Solomon's throne was partly overlaid with gold; as was also the
inside of his temple. (1 Kings, vi. 22. and x. 18.)
VOL. II.
EE
418
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Although the precious metals were known at a
very early period, even Abraham, a dweller in tents,
being rich in gold and silver*, no coins have been
discovered amongst Assyrian ruins, nor is there any-
thing in the sculptures to show that the Assyrians
were acquainted with money. Metals in their rough
state, or in bars or rings, may have been passed by
weight, or, if precious, in ring-ingots, or as gold dust,
in exchange for merchandise, and in other trans-
actions, but not as stamped coins or tokens.† It
is remarkable, that no coin has yet been discovered
in Egyptian ruins; nor is coined money represented
in the Egyptian sculptures. I
Copper mines, worked at a very remote period,
probably by the Assyrians themselves, still exist in
the mountains within the confines of Assyria.§ This
metal appears to have been extensively used by the
Assyrians, both for ornaments, and in the construc-
tion of weapons and tools. It was inlaid into their
iron helmets, and formed part of their armour.
Daggers and the heads of arrows were frequently
made of it, mixed, it would appear, with a certain
quantity of iron, and hardened, as in Egypt, by an
alloy of tin. The tools of the sculptor were probably
* Genesis, xiii. 2.
†The money mentioned in the Bible is always passed by weight.
(Genesis, xliii. 21.)
The earliest mention in authentic history of a coin current in the
Persian dominions is in Herod. lib. iv. c. 166.; although the same author
declares (lib. i. c. 94.) that the Lydians were the first people who coined
money. It was issued by Darius Hystaspes, and called after him “the
Daric." It was long afterwards celebrated for its purity, and gave its
name to all gold pieces subsequently coined in Persia, even by kings of
the Macedonian race.
§ Vol. I. p. 223.
CHAP. VI.]
419
METALS.
of some such combination; but as the Egyptians
appear to have been acquainted, at a very early
period, with steel, and to have used it, as well as
bronze, in sculpturing stone, marble, and granite, it
may be inferred that the Assyrians were not igno-
rant of this useful form of iron. The soft limestone
of their monuments would not, however, like the
granite of Egypt, require a very highly tempered
instrument. But the black basalt is hard, offering
considerable resistance to the tools of the sculptor;
and we find, consequently, that the Assyrian statues in
this material are less carefully finished than the bas-
reliefs of alabaster.
Antimony is, I believe, found in the Kurdish moun-
tains; but I am not aware of the existence of tin
within the limits of Assyria. Still the Assyrians and
the adjoining nations must have obtained this metal
from their own dominions, or from some country to
the east of them, as it is mentioned amongst the ob-
jects of tribute brought to the Egyptians from that
part of Asia. The nations to the east of Syria would
scarcely have procured it, merely for the purpose of
an offering, from the Phoenicians, who were so much
nearer Egypt.
The Assyrians were equally skilled in working and
casting metals. Amongst the copper figures from
Nimroud, I must particularly mention the lions in
solid metal found under the fallen bull in the great
hall, which are of great beauty, and three hollow lions'
paws, which apparently formed the feet of a throne or
couch.
EE 2
420
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
I have already had occasion to speak of their dex-
terity in carving ivory, and have described the
beautiful ornaments in that material discovered at
Nimroud. Although the elephant was not an in-
habitant of Assyria, but was probably brought from
India, its tusks appear to have been an article of
trade between the Assyrians and the nations to the
westward. The workmen, too, of Assyria were
employed by foreign nations as carvers in ivory
and we find the company of the Ashurites or As-
syrians, making the benches of that material in the
Tyrian galleys.* The Assyrians had already ex-
tensively used it in the construction of their palaces;
and it was from them, perhaps, that the Jews adopted
it in the decoration of their palaces and furniture.†
The human head and limbs carved in ivory, dis-
covered at Nimroud, probably belonged to an entire
figure, the body of which may have been of wood
or metal, like the Chryselephantine statues of the
Greeks, which were of wood inlaid with gold and
ivory. The Assyrians were acquainted with the art
of inlaying. Blue opaque glass, lapis lazuli, and other
* Ezekiel, xxvii. 6. It is possible that some tribe, and not the Assy-
rians, is meant. Mr. Birch conjectures that the Phoenicians, who appear
to have supplied the Greeks with ivory ornaments at a very early period,
may have chiefly derived the elephant's tusk from an indirect communi-
cation with India and Bactria through Assyria.
† Ahab had an ivory house. (1 Kings, xxii. 39.) Ivory palaces are
mentioned in Psalm xlv. 8. And compare Amos, iii. 15. Solomon made
a throne of ivory. (1 Kings, x. 18.) Beds of ivory are spoken of in
Amos (vi. 4.). Mr. Birch has collected, in his Memoir on the Nimroud
Ivories (Trans. of R. Soc. of Lit., New Series), various instances of the
carly use of ivory amongst the Assyrians, Egyptians, and Greeks.
CHAP. VI.]
421
AGRICULTURE.
substances of various colours, are let into the ivory
tablets from Nimroud.
They had also acquired the art of making glass.*
Several small bottles or vases of elegant shape, in
this material, were found at Nimroud and Kouyunjik.
One bears the name of the Khorsabad king; and to
none of the specimens discovered can we with certainty
attribute a higher antiquity than the time of that
monarch; although some fragments in the shape of a
dagger from a hall of the north-west palace of Nim-
roud may possibly be more ancient. The gems and
cylinders still frequently found in ruins prove that
the Assyrians were very skilful in engraving on stone.
Many of their seals are most delicately and minutely
ornamented with various sacred devices and with the
figures of animals. Those of the Babylonians are
mentioned by Herodotus, who also describes the heads
of the walking-sticks in the shape of an apple, a rose,
a lily, or an eagle. These ornaments were probably
carved in ivory or in precious stones.
Herodotus alludes to the extreme fertility of As-
syria, and to its rich harvests of corn, the seed pro-
ducing, according to his account, two or three hun-
dredfold. The blades of wheat and barley grew to
full four fingers in breadth; and, such was the general
richness of Babylonia, that it supplied the Persian
king and his vast army with subsistence for four
months in the year, whilst the rest of the Persian
* Pliny attributes the invention of glass to the Phoenicians.
† L.i. c. 195.
EE 3
422
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
dominions furnished provisions for the other eight.
This, it must be remembered, was when the country
had lost its independence, and had been reduced to
a mere province. I have already described the mode
of irrigation by artificial canals derived from the
Tigris and Euphrates, which intersect the whole of
the lower part of Mesopotamia, and the country in the
neighbourhood of the rivers in the upper. The
Assyrians also used machines for raising water from
the river, and from the canals, when it could not be
led into the fields through common conduits. They
were generally obliged to have recourse to this ar
tificial mode of irrigation, as the banks of the rivers,
and consequently those of the canals, were high above
the level of the water, except during the spring.
At that season of the year the streams, swollen by
the melting of the snows in the Armenian hills, or
by violent rains, overflowed their beds.
The only representation of an agricultural instru-
ment yet found in Assyria or Babylonia is that of a
plough, on a black stone from the ruins opposite
Mosul. It somewhat resembles in shape that now
in common use. On the same stone is an altar or low
building, before which stands a priest, apparently
performing some religious ceremony; near him are
the sacred tree, a bull, a heap of corn or a hill, a
palm-tree, and a square instrument with a small circle
or wheel at each corner, the nature of which I am
unable to determine. These sculptures are accom-
panied by an inscription in the Babylonian character.
† Vol. I. p. 354.
Herod. 1. i. c. 192.
‡ Now in the possession of the Earl of Aberdeen.
CHAP. VI.]
423
PRODUCE OF THE SOIL.
Sesame, millet, and corn, formed anciently, as
they still do, the principal agricultural produce of
Assyria. Herodotus, who had visited this fruitful
country, says that he dares not mention the height
to which the sesame and millet grew.
The only
oil used in the country, according to the historian,
was extracted from sesame; and such is now the
case, although the olive tree is cultivated at the foot
of the Kurdish hills.
"the
The palm-tree, whilst growing in the greatest abund-
ance within the ancient limits of the Assyrian empire,
does not now produce fruit further north than the
junction of the Lesser Zab with the Tigris. It is not,
indeed, found on the banks of the latter river more
than sixty miles above Baghdad; but this is chiefly
owing to the absence of cultivation and settled habita-
tions. It is raised inland as far north as the small
town of Taza Khurmali, which takes its name,
place of fresh dates," from the ripe fruit being there
first met with on the road from Constantinople. A
line drawn due west from this place to the Mediter-
ranean would, I think, give the limits of the growth
of the fruit-producing palm. The unproductive tree
will grow and will attain a considerable size much
further north, even on the southern coast of Asia
Minor, and in the south of Italy and Dalmatia. That
the fruit was exported in large quantities from the
Babylonian plains, as it now is, as an article of com-
merce, may be inferred from palm-wine, or a fermented
* Lib. i. c. 193. A field of millet in the ear was represented on a bas-
relief discovered at Kouyunjik. (See p. 140.)
EE 4
424
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
liquor extracted from the date, being mentioned by
Herodotus as the principal cargo brought by rafts to
Babylon from Armenia. We find, also, what is pro-
bably palm-wine included in the statistical table of
Karnak amongst the tribute offered to the Egyptians
by the Tahai.
As the geographical features of Assyria are charac-
terised by lofty mountains rising abruptly from the
plains, its climate is marked by very opposite degrees
of temperature. The soil being naturally rich, its
produce is consequently as varied as plentiful. The
lowlands are parched by a heat almost rivalling that
of the torrid zone. Aromatic herbs, yielding perfumes
celebrated by the poets, indigo, opium, and the sugar
cane*, besides corn and grain of various kinds, and
cotton and flax in abundance, were raised in this
region. In the cooler temperature of the hills, the
mulberry afforded sustenance to the silk-worm†, and
many kinds of fruit trees flourished in the valleys.
When Herodotus says that the Assyrians did not cul-
tivate the vine, the olive, or the fig, he must allude
to the inhabitants of the plains. The vine is repre-
sented in the sculptures; and that the Assyrians not
only enjoyed the various luxuries which those trees
afford, but possessed the trees themselves, we learn,
from their own general, Rabshakeh, who described his
* Indigo and opium are still cultivated to the south of Baghdad. The
sugar-canes, which, in the time of the Persian kings, covered the banks of
the rivers of Susiana, have now disappeared; and this plant is no longer
cultivated to any extent to the east of the Euphrates.
† Pliny particularly mentions silk amongst the produce of Assyria
(Lib. ii. c. 25.)
CHAP. VI.]
425
DOMESTIC ANIMALS.
country to the Jews as a "land of corn and wine, a
land of bread and vineyards, a land of olive-oil and of
honey."* Amongst the objects of tribute brought to
the Egyptians from the Tahai, and from Naharaina,
are corn, bread, palm-wine, wine, honey, incense, and
conserve of dates. †
The domestic animals of the ancient Assyrians
were probably such as are still found in the country.
On the monuments are seen sheep, goats, oxen, horses,
mules, and camels. In a bas-relief from the centre of
the Nimroud mound, there appeared to be the figure
of a dog standing near a tent; but the sculpture was
much injured. I have not found any other represent-
ation of this useful domestic animal, although hunting
scenes were portrayed on the walls of Khorsabad.
We learn, however, from Herodotust that during the
Persian occupation, the number of Indian dogs kept
in the province of Babylon for the use of the governor
was so great, that four cities were exempted from
taxes for maintaining them. Neither is the ass re-
presented in the sculptures; although Herodotus
mentions it amongst the domestic animals of the
country, and Xenophon amongst the wild. § The
* 2 Kings, xviii. 32.
In the hieratic papyri (Select Papyri, pl. xcvi. 15.), a drink called
nekfitaru or nekftar, a word which resembles the celebrated nectar, is
said to come from Saenkar, or Sinjar; it is mentioned with other liquids
or cosmetics from the Arusa, the Khita, the Amaur, the Tachisa, and
Naharaina.
‡ Lib.i. c. 192. The dog is occasionally seen on cylinders; and on a
fragment of an ivory tablet in the British Museum are apparently repre-
sented the hind quarters of a greyhound.
§ Chariots or carts drawn by asses are mentioned in Isaiah (xxi. 7.).
426
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
mules of the Kouyunjik bas-reliefs appear to belong
to a conquered people; in a procession of captives,
women are seen riding on them, and they carry the
spoil. They are correctly delineated, and may at
once be distinguished from the horse.
The sheep represented in the bas-reliefs are of two
kinds. One has a large broad tail, and is still found
in the country. The tail of the other is smaller. As
they are amongst the spoil, and consequently be-
longed to the enemies of the Assyrians, they may be
the sheep of Arabia which excited the wonder of
Herodotus. "One," says he, " has a large tail, not
less than three cubits in length, which, if suffered to
trail, would ulcerate. The shepherds, therefore,
make little carts to support it. The other has a tail
nearly a cubit in breadth.”*
The goats have long spiral horns. The oxen are
evidently of two kinds, one distinguished by horns
curved towards the back of the head, the other having
horns projecting in front. It is possible that this
distinction marks the buffalo and common ox. Of the
Assyrian horses I have already had occasion to speak.
Although the form of the camel is somewhat ex-
aggerated, the character of the animal is faithfully
portrayed. On the obelisk is the two-humped or
Bactrian camel; but it evidently came from afar, and
was not a native of Assyria Proper. The one-humped
camel, as it has been seen, was ridden, even in war, by
T:
* Lib. iii. c. 113. This broad tail is the mentioned in Leviticus,
iii. 9., vii. 3. &c., translated "the rump" in our version. The sheep is
the ovis laticaudia, Linn. (Gesenius, Heb. Dict.)
CHAP. VI.]
427
THE LION.
a people conquered by the Assyrians; and as a
woman is represented mounted upon one, it may be
conjectured that it was commonly used as a beast of
burden. When brought as tribute, collars and orna-
ments, probably of dyed wool, were hung round its
neck.* When mounted, it appears to have been
guided—as is still the custom in Arabia-by a simple
halter or head-stall, passing round the head and jaw. †
The wild animals represented in the sculptures
are either natives of Assyria, or of foreign countries.
Amongst the former we have the lion, the wild bull,
the stag, the gazelle, the ibex, and the hare.
The lion, as I have already observed ‡, is now rarely
found on the banks of the Tigris as far north as Mo-
sul, or even above Baghdad. That it was originally
an inhabitant of the country, there can be no doubt.
From the earliest period it was considered the noblest
of game, and was included amongst the wild beasts
* The chains and ornaments, like those worn on the camels' necks, are
mentioned in Judges, viii. 21. and 26.
That camels formed a principal part of the flocks of the people
anciently inhabiting Assyria and Chaldæa, we have ample proof in the
Bible (Genesis, xxiv. 19.); they were possessed by Abraham (Genesis, xii.
16.), and by Jacob (Genesis, xxx. 43.); they were used as beasts of burden
(Genesis, xxxi. 34., and 1 Samuel, xxx. 17.); also, as to this day, by couriers
and for posts (Esther, viii. 10. and 14.). This fleet dromedary was not a
distinct animal, but probably a camel specially trained, as the hejin of the
modern Arabs. I have travelled on those used in the Arabian desert, and
their speed and powers of endurance are both equally surprising. Hero-
dotus mentions that the camels used by a certain tribe of Indians were as
swift as horses. (Lib. iii. v. 102.) That camels were even sometimes
harnessed in chariots, or carts, may, perhaps, be inferred from Isaiah, xxi.
7. The earliest mention of the camel in Egypt is in an inscription of the
time of the nineteenth dynasty. It is not represented, as far as I am
aware, on any monument hitherto discovered in that country.
P. 48.
428
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEII AND ITS REMAINS.
preserved in the paradises, or parks, attached to
royal residences. On the monuments of Nineveh,
the triumphs of the king over this formidable animal
are deemed no less worthy of record than his victories
over his enemies. History and tradition, too, have
celebrated the prowess of Ninus and Semiramis in
their encounters with the lion; and paintings, repre-
senting these feats, adorned the palaces of Babylon.
The Assyrian sculptor evidently delighted in such
subjects, in which, indeed, his skill could be eminently
displayed. He had carefully studied the animal, and
whilst he excelled in the delineation of its form, he
portrayed its action and expression with wonderful
spirit, faithfully preserving its character when spring-
ing with fury upon its assailant, or dying, pierced
with arrows, at his feet.*
The lion of the sculptures is furnished with a long
and bushy mane.
It has been doubted whether the
animal which still inhabits the country has this noble
appendage; but I have seen more than one on the
banks of the Karoon provided with it. There is a
peculiarity in the Asiatic lion which has not escaped
the notice of the sculptor-the claw at the extremity
of the tail. This claw was not unknown to ancient
naturalists. The first mention of it is found in the
Commentary of Didymus of Alexandria on the Iliad.
In modern times its existence was denied, and has
* The skill of the Assyrian sculptor in delineating the lion is particu-
larly shown in the bas-relief in the British Museum. The lion is not
represented in the Assyrian, as in the Egyptian, sculptures, tamed and
following the king, or trained to the chase.
CHAP. VI.]
429
THE WILD BULL.
only been established within a few years. It is
still, I believe, considered to be a mere casual ex-
crescence, and is not met with in all specimens of
the animal.*
The wild bull, from its frequent representation
in the bas-reliefs, appears to have been considered
scarcely less formidable and noble game than the
lion. The king is seen contending with it, and warriors
pursue it on horseback and on foot. In the em-
broideries on the garments of the principal figures it
is introduced in hunting scenes, and in groups, which
appear to have a mythic or symbolical meaning. I
was at one time inclined to think that the bull of the
sculptures might represent the unicorn or raim so
often alluded to in the Scriptures, as an animal re-
nowned for its strength and ferocity, and typical of
power and might. But the unicorn of the Scriptures
is now, I believe, generally identified with a large
and fierce antelope, or oryx, inhabiting Arabia and
Egypt. Professor Migliarini of Florence informs me
that the word raim itself occurs in hieroglyphics
over a figure of this antelope, in an Egyptian sculp-
ture; and he conjectures that the Jews derived a
knowledge of the animal, as well as its name, from
*Proceedings of the Council of the Zoological Society for 1832, p. 146.
Captain W. Smee, in a paper on the Maneless Lion of Guzerat (Trans.
of the Zool. Soc. vol. i. p. 169.) observes, "in this tuft (of the tail)
there existed, subsequently to its arrival in England, in the oldest of my
lions, a short horny claw or nail, similar in form to, but somewhat larger
in size, than the one described by Mr. Woods."
† Gesenius (Lex. in voce) gives the signification of wild buffalo to
the DN7, the monoceros, rhinoceros, and unicornis of the Septuagint.
430
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
the Egyptians. The bull of the bas-reliefs of Nim-
roud is evidently a wild animal, which inhabited
Mesopotamia or Assyria. Its form is too faithfully
delineated to permit of the supposition that it is an
antelope. It is distinguished from the domestic ox
by a number of small marks covering the body, and
probably intended to denote long and shaggy hair.
It is represented with one horn, -as the horses have
frequently only two legs or one ear,- because the As-
syrian sculptor did not attempt to give both in a side
view of the animal.
*
2
The mention in the Bible of the wild ox con-
firms the conjecture that at some ancient period it
was an inhabitant of Assyria, or of the adjacent
countries, although it has long since become ex-
tinct. Had it been found in the plains of Mesopotamia
in the time of Xenophon, he would probably have
described it when speaking of the wild animals of
that province. As it is only seen in the oldest monu-
ments of Nimroud, and not in those of Khorsabad or
Kouyunjik, it is possible that, when the country be-
came more thickly peopled in the latter period of the
Assyrian empire, it became extinct.
On the walls of Khorsabad was represented a
hunting scene, in which hares and partridges were
introduced as objects of the chase. Both still abound
in the country.
* Deut. xiv. 5. The wild ox is included amongst the animals whose
flesh may be eaten by the Jews; and the "wild bull in a net" is also
alluded to in Isaiah, li. 20. The Hebrew word is rendered "wild bull" in
the Targums, and "oryx" (öpv) in the Vulgate; some, however, believe
the animal meant, to be a kind of antelope. (Gesenius, Lex. in voce.)
CHAP. VI.]
431
THE CHASE.
The ibex, or wild goat, is an inhabitant of the
mountains of Kurdistan.* The stag is found in
the forests, and the Assyrian plains are covered with
innumerable flocks of gazelles. More than one species
of wild sheep, only recently known to European na-
turalists, haunt the higher ranges of the mountains.
The ibex was evidently a sacred animal, as it is
carried by the winged figures, and is frequently in-
troduced as an ornament. A stag, also borne by
a winged priest or divinity, was spotted like the
fallow deer of our parks.
The frequent representation of hunting scenes in
the Assyrian sculptures is a proof of the high estima-
tion in which the chase was held by the people. A
conqueror and the founder of an empire was, at the
same time, a great hunter. His courage, wisdom,
and dexterity were as much shown in encounters
with wild animals as in martial exploits; he rendered
equal services to his subjects whether he cleared
the country of beasts of prey, or repulsed an enemy.
The scriptural Nimrod, who laid the foundation
of the Assyrian empire, was "a mighty hunter
before the Lord;" and the Ninus of history and
tradition, the builder of Nineveh, and the greatest
of the Assyrian kings, was as renowned for his en-
counters with the lion and leopard, as for his tri-
* It is possible that the animal I have assumed to be the ibex is
sometimes the gazelle.
† See p. 296. of this volume.
432
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
*
umphs over warlike nations. We have seen that
the Babylonians, as well as the Assyrians, orna-
mented the walls of their temples and palaces with
pictures and sculptures representing the chase; and
that similar subjects were introduced, even in the
embroideries on their garments. The Assyrians
were probably also the inventors of the parks, or
paradises, which were afterwards maintained with
so much sumptuousness by the Persian kings, of the
Achæmenian and Sassanian dynasties.† In these
spacious preserves various kinds of wild animals were
continually kept for the diversion of the king, and
for those who were privileged to join with him in
the chase. They contained lions, tigers, wild boars,
antelopes, and many varieties of birds. As amongst
the Persians, the Assyrian youths were probably
trained to hunting at an early age. Xenophon gives
an interesting account of the hunting expeditions of
the Persians in the time of Cyrus. The king was ac
companied by half his guard, each man being fur-
nished with a bow, quiver, sword, shield, and two
javelins-armed, indeed, as if he were going to battle.
That such was also the practice amongst the Assy-
rians is shown by the Nimroud bas-reliefs, in which
* Ammianus Marcell. lib. xxvi. c. 6.; Diod. Siculus, lib. ii.; Athen.
lib. xii. c. 9.
† Xenophon, Cyr. lib. i. c. 3.; Quint. Curt. lib. vii. and viii. These para-
dises were stocked, not only with game of every kind, but with various
trees, shrubs, and plants; and were watered by numerous artificial streams.
The Persian word has passed into various languages, and is used for the
first abode of man before his fall, as well as for the state of eternal hap-
piness.
CHAP. VI.]
433
THE CAMEL.
the king is always represented as accompanied in the
chase by warriors fully equipped; hunting being, as
Xenophon declares, the truest method of practising
all such things as relate to war.*
The animals represented on the obelisk were evi-
dently brought from distant countries, and presented
to the Assyrian king as objects of tribute.
The pre-
sence of the two-humped camel proves that they came
from the East, and not from Africa. This animal is
a native of Bactria, or of the great steppes inhabited
by the Tatar tribes. It is unknown to the Arabs,
and is rarely seen to the west of Persia, except
amongst a few isolated families of Turcomans, who
now reside in the north of Syria, and who pro-
bably brought this beast of burden from the north-
east, when they first emigrated.

