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A continuation To THE UNION IN THE REIGN of QUEEN ANNE. \
By JAMES AIKMAN, Esq. ‘’’
IN Four vol. UMEs.
VOL. II.
G. L. A. S. G O W:
PUBLISHED BY BLACKIE, FULLARTON & CO.
EAST CLYDE STREET;
AND ARCHIBALD FULLARTON & CO. BLAIR STREET,
EDINBURGH.
1827.



IXA
'74, 6
. Bº
V-9–
GLASGOW :
EDWARD KHULL AND son, PRINTERs.
* *
co N TENT's
OF
V O L U M E S I C O N ID .
-Q-
Book IX.
* y Page
David II. to death of Robert II. . º º º e 1–63
B O O K X.
Robert III. to death of James I. . º º º . 64–l 16
B O OK XI.
James II. . . . . . . . . . 117–167
B O OK X II.
James III. tº ſº e ge -> º º . 168–221
B O O K XIII.
James IV. and to the regency of Albany, º e . 222–267
Book x1 v.
Regency of Albany to death of James V. º tº . 268–324
B O O K X V. f
From the death of James W. to the Queen Dowager's
departure for France, º e e te . 425–379
C O N T E N T S .
B O O K XVI.
.* # §. tº sº Page
From the Queen Dowager's visit to France till her death, 380–432
Bo of xvii.
From the death of the Queen Dowager Regent to the
birth of James VI. . * , gº & tº tº . 433–484
B O OK XVIII.
From the birth of James VI. to his coronation, tº . 485–527
* Book x1x.
Regency of the Earl of Moray, . i. º gº . 528–573
B O O K X X.
From the assassination of Regent Moray to the death of
the Earl of Marr, . . . . . . . . 574—630
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Book IX.
1. The Scottish nobles, immediately after the funeral of the
late king, called an assembly of the states for the purpose of
choosing a regent, in which Thomas Randolph, earl of Moray,
who, during the king's life, had for several years performed
the duties of chief magistrate, and who had been recommended
to the people by him on his deathbed and in his last will, was
appointed with universal approbation to the office.
XCVIII. DAVID II.
The coronation of the king was delayed till the 24th No-
vember, in the following year, that by the permission of the
pope he might be anointed, and by this new ceremony appear
more sacred in the eyes of the Scots. The first act of the
regent, after his election, was to ratify the peace with the
English. Next he bent his attention to secure internal tran-
quillity; and, in order to repress open robbery, he always
kept a strong body of young men armed about him, prepared
for every emergency. Thus, on a journey to Wigton, in
Galloway, being informed that the roads in that country were
infested by a numerous banditti, and travellers plundered
with impunity, he immediately despatched a detachment of
his guard in pursuit of the delinquents, and having taken
them by surprise, inflicted capital punishment on the whole.
Against murderers he was perfectly inexorable; insomuch,
that when one who had been at Rome, and obtained the pope's
WOL. II, A
2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
pardon, returned as if completely secure, the regent ordered
him to be apprehended, tried, and executed:—observing, that
although the pope could forgive the sins of the soul, it belonged
to the king to punish the crimes of the body. To check thefts,
which among other taints left by the war, were still too fre-
quent, he enacted, That the farmers should leave the instru-
ments used by them in agriculture in the fields; nor should
they shut their houses or folds during the night; and that if
any theft occurred, the amount of the loss was to be demanded
from the sheriff of the county, who would be repaid by the
king, and the king reimbursed from the effects of the robbers
when apprehended. Among the rest, a rustic, either too
greedy, or who thought the regulation absurd, hid his farming
implements; and then, as if he had lost them by stealth,
applied to the sheriff for indemnification, who instantly paid
him their full value; but, upon making more diligent inquiry,
when he found that the countryman was the author of the
theft himself, he ordered him to be hanged, and his goods
confiscated. He interdicted strolling players and musicians,
under the severest penalties; and whoever obstructed a travel-
ler, or any public officer, he allowed to be put to death with
impunity; so that, when some time after, at the village of
Halidon, thirty persons were killed by the attendants of a
public minister, he pronounced the slaughter justifiable
homicide,
II. Nor was the regent more feared by the guilty at home
for his severity, than he was formidable to his enemies abroad
by his courage. Wherefore, the English, who, after the death
of king Robert, eagerly watched every opportunity for revenge,
when they perceived they durst attempt nothing openly during
the life of Randolph, turned their attention to secret fraud.
The speediest method of removing their enemy appeared to
be by poison; and as a fit agent for executing their designs,
employed a monk of that species, who, being educated in
idleness, for want of teachers to instruct them in useful
pursuits, often apply a fine genius to the acquisition of mis-
chievous attainments. In this wretch were conjoined two
professions, monachism and medicine. The first was calcu-
lated to procure him access to his victim, and the other
-**
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN ID. 3
\
enabled him to perpetrate his villany. When he came to
Scotland, he announced himself as skilled in every branch of
medicine, but particularly in the cure of the stone. He thus
easily obtained an introduction to the regent; and being
employed to cure him, he mixed slow poison with his me-
dicine; then taking a few days’ provisions, he returned to
England, as if to procure more drugs. When he arrived
there, he solemnly assured Edward that Randolph would die
before a certain day. In expectation of this, the king levied
a great army, and marched to the borders; which, when he
had reached, hearing that a large Scottish force was encamped
not far distant, he sent a herald under pretence of demanding
reparation for some border offence, but in fact to learn who
commanded.