5.42
Bactrian or Two-humped Camels. (Obelisk, Nimroud.)
The small ears of the elephant, on the same obelisk,
show that the animal is of the Indian, and not the
African species. †
On Egyptian monuments, the elephant is seen,
*
Cyrop. lib. i. c. 2.
† Elephas Indicus.
F F
VOL. II.
434
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
amongst other animals, brought as tribute by an
Asiatic, though not an Indian, people.* It was pro-
bably obtained by them from the eastward; for there
is no record of the elephant having been indigenous

Elephant, the Ouran Outan (?), the Hounuman or small Indian Monkey (?).
(Obelisk, Nimroud.)
in any part of Asia west of the Indus. Although
it appeared in the Persian armies, and might even
have been pastured long previously in the rich plains
of Mesopotamia, it originally came from the Indian
dominions of the great king. Had it been used in
war by the Assyrians, it would doubtless have been
so represented in the sculptures.†
The presence of the rhinoceros on the obelisk fur-
ther points to the Indian origin of the accompanying
animals. It is in several respects incorrectly de-
lineated, the sculptor having given it hoofs, a mane
on the neck, and long hair, which appears to have
* Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. v. p.
pl. iv.
176.; vol. i.
†The elephant has not been found represented as a beast of burden
on the monuments of Egypt. The only African nation who appear to
have used it in their wars were the Carthaginians.
SIL
CHAP. VI.]
435
THE RHINOCEROS.
been artificially curled like that of the sacred bull.
Still the general form of the animal, and the shape
and position of the horn, clearly identify it with
the Indian rhinoceros.* Specimens of this animal
were probably rare in Assyria, and the sculptor
may have drawn it from recollection or only from
the description of those who had seen it. This is the
earliest representation of the rhinoceros with which
we are acquainted.

The Bull, the Rhinoceros, and the Chikara or large Indian Antelope (?).
(Obelisk, Nimroud.)
The two animals accompanying the rhinoceros are
probably an Indian bull, and a kind of antelope.
The bull has a collar, ornamented with tassels, round
its neck, and may have been a sacred animal. The
antelope, from its size and the shape of its horns,
may perhaps be identified with the Indian chikara † ;
although the thickness of the limbs rather denotes
a species of wild goat.
The sculptor has evidently indicated, by certain
* Rhinoceros unicornis.
† Antelope Bennettii. I had once conjectured it to be the nylgau of
the Indian peninsula.
FF 2
436
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
peculiarities, four distinct species of monkeys or apes.
Immediately behind the elephant is a man leading
a large monkey without a tail, which, if from In-
dia, can only be identified with the ouran outan, no
other monkey found in that country being so distin-
guished.* A man follows with two smaller monkeys,
one raising itself on its hind legs, the other sitting on
the shoulders of its keeper. These may be the hou-
numan †, a monkey regarded with some degree of
religious veneration by the Indians, and frequently
domesticated by them. They appear to be of the

Gas
The Bruh or great Indian Monkey (?), and the Wanderoo or Maned Ape (?).
(Obelisk, Nimroud.)
same species as those represented in the large bas-
relief from the north-west palace of Nimroud, which
are covered with spots or marks, probably intended
to denote long hair.
whose
In a separate group are two monkeys or apes,
strength and ferocity are indicated by thick chains
* The only other monkey without a tail, is, I believe, the chimpanzee
of Africa.
† Simia Entellus.
"Monuments of Nineveh," plate 40.
CHAP. VI.]
437
MONKEYS.
passed round their bodies, and held by keepers. The
first raises a fore-paw to its mouth; and wears a
necklace of beads. It may be the bruh*, the largest
of the Indian monkey tribe; and it is not altogether
unlike that animal in shape. In the bas-relief it is
even larger than the man; but the sculptor probably
exaggerated its size. The other monkey is distin-
guished from the rest by a hood or mane rising above
the head and falling over the shoulders. This pecu-
liarity may identify it with the wanderoo, or maned
ape of India.†
The only birds represented on the Assyrian monu-
ments hitherto discovered, are the eagle or vulture,
the ostrich and the partridge, and a few smaller birds
at Khorsabad, whose forms are too conventional to
permit of any conjecture as to their species.
The vulture or eagle-for the bird is rarely de-
lineated with sufficient accuracy to enable us to
decide which is continually seen over the heads of
the conquerors in battle, and in triumphal proces-
sions, and was probably considered typical of vic-
tory. It is also represented feeding on the bodies
of the slain, and flying away with the entrails. ‡
The ostrich was only found as an ornament on the
robes of figures in the most ancient edifice at
Nimroud. As it is accompanied by the emblema-
tical flower, and is frequently introduced on Baby-
lonian and Assyrian cylinders, we may infer that it
was a sacred bird.
* Simia Nemestrinus.
See woodcut, p. 340.
† Simia Silenus.
"Monuments of Nineveh," plates 43. and 47.
FF 3
438
[CHAP. VI.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
In sea and river scenes fish and shells are intro-
duced, but the forms appear to be conventional;
there are no distinctions to mark any particular spe-
cies. *
In the rivers are seen crabs, eels or water-
snakes, and small turtles. When the sculptor wished
to indicate the sea, he made these fish larger, and
added others, which are only inhabitants of salt
water, such as the star-fish. A kind of crocodile is
also represented in the sea-pieces.†
With the exception of the vine, palm, and fir, the
trees of the Assyrian bas-reliefs are conventional in
their forms. The sculptor introduced them merely
to show the nature of the country in which the events
recorded took place. In general, the Assyrian artist
appears to have been far less minute and exact in
delineating secondary objects than the Egyptian, who
has carefully preserved the character of the details, as
he did that of the principal figures in his subject.
* See woodcuts, p. 273. and 395.
† In the hieratic papyri certain fish are mentioned as brought from the
Puharuta, or Euphrates, to Egypt (Select Papyri, pl. lxxv. 1.7.), and
another fish, or fishy substance, called "Rura," as coming from the land
of the great waters, Mesopotamia. (Ibid. xcvi. 1. 7.) In the same papyrus
(Ibid. xcviii. 1. 8.) are mentioned horses (htar) and fine cattle from the
Saenkar, or Sinjar.
CHAP. VII.]
439
RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS.
CHAP. VII.
RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS.
AND LATEST PERIODS.
DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN EARLIEST
SABEANISM AND WORSHIP OF THE
HEAVENLY BODIES. -IDENTITY OF ASSYRIAN AND PERSIAN SYS-
TEMS OF FIRE-WORSHIP. THE CHALDEANS.
BLEMS IN THE SCULPTURES.
CIRCLE.
RELIGIOUS EM-
THE WINGED FIGURE IN THE
BAAL OR BELUS. HERA, VENUS, OR ASTARTE.
NISROCH OR EAGLE-HEADED GOD.
RHEA,
THE GRYPHON.
WINGED BULLS AND LIONS.
THE SPHINX.
SYMBOLICAL FIGURES OF EZEKIEL.
FIGURES.
THE MAN-FISH. FIRE-WORSHIP.
MYTHOLOGICAL
OANNES OR
THE MAGI. FLOWERS AND
DEATH
SACRED EMBLEMS. INFLUENCE OF RELIGION ON PUBLIC AND
PRIVATE LIFE. MODE OF BURIAL. TOMB OF NINUS.
AND TOMB OF SARDANAPALUS.
CONCLUSION.
A GENERAL inquiry into the nature of the worship
of the Assyrians would be beyond the
beyond the scope of
these volumes. I will merely point out how far
their religious system is illustrated by the newly
discovered monuments, and what information, when
better understood, they are likely to furnish on the
subject. As I have more than once had occasion to
observe, a marked distinction may be traced between
the religion of the earliest and latest Assyrians. It
is probable that corruptions gradually crept into their
theology. Originally it may have been a pure Sabæan-
ism, in which the heavenly bodies were worshipped as
mere types of the power and attributes of the supreme
deity. Of the great antiquity of this primitive wor-
ship, there is abundant evidence; and that it origin-
FF 4
440
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
ated amongst the inhabitants of the Assyrian plains,
we have the united testimony of sacred and profane
history. It obtained the epithet of perfect, and was
believed to be the most ancient of religious systems,
having preceded even that of the Egyptians.*
* 66
Ægyptiis vero antiquores esse magos Aristoteles auctor est in primo
de philosophiâ libro." (Theopomp. Frag.) Iamblichus de Myst. p.3.
ed. Gale, ἡμεῖς οὖν τὰ μὲν ᾿Ασσυρίων πάτρια (in some MSS. πρώτα) δόγματα
παραδώσομεν σοι μετὰ ἀληθείας τὴν γνώμην. The identity of many of the
Assyrian doctrines with those of Egypt, is alluded to by Porphyry and
Clemens. (See Gale, ibid. p. 185.) I am indebted to Mr. Birch for the
following observations on this subject.
"There can be no doubt of the Sabæanism of the Chaldees, and appa-
rently of the early Assyrians, whose pantheon, from its fusion of human
and animal forms, resembles the Egyptian and Hindhu. The relation of
religion with astronomy is, however, more striking in Assyria than in
Egypt; the system of the latter country being solar, while the Assyrian
worship was rather astral. On the Babylonian cylinders and monuments,
the sun and moon constantly occur, and often seven stars arranged more
in the manner of the Pleiads than of the Great Bear, but probably the
latter. Zodiacal signs are frequently placed in the area along with the
sun, moon, and seven stars, and show unequivocally that the Greeks
derived their notions and arrangements of the Zodiac from the Chaldees :
thus, I. a fish (Cullimore, on Cyl. Nos. 19. 28. 88. 113.) stands for pisces;
II. the extraordinary combination, Capricorn (Ibid. 29, 30. 32.), on
cylinders bearing, in the lapidary Babylonian cuneiforms, the name of
Nebuchadnezzar; III. a woman, Virgo (Ibid. 50. 94. 117. 91.); IV. the
two men, Gemini (Ibid. 65. 70. 94.) with Capricorn (Ibid. 71.); VI. the
bull, Taurus (Ibid. 91, 92. 106. 156.); VII. the archer, Sagittarius
(Ibid. 107.). Other signs appear to be, IX. a man, probably Aquarius
(Ibid. 51. 95. 66. 112.); X. an uncertain and ill-defined animal, perhaps
a dog (Ibid. 51, 52, 53. 57.); XI. a goat (Ibid. 107. 136. 95. 93. 112,
113.); XII. a lion, Leo (Ibid. 91.94.). I do not pretend to explain every
symbol on these cylinders, but all those which I have selected, are placed
in the area, are not essential to the general subject, and are of smaller
proportions than the principal figures, which may also have an astro-
nomical import. The identity of Nimrod and the constellation Orion, is
not to be rejected; and Nimrod may be one of the divinities standing on
a dog with eight stars behind him (Ibid. 157.). Another god with four
wings, each terminating in a star (Ibid. 153.), is apparently a constel-
lation, as also the god seated on a throne with eight stars all round him.
CHAP. VII.]
441
RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS.
On the earliest monuments we have no traces of
fire-worship, which was a corruption of the purer
form of Sabæanism; but in the bas-reliefs of Khors-
abad and Kouyunjik, as well as on a multitude of
cylinders of the same age, we have abundant proofs
of its subsequent prevalence in Assyria. Although
we may not, at present, possess sufficient materials
to illustrate the most ancient Sabæanism of the As-
syrians, we may, I think, pretty confidently judge
of the nature of the worship of a later period. The
symbols and religious ceremonies represented at
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and on the cylinders, are
identical with those of the ancient monuments of
Persia; at the same time, the sculptures of Perse-
polis, in their mythic character, resemble in every
respect those of the Assyrians. We have the same
types and groups to embody ideas of the divinity and
to convey sacred subjects. When the close connec-
tion, in early ages, between religion and art is borne
in mind, it will be at once conceded, that a nation
like the Persian would not borrow mere forms without
attaching to them their original signification.*
even this were not, as a general rule, the case, there
is still at Persepolis sufficient to prove that the re-
ligious symbols of the Persians were adopted from the
Assyrians. The form of supreme deity (the winged
If
(Ibid. 153.)" The strange animal forms on the Babylonian relic called
the "Caillou de Michaud," have apparently some reference to the zodiacal
signs: amongst them is the scorpion.
* The connection, as exhibited by art, between Assyria and Persia,
illustrated in a previous chapter, is sufficient, I think, to prove the origin
of the symbols and myths of the Persians.
442
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
""
figure within the circle), and the types of wisdom and
power, are precisely similar on the monuments of
both people. Moreover, the testimony of Herodotus
leads to the same conclusion: "The Persians adore,"
says he, "the sun, the moon, earth, fire, water, and
the winds, which may be termed their original di-
vinities. In after times, from the example of the
Assyrians and Arabians, they added Urania (Venus)
to the number.” From this expression it may be
inferred that the worship of Venus was added by both
nations to a system identically the same.
*
The identity of the Assyrian and Persian systems
appears also to be pointed out by the uncertainty
which exists as to the birth-place and epoch of
Zoroaster. According to the best authorities, he was
a Chaldæan, who introduced his doctrines into Persia
and central Asia.†
The Persians themselves may
* These facts show that it is unnecessary, with Heeren and other Ger-
man writers, to seek for the origin of the monsters of Persepolis in Bactria
and central Asia. It has long been a favourite speculation in Germany
to trace the source of all religious systems to the great table-land of the
Asiatic continent, from whence, according to this theory, it spread into the
lower country, to the Persians, and their neighbours. But when Persia
was a mere province, and long before her name is found amongst the civi-
lised nations of antiquity, the religious system of the Assyrians was not
only perfected, but was falling into decay. The Assyrian empire had
ceased to exist before its myths and symbols were transferred, with its
arts, to the walls of Persepolis.
†The country of Zoroaster, the time of his birth, the nature of his
doctrines, and the authenticity of those attributed to him, are amongst the
many disputed questions of ancient history. We must presume that there
were two persons, if not more, of the same name, if we wish to reconcile
the conflicting accounts. According to some, Zoroaster was a king of Bac-
tria in the time of Ninus and Semiramis. Cephalion and Moses of Chorene
assert that he was born on the same day as Semiramis. Pliny places
CHAP. VII.]
443
THE CHALDEANS.
have recognised the Assyrian source of their religion
when they declared Perseus, the founder of their race,
to have been an Assyrian.
*
The origin of the Chaldæan theology has ever been
a favourite theme of the poet and philosopher. The
Assyrian plains, uninterrupted by a single eminence,
and rarely shadowed by a passing cloud, were looked
upon as a fit place for the birth of a system which
recognised the heavenly bodies as types of the su-
preme power, and invested them with supernatural
influences. The wonderful regularity of their pe-
riodical movements, and even their effects upon
the physical world, must have been apparent to
the Chaldæan shepherd long before they became the
study of the philosopher and the priest. Whilst
he watched his sheep by night, he marked the stars
as they rose above the horizon, and learned to dis-
tinguish one from another, and to invest the most
remarkable groups with distinct forms. If the at-
tributes of the Deity were to be typified,
if the
his birth many thousand years before that of Moses; whilst others would
fain bring the time of his ministry down to the reign of Darius Hystaspes.
According to Suidas he was a Chaldæan. That the fire-worship did not
originate with any Zoroaster may perhaps be inferred from the concur
rent testimony of ancient authors. According to a fragment of Apol-
lonius (69. ed. Muller), Ninus taught the Assyrians to worship fire: and
so Marcellinus (1.23.), “Cujus scientiæ seculis priscis multa ex Chal-
dæorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastris."
Ac-
* Herodotus, l. vi. c. 54. Some traditions made this Perseus a great
astronomer, who instructed men in the knowledge of the stars. Hɛρσɛvç
ỏ Hλoç, Perseus is the sun, says the scholiast in Lycophr. v. 18.
cording to some, he married Astarte, the daughter of Belus. All these
traditions point to his Assyrian origin.
444
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
limited intellect of man required palpable symbols
to convey ideas which he could not understand in
the abstract, more appropriate objects could not have
been chosen than those bright luminaries whose mo-
tions and influences were enveloped in mystery, al-
though they themselves were constantly present.
The transition from this adoration to a national
system of astronomy is natural; and it is not sur-
prising that the Chaldæans, having been the first to in-
vest the heavenly bodies with sacred properties, should
also have been the first to cultivate the sublimest of
sciences. The periodical movements of the heavenly
*
*
"Principio Assyrii, propter planitiem magnitudinemque regionum
quos incolebant, cum cœlum ex omni parte patens et apertum intuerentur,
trajectiones motusque stellarum observaverunt." (Cicero de Divin. l. i.)
The greatest of our modern poets has thus beautifully conveyed the sen-
timent and philosophy of this Chaldæan star-worship:-
"Chaldæan shepherds, ranging trackless fields,
Beneath the concave of unclouded skies
Spread like a sea, in boundless solitude,
Looked on the polar star, as on a guide
And guardian of their course, that never closed
His stedfast eye. The planetary Five
With a submissive reverence they beheld;
Watched, from the centre of their sleeping flocks
Those radiant Mercuries, that seemed to move,
Carrying through ether, in perpetual round,
Decrees and resolutions of the Gods;
And, by their aspects, signifying works.
Of dim futurity, to Man revealed.
The imaginative faculty was lord
Of observations natural: and, thus
Led on, those shepherds made report of stars
In set rotation passing to and fro,
Between the orbs of our apparent sphere
And its invisible counterpart, adorned
CHAP. VII.]
445
THE CHALDEANS.
bodies were ascertained by constant observations, ori-
ginating probably in religious duties; their causes were
investigated, and in process of time these motions them-
selves were calculated and predicted. At a very early
period the Assyrian priests were able to fix the date
of events by celestial phenomena, and to connect the
public records with them. When Alexander entered.
Babylon, he is said to have been presented with the
archives of the empire, verified by astronomical cal-
culations, which extended over a period of many cen-
turies*; and Callisthenes was able to send to his
relation and friend, Aristotle, the celestial observa-
tions of 1900 years. We may reasonably suspect
that many accounts of the astronomical skill of the
Chaldæans are greatly exaggerated; but as Nabo-
nasser did fix a period, by a well-authenticated as-
tronomical observation, 745 B. C., it may be inferred
that long before his time the priests had acquired
With answering constellations, under earth,
Removed from all approach of living sight
But present to the dead; who, so they deemed,
Like those celestial messengers, beheld
All accidents, and judges were of all."—"Excursion,” book iv.
The Chaldæans maintained their pre-eminence as astronomers until the
complete extinction of the Perso-Babylonian empire. They instructed
Thales and Pythagoras in the most flourishing period of Greece, and
Eudoxus and Aristotle as Babylon fell; Ptolemy in the second century
of the Christian era, still had recourse to their calculations. (See some
valuable observations in Grote's History of Greece, vol. iii. c. 19.)
* According to a foolish tradition 470,000 years. (Diod. Sic. l. ii., and
Cicero de Divin. 1. ii.) It is scarcely necessary to allude to the exagger-
ated statements of various ancient authors as to the period comprised in
the celestial observations of the Chaldæans.
† Simplicius, Aristot. de Cœlo, p. 123.
416
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
sufficient knowledge of the science to predict and
determine certain celestial phenomena.
I will now proceed to point out the religious types
and emblems which are found on Assyrian monu-
ments. Representations of the heavenly bodies, as
sacred symbols, are of constant occurrence in the
most ancient sculptures. In the bas-reliefs we find
figures of the sun, moon, and stars, suspended round
Sacred Emblems suspended round the Neck of
the King. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
the neck of the king when
engaged in the perform-
ance of religious ceremo-
nies. These emblems are
accompanied by a small

model of the horned cap worn by winged figures, and
by a trident or bident.*
I have not found these symbols on the monuments
of Kouyunjik and Khorsabad, but they occur in a
bas-relief of a doubtful period, built into the walls of
the south-west palace of Nimroud. In the oldest
* It is very remarkable that, with the exception of the horned cap, these
are precisely the symbols found on the sacred monuments of India; which,
accompanied as they are by the sacred bull, might be mistaken for
Assyrian. The sun, moon, and trident of Siva raised on columns adorn
the entrance to temples (such as that of Bangalore, of which an engraving
is given in Daniel's India). This identity might easily lead to a digression,
which would scarcely suit the limits of this work.
† According to Mr. Ross's account of the rock-tablets of Bavian (note,
p. 143.), they are represented in those bas-reliefs. They appear also to
occur above the king in the Assyrian tablet at the Nahr-el-Kelb; but
that sculpture has been so much injured that the details cannot be satis-
factorily ascertained. The sun, moon, and stars are common emblems on
cylinders of all epochs. They were adopted by the Persians, are found
on coins and gems of the Sassanian period, passed from the Persians to the
Arabs, and are still preserved in the insignia of the Turks. The nume-
rous symbols and figures which occur on Assyrian and Babylonian cylin-
CHAP. VII.]
447
SACRED SYMBOLS.
edifice they are constantly introduced as ornaments,
particularly on the chariots. They are frequently
accompanied by seven disks, which probably represent
the seven great heavenly bodies, that mysterious
number so prevalent in the Sabæan system, or per-
haps the Pleiads, like which they are grouped.*
It will be observed that in the earliest sculptures
of Nimroud, the king is only seen in adoration before
one symbol of the deity — the figure with the wings
and tail of a bird enclosed in a circle, resembling the
Ormuzd of the Persian monuments. Although there
are eagle-headed figures, and other mythic forms,
yet in no case do they appear to be objects of
worship. The king is generally standing or kneeling
beneath this figure in the circle, his hand raised in
sign of prayer or adoration †; and if the sacred tree is
before him, it is only, it may be presumed, as a type.
The same symbol is also seen above him when in
battle, and during his triumphal return. It is never
represented above any person of inferior rank, but
appears to watch especially over the monarch, who
was probably typical of the nation. When over the
ders, evidently refer to a mythological system; but a particular notice
of them would lead me into an unsuitable digression.
* See note, p. 299. Vol. I. The seven stars are mentioned in Amos, v.
8., and in Job, ix. 9., xxxviii. 31., where they are translated in our version
the Pleiads. As there are, however, but six bright stars in this group,
the seven stars may, perhaps, represent Ursa-Major.
Two kings are frequently represented kneeling or standing beneath
the winged figure; but whether the two are representations of the same
monarch, or whether they show the father and son associated in the
government, or two friendly monarchs concluding a treaty, I cannot
determine. The two figures are identical in every respect, and I am in-
clined to think that but one monarch is intended.
448
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
king in battle,

it shoots, against
the enemies of
the
Assyrians,
an arrow, which
has a head in
the shape of a
trident. If it
presides over a
triumph, its ac-
tion resembles
that of the king,
the right hand
being elevated,
and the left
holding the un-
bent bow; if
over a religious
ceremony, it car-
ries a ring, or


Emblems of the Deity. (N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
raises the extended right hand. This emblem does
not always preserve the form of the winged figure in
the circle, but sometimes assumes that of a winged
globe, wheel, or disk, either plain, or ornamented with
leaves like a flower. In this shape, its resemblance
to the winged globe of Egypt cannot be overlooked.*
*This is one of the representations most intimately connected with
Egypt, resembling the symbol found on the cornices of tablets as early
as the twelfth dynasty. In Egypt it was the sun, with the wings of a
scarab; a red solar disk, and two pendent uræi. It is called the "Hut"
(the name of the Coptic Atfoo, or Edfoo, Apollinopolis magna). M.
Lajard, as I have already observed, endeavours to derive the Egyp-
CHAP. VII.]
449
DEITY IN THE CIRCLE.
102507
The winged figure in the circle constantly occurs
on the walls of Persepolis, and on
Persian monuments of the Achæ-
menian dynasty, as the symbol
of the supreme divinity. In its
simpler form of a winged circle,
it is found in the bas-reliefs of
Pterium, furnishing additional evidence in support of
the Assyrian or Persian origin of those rock-sculptures,
and of the Assyrian influence on Asia Minor.

Winged Circle. (Pterium)
*
We may conclude from the prominent position
always given to this figure in the Nimroud sculp-
tures, and from its occurrence on Persian monuments
as the representation of Ormuzd, that it was also
the type of the supreme deity amongst the Assyrians.
It will require a more thorough knowledge of the
contents of the inscriptions than we at present pos-
sess, to determine the name by which the divinity
was known. It may be conjectured, however, that
it was Baal, or some modification of a name which
was that of the great god amongst nearly all nations
speaking the cognate dialects of a Semitic or Syro-
tian from the Assyrian emblem. (Observations sur la Croix Ansée, Mém.
de l'Acad. vol. xvii.) Whether the winged figure in the circle, or the
winged globe, or simply the sun, was the original form, I will not attempt
to conjecture. According to M. Lajard, this symbol is formed by a circle
or crown, to denote time without bounds, or eternity, encircling the
image of Baal, with the wings and tail of a dove, to show the association
of Mylitta, the Assyrian Venus thus presenting a complete triad.
* See page 286. Mr. Scharf is also inclined to trace in the oval form
of the harpies of the Xanthian monument some connection with the
winged globe. The Persian origin of those figures renders the conjecture
not improbable. (Observations on the Peculiarities of Sculptures seen on
the Monuments of ancient Lycia, by G. Scharf, Junior, p. 12.)
VOL. II.
G G
450
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
Arabian language.* According to a custom existing
from time immemorial in the East, the name of the
supreme deity was introduced into the names of men.
This practice prevailed from the banks of the Tigris
to the Phoenician colonies beyond the pillars of
Hercules; and we recognise in the Sardanapalus of
the Assyrians, and the Hannibal of the Carthaginians,
the identity of the origin of the religious system of
two nations, as widely distinct in the time of their
existence, as in their geographical position. To the
Jews the same name was familiar, and was applied
very generally to the gods of the surrounding nations.
Even under its various orthographical modifications,
there can be no difficulty in detecting it.
From this Baal came the Belus of the Greeks, who
was confounded with their own Zeus, or Jupiter.
But it may be doubtful whether he was really the
father of the founder of the empire, or was himself
its founder, as some have asserted, and then came to
be considered, after the fashion of the Greek theology,
its principal deity.†
* As the supreme deity he came to be identified with the sun, the
Hence much
greatest divine manifestation in the Sabæan system.
mythological confusion between Belus and Apollo, and the representation
of the two with the same attributes. Thus the Phoenicians, according to
Sanchoniathon, "stretched their hands towards the sun; for him they
thought the only Lord of Heaven; calling him Beelsamin, which in Phœ-
nician is Lord of Heaven, but in the Greek, Zeus." (Cory's Fragments.)
Linguâ punicâ Bal Deus dicitur, apud Assyrios autem Bel dicitur
quadam sacrorum ratione Saturnus et Sol." (Servius on Æneid, i. 733.)
66
† According to Castor, Belus was king of the Assyrians, and, after
his death, was esteemed a god. (Cory's Fragments, p. 65.) It is singular
to find the Persians subsequently carrying as their principal religious em-
blems the figures of Belus and Ninus. (See p. 365.) They were either
looked upon as divinities, or, as some have conjectured, represented the
dominion of the Persian king over the Assyrian and Babylonian empires.

To face page 451. Vol. II.
Gs.
5.W.
IDOLS CARRIED IN PROCESSION BY ASSYRIAN WARRIORS. (S.W. Ruins, Nimroud.)
CHAP. VII.]
451
BABYLONIAN DEITIES.
The descriptions handed down to us of the contents
of the Babylonian temples are highly interesting, as
illustrative of the monuments recently discovered.
According to Diodorus Siculus, the three deities
worshipped in the great temple at Babylon, were
Belus (or Jupiter), Hera, and Rhea, whose statues
were of beaten gold. Belus was represented upright,
in the act of walking. His statue, weighing 1000
Babylonian talents, was forty feet in height. Rhea,
seated on a chair of gold, had two lions at the sides
of her knees, and near her were large silver serpents.
Hera stood erect, holding in her right hand a serpent
by the head, and in her left a sceptre ornamented
with precious stones. Before these deities was a
table of silver, and on it were placed three golden
cups, one for each deity.
In a bas-relief, probably of the later Assyrian
period, discovered in the ruins of the south-west
palace at Nimroud, we have a procession of warriors
carrying on their shoulders four images. It is doubt-
ful whether they are the idols of a conquered people
borne in triumph by the conquerors, or whether the
sculpture commemorates the celebration of some re-
ligious ceremony, during which the statues of the gods
were carried in procession by the people, like those of
the Virgin and saints in Roman Catholic countries.
The Roman author may have substituted these names for others. It has
been mentioned that "Nini" is an emendation by Scaliger, the MSS.
having "Pacis." Belus was confounded with Mars. "After Ninus
reigned Thyrras, whom they named Mars. He was very mighty and
warlike, and the Assyrians placed him amongst the gods, naming him
Belus, or Mars, the god of battles." (Arch. of John of Antioch, in
Cramer, Anecdota Græca, vol. ii. p. 386.)
GG 2
452
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
It may record an expedition against the revolted
Babylonians, whose divinities, as described by Dio-
dorus, can, perhaps, be identified with the figures in
the bas-relief; but, as nearly the same forms are
found in the rock-tablets of Malthaiyah - pure As-
syrian monuments-it is more probable that they
are Assyrian. The gods of the two cities, Nineveh
and Babylon, were, there can be little doubt, nearly
the same.
The first deity mentioned by Diodorus is Jupiter,
the Belus, or Baal, of the Babylonians.* He is seen,
he
says, in the act of walking. The commentators
have objected to this description, that the chief of the
gods would scarcely have been represented otherwise
than seated on his throne. The bas-relief, however,
confirms the statement of the geographer; for the
god is represented with one leg in advance, as if in
the act of walking. That it is the figure of Baal, or
the great divinity of the Babylonians, may be inferred
from the passage in the Epistle of Jeremy. "Now
shall ye see, in Babylon," says the prophet, "gods
of silver, and of gold, and of wood, borne upon
shoulders. And he that cannot put to death one
* Berosus in Alex. Polyhistor, apud Euseb. Chron. lib. i. c. 2.
This epistle is supposed to have been written by the Prophet Jere-
miah to the Jews when they were carried captive to Babylon. He in-
tended it as a warning against the idolatry of the Babylonians, whose gods
he describes, that his countrymen might be aware of the impositions prac-
tised upon the worshippers of those idols, and might avoid falling into
similar errors. That the Jews looked upon the letter as genuine, is shown
by the reference to it in 2 Macc. xi. 2, 3.
(6
‡ Compare Isaiah, xlvi. 6, 7. They lavish gold out of the bag, and
weigh silver in the balance, and hire a goldsmith; and he maketh it a
god: they fall down, yea, they worship. They bear him upon the shoulder,
they carry him, and set him in his place."
CHAP. VII.]
453
EPISTLE OF JEREMY.
that offendeth him holdeth a sceptre, as though he
were a judge of the country. He hath also in his
right hand a dagger and an axe." He is represented
in the bas-relief with an axe; and the introduction of
this weapon could scarcely have been accidental. The
sculpture, therefore, appears to corroborate the au-
thenticity of, and to illustrate the epistle.
The same epistle furnishes us with several in-
teresting details as to the nature of the Babylonian
idols. We learn that they were frequently made of
wood and laid over with gold, and that parts of them
were polished by the workmen. Crowns were made
for their heads; they were decked in garments, and
covered with purple raiment*; and fires or lamps
were kept burning before them.
This account appears to confirm the assertion of
Diodorus, that the statues in the Babylonian temples
were made of beaten gold, or that they were gilded
so as to have that appearance.
Nor must the propor-
tions assigned to them by the geographer be deemed
exaggerated, if we remember that the image of gold
set up by Nebuchadnezzar in the plain of Dura, was
threescore cubits in height, and six cubits in breadth! †
The figure in the bas-relief has horns on its head;
and would consequently appear to be connected with
the divinity wearing the horned cap, so frequently
* Compare Jeremiah, x. 9. "Silver spread into plates is brought from
Tarshish, and gold from Uphaz, the work of the workman, and of the
hands of the founder: blue and purple is their clothing: they are all the
work of cunning men." These idols at Babylon were of gold, silver,
brass, iron, wood, and stone. (Daniel, v. 4.)
† Daniel, iii. 1.
GG 3
454
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. VII.
represented in the Assyrian sculptures: but they
have nothing else in common. On the older monu-
ments, indeed, we have no figure which corresponds
with any description of Belus furnished by the Greeks.
The bas-relief just described may belong to the pe-
riod when the older forms were corrupted, and when
a more gross idolatry had succeeded to purer Sa-
bæanism.*
We have little difficulty in identifying Hera, the
second deity mentioned by Diodorus, with Astarta,
Mylitta, or Venus; whose worship, according to the
united testimony of scripture and of ancient authors,
formed so prominent a part of the religious system of
all the Semitic nations, and particularly of the Assy-
rians. She held a serpent in one hand; and so she
is represented in the Egyptian tablet. In the bas-
relief of the procession of the gods, it is not im-
possible that the object in the hand of the sitting
figure, which has been defaced, may also have been
a serpent. An inquiry into the origin and nature
of this divinity, and of the emblems under which
she was represented, would lead to a digression
unsuited to the object and limits of these volumes.
We have proofs of the prevalence of her far-extend-
ing worship on the earliest monument with which
we are acquainted; a female winged figure, partly
* Selden (de Dîs Syriis, cap.i. p. 123.) has collected the authorities
on the Semitic Baal or Bel, connecting him with the Zeus of the Greeks,
the Jupiter of the Romans, and Apollo and the Sun.
† Plutarch (in Vit. Crass.) and Julius Firmicus Maternus (de Errore
Prof. Relig. iv. p. 12. ed. Münter) identify Hera with the Assyrian Venus.
See p. 212.
+
CHAP. VII.]
455
WORSHIP OF VENUS.
naked, and undoubtedly representing the divinity
presiding over generation, being, as I have already
mentioned*, introduced into the embroideries of
robes in the most ancient palace at Nimroud. But,
whilst there can be no question as to the nature of
this figure, it is remarkable that in no part of the
ruins have any traces been discovered of that pecu-
liar emblem which frequently occurs on cylinders of
Assyria, and which was typical of the worship of
Venus amongst most Asiatic nations. Indeed, the
absence of unseemly symbols on the Assyrian monu-
ments is worthy of remark, and shows a considerable
purity of taste and feeling: even the two figures to
which I have alluded would escape notice except on a
minute examination. That the worship of the gene-
rative principle, even under its most degrading forms,
did exist, can scarcely be doubted. Tradition has
traced its introduction to Semiramis- that is, to the
very earliest period. We have no evidence, however,
of the corruption of morals, which might naturally be
expected to accompany it; nor do the monuments
hitherto discovered present any proof of the existence
in Assyria, of that infamous law which, according
to Herodotus, marked the rites of the goddess at
Babylon.†
* See p. 213.
†The
† The 43d verse of the Epistle of Jeremy is a singular confirmation
of the existence of a practice which, notwithstanding the charges of cre-
dulity frequently brought against Herodotus for relating it, appears un-
doubtedly to have prevailed at Babylon. Similar practices amongst certain
tribes still inhabiting the East is a further corroboration. We find that
it prevailed amongst several nations of Asia Minor of Semitic descent,
such as the Lydians and Cappadocians, and also amongst the Armenians,
G G 4
456
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. VII.
She was "the Queen of Heaven," frequently al-
luded to in the sacred volumes.* Diodorus mentions
the vases which were placed on tables before the
divinities in the Babylonian temple; the prophet de-
scribes the drink offerings to her; and in the sculp-
tures, the king is constantly represented with a cup
in one hand, in the act of performing some religious
ceremony. The planet, which bore her name, was
sacred to her; and in the Assyrian sculptures, a
star is placed upon her head. She was called Beltis,
because she was the female form of the great divinity,
or Baal; the two, there is reason to conjecture,
having been originally but one, and androgyne.† Her
worship penetrated from Assyria into Asia Minor,
where its Assyrian origin was recognised. In the
rock-tablets of Pterium she is represented, as in
those of Assyria, standing erect on a lion §, and
crowned with a tower, or mural coronet; which, we
learn from Lucian, was peculiar to the Semitic figure
of the goddess.|| This may have been a modification
who evidently owed its introduction to the Assyrians. (Herod. i. 199.;
Strabo, xi. 16. and xii. 36.)
* Jeremiah, vii. 18., xliv. 17., &c.
† Hesychius, voce Birns; Megasthenes, apud Abydenum; Euseb.
Præpar. Evang. ix. 41.; Plut. in Vitâ Crassi. The Persian Mithra was
also originally androgyne.
+ For the worship of Anaitis, or the Assyrian Venus, in Armenia, we
have the authority of Straho, Geog. 1. xi.; Pliny, Hist. Nat. 1. iv. c. 20. ;
Dion Cassius, 1. xxxvi. c. 32—36. A district of that country was called
the Anaitic region.
§ Texier, Description de l'Asie Mineure, vol. i. part i. pl. 78.
In the Syrian temple of Hierapolis she was represented standing on
a lion, crowned with a tower, and having a cestus or zone round her waist
(De Dea Syria, 31, 32.) Mylitta (Astarta), with her feet on the lion, is
also mentioned, Macrob. Saturn. i. 23. May she be connected with the
To face page 456. Vol. II.

།།
HERA, OR THE ASSYRIAN VENUS. (From a Rock Tablet near the ancient Pterium.i
CHAP. VII.]
457
RHEA.
of the high cap of the Assyrian bas-reliefs. To the
Shemites she was known under the names of As-
tarte*, Ashtaroth, Mylitta, and Alitta, according to
the various dialects of the nations amongst which her
worship prevailed.
The goddess Rhea, with her lions and serpents, as
described by Diodorus, may perhaps be identified
both in the rock-sculptures of Malthaiyah, and in the
bas-relief from Nimroud. In these sculptures she
is seen, like Astarte and other divinities, with a star
upon her head. This shows a connection with some
system in which the heavenly bodies formed a prin-
cipal feature; but the representation in a human form
"El Maozem," the deity presiding over bulwarks and fortresses, the "god
of forces," of Daniel, xi. 38. ?
(6
* It has been conjectured that this name was derived from the word
star" in the primitive Indo-European languages, from whence, it is
well known, came the Persian name of Satara, the daughter of Darius,
and that of the biblical Esther. David Kimchi, a Hebrew commentator,
connects the name of Ashtaroth with a word signifying an egg, a curious
coincidence with the tradition of Aphrodite and Semiramis. (Selden, De
Dîs Syriis, c.2.) In a fragment of Sanchoniathon, Astarte, travelling
about the habitable world, is said to have found a star falling through the
air, which she took up, and consecrated in the holy island Tyre; hence
the Phoenicians said that Astarte was Aphrodite. (Cory's Fragments.)
According to a tradition resembling the Orphic legends, Aphrodite was
born of an egg, which fell out of heaven into the Euphrates, and was
incubated by two pigeons. (Hygin. fab. 197., Schol. ad Geron. 233.)
Also Ampelius (1. 2.) says—“ Dicitur et in Euphrate fluvio ovum piscis
in ora fluminis columbas assedisse dies plurimos, et exclusisse deam be-
nignam et misericordiam hominibus ad bonam vitam:"-connecting the
fables of Semiramis and Derceto.
†This divinity was probably the Opоpwкa or Oμоρкa of Вerosus (apud
Alex. Polyhistor; Euseb. Chron. 1. i. c. 11.), the Thalath (Oάλa70) of the
Chaldees. She was particularly honoured by the Trojans and Phrygians,
who may have received her worship from the Assyrians. (Strabo, l. x.)
This custom of placing the figure of a star upon the heads of idols
is probably alluded to by the prophet. "The star of your god, which ye
made to yourselves." (Amos, v. 26.)
+
458
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
of the celestial bodies, themselves originally but a
type, was a corruption which appears to have crept
at a later period into the mythology of Assyria; for
in the more ancient bas-reliefs figures with caps sur-
mounted by stars do not occur, and the sun, moon,
and planets stand alone.
On the earliest Assyrian monuments, one of the
most prominent sacred types is the eagle-headed, or
vulture-headed, human figure.* Not only is it found
in colossal proportions on the walls, or guarding the
portals of the chambers, but it is also constantly
represented amongst the groups on the embroidered
robes. When thus introduced, it is generally seen
contending with other mythic animals, such as the
human-headed lion or bull; and in these contests it
appears to be always the conqueror. † It may, hence,
be inferred that it was a type of the supreme deity,
or of one of his principal attributes. A fragment of
the Zoroastrian oracles preserved by Eusebius, declares
that "God is he that has the head of a hawk. He
is the first, indestructible, eternal, unbegotten, indi-
visible, dissimilar; the dispenser of all good; incor-
ruptible; the best of the good, the wisest of the wise:
he is the father of equity and justice, self-taught, phy-
sical and perfect, and wise, and the only inventor of
the sacred philosophy." This figure may also be
*
* See woodcut facing p. 26. Vol. I.
† Numerous instances will be found in my "Monuments of Nineveh."
It is possible that these various forms represent different attributes of one
and the same deity, and that the victory of the eagle-headed figure over
the lion, or bull, may denote the superiority of intellect over mere phy-
sical strength.
Eusebius, Præp. Evang. lib. i. c. 10.; Cory's Fragments, p. 239.
CHAP. VII.]
459
NISROCH.
identified with the god Nisroch*, in whose temple
Sennacherib was slain by his sons; for the word Nisr
signifies, in all the Semitic languages, an eagle.†
Sometimes the head of this bird is added to the
body of a lion. Under this form of the Egyptian
hieraco-sphinx it is the victor in combats with other
symbolical figures, and is frequently represented as
striking down a gazelle or wild goat
It also closely
resembles the gryphon of
the Greek mythology,
avowedly an eastern sym-
bol, and connected with
Apollo, or with the sun, of
which the Assyrian form
may have been an emblem.
It may now be inferred,
that the Greeks derived

Gryphon. (N. W. palace, Nimroud)
their mythical figure from the Assyrians. ‡
* 2 Kings, xix. 37. Josephus (Antiq. Jud. 1. x. c. 1.) calls this image
Arascus; Isaiah. Asarak; the Septuagint, Mεoopáx.
†The form of this deity was conjectured to be that of an eagle, long
before the discovery of the Assyrian sculpture. (And. Beyeri ad Joh.
Seldeni de Dîs Syriis Syntag. addit. p. 325.)
+
Apollo himself was called Gryphenias. I hesitate to attempt, at
present, the identification, with the images of the Assyrian sculptures, of
any other of the Assyrian deities mentioned in the Bible—such as Nebo
and Merodach, who, from their frequent introduction into the names of
monarchs, appear to hold a high rank in the Assyrian Pantheon, or to be
different appellations of the supreme deity; Sesach or Saah, whose festival
was celebrated at Babylon by a kind of Saturnalia, in which the order of
society, as at Rome, was for a period reversed; Succoth Benoth, some-
times identified with Astarte or Mylitta; Nergal, conjectured, according
to the presumed Semitic or Indo-European origin of the name, to have
reference to a fire-worship, or to that of the sun under the form of a
cock; and Adramelech and Anamalech, gods apparently of Assyrian origin.
Of Khiun, I have already spoken (p. 211.). Remphan does not occur in
460
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. VII.
The winged human-headed lions and bulls, those
magnificent forms which guarded the portals of the
Assyrian temples, next deserve notice. Not only are
they found as separate sculptures, but, like the eagle-
headed figures, are constantly introduced into the
groups embroidered on the robes. It is worthy of
observation that, whenever they are represented,
either in contest with the man, or with the eagle-
headed figure, they appear to be vanquished. Such
is also the case on cylinders. Frequently a human
figure is seen suspending them in the air by the hind
legs, or striking them with a mace. I have already
ventured to suggest the idea which these singular
forms were intended to convey-the union of the
greatest intellectual and physical powers; but cer-
tainly their position with reference to other symbolical
figures, would point to an inferiority in the celestial
hierarchy. Although the andro-sphinx of the Egyp-
tians was the type of the monarch, we can scarcely
believe it to have been so amongst the Assyrians;
for in the sculptures we find even the eagle-headed
figure, the vanquisher of the human-headed lion and
bull, ministering to the king. Whether the sphinx
originated with the Assyrians, or with the Egyp-
tians, may now become a question of some interest.
It may not, perhaps, be out of place to remark that
it was first introduced into Egypt in the time of
the Assyrian sculptures in his Egyptian form, unless the Priapean figure
on the vase discovered at Nimroud (Vol. I. p. 128.) has reference to his
worship. As to all the Assyrian and Syrian deities, see Selden, de Dîs
Syriis.
CHAP. VII.]
461
EMBLEMATICAL FIGURES.
the eighteenth dynasty; when so many Assyrian
peculiarities suddenly appear on Egyptian monu-
ments, that we are involuntarily led to infer some
close and intimate connection between the two coun-
tries.* The sphinx, as an architectural ornament,
occupies nearly the same position in the edifices of
Assyria and Egypt, being placed at the entrances
to temples and palaces.
The winged bull with the human head is evidently
a pure Assyrian type. Its position in the religious
system seems to be identical with that of the andro-
sphinx; and in the mythic groups, as well as in archi-
tecture, they both occupy the same place. Power was
probably typified indiscriminately by the body of the
lion and the bull.
Various other emblematical forms and types are
found in the Assyrian sculp-

tures
such as the winged
horse, so closely resembling the
Pegasus of the Greeks, that we
can scarcely doubt the identity†,
the wild goat, the ostrich, the
dragon with the eagle's head,
and the human figure with the
head of a lion.
Winsed Eorse.
(N. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
* Mr. Birch (on the Nimroud Ivories) mentions that Thothmes III. is
represented as a winged sphinx on a scarabæus in the British Museum;
and it would appear that this is the first appearance of the sphinx as an
Egyptian type. He also alludes to a painting of the Queen Mu-t-shem-t
of the twentieth dynasty as a winged sphinx.
† Note, in connection with this winged horse, the Assyrian origin of
Perseus, see p. 443.
462
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Eagle-headed Figure. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
To all these images some mythic meaning was un-
doubtedly attached.* They were emblematical, repre-
* The Iynges, or sacred birds, belonged to the Babylonian, and pro-
bably to the Assyrian religion. They were a kind of demons, who exer-

25
Warriors carrying a Bird. (Centre Palace, Nimroud.)
CHAP. VII.]
463
EMBLEMATICAL FIGURES.

Lion-headed Figure. (S. W. Palace, Nimroud.)
senting either the attributes of the Deity, or certain
physical phenomena in nature. But I cannot venture,
cised a peculiar influence over mankind, resembling the ferouher of the
Zoroastrian system. (Ignasius, de Insomn. p. 134. ed. Patav. Schol. Ni-
ceph.) The oracles attributed to Zoroaster describe them as powers
animated by God.
Νοούμεναι ἴϋγγες πατρόθεν νοέουσι καὶ αὐταί·
Βουλαῖς ἀφθέγκτοισι κινούμεναι ὥστε νοῆσαι.
(The intelligible Iynges themselves understand from the Father ;
By ineffable counsels being moved so as to understand.)
(Zoroaster Oracul. Magn. ad Calcem Oracul. Sybill. Ed. Gall. p. 80., and
Cory's Fragments, p. 250.) Their images made of gold were in the palace
of the king of Babylon, according to Philostratus. (Lib. i. c. 25. and lib.
vi. c. 2.) They were connected with magic. (Selden, de Dîs Syriis, p.39.)
It is possible that the bird borne by warriors, in a bas-relief from the
ruins of the centre palace, may represent the Iynges. This figure may,
however, resemble the golden eagle carried before the Persian mon-
archs. (Xenophon, Cyrop. 1. vii.; Anab. I. ix.; Quintus Curtius, 1. iii.
c. 3.)
464
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
at present, to conjecture the signification of any of
them; nor am I able to determine the character of the
winged human figures which so frequently occur on
the walls of Assyrian buildings. They may be the
representations of presiding deities, or genii; or of
priests who, during the celebration of sacred cere-
monies, assumed that which was believed to be the
outward form of the divinities. In two instances
they were portrayed as females. Sometimes they bear
animals or plants, either for sacrifice or as types. As
they are frequently seen in an act of adoration before
the king (whom they generally accompany), or before
the mystic tree, their divine character may be ques-
tioned. They may perhaps be identified with the
good spirits, or Amshaspands, of the later Persian
theology.
The resemblance between the symbolical figures I
have described, and those seen by Ezekiel in his vision,
can scarcely fail to strike the reader. As the prophet
had beheld the Assyrian palaces, with their mysterious
images and gorgeous decorations, it is highly proba-
ble that, when seeking to typify certain divine attri-
butes, and to describe the divine glory, he chose forms
that were not only familiar to him, but to the people
whom he addressed-captives like himself in the land
of Assyria. Those who were uncorrupted by even
the outward forms of idolatry, sought for images to
convey the idea of the Supreme God. Ezekiel saw in
his vision the likeness of four living creatures, which
had four faces, four wings, and the hands of a man
under their wings on their four sides. Their faces
CHAP. VII.]
465
EMBLEMATICAL FIGURES.
were those of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. By
them was a wheel, the appearance of which "was as
it were a wheel in the middle of a wheel."* It will
be observed that the four forms chosen by Ezekiel to
illustrate his description-the man, the lion, the bull,
and the eagle, -are precisely those which are con-
stantly found on Assyrian monuments as religious
types. The "wheel within wheel," mentioned in
connection with the emblematical figures, may refer
to the winged circle, or wheel, representing at Nim-
roud the supreme deity.† These coincidences are
too marked not to deserve notice; and do cer-
tainly lead to the inference, that the symbols chosen
by the prophet were derived from the Assyrian
sculptures.‡
The symbolical figures of the Assyrians, as we
might expect from the evident identity of the two
nations, were placed, at a very early period, in the
sacred edifices of the Babylonians. In the temple of
Belus, according to Berosus §, there were sculptured
representations of men with two wings, and others
with four, some having two faces, others the legs and
horns of goats, or the hoofs of horses; there were
bulls also with the heads of men, and horses with the
heads of dogs. ||
* Ezekiel, i. 16.
† See woodcuts, page 448.
The lion with the wings of an eagle is also introduced as a type of
strength and power by the prophets, who were intimate with the contents
of the Assyrian and Babylonian temples. Compare Daniel, vii. 4.
§ Apud Euseb. ed. Aucher, vol. i. p. 23.
"Behold every form of creeping things, and abominable beasts, and
all the idols of the house of Israel, pourtrayed upon the walls round
about." (Ezekiel, viii. 10.)
VOL. II.
H H
466
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
I must not omit to allude to the tradition pre-
served by Berosus, which appears to attribute to a
foreign nation, arriving by sea, the introduction, at
some remote period, of civilisation and certain arts
into Babylonia. According to the historian, there
appeared out of the Erythræan, or Persian Gulf, an
animal endowed with reason, called Oannes. Its body
was like that of a fish; but under the head of the
fish was that of a man, and added to its tail were
women's feet. Its voice, too, was human, and it spoke
an articulate language. During the day it instructed
the Chaldæans in letters and in all arts and sciences,
teaching them to build temples; but at night it
plunged again into the sea. Five such monsters ap-
peared at different epochs in Babylonia, and were
called "Annedoti." * The first was named the
Musarus Oannes, and the last Odacon. Their im-
ages, he adds, were preserved in Chaldæa even to
his day. †
In a bas-relief from Khorsabad
representing a naval engagement,
or the siege of a city on the sea-
coast, we have the god nearly as
described by Berosus. To the body
of a man as far as the waist, is
joined the tail of a fish.

* i. e. 66
The
coming out of," or "proceeding from."
The Fish-God. (Khorsabad.)
† This fragment of Berosus is preserved by Apollodorus. (See Cory's
Fragments, p. 30.) Such may have been the dragon of the Apocryphal
book of Bel and the Dragon.
CHAP. VII.]
467
FIRE-WORSHIP.
three-horned cap, surmounted by the flower in the
form of a fleur-de-lis, as worn by the winged figures
of the bas-reliefs, marks the sacred character. The
right hand is raised as in the representations of the
winged deity in the circle. This figure is in the sea
amongst fish and marine animals.*
On Assyrian cylinders and gems,
the same symbolical figure is very
frequently found, even more closely
resembling in its form the de-
scription of Berosus.†

الہام
It may be inferred that the
worship of fire, a corruption of
Sabæanism, originated, or gene-
rally prevailed in Assyria, about
the time of the building of the An
Khorsabad and Kouyunjik edifices. There are no
traces of it on earlier known monuments. From the
Altar, resembling that of the
Sassanian coins. (Khorsabad,)
* This fish-worship extended to Syria, and appears to have been more
prevalent in that country than in Assyria. The Dagon of the Philistines
of Ashdod, evidently resembled the figure on the Assyrian sculptures
and cylinders. When it fell before the ark, "the head and both the
palms of his hands were cut off upon the threshold; only the fishy part of
Dagon was left to him." (1 Samuel, v. 4. See the marginal reading,
which is to be preferred to our version.) The same idol is mentioned in
Judges, xvi. The meaning of the word in Hebrew is " a fish." Although
this image, like that of the Assyrians, appears to have been originally
male; at a later period, it became female in Syria, as we learn from
Lucian (de Deâ Syriâ), and Diodorus Siculus, who describes the idol at
Ascalon with the face of a woman and body of a fish. (Lib. ii.) An
icthyolatry, connected with Derceto or Atergates, was perhaps confounded
with the worship of Dagon. See the authorities on the subject collected
in Selden, de Dîs Syris, c. 3. de Dagone.
Numerous instances are given in Lajard's large work on the Wor-
ship of Venus.
HH 2
468
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
forms of the altars in the sculptures, and from the
symbols accompanying them, we may conjecture that
the Persians adopted, not only their system, but their
ceremonies, almost entirely from the Assyrians.* A
fire-altar in the shape of that seen on Persian coins,
even as late as the time of the Sassanian dynasty, was
represented in a bas-relief at Khorsabad.
In a sculpture from the same ruins two eunuchs
are seen standing before an
altar, performing some re-
ligious ceremony. They
bear the square basket,
or utensil, carried by the
winged figures of the older
bas-reliefs. That the cone
on the high stand, or altar,
represents fire, appears to be shown by its having
been painted red.

Fire Altar. (Khorsabad.)
From the ruins of Kouyunjik we have a still more
curious representation of similar ceremonies. Two
eunuchs are standing before an altar upon which is
the sacred fire. Two serpents appear to be attached
to poles, and a bearded figure is leading a wild goat
to the sacrifice.†
On cylinders, evidently of the same period, the em-
*This identity between the religious systems of the Assyrians and
Persians, affords as good an argument in favour of the Assyrian, as the
Persian, origin of several of the nations of Asia Minor, -the Cappa-
docians, for instance.
† On a very ancient bas-relief accompanied by a cuneiform inscription
discovered by me in Susiana, a similar figure is seen leading a wild goat
to an altar.
CHAP. VII.]
469
FIRE-WORSHIP.

Fire Altar and Sacrifice. (Kouyunjik.)
blems and ceremonies of the Assyrian fire worship so
closely resemble those afterwards in use amongst the
Persians, that, until the discovery of the Kouyunjik
sculptures, I was inclined to attribute these relics
to a time long posterior to the fall of the Assyrian
empire.
Amongst the ruins of Khorsabad were discovered
two circular altars, which are so much like the Greek
tripod, that they may be cited as an additional proof
of the Assyrian origin of many forms and religious
types, afterwards prevalent in Asia Minor and Grecce.
The altar is supported by three lions' paws. Round
the upper part is an inscription, in cuneiform cha-
racters, containing the name of the Khorsabad king.*
* One of these altars is now in the Louvre.
HH 3
470
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.

Հա
Altar, or Tripod (From Khorsabad)
The presence of eunuchs at religious ceremonies,
not only as assistants, but apparently as principal
actors, is worthy of observation. In the symbolical
groups embroidered on robes, the eunuch is even
frequently seen invested with outward attributes of
a sacred character. It is possible that youths are
meant; or that the priests, forming an exception to
the general rule, shaved their beards. However, as
far as I can judge, the Assyrians never portrayed a
male figure without a beard; and the attendants, or
priests, at the fire-altars cannot be distinguished,
either by their features or their dress, from the
eunuchs of the bas-reliefs. That the Babylonians had
an order of priesthood not only resembling the Magi
of the Persians, but even bearing the same name,
we learn from the title of one of the principal officers
of Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon.* He was
* Jeremiah, xxxix. 3.
CHAP. VII.]
471
SACRED EMBLEMS.
the Rab Mag, or chief of the magians; another proof
of the Assyrian origin of the Persian system.
The sacred emblems carried by the priests, are
principally the fruit, or cone, of the pine, various
flowers with three or five blossoms, and the square
utensil; which, as I have already remarked, appears
to have been of embossed or engraved metal, or of
metal carved to represent wicker-work, or sometimes
actually of wicker-work. M. Lajard, in an elaborate
essay, has shown the connection between the cone
of the cypress, and the worship of Venus in the
religious systems of the East*; but I hesitate to
identify the object held by the winged figures of the
Assyrian monuments, with the fruit of that tree, or
to assign any emblematical meaning to its shape. It
has been suggested that, from its inflammable nature,
the fir-cone being an apt emblem of fire, whilst the
square vessel held the holy water, the two were in-
troduced into sculptures as typical of the sacred ele-
ments. However this may be, it is evident from
their constant occurrence on Assyrian monuments,
that they were very important objects in religious
ceremonies. Any attempt to explain their use, or
their typical meaning, can, at present, be little better
than an ingenious speculation.
The flowers on the earlier monuments are either
* Nouvelles Annales de l'Institut Archéologique, vol. xix.
† It will be remembered that Bacchus brought his thyrsus, surmounted
by the pine or fir cone, from the East, when he returned from his Indian
expedition. The fan too, so frequently seen in the Assyrian sculptures,
was introduced in the ceremonies connected with his worship and became
a sacred emblem. I am inclined to assign an Assyrian origin to both.
HH 4
472
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS. [CHAP. VII.
circular with five or more petals, or resemble the
Greek honeysuckle.* From the constant introduction
of the tree ornamented with them, into groups repre-
senting the performance of religious ceremonies, there
cannot be a doubt that they were symbolical and were
invested with a sacred character. The sacred tree,
or tree of life, so universally recognised in Eastern
systems of theology, is called to mind, and we are
naturally led to refer the traditions connected with it
to a common origin. On the later Assyrian monu-
ments, as it has already been observed, the lotus fre-
quently takes the place of the honeysuckle, both as
a sacred emblem carried by the winged figures, and
as an ornament in architecture and in embroideries.
I have attributed this change to a close connection
with Egypt.
When the king is represented in the sculptures as
engaged in the performance of some religious cere-
mony before the sacred tree, or beneath the image
of the deity, he appears to be peculiarly attired. His
waist is encircled by a kind of knotted zone, the
ends of which fall down almost to his feet. Such
was probably the girdle with which the Persian dis-
* See woodcuts, page 294.
We have the tree of life of Genesis, and the sacred tree of the Hindhus,
with its accompanying figures—a group almost identical with the illus-
trations of the fall in our old Bibles. The Zoroastrian Homa, or sacred
tree, was preserved by the Persians, almost as represented on the Assyrian
monuments until the Arab invasion. M. Lajard (Recherches sur la Culte
du Cyprès, in the Nouvelles Annales de l'Institut Archéologique, vol. xix.)
has collected all the authorities on the probable connection of this object
with the worship of Venus, and of its introduction from Assyria into
Asia Minor, Persia, and central Asia on one side, and into Arabia on the
other.
CHAP. VII.]
473
INFLUENCE OF RELIGION.
ciples of Zoroaster were invested on their initiation.
He holds in one hand a mace, formed by a handle
terminating in a globe or disk. A similar object is
frequently carried by winged-figures. It is some-
times replaced by a kind of bident, which appears to
be connected by a wavy line with the figure of the
divinity above.* Suspended round the king's neck
are the sacred emblems, the sun, moon, star, horned
cap, and trident.†
The intimate connection between the public and
private life of the Assyrians and their religion, is
abundantly proved by the sculptures described in the
previous pages. As amongst most ancient Eastern
nations, not only all public and social duties, but even
the commonest forms and customs, appear to have
been more or less influenced by religion, or to have been
looked upon as typical. The residence of the king, as
I have observed, was probably at the same time the
temple‡, and that he himself was either supposed to be
invested with divine attributes, or was looked upon as
a type of the Supreme Deity, is shown by the sculp-
tures. The winged figures, even that with the head
of the eagle, minister to him. All his acts, whether in
* Representations of these objects will be found in my "Monuments
of Nineveh." Plate 39.
† See woodcut, page 446.
The scholiast on the Periegesis of Dionysius already quoted (note,
p. 264.), observes, with reference to the dedication of a great house
to Belus by Semiramis, "She dedicated upon the Acropolis a great
house to Belus, that is to the king (for this Belus is Jupiter or the son of
Jupiter, the king according to the Jews); instead of saying she dedicated
or founded a great temple, and beautified and decorated it with gold and
silver and ivory; for the expression placed and prepared a palace is
convenable to a king."
474
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
war or peace, appear to have been connected with the
national religion, and were believed to be under the
special protection and superintendence of the deity.
When he is represented in battle, the winged figure
in the circle hovers above his head, bends the bow
against his enemies, or assumes his attitude of
triumph. His contests with the lion and other for-
midable animals, not only show his prowess and skill,
but typify, at the same time, his superior strength
and wisdom. Whether he has overcome his enemies
or the wild beasts, he pours out a libation from the
sacred cup, attended by his courtiers, and by the
winged figures. The embroideries upon his robes,
and upon those of his attendants, have all mythic
meanings. Even his weapons, bracelets, and armlets
are adorned with the forms of sacred animals, the lion,
bull, or duck. In architectural decorations, the same
religious influence is evident. The fir, or pine cone,
and the honeysuckle, are constantly repeated. They
form friezes, the capitals of columns, and the fringes
of hangings. Chairs, tables, and couches, are
adorned with the heads and feet of the bull, the lion,
and the ram, all sacred animals. † Even on chariots
*
*Note the Ionic form of the capital of the Assyrian pillars already
alluded to (p. 274.), and the sacred character of the Greek Ionic column,
which was exclusively used for funereal purposes. A column of this
order stands alone in the centre of the pediment of a tomb at Telmissus.
†The bull has always held a prominent place in the religious systems
of Asia. The sacred bull of the Assyrians, the Apis of the Egyptians, and
the bull Nandi of the Hindhus are evidently identical types. The golden
calf of the Israelites will not be forgotten, and for the use of the figure of
the bull as a sacred ornament by the Jews, the brazen sea in the temple
of Solomon may be cited. (1 Kings, vii. 25.; 2 Chron. iv. 4, 5; and Jere-
CHAP. VII.]
475
MODE OF BURIAL.
and on the trappings of horses, the Assyrians intro-
duced their religious emblems. This singular con-
nection between religion and the duties and events of
life, whether public or private, so remarkably il-
lustrated by the monuments of the Assyrians and
Egyptians, and by the Jewish law, is well worthy of
philosophical inquiry. But the subject does not enter
into the scope of these volumes.
It only remains for me to say a few words on the
mode of burial of the Assyrians. As no tombs which
can with certainty be attributed to that people, have
yet been discovered, we may conjecture,
the ana-
logies between the two nations being in other respects
so evident, that the funereal ceremonies of the As-
syrians resembled those of the Persians. The body
may have been enclosed in a coffin filled with honey,
wax, or oil; a supposition which may be confirmed
by the anecdote of the opening of the tomb of Belus,
related by Ælian.* Traditions have been preserved
relating to the tombs of the two most celebrated
Assyrian kings- Ninus and Sardanapalus; but they
are so confused and vague, that even the precise
place of sepulture of those monarchs cannot be de-
miah, lii. 20.) That in Assyria Baal, or the Supreme Deity, was wor-
shipped under the form of a bull or heifer may be inferred from Tobit,
i. 5. "Now all the tribes which together revolted, and the house of my
father Naphthali sacrificed unto the heifer Baal;" but the reading is
doubtful.
*See note, p. 220. Rich discovered a skeleton in a square wooden box
or coffin amongst the ruins of Babylon. Under the head was a round
pebble, on the outside of the coffin a brass bird, and in the inside an orna-
ment of the same material, which had probably been suspended to some
part of the corpse. But from the position of the coffin, it is doubtful
whether it was of the pure Babylonian epoch.
476
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
termined. According to some the tomb of Ninus was
at Babylon, where, it will be remembered, Ovid
places the "Busta Nini"; according to others, at
Nineveh. Ctesias relates that when her husband died,
Semiramis buried his body in the palace, and raised
over it a huge tumulus or pyramid of earth, which
was visible from afar, and was still standing after
the destruction of the city and the fall of the em-
pire.*
From the ambiguous expression of the Greek
author it might be inferred, that the palace itself
was actually buried. The extraordinary preserva-
tion of the sculptures at Nimroud, and the existence
of the pyramid, almost induced me at one time to
believe that the building had been purposely co-
vered up; and that the part of the mound enclosing
the north-west edifice was actually the monument de-
scribed by Ctesias. Nor can this conjecture be rejected
on account of its mere absurdity, when we remember
the extraordinary works of those ancient nations
which more or less resembled the Assyrians in their
customs, and in their political condition. An ancient
tradition declares that Ninus neither died, nor was
buried, in Assyria; but that, having been dethroned
by Semiramis, he fled into Crete. † Semiramis herself
is said by some to have been changed into a dove,
* Diod. Sic. 1. ii. Although Ctesias, as usual, has placed Nineveh on
the Euphrates, the destruction of the city by the Medes identifies it with
the city on the Tigris, and, at the same time, may connect the tumulus
he describes with the Nimroud mound.
† Moses Chor. c. xiv. Quippe vir ejus (Semiramis) Ninus, non ut
fertur, mortuus in Nineves regiâ ab ea sepultus erat, sed ubi impudicitiam
ejus ac mores flagitiosos perspecit, relicto regno, in Cretam confugit.
CHAF. VII.]
477
SARDANAPALUS.
and to have been honoured with an apotheosis; whilst
according to others she burnt herself at Babylon, on
account of the death of a favourite horse*, an in-
scription recording her conquests and great works
having been placed over her tomb there. †
9
The same doubt exists as to the burial-place of
Sardanapalus. Some have placed his tomb at An-
chiale, in Cilicia, where it was said to have been
seen by Alexander; others at Tarsus; others, again,
at Nineveh. According to Amynthus ‡, at the gate
of the Assyrian capital was a high artificial terrace
or tumulus, which was the tomb of the monarch, and
bore an inscription to that effect, in Chaldæan letters.
During the siege of Nineveh engines of war, brought
against the besieged, were placed upon it. But if
this were the tomb of the Sardanapalus of history,
who burnt himself, with his wealth and concubines,
and after whose death the Assyrian dynasty and capi-
tal were totally destroyed, it may be asked how it
could have been thus raised in the most conspicuous.
part of the city? It is most probable that the high
terrace described by Amynthus was the pyramid or
mound of Nimroud, and the tomb of a much earlier
monarch. The epitaph inscribed upon the tomb of
Sardanapalus-" Sardanapalus, the son of Anacyn-
daraxos, built Anchiale and Tarsus in one day: eat,
* Pliny, Hist. Nat. 1. viii. c. 42. "Semiramis in Babylonia equo amisso
in pyram se conjecit." Mr. Birch suggests to me that the true reading
may be "regno amisso."
† Polyænus (vii. c. 25.) gives the inscription, which, however, may be
looked upon as fabulous.
† Σταθμοί. 1, 3.
478
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
drink, and lust; the rest is nothing" has been
quoted for ages, and its authenticity is generally ad-
mitted. Yet some versions of the same inscription
would give a more favourable view of the character
of the monarch; although the sentiment, according
to those who pretended to have seen the monument,
was sufficiently illustrated by a statue, representing
the king snapping his fingers in contempt, or standing
in the attitude of a dancer. *
The manner of the death of Sardanapalus is no
less doubtful than the site of his tomb. The As-
syrian king, upon the funeral pile, surrounded by
* Various versions of this celebrated epitaph have been handed down
to us. Athenæus gives three (lib. viii.); one by the poet Cherillus, in seven
hexameter verses, from the works of Chrysippus; a second, by the poet
Phoenix, of Colophon, containing fourteen verses, with a preamble of
eleven; and a third from Amynthus, all in the same sense. Note that
Sardanapalus is called Ninus in one of these versions. According to
Clearchus, a disciple of Aristotle, the epitaph was merely "Sardanapalus,
the son of Anacyndaraxos, built the cities of Tarsus and Anchiale in one
day. He is now dead." Thus inferring the vanity of human power and
greatness. The concluding words in the text, which convey the con-
demnatory sentiment, were added. (Essai sur l'Histoire, &c. des Assyriens
de Ninive, by Freret, in the Mémoires of the Académie Royale des In-
scriptions, &c. from 1718 to 1725.) With regard to the form of the tomb
itself, as represented on the imperial coins of Anchiale, it may be pre-
sumed that it is merely conjectural, or that it was derived from an ancient
monument restored at a later period. Still there is something Assyrian
both in the design and in the figures placed upon it. It consisted of a
kind of pyramid, surmounted by an eagle, having in front an Assyrian
god, holding a cone, and trampling on a sphinx. Two winged figures
stood on the wall, or peribole, surrounding the pyramid. A massive ruin
of stone and brick-work-consisting of a square base, surrounded by a
wall of great thickness — in the midst of the modern town of Tarsus, has
been by some identified with the tomb of Sardanapalus. This ruin was
opened in one or two places some years ago by the French consul, but
without results of any interest. The whole appears to be a solid mass of
masonry, and was probably only the lower part of a monument, perhaps
originally cased with marble.
CHAP. VII.]
479
SARDANAPALUS.
*
his wives, his concubines, and his treasures of gold
and silver, gazing from the flaming heap on the
great city, once impregnable, and now to become
the prey of the conquering Mede, has long been a
favourite theme of the poet, the historian, and the
moralist. Some, however, pretend that the monarch,
driven from his throne, and the victim of luxury
and debauch, wandered into a distant part of his
former dominions, and died of premature old age.
Others, again, as it has been seen, place his tomb at
Anchiale, with an inscription only becoming one who
had died a monarch. Modern critics, at a loss to re-
concile these anomalies regarding Ninus, Semiramis,
and Sardanapalus, have been compelled to assume
that there were two or more monarchs of each name;
whose deeds and the period of whose existence have
been confounded by ancient historians. †
*Athenæus, lib. xii. And yet he gives, at the same time, a full
account of his death on the funeral pile, which was burning for fifteen
days every one, excepting an eunuch who was within the palace, be-
lieving that the king was offering up a great sacrifice.
† "Sardanapalus" may have been a title; or sardan, a title or name,
and pul, great; as frequently conjectured. Atossa bore the name of
Semiramis (Euseb. Chron.), and many of her works were attributed to
the earlier queen. The arguments of Bryant (Mythology, vol. ii. p.
100.) to prove that the name of Semiramis attached to a tribe or nation,
typified, according to a very common Eastern custom, by an individual,
are ingenious. A Semiramis of history was invested with a semi-sacred
character. She was the daughter of a Syrian goddess, half fish, and a
young man of the country. Being exposed at her birth, she was brought
up by birds, and was ultimately transformed into a dove. From her
mother, the Syrians worshipped the fish, and from her own apotheosis the
dove became a sacred symbol amongst the Assyrians; whilst her name
was supposed to denote that bird. Fabulous and legendary as these
accounts are, they appear to have had an origin in Assyrian rites only
understood by the initiated, and whose mythic meaning had perished alto-
480
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
But if an impenetrable mystery surrounds the lives
of kings who were connected with the greatest revolu-
tions and political changes in Asia, how can we hope
to determine the precise mode and place of their
burial? If this obscurity hangs over the deeds of
the three greatest characters in Assyrian history,
how fruitless would be an endeavour to frame a
narrative of any minor events, from the materials
hitherto accessible ! Although the ancients were
unable to discover the records of more than thirty
generations of kings, we cannot concur in their
sweeping assertion that the lives of those monarchs
were passed in inglorious sloth, and that their reigns
were ummarked by a single achievement worthy of
notice. These writers contradict themselves when
they speak of the Assyrian power as extending from
India to the Hellespont, and the name of Assyria as
applying to a region stretching from the confines
of Pontus to the borders of Egypt. History may
gether before they were described. The dove appears to have been an
Assyrian emblem. Yet we have no representation of it in the sculptures,
unless it be the bird carried by the warriors, which I have been inclined
to identify with the Iynges. (Note, p. 462.) Mr. Birch has pointed out,
in his Memoir on the Nimroud Cartouches (p. 160.), the coincidence of
the name of the first husband of Semiramis, Onnes, with that of the Chal-
dæan sea god Oannes. The legendary accounts of the queen go far to
connect her with Astarte and Venus. A scholiast, on the Periegesis of
Dionysius, makes her the same as the goddess Artemis or Despoina.
Note also the Assyrian and Syrian origin of Adonis, and the legends
connected with him. The authorities on the worship of Astarte and
Derceto are collected by Selden (de Dîs Syris, c. 3.). With regard to
the historical Semiramis, the confusion as to the time of her existence,
her deeds, and her connection with Ninus, is equally inexplicable. She is
declared to be the wife, daughter, and even the mother, or step-mother,
of that monarch. (Cramer, Anecdota Græca, vol. ii. p. 170.)
CHAP. VII.]
481
CONCLUSION.
have failed to chronicle the deeds of a nation which
could maintain its sway over the largest portion of
the then civilised world, and traditions, in which
their remembrance was preserved, may have perished
before history was ready to receive them; but the
records of the people themselves have remained,
and are now before us. From them we may hope
to fill up a part of a great blank in the history
of the world. The attempt to do so cannot be al-
together uninteresting or unimportant. It is of
Assyria we treat, a name familiar to us as the seat
of the earliest settlements of the human race, and as
the birthplace of the first patriarchs. How far the
civilisation and worship of its inhabitants may have
affected a religious system, which still maintains an
influence over nearly one half of the human race, we
are not yet, probably, fully aware; nor could I, at
present, venture to inquire. A more palpable in-
fluence exercised over Asia Minor, and even Greece,
has been casually, though imperfectly, pointed out
in these volumes.* I might further enlarge on the
diffusion of the arts and religion of the Assyrians,
either directly or through their allies, over the dis-
tant regions of Egypt and Libya. Engaging theories,
not devoid of plausibility, might be advanced; and at
any rate an extended and impartial inquiry might
convince us, that the influence of Assyria was more
extensive than a mere superficial examination might
lead us to suspect. But such subjects are at pre-
"In the time of the twelve patriarchs was Hesiod, who translated
Assyrian writings into Greek." (Anecd. Græca, Cramer, vol. ii. p. 389.)
VOL. II.
I I
482
[CHAP. VII.
NINEVEH AND ITS REMAINS.
sent out of my province. I shall be well satisfied,
and my literary labours, as well as those of a more
active nature, will be amply rewarded, if I have
succeeded in an attempt to add a page to the history
of mankind, by restoring a part of the lost annals
of Assyria.
INDEX.
A.
Abd- Allah, sultan, tomb of, i. 28. ; ii. 104.
Abďrubbou, sheikh of the Jebours, i.
73.; ii. 47.
Abd-ul- Summit Bey, i. 167. 170.
Abd-ur-rahman, sheikh of the Abou
Salman, i. 56. 117. 120. ii. 84.
Abou Salman Arabs, encampment of,
i. 56.
;
Abou-Maria, village of, i. 312.
Abraham and Nimrod, story of, i. 24.
His migration from Assyria, ii. 222.
Language spoken by, 237,
Abulfeda mentions Athur, or Nimroud,
ii. 245. note.
Abydenus, his list of Assyrian kings,
ii. 231.
Acacius, archbishop of Seleucia, pro-
fesses Nestorianism, i. 242.
Agron, king of Lydia, the son of Ninus,
ii. 227. note.
Ahasuerus, feast of, ii. 300. note.
Ahmed Pasha, his name on slab at Nim-
roud, i. 28.
Ain Sifni, village of, i. 151.
Ainsworth, Dr., visit to Kalah Sherghat,
ii. 55. Measurement of ruins, 63.
Alabaster, Tablets of, i. 115. Vases of,
discovered, 342. Used in buildings,
ii. 254. 313.
Albanians, a chief of, i. 161. 163.
Al Hather, visit to ruins of, i. 82. 109.
Ali Bey, a chief of the Yezidis, i. 275.
Ali Effendi, a gentleman of Mosul, i.
83.
Alkosh, village of, i. 232. Tomb of
Nahum at, 233.
A Mamoun, the Caliph, protects Chal-
dæans, i. 249.
Altars before sculpture at Nimroud,
i. 134. In the ruins of Khorsabad,
149. Assyrian, ii. 467. The tripod,
470.
Amadiyah, the town of, i. 157. History
of, 160.
|
|
American missions to Chaldæans, i..
178. 267.
Amsha, the wife of Sofuk, i. 100.
Anchiale, tomb of Sardanapalus at, ii.
478. note.
Aneyza Arabs plunder village, ii. 106.
Animals embroidered on robes, ii. 321.
and note. Domestic of, Assyrians
425.
Antelope on obelisk, ii. 435.
Antimony found in Assyria, ii. 419.
Apenshai, district of, i. 198.
Apollo confounded with Belus, ii. 450.
note. Called Gryphenias, 459. note.
Arabs, family of, i. 22. Charms of Arab
life, 79. Repast of, 87. Beauty of
women, 101. Their dances, 119.
Astonishment of, on discovery of
sculptures, 137. Workmen, 331.
Women, 359. Mode of life, 361.
Protect the Chaldæans, 246. En-
campment of, ii. 53.
Arch known to Assyrians, i. 167.; ii.
260. Discovery of, 41.
Archers, Assyrian, their dress, ii. 537.
On horseback, 357.
Architecture, Assyrian, ii. 250. No re-
mains of exterior, 267.
Arech, celebrated for its looms, ii. 414.
note.
Aristotle, works of, translated by Chal-
dæans, i. 248.
Armenia, rock-tablets of, ii. 178.
Armenian historians, their Assyrian
chronology, i. Introd. xvii.
Introd. xvii. ; ii. 223.
note.
Armenian Palaces, origin of, ii. 262.
note.
Armour, Assyrian, discovered at Nim-
roud, i. 341. In sculptures, ii. 335.
Arms of king, ii. 323. Of warriors,
344.
Army, description of Persian, ii. 364.
Of Assyrian, 364.
Arrow-headed writing. See Cuneiform.
Arrows, Assyrian, ii. 341.
II 2
484
INDEX.
Artaxerxes, name on vase, ii. 161. note;
169. note. His present to Gortyna,
300. note.
Arts, highest perfection of, at earliest
period, ii. 157. 281. State of,
amongst Assyrians, 280.
Ashdod, name of, on Assyrian bas-relief,
ii. 397. note.
Asheetha, village of, i. 173. Church
at, 180.
Asia Minor, influence of Assyria on,
ii. 285. Assyrian descent of nations
of, 286. note.
Asoka, ornament on monument of, ii.
294.
Ass not represented on Assyrian mo-
numents, ii. 425.
Asses, wild, i. 324. and note.
Assyria, nature of ruins of, i. Introd.
xxi., i. 6. Writers on history of,
Introd. xvii. Ancient population of,
38. Origin of Christianity in, 241.
Fertility of, ii. 69. 421. Writing of,
164. 178. Antiquity of, 157. 221.
Language and race of inhabitants of,
236. Name of, on Egyptian monu-
ments, 405. 407. note.
Assyrian writing, progress in de-
ciphering, ii. 190. Date of destruction |
of Empire, 216.
|
Astarte, or Venus, her worship, ii. 211.
455. Origin of her name, and tra- |
dition relating to, 457. note.
Astronomy, science of, amongst the
Chaldees, ii. 444.
Astyages, his dress, ii. 322. note; 333.
note.
Athur, name of Assyrian deity, ii. 211.
Name in inscription, 228., and note,
229. Ruins of Nimroud so called,
ii. 245. and note.
Athenæus, his versions of the epitaph
on the tomb of Sardanapalus, ii. 478.
Aubnura, name in cartouche from Nim-
roud, ii. 209.
Auxiliaries, Assyrian, ii. 337. and note.
Awad, or Abd-Allah, an Arab Sheikh,
i. 23.
B.
Baadri, Yezidi, village of, i. 272.
Baal, the Assyrian deity, ii. 237. 450.
Baashiekhah, mound at, i. 33. Frag-
ments of sculpture discovered at, 52.
Period of ruins at, ii. 246.
Baazani, mound at, i. 33.
Babuæus, first Nestorian primate, i. 242.
Babylon, true site of, ii. 173. Obelisk
at, 174. note, 214. note. Cuneiform
writing of, 171. Mentioned in tablet
of Karnak, 224. 310. 406. Size of,
244. Description of, 264. note, 268.
Walls of, 276. How taken by Se-
miramis, 366. note. Magnificence of
kings of, in public festivals, 410.
Manufactures of, 413. Mythic forms
in temples of, 465.
Babylonians, antiquity of their astrono-
mical records, ii. 185. and note. Their
dress, 321. Their studs, 361. Re-
presented in bas-reliefs, 401.
Bacchus, Assyrian origin of his thyrsus,
ii. 471. note.
Baghdad, represents ancient Babylon,
ii. 175. and note.
Bairakdar, the, i. 328.
Bakhtiyari women, agility of, i. 190.
note.
Basalt, figures in, not painted, ii. 306.
Used in monuments, 316.
Bas-reliefs, first discovery of, i. 40. Sent
to Bagdad, 364. 370. Discovery of,
in centre of mound, ii. 19.
Bathing, public, custom among Tiyari
women, i. 196. 218. 363. Amongst
Yezidi women, 279.
Battering-ram in sculptures, i. 129.
337.; ii. 22. The Assyrian, 366. 370.
Bavian, rock-tablets at, i. 231.; ii.
note, 142.
Baz, district of, i. 210.
Be-Alatha, village of, i. 215.
Bears, their depredations in Tiyari
Mountains, i. 185. 206.
Bebadi, village of, i. 157.
Bebozi, Chaldæan village of, i. 154.
Beder Khan Bey, i. 173. note.
Ba-
nished to Candia, 239.
Bedou, village of, i. 171.
Behistun, inscription at, deciphered, ii.
168.
Belled Sinjar, ruins at, i. 322.
Bells suspended round horses' neck, ii.
358.
Beltis, a name of Venus, ii. 456.
Belus, tomb of, ii. 220. note. Temple
of, with vaulted rooms, 260. note.
Idols in temple of, 417. note, 465.
His deification by the Greeks, 450.
Statue of, at Babylon, 451.
Berosus, his Chaldæan history, ii. 222.
note.
INDEX.
485
Berwari, valley of, i. 165. 166.
Birch, Mr., his description of the ivory
ornaments, ii. note, 10. His remarks
on ivories, 205-211. Remarks on
foreign nations represented on Egyp-
tian monuments, 407. note. On tri-
bute of Tahai, 415. On the Sabæ-
anism of the Assyrians, 440. note.
Birijai, village of, i. 198.
Birds in Assyrian sculptures, ii. 437.
Bit of horses, ii, 354.
Bitti, village of, i. 221.
Bitumen under pavement at Nimroud,
i. 29.
Used by Arabs for various
purposes, ii. 47.
Employed as ce-
ment by Assyrians, 278.
Blood on slabs at entrances, ii. 256.
Blue, Assyrian and Egyptian, ii. 310.
Botta, M., his excavations, i. 9.
Bows, Assyrian, ii. 299. 341.
Bracelets, Assyrian, i. 136.
king, ii. 322.
Breastplates, Assyrian, ii. 297.
Worn by
Bricks, paintings on, ii. 13. Inscriptions
on, 185. 187. Invention of, 252. note.
Painted, 257. 312.
Bridge of boats at Mosul, ii. 76.
Bull, human-headed, discovery of, i.
47. In yellow limestone, 127. King
hunting wild, 129. Removal of, ii.
77-83. Colossal, discovered in N. W.
Palace, 108. An Assyrian orna-
ment, 295. A sacred type, 461.
The wild, 429. On obe-
474. note.
lisk, 435.
Cart constructed to remove sculptures,
ii. 75. Represented in bas-relief 396.
Cartouche, Egyptian, discovery of, ii. 9.
On ivories, 209.
Caryatida in Assyrian furniture, ii. 301.
Castor, his Assyrian chronology, ii.
216.
Cavalry in Assyrian armies, ii. 356.
Cawal, a Yezidi title, i. 303.
Ceiling of Assyrian
Assyrian chambers, how
formed, ii. 259. 263, 264. note.
Chairs in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii. 299.
Chal, district of, i. 193.
Chalah, whether identified with Kalah
Sherghat, ii. 63.
240.
243.
Chaldæans, of Kurdistan, origin of, i.
Extent of their early missions,
Learning of, 247. Their pa-
triarch, 255. Their doctrines, 260.,
Their language, 267.
Chaldeans, ancient of Babylon, anti-
quity of their astronomical observ-
ations, ii. 185. Their language and
origin, ii. 237.
Their religion, 443.
Their astronomy, 445.
Challek, village of, i. 224.
Chambers, upper, discovery of, ii. 14.
Assyrian, how lighted, 260.
Chonba, village of, i. 218.
Charcoal found in ruins, i. 30.
Chariots, Assyrian, ii. 348.
Chase, the, ii. 431.
Chebar, a river of Assyria, ii, 308.
Cheloki, valley of, i. 156.
China, Chaldæan missions in, i 243.
Burial, mode of, amongst Assyrians, Cidaris of the Persian kings, ii. 320.
ii. 475.
C.
Of the camp;
Cadi, of Mosul, i. 31.
his bigotry, 319.
Caillou de Michaux, ii. 180. 441. note.
Calisthenes obtains astronomical ob-
servations at Babylon, ii. 445.
Camel in Assyrian sculptures, ii. 21.
104. 427. note. Bactrian, on obelisk,
433.
Canning, Sir Stratford, undertakes ex-
cavations, i. 16. 130. 325. Libe-
rates Nestorian slaves, 173. note.
Carians, inventors of helmets, ii. 338.
note. Of handles of shields, 347.
note.
Carpets, Assyrian and Babylonian, ii.
414.
Cilicia, coins of, ii. 386.
Circle, winged, emblem of the divinity,
ii. 441. 448.
Climate of Assyria, ii. 424.
Clinton, his Assyrian chronology, ii.
161. note, 217.
Coins not known to Assyrians, ii. 418.
Colonies, formed from conquered people,
ii. 374.
Colours, used by Assyrians on walls, i.
130. On sculptures, ii. 306. 309.
312. note. Their nature, 310.
Column, the, not known to Assyrians,
ii. 272. Ionic origin of, 274.
Persepolis, 291.
At
Commerce, route of, from India to As-
syria, ii. 414. note.
Copper ornaments discovered at Nim-
roud, i. 115. Mines of, in the Ti-
yari mountains, 223.
vessels in, ii. 11.
Discovery of
Inscriptions ou,
II 3
486
INDEX.
52. Inserted in carved letters, 188.
Extensive use of, by Assyrians, 418.
Cor, found in names on coast of Asia
Minor, ii. 387. note.
Corn produced in Assyria, ii. 421.
Cotton manufactured in Assyria, ii.
413. Invention of weaving is at-
tributed to Semiramis, 413.
Cramps of metal and wood used in
buildings, ii. 254.
Cross-bows carried by Tiyari, i. 204.
Crux ansuta, in Assyrian monuments,
ii. 213.
Ctesiphon, city of, i. 242. note; ii. 175.
Ctesias, his Assyrian chronology, i.
Introd. xvi.
Cuneiform writing, nature of, ii. 164.
167. 173. Origin of, 179.
Cups, Assyrian forms of, ii. 303.
Cup-bearer, office of, ii. 326.
Cursive writing of Assyrians, ii. 164,
166.
Cyaxares destroys Nineveh, ii. 216.
Cylinders, discovery of, ii. 18. Inscrip-
tions on, 186.
Cyprus, Assyrian monument discovered
in, ii. 400. note.
Cyrus, tomb of, ii. 220. 289.
D.
Daggers, Assyrian forms of, ii. 299.
Always carried by Assyrians, 342.
Dagon, the fish-god, ii. 467. note.
Dam across Tigris at Nimroud, i. 8.
Dances, Arab, i. 119. Yezidi, 287.
Daniel, tomb of, i. 252.
Daoud Agha, i. 58.
Daoudeeya, town of, i. 227.
Daric, the, most ancient money, ii.
418. note.
Darius raises columns during Threcian
expedition, ii. 183. How buried,
220. note. His name in Behistun
inscription, 266. note. His dress,
231. note, 232.
Dasni, Yezidis, so called, i. 307.
Dathan, an Arab, i. 105.
Debké, an Arab dance, i. 119.
Dedan, clothes of, ii. 355. note.
logy, ii. 216.
Babylon, 451.
His description of
Divorce amongst Arabs, i. 108. 354.
Dog on Assyrian monuments, ii. 425.
Dohuk, town of, i. 229.
Dove, the, an Assyrian emblem, ii. 479.
note.
Drain in Assyrian edifice, i. 134.; ii.
79. 261.
Drum represented in bas-relief, ii. 412.
Ducks, in baked clay, discovered, i. 115.
In marble, ii. 316.
Dyes, Assyrian, ii. 311. For the hair,
328. Art of dyeing, 413.
64.
E.
Eagles represented in sculptures, i. 337.;
ii. 437. Symbol of triumph, ii. 437.
Eagle-headed figure, discovery of, i.
A sacred type, ii. 458.
Ear-rings, Assyrian, ii. 298. Worn by
king, 322.
Ecbatana, Amadiyah once so called,
i. 161. Walls of, ii. 268. 276. 417.
note. Palaces of, 264. note.
Edessa, school of, i. 242.
Egyptian symbols at Nimroud, i. 30.
Connection with Assyria, ii. 206.
Names in Assyrian dynastic lists,
208. 255. Division of mankind,
398. note. Names on monuments
identified with enemies of Assyrians,
407. Winged globe on Assyrian
monuments, 448.
Elephant, its tusks represented in sculp-
tures, i. 129. On obelisk, ii. 434.
Not used by Egyptians, 434. note.
Embroideries, Assyrian, on robes, ii.
305. 413.
Enamelling on bricks, ii. 312.
Enemies of the Assyrians, ii. 390.
Engraving on stone, skill of Assyrians
in, ii. 421.
Entrances to Assyrian edifices, small
figures placed beneath, ii. 256.
Ergub, village of, i. 211.
Essad Pasha, ii. 3.
Esther, derivation of name, ii. 457.
note.
Ethiopians, or Kushites, ii. 215. note.
Deities, Assyrian names of, ii. 459. Etymology, progress in science of, ii.
note.
Desert, the, i. 85.
Devil, Yezidis' respect for the, i. 298.
Diodorus Siculus, his Assyrian chrono-
169. note.
Eunuchs, their offices in Assyrian
court, ii. 324. 334.
Officiate in re-
ligious ceremonies, 470.
INDEX.
487
Eusebius, his Assyrian chronology, ii. Gingis Khan, his wife a Nestorian,
216.227. 231.
Evorita, palace of, ii. 218. note, 248.
Excavating, mode of, ii. 119.
Eyebrows of Assyrians, dyed, ii. 328.
Ezekiel, his description of the Assy-
rian palace, ii. 307. Of the fall of
Nineveh, 309. Of a siege, 370.
the fall of Tyre, 378. Of Tyrian
ships, 388. Vision of, illustrated,
464.
F.
Of
Fan in worship of Bacchus of Assyrian
origin, ii. 471. note.
Fakir, order of priesthood among Ye-
zidi, i. 305.
Female divinities in Assyrian sculptures,
i. 342. ; ii. 5. 464.
Ferhan, son of Sofuk, i. 92.
Festivals, public, magnificence of, ii. 411.
Fir-cone, the, a sacred emblem, ii. 471.
Fire-altar in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii.
467.
Fire-worship, origin of, in Assyria, ii.
442. note. Taught by Ninus, 443.
note. In Assyria, 467.
Fish represented in Assyrian sculp-
tures, i. 340.; ii. 438. Worship of
amongst Assyrians, 467.
Flandin, M., his opinion of Assyrian
roof, ii. 258. note. Of use of paint,
306.
Flowers, sacred, of Assyrians, ii. 296.
471.
Forbes, Dr., his account of the Sinjar,
i. 324. note.
Footstools, i. 136,; ii. 302.
Freemason, a term of reproach in the
East, i. 163. note.
Furniture, ii. 299.
G.
Galleys in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii. 384.
Ghara, mountains of, i. 156.
Gardens, hanging, of Babylon, ii. 277.
note.
Garments, Assyrian, ii. 319.
Gates to Assyrian edifices, ii. 255.
Gems, engraving on, ii. 421.
Ghissa, village of, i. 198.
i. 254.
Girdle, sacred, worn by king, ii. 472.
Glass, vases of, discovered at Nimroud,
i. 343. At Kouyunjik, ii. 124.
Manufacture of, 421.
Globe, winged, an Assyrian emblem, ii.
448.
Goat, the wild, i. 206. ; ii. 431. An
ornament, 296. In bas-reliefs, 426.
Gods, Assyrian, connected with Egyp-
tian, ii. 211. Carried in procession,
35. 451. Names of, 459. note.
Gold, use of, in architecture, ii. 264. and
note. Abundance of, in Assyria,
300. note. 416.
Gold-leaf discovered, i. 30.
altar, 134.
Under
Gomel, river, the ancient Bumadus, i.
152.
Grant, Dr., i, 179. note.
Greaves, Assyrian, ii. 337.
Greeks, influence of Assyria on, ii 155.
285. 293. Remains of their occu-
pation of Assyria, 221. note.
Grotefend, discoveries of, ii. 168. 171.
note.
Gryphon, the, an Assyrian emblem, ii.
459.
Guilloche, the, an Assyrian ornament, ii.
296.
Gunduktha, village of, i. 205.
H.
Haddedeen Arabs, the, i. 85. The
Sheikh of, 87.
Hadla, an Arab girl, i. 361.
Hair, mode of dressing the, ii. 327.
Halicarnassus, sculptures from, i. 17.
note.
Hamaydat, village of, i. 312.
Hammum Ali, village of, i. 4.
Harness, Assyrian, ii. 299. 353.
Harp represented in bas-relief, ii. 412.
Harpy tomb from Xanthus, ii. 292.
Harrison, Mr., his cuneiform type, ii,
193. note.
Hatchet carried by Assyrian warriors,
ii. 343.
Hayis, village of, i 166.
Hayshat, hamlet of, i. 202.
Heads of conquered brought and
counted, ii. 377.
Gilding, art of, known to Assyrians, ii. Heeren, his theory as to origin of Per-
417.
sian myths, ii. 442. note,
II 4
488
INDEX.
Helmets in bas-reliefs, i. 40. With
Indo-European races, their character-
curved crest, 61. Discovery of, at istics, ii. 239.
Nimroud, 341.
420.
| Inscriptions at Nimroud, i. 41. Im-
portance of, ii. 164.
Ionic column, Assyrian origin of, ii,
274. Order sacred, 474. note.
Ionunco, a Nestorian, i. 147. 155.
Iron discovered at Nimroud, i. 341.
Mines of, in Kurdistan, 223. Used
by Assyrians, ii. 415.
Irrigation, mode of, in Assyria, i. 354.
ii. 69. 422.
Various forms of, ii. | Inlaying, art of, known to Assyrians, ii.
338. Material of, 418.
Hera, her statue at Babylon, ii. 451.
The Assyrian Venus, 454.
Herodotus, his Assyrian history, i.
Introd. xv. His description of As-
syria, ii. 69. note. His Assyrian
chronology, 223. His account of
the Assyrian boats, 380.
Hierapolis, representation of Assyrian
Venus at, ii. 456. note.
Hillah, site of second Babylon, ii. 172.
Hincks, his discovery of Assyrian mi-
nerals, ii. 165. note. On cuneiform
character, 198. note, 229. note, 231.
note, 237. note, 266. note..
Holamoun and Geramoun, district of, i.
224.
Holofernes, his horsemen, ii. 356.
Ismail Agha, i. 163.
Ivory, discovery of ornaments, i. 29.
Description of ornaments in, Ap-
pendix II. i. 391; ii. 9. Date of
ornaments, 205. 211. Carving in,
420.
His lynges, or sacred birds, ii. 462. note.
canopy, 363. note. Destroys country
around Damascus, 378. note.
Holwan, cuneiform inscription at, ii.
189. note.
Honeysuckle
ornament of Assyrian
origin, ii. 294.
Horus an Assyrian king, ii. 215.
Horses in chariots, ii. 350. 356. Fur-
niture of, 355. 358. Breed of, in
Assyria, 359. Dedicated to the sun,
365. Winged, a sacred emblem, 461.
Horsemen in Assyrian armies, ii. 356.
Houses of Baghdad and Mosul, i. 143.
Assyrian, ii. 270.
Human remains, discovery of, ii. 14.
Hunting favoured by Assyrians, ii. 431.
Hussein Bey, the chief of the Yezidis, i.
273.
Hytas or irregular cavalry, i. 38.
I.
Ibex. See Wild Goat.
|
J.
Jaif, the, appearance of, i. 77.
Javelin used by Assyrians, ii. 344.
Jebour Arabs, i. 72.
Jeraiyah, mound of, i. 34.
Jeremy, epistle of, ii. 452.
Jews, tribes of, in Tatary, i. 350. Their
office in Assyrian court, ii. 334. note.
Not represented in Assyrian bas-
reliefs, ii. 397.
Jonah, tomb of, i. Introd, xxii. note.
ii. 242.
K.
Kalah Sherghat, ruins of, i. 5. Visit
to, ii. 45. Discovery of sitting figure
at, 51. A night at, 54. Identification
of ruins, 63.
Kaloni, village of, i. 152.
Ibn-Said mentions Athur or Nimroud, Karakush, mound of, i. 34.
ii. 245. note.
Ibrahim Agha, a Hyta chief, i. 96.
Ibrahim Agha, a Cawass, i. 122.
difficulties, 217.
His
Idols of the enemy broken up and
weighed, ii. 377. Represented in
bas-reliefs, 451. Made of gold, 453.
Impalement of prisoners, ii. 374.
India, Assyrian trade with, ii. 414.
Sacred symbols of, resemble those of
Assyria, 446. note.
Karamles, ruins at, i. 52.
by whom built, ii. 247.
Kasha Bodaca, i. 205.
Kasha Kanu, i. 183.
Kasha Auraham, i. 222.
Kasha Mendi, i. 158.
Edifice at,
Kassan persecutes Nestorians, i. 256.
Kel-i-Shin, inscription at, ii. 183.
Ken, the Assyrian Venus, ii. 212.
Kessi- Kupri, village of, i. 313.
Kesta, ruin of, i. 224.
INDEX.
489
Khabour, the river, i. 167.; ii. 67.
Identified with the Chebar and Cha-
boras, 308.
Khalaf, a sheikh of the Shammar, i.
87. A sheikh of the Jebours, ii.
147.
Khausser, the, a stream near Kouyun-
jik, i. 148.; ii. 118.
Khila, the, of Egyptian monuments, ii.
403. 407. note.
Khorsabad, M. Botta's discovery of, i.
11. Visit to, 148. Name of king
on monuments of, ii. 198.
Khouara mountain, i. 214.
Kings, the, represented in bas-reliefs, i.
60. 129. 132. 337. Seated on throne,
136. Names of Assyrian kings, ii.
16. 195. 199. Preceded in inscrip-
tions by single wedge, 192. 195.
In Egyptian dynasties, 207. On
monuments, 265. Robes of Assyrian,
297. 319. Present in battle, 363.
During siege, 373. During religious
ceremonies, 472. His sacred cha-
racter, 335. 447. 473. Sign denoting
name of, 197. note.
Kiyara, the, or bitumen pits, ii. 46.
Kona Zavvi, village of, i. 221.
Kouyunjik, first excavations at, i. 9.
131. Sculptures of, 144. Excava-
tions at, ii. 118. Description of
ruins, 121. 124. Interesting relic
discovered by Mr. Ross, 140. Name
of king on monuments of, 123. 198.
Part of Nineveh, 249.
Larissa identified with Nimroud, i. 4.;
ii. 160. note, 248.
Leather used for writing on, ii. 185.
Letters, invention of, ii. 165. Assyrian,
how formed, 173.
Limestone used in Assyrian buildings,
ii. 313. Bulls in yellow, 315.
Lion, crouching, in basalt, i. 47.
In copper,
Winged, discovered, 65.
discovered, 128. King hunting, in
bas-relief, 129. Found in Mesopo-
tamia, ii. 48. Removal of winged,
91. Human-headed, 132. 460. Fi-
gure of, in Assyrian ornaments, 301.
In bas-reliefs, 427. Human figure,
with head of, 463.
Lizan, village of, i. 188.
188.
Massacre at,
Lodannu, the, of Egyptian monuments,
ii. 405.
Longworth, Mr., his account of Nim-
roud, i. 369. His conjectures as to
exterior architecture, ii. 269. note.
Lotus, an ornament in Assyrian sculp-
ture, ii. 126. 214. 472.
Love amongst Arabs, i. 196.
Lydians, Assyrian descent of, ii. 227.
286.
Lyre, represented in Assyrian bas-reliefs,
ii. 412.
M.
Mace carried by Assyrian warriors, ii.
343.
Kubleh, the, or point of prayer amongst Machines used in sieges, ii. 371.
Easterns, i. 301. note.
Kumri, castle of, i. 167.
Kurdish chief, i. 73. 206. Women, 100.
Activity of Kurdish women, 190.
note.
Kurdistan, dyes of, ii. 311.
Kuremi, village of, i. 227.
Kushites, the, or Ethiopians, ii. 215.
note.
Magi amongst Assyrians, ii. 470.
Makloub, hills of, i, 150.
Malabar, Nestorians of, i. 259.
Malatia, inscription near, ii. 172.
Malta Times, letters on Khorsabad in,
i. 15.
Malthaiyah, rock-sculptures at, i. 229.
Manacles, iron, on prisoners, ii. 376.
Manufactures, Assyrian, ii. 412.
Kusset el Nimroud, an Arabic work, Manuscripts, Chaldæan, i, 199.
i. 24. note.
L.
Ladders used in sieges, ii. 372.
Ladies, Shammar, description of, i.
104.
Lagippa, village of, i. 218.
Lajarde, M., works quoted, ii. 181.
213. 336. 448. 467. 471.
Marble, white and black, in Assyrian
edifices, ii. 316.
Mardonius, furniture of his tent, ii. 363.
note.
Mare, an Arab, i. 91. 105.
Mar-Elias, monastery of, i. 84.
Mars confounded with Belus, ii. 451.
note.
Mar Shamoun, patriarch of the Chal-
dæans, i. 147. 236. note.
Marth d' Kasra, village of, i. 217.
490
INDEX.
Mechanics, knowledge of, amongst As-
syrians, ii. 317.
Median cuneiform writing, ii. 161. note,
167. 170.
Mediterranean, Assyrian empire ex-
tended to, ii. 144.
Melek, a Tiyari title, i. 194.
Melek Ismail, death of, i. 219.
Memnon, confusion respecting, ii. 215.
note. Present at siege of Troy, 227.
Meru, Chaldæan metropolitan at, i.
254.
Mesopotamia, the spring in, i. 77. The
Naharaina of the Egyptians, ii.
225. note, 237. note. Eyyptian con-
quests extended to, 226. 406. Cele-
brated for its horses, 359.
Mespila identified with Kouyunjik, ii.
248. 276. note. Walls of, 276. 315.
Metals, Assyrians skilled in working in,
ii. 415. 417.
Metropolitans, list of Chaldæan, i. 256.
Mia, village of, i. 168.
Military pomp of Assyrians, ii. 363.
Millet represented in Assyrian sculp-
tures, ii. 140. Grew in Assyria,
423.
Mines in Tiyari mountains, i. 223.
Made during siege, ii. 371.
Miniyanish, village of, i. 187.
Mirkan, Yezidi village of, i. 316.
Missionaries, American, i. 268.
Missouri, Kurdish tribes of, i. 152.
Models of captured cities brought to
king, ii. 140. 377.
Mohammed, pasha of Mosul, i. 19. 31.
Disgrace of, 48.
Mohammed Agha, i. 329.
Mohammed, the prophet, borrows from
the Chaldæans, i. 245.
His treaty
with them, 246. and note.
Money not known to Assyrians, ii. 418.
Mongolian, characteristics of the race,
ii. 241.
Mungayshi, village of, i. 228.
Murghi, village of, i. 186.
Museum, British, undertakes excava-
tions, i. 326. Arrangement of sculp-
tures in, ii. 288. note.
Music of the Yezidis, i. 292.
Of an-
cient Assyrians, ii. 412.
Musicians represented in bas-reliefs, i.
235.
Mutesellim, a Kurdish chief, i. 207.
Muzra, village of, i. 204.
N.
Nabonasser, epoch of, fixed, ii. 445.
Nabuchodonosor, festivities of, ii. 410.
| Naharaina, or Mesopotamia, ii. 225.
237. note. Celebrated for chariots,
348. note, 352.
Nahr-el-Kelb, Assyrian bas-relief at, ii.
144. 182. 400. note.
Nahum, tomb of, i. 233.
Naifa, village of, i. 22.
Names written over persons or objects
in bas-reliefs, ii. 266.
Nasr, Sheikh, i. 281. His letter to the
Yezidis of Sinjar, 308.
Natitabires, name in Behistun inscrip-
tion, ii. 176.
Nebbi Yunus, ruins in the mound of,
ii. 186.
Nebo, the name of Babylonian deity,
ii. 177. note.
Nebuchadnezzar, his name on Baby-
lonian bricks, ii. 171. note, 173. 176.
177. note, 186. Removes Jews to
Babylon, 375. note.
Neck, feet placed on, a sign of triumph,
ii. 375.
Necklace worn by Assyrians, ii. 322.
Negoub, tunnel of and inscription at,
i. 81. Names of kings in inscrip-
tion from, ii. 199.
Monkeys represented in bas-reliefs, i. Negroes, doubtful whether represented
126. On obelisks, ii. 437.
Moon, the, an Assyrian emblem, ii. 446.
Mormous, an Arab sheikh, i. 33. 86.
Moses of Chorene, his account of Ninus,
ii. 232. note.
Mosul, arrival at, i. 18. Underground
apartments at, 143. Bridge of boats
at, ii. 76.
Mound, to cast a, explained, ii. 367.
Mule, the, represented in Assyrian bas-
reliefs, ii, 136. 426.
Mullah Ali, a Kurdish chief, i. 74.
in Assyrian bas-reliefs, ii. 398.
Nekftar from Assyria, ii. 425. nole.
Nejris, sheikh of the Shammar, i. 94.
111. His murder, 113.
Nestorius, his history, i. 241.
Nestorians persecuted by Catholics, i.
155. Massacre of, 173. note, 179.
Origin of the name, 260. Their
doctrines, 260. See Chaldæans.
Nicolaus of Damascus, story of Par-
sondes, ii. 329.
Niffer, ruins at, represent ancient Ba-
INDEX.
491
bylon, ii. 173. Name on bricks from,
177.
Nimrod, story of, i. 8. 23.
discovery of, 65.
Supposed
Dis-
Nimroud, first sight of, i. 4. Revisited,
7. First discoveries at, 26.
covery of north-west palace, 64.
Build house at, 330. Daily occupa-
tions at, 365. Departure from, ii.
117. Inscriptions from, 193. 197.
Nineveh, date of destruction of, ii. 159.
161. 204. Named in the Karnak
tablet, 224. True site of, 242. Ex-
tent of, 243. 247.
Ninus, date of epoch, ii. 216. Con-
founded with Noah and Nimrod, 223.
First king of Assyria, 223. and note.
Name of in inscriptions, 228. May
have overthrown an earlier dynasty,
232. note, 285. Introduced fire-
worship, 443. note. His death and
tomb, 475.
Ninus the Second, ii. 230.
Ninyas, the son of Ninus, ii. 192. note.
Nisaan plains, where, ii. 361. note.
Nisroch, the eagle-headed god, ii. 459.
Nitocris, her buildings at Babylon, ii
176.
Noah, similarity of traditions relating
to, and to Xithurus, ii. 251. note.
Norris, Mr., ii. 192, 193. note.
Numerals, Assyrian, ii. 13. 165. note.
Nun, a Chaldæan, i. 202.
Nur- Ullah, bey of Hakkiari, i. 208.
212. Persecutes Nestorians, 239.
Nymphi, Assyrian rock-sculpture at,
ii. 286. note.
0.
Oannes, the fish-god, ii. 209. 348. 466.
Obelisk, discovery of, i. 346. Sent to
Baghdad, 372. Inscription on,
ii.
192. note. Form of, common to As-
syria, 214. note. Description of
animals on, 443.
Obelisk of Semiramis, how brought to
Babylon from Armenia, ii. 104.
note. May exist at Niffer, 174. note.
Oil of sesame used by Assyrians, ii.
423.
Onnes, the first husband of Semiramis,
ii. 480. note.
Oroomiyah, Chaldæans at, i. 258.
Ornaments, Assyrian, of a late period,
ii. 305.
Ostrich, a sacred bird, ii. 437.
Ourmeli, subashi of, i. 225.
P.
On sun-
On
walls of
Paint, on sculptures, i. 64.
dried bricks, 130.
chambers, ii. 12. 15. On bricks, 13.
On bas-reliefs, 307.
Palace, description of an Assyrian, ii.
262. Alsc temples, 267.
Palm-tree, the, in bas-reliefs, ii. 137.
396. 401. Grown in Assyria, 423.
Wine made of the fruit, 424.
Palou, inscription at, ii. 172. 189. note.
Papyrus used in Assyria, ii. 184.
Paper used for casts of sculptures and
inscriptions, i. 327. note.
Paradises, or parks, of Assyrians, ii.
432.
Parsondes, history of, ii. 329.
Parthians, mode of discharging their
arrows, ii. 393. Celebrated for their
carpets, 414. note.
Partridges, tamed by Tiyari, i. 178.
Patriarch of the Chaldæans, his titles, i.
236. note, 260. 266.
Patriarchate, seat of, removed to Mosul
and Julamerik, i. 258.
Pavement of bricks, i. 116. Of the
chambers of Assyrian palaces, ii. 261.
Pegasus, the, an Assyrian emblem, ii.
461.
Persepolis, Assyrian origin of sculptures
of, ii. 289. Of religious emblems at,
441.
Persia, trilingual inscriptions of, ii.
167. note. Cuneiform writing of,
Names of kings of, on vases,
note. Influence of, on Asia
Minor, 287. Religion of, derived
from Assyria, 441.
170.
161.
Perseus, his Assyrian origin, ii. 443.
note.
Phalanx, known to Assyrians, ii. 348.
Pillars, inscriptions. on, ii. 183. First
raised by Thurus, 215 note.
Pine-cone, the, a sacred emblem, ii, 470.
Pir, a Yezidi title, i. 303.
Pleiads, the, on Assyrian monuments,
ii. 447.
Plough, the, used in Assyria, ii. 422.
Ormuzd, the Persian symbol of, ii. Polyhistor, his Assyrian chronology, ii.
449.
217.
492
INDEX.
Pomegranate, the, a sacred emblem, ii.
296.
Population, destruction of, in Assyria,
i. 38.
Pottery, in tombs at Nimroud, ii. 219.
Prester John, i. 249. His letter to the
Greek emperor, 250.
|
Ring passed through nose and lip of
captive, ii. 376.
River, army crossing a, i. 337.
Robes of the Assyrians, embroideries on,
ii. 297. Materials of, 321.
ficence of, 413.
Rock of Butter, the, i 210
Magni-
Priam, dependent on the king of As- Rome, church of, persecutes the Nes-
syria, ii. 227.
Priapean figure on vase, i. 128.
Prisoners, treatment of by Assyrians,
ii. 374.
Pritchard, Dr., his observation on the
Syro-Arabian races, ii. 241. note.
Private life of Assyrians, ii. 409.
Pul, king of Assyria, ii. 223. note.
Pulley, represented in bas-relief, ii. 31.
317.
Pyramid, excavation in, at Nimroud, ii.
107.
Q
Quintus Curtius, his description of a
Persian army, ii. 364.
Quiver of the Assyrians, ii. 299. 341.
R.
Rabban Hormuzd, convent of, i. 234.
Rafts, how constructed, ii. 96.
Rain, its effects in Assyria, ii. 69.
Want of, felt, 70.
Raola, district of, i. 195.
Rassam, Mr., vice-consul at Mosul, i.
21. 174. Mr. Hormuzd, 54.
Rawlinson, Major, resident at Baghdad,
i. 50. His classification of cuneiform
writing, ii. 167. note, 171. His in-
terpretation of the Behistun inscrip-
tion, 168. His discovery of king's
name at Niffer, 173. Interpretation
of inscription on obelisk, 192. note.
Records, mode of keeping in ancient
Assyria, ii, 185.
Religion of the Assyrians, ii. 439. Con-
nected with their public and private
life, 473.
Resen, not Larissa, i. 4. note.
Rhea, her statue at Babylon, ii. 451.
Her worship, 457.
Rhinoceros on obelisk, ii. 434.
Rich, Mr., his discoveries at Babylon
and Nineveh, i., Introd. xxii.
Rimmon, a Syrian god, ii. 296 note.
torians, i. 259.
Roof of Assyrian edifices, how formed,
ii. 257. 264. note.
Ross, Mr., i. 22. note.
Carries on ex-
cavations at Kouyunjik, ii. 138. 139.
His account of Bavian, 142.
Ruten-nu, the, of the Egyptian monu-
ments, who, ii. 405.
S.
Sabæans, their language, i. 267. Where
found, 307.
Sabaanism of the Assyrians, ii. 439.
Saddles not represented in early bas-
reliefs, ii. 357.
Saint, a Kurdish, i. 227.
Sanconiathon, traditions preserved by,
ii. 252. note.
Sandals of the Assyrians, ii. 324.
Saracus, the last king of Assyria, ii. 218.
Saraoun, ancient name of Khorsabad, i.
149.
Sarcophagus, discovery of, i. 353.
Sardanapalus, inscription on his tomb,
ii. 178. note. His effeminacy, 333.
note. Riches on his funeral pile, 416.
His death and tomb, 476, 477.
More than one king of the name,
479. and note.
Sassanians, state of art during their
dynasty, ii. 282.
Satara, derivation of naine, ii 457. note.
Scarbæus, an Assyrian symbol, ii. 214.
Scribes represented in bas-reliefs, ii.
184.
Sculptures, method of removing, i. 140.
Subjects recorded by, ii. 21. Skill
of the Assyrians in the art of sculp-
ture, 280.
Scylas, palace of, ii. 262. note.
Scythians, their language in the cunei-
form writing, ii. 167. nole. Their
occupation of Assyria, 162. Charac-
ter of the race, 240. Their pointed
Treatment of their
caps, 340. note.
enemies, 374.
Seals, Assyrian, ii. 421.
INDEX.
493
Se-gan-foo, inscription of, i. 243. 244.
note.
Silver used in roofs, ii. 264. Abundant
in Assyria, 417.
Siege, how carried on by Assyrians, ii. Sinjar, visit to, i. 310.
366.
Selamiyah, village of, i. 36.
Seleucia, city of, i. 242. How con-
structed, ii. 175.
Seleucidæ, era of, i. 200. nnte.
Selim Agha of Amadiyah, i. 159.
Semiramis, account of her edifices, fabu-
lous, ii. 176. Ruins attributed to
her, 218. note. Invention of ship-
building attributed to her, 382. In-
troduces worship of Venus, 455.
Her death and tomb, 477. More
than one of the name, 479. note.
of, 322.
Ruined town
Skins, mode of crossing rivers on, i.
129. ; ii. 382. Men dressed in, 398.
Used for carrying provisions, 410.
note.
Slabs sculptured after placed, ii. 163.
Sling, not an early Assyrian weapon,
ii. 341.
Slingers, Assyrian, ii. 337. 344.
Sofuk, shiekh of the Shammar, visit to,
i. 91. His history, 93. His domestic
establishment, 100. His mare, 105.
His death, 114.
Semitic races, their characteristics, ii. Soil, fertility of, in Assyria, ii. 69.
238.
Sennacherib, identified with Sardanapa-
lus, ii. 400. note.
Serspeetho, village of, i. 221.
Seth, fabulous pillars of, ii. 183. note.
Sethos, an Assyrian king, ii. 215.
Seven, a sacred number amongst Sa-
bæans, i. 299. note.
Seyyid, visit to a, ii. 65.
Shairutana, the, of Egyptian monu-
ments, ii. 404. note, 407. note.
Shalmanezer, his expedition against the
Phoenicians, ii. 400. note.
Shammar, the, Arabs, description of, i.
89.
Shammeriyah, the mare of Sofuk, i. 105.
Sharu, the, of Egyptian monuments, ii.
403. 407. note.
Shawls represented in sculptures, i. 129.
Sheeas, the, peculiar doctrines of, i. 76.
note.
Sheep represented in Assyrian bas-
reliefs, ii. 426.
Sheikh Adi, tomb of, i. 151. 281.
history, 299.
Sheikh Nasr.
See Nasr.
Solomon, throne of, ii. 301. Golden
shields of, 344. note.
South-east ruins at Nimroud, chambers
discovered in, ii, 38.
South-west ruins at Nimroud, discovery
of royal genealogy in, i. 350.; ii.
197.; discoveries in, 25.
Spandareh, village of, i. 156.
Spear carried by King, ii. 323. Form
of Assyrian, 343.
Sphinx discovered, i. 349.; ii. 26. The
Assyrian, 214, 460. An architec-
tural ornament, 262. and note.
Stag represented in bas-reliefs, i. 63. ;
ii. 431.
Stamp used to impress inscriptions, ii.
187.
Standards, Assyrian, ii. 347.
Stars, worship of, ii. 440. note, 443,
444. 457.
Steamer, ascent of Tigris by, i. 139.
Steel probably known to 'Assyrians, ii.
419.
His Stone, inscriptions on, ii. 188.
Storms, violence of, i. 124.
Sugar-cane formerly cultivated in As-
syria, ii. 424.
Sheikh Shems, sanctuary of, i. 289.
Sheikh, seizure of an Arab, i. 367.
Sheta of Egyptian monuments, ii. 403.
Shields of the Assyrians, ii. 344.
Of
wicker work for sieges, 368. 373.
Hung on walls and ships, 388.
Shield-bearer, the, ii. 346.
Shietan or Satan, a word not used by
Yezidis, i. 216. 297.
Ships in sculptures, ii. 128. 379. 384.
Of Tyre, 386. 388.
Shoordh, village of, i. 193.
Siege represented in bas-relief, i. 41.
Description of a, ii. 378.
337.
Suiter, a Turkish buffoon, i. 318.
Sun, Yezidi veneration for, i. 290. 301.
Horses dedicated to, ii. 365. note.
An Assyrian emblem, 446. Same as
Baal, 450. note.
Swimming, mode of, in Assyria, i. 129.
Swords, Assyrian, ii. 298. 342.
Symbols suspended around neck of king,
i. 135.; ii. 446. Above king's head,
23.
494
INDEX.
T.
Tables, Assyrian, ii. 303.
Tablets on rocks, ii. 182.
Tahai, their tribute to Egyptians, ii.
41.5.
Tahar Sheikh, a fanatic, i. 228.
Tahlehl, the, an Arab noise of rejoic-
ing, i. 120.
Tahyar Pasha, i. 121. Visit from, 141.
His death, ii. 1.
Tamerlane persecutes the Chaldæans,
i. 257.
Tatars, Nestorian mission to the, i.
249. 254.
Taylor, Colonel, his cylinder, ii. 186.
Tearus, Darius's column on the, ii. 183.
Tel Afer, town of, i. 313.
Telané, the city of Ninus, ii. 285. note.
Tel Assar, i. 314.
Tel Kef, village of, i. 33. 236.
Temples, the residence of the king, ii.
267.473.
Tents in bas-reliefs, ii. 271. In com-
mon use amongst Assyrians, 272.
Magnificence of Assyrian, 363.
Teutames, king of Assyria, sends aid to
Troy, ii. 227.
Thathar, the, a salt stream, i. 315.
Throne of Assyrian king, i. 136.; ii.
301.
Thurus, king of Assyria, ii. 215. note.
Thyrsus of Bacchus of Assyrian origin,
ii. 471.
Tiara worn by Assyrian king, ii. 320.
Tiles, inscription on, ii. 185.
Tin not found in Assyria, ii. 419.
Tiyari, departure for the, i. 147. Houses
of, 176. Dress of, 194. Employed
in the excavations, 362.
Thhoma, district of, i. 203.
of inhabitants of, 238.
Tkhoma Gowaia, village of, i. 202.
Tokkari, the, of Egyptian monuments,
ii. 404. 407. note.
Massacre
Tombs, discovery of, i. 351.; ii. 17.
Discovered at Kalah Sherghat, 58.
Assyrian not discovered, 154. At
Nimroud, 220. Of Persian kings,
220.
Tools of copper, ii. 418.
Towers, Assyrian, ii. 270. Artificial,
used in sieges, 370.
Tree, the sacred, ii, 296.
In Assyrian
sculptures, 438. Of life, 472.
Tribe, Arab, in march, i. 89.
Tribute brought by conquered nations,
ii. 399.
Tripod discovered at Khorsabad, i.
149. ; ii. 469.
;
Troops, disciplined, of the Assyrians,
ii. 347.
Troy, an Assyrian dependency, ii. 227.
Tunnel under the Euphrates attributed
to Semiramis, ii. 260. note.
Type, cuneiform, ii. 193.
Tyre, Assyrian conquest of, ii. 144. 400.
Ships of, 388.
U.
Umbrella carried over king, ii. 133. 326.
Unicorn, the, ii. 429.
Ur of the Chaldees, its site, ii. 63. 238.
note.
Uzziah, his regular troops, ii. 247. note.
His engines of war, 371. note.
V.
Van, inscriptions at, ii. 172. note.
Variants in cuneiform inscriptions, ii.
191. 229. note.
Varnish placed on cuneiform inscrip-
tions, ii. 188.
Vases in glass, alabaster, and clay, dis-
covered at Nimroud, i. 341. Earthen
vase discovered behind slab, ii, 13.
From tombs at Nimroud, 219, As-
syrian, 304. 416.
Vault known to the Assyrians, ii. 260.
Venus, representation of the Assyrian, ii.
7. Her worship in Assyria, 454. 471.
When introduced into Persia, 442.
Vessel, square, carried by winged fi-
gures, ii. 471.
Vines represented in bas-reliefs, ii. 125.
Grew in Assyria, 424.
Vizir represented in bas-reliefs, i. 60.
Dress of, ii. 227.
Vizirial letter, arrival of, i. 130.
Vulture, the, represented in Assyrian
sculptures, ii. 437.
W.
Walls of Assyrian palaces, ii. 268. Of
Nineveh and Babylon, 270. 275.
276. note.
Warriors, costume of Assyrian, ii. 335.
INDEX.
495
Water, machines for raising, i. 354.
Wedge, the, a sacred emblem, ii. 181.
Wheel of chariot, ii. 351. A sacred
emblem, 465.
Whips carried by officers in Assyrian
army, i. 339.
Of Assyrian chariot-
eers, ii. 356.
Whirlwinds of Mesopotamia, violence
of, i. 124.
Wigs worn by the Assyrians and Per-
sians, ii. 328.
Wilkinson, Sir Gardner, his work on
Egypt, ii. 154. note. His analysis of
Egyptian colours, 310.
Windows not found in Assyrian build-
ings, ii. 260.
Wine drunk at public festivals, ii. 411.
Wine-skins in bas-reliefs, i. 55.
Women represented in bas-reliefs, i.
338. Present at public festivals, ii.
244. 411.
Wood, beam of, discovered, ii. 37.
X.
Xanthus, people of, burn their city, ii.
218. note. Marbles from, 287. Their
Assyrian character, 291. 449. note,
Xenophon, his description of the walls
of Nineveh, ii. 270. 276,
Xerxes, name of, on vase, ii. 161. note.
Auxiliaries in the army of, 338.
Y.
Yakoub Rais, i. 181.
Persecution
Yakuti, an Arab geographer, mentions
Khorsabad, i. 149. And Athur or
Nimroud, ii. 245. and note.
Yara, mound of, i. 34.
Yezidis, visit to, i. 270.
of the, 277. Their dances, 287.
Their music, 293. Their doctrines,
297. Origin of their name, 300.
Their reverence for the sun, 289.
301. Their names, 303. Orders
of the priesthood, 303. Their lan-
guage, 305.
See Sinjar.
2.
་
Zab, wicker bridge across the, i. 192.
Zakko, murder of the Bey of, i. 98.
Zaweetha, village of, i. 182.
Zodiac, signs of, on Assyrian monu-
ments, ii. 440. note.
Zoroaster, ii. 442. note.
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