III. Randolph finding his disease increase, and the monk
‘not having come back at the appointed time, suspected the
worst: but, concealing his distemper as much as possible, he
recéived the messenger seated on a chair before his tent,
and dressed in a splendid robe, heard his demands, and
returned an answer, as if he had been in perfect health.
*The herald, on his return, related to the king what he had
seen and heard: on which, after punishing the monk as an
impostor, Edward gave orders for a retreat, leaving only a
guard to protect the borders against incursions; and Randolph,
prevented by the violence of his disease from marching farther,
returned homewards, after dismissing his army. He died at
Musselburgh,” about four miles from Edinburgh, A. D. 1331,
having governed the kingdom two years from king Robert's
* In opposition to the statement of Randolph's death having been occa-
sioned by poison, it has been remarked, that as he was afflicted by the stone,
it is more likely that he died of that disorder—perhaps it is—but we have
positive assertion against a supposed probability. It has also been doubted,
whether Edward was privy to the assassination, because he was too far distant
from the scene. This, however, is no argument against his being acquainted
with the attempt; and if there be good reason for supposing that, at the age
of fifteen, the English king was not ignorant of the murder of his father, it is
of very little moment to attempt windicating him from a charge not half so
heinous; especially as his conduct towards Scotland, immediately after the
death of the regent, proves that he was not a person who would have stuck
at trifles, if he had had an end, however infamous, to attain.
4. HISTORY OF SCOTLANT),
death. He was inferior in bravery and military skill to none
of our Scottish kings, and in the arts of peace far superior to
them all. He left two sons, Thomas and John, both worthy of
so great a father. On the death of Randolph, Donald earl of
Marr,” was elected guardian of the kingdom, as they styled
him, August 2d, the king being then only ten years old, on
which day the alarming news was received, that Edward
Baliol, on the 31st of July, had arrived in the Frith of Forth,
with a numerous fleet. In order to explain his arrival, it is
necessary to advert to some previous circumstances.
Iv. After the decease of king Robert, Laurence Twine,+
one of the Englishmen who had received, as rewards of their
military services, lands in Scotland, and who resided there,
a man of an honourable family, but flagitious habits, expecting
greater license upon the death of the king and during the
minority, indulged more freely in unlawful pleasures than
before, and although often caught in adultery, and at the
same time admonished by the judge of the ecclesiastical court,
yet would not desist. Being at last excommunicated by the
official, as he is called, of the bishop of Glasgow, he, as if
greatly injured, waylaid the judge, and having seized him as
he was going to Air, kept him a long while prisoner, until,
upon paying a sum of money, he purchased his liberty.
When Twine understood that James Douglas was highly
displeased at this action, and sought to bring him to punish-
ment, dreading his power, he fled into France, and there
attaching himself to Edward Baliol, the son of John, who had
been king of Scotland for some years, he informed him of the
state of Scotland, and urged him not to lose such an oppor-
* Donald, earl of Marr, was nephew to the late king. While a child, he had
been carried into England, by Edward I, where he remained many years.
No military service of his is known.
+ Laurence Twine. He is called Twynham Lowrison, in the Annals of
Scotland. Although his representations are said to have excited Baliol, the
Englishmen, whose claims had not been satisfied, particularly Henry de
Beaumont, who claimed the earldom of Buchan, in right of his wife, one of
the heirs of Comyn, and Thomas Lord Wake, who claimed Liddel, may,
perhaps, with more propriety, be considered as the chief instigators. Beaumont
accompanied the expedition.
HISTORY OF Scotland. 5
tunity for recovering his father's kingdom; for the king, said
he, is but a boy, surrounded with more enemies, exasperated
against his father, than friends; of whom some have had their
fathers executed at Perth; others, exiles, who have had their
estates confiscated; several mulcted of a great part of their
lands; besides many of English extraction, deprived of the
rewards bestowed upon their ancestors, who would cheerfully
become companions in his expedition. And there were at the
same time, he added, in both kingdoms, numbers of desperate
and needy characters, who, either induced by the prospect of
gain, or hoping to escape the punishment of the law, or
desirous of any kind of change, wanted only a leader to begin
a revolution, And now, James Douglas being killed in Spain,
and Randolph, through disease, incapable of acting, there
remained none to whose authority the discordant multitude
would submit; therefore, however small the force, it would be
sufficient for seizing a kingdom prepared and offering itself
to him, or to overturn it, already tottering to its base.
v. Baliol, who knew that much of what Twine told him
was true, and having heard of the great army about to be
led against Scotland by Edward, ambitious of power and
desirous of glory, was easily persuaded by the crafty intriguer
to collect as many vessels as he could, and bear a part in the
present expedition, But ere the arrival of Baliol in England,
Edward had dismissed his army. He, however, by means of
the Scottish exiles, and the English who had been dispossessed
of their estates in Scotland, who flocked to him, raised, not-
withstanding, a considerable army. Some say, that for this great
enterprise he had only six hundred men, but this does not
appear likely; they are more probably correct, who assert that
six thousand foot soldiers were furnished him by the English.
While these preparations were going forward, news arrived of
Randolph's death, which inspired all with a greater eagerness
for the expedition, and raised their spirits as a happy omen.
Wherefore, having set sail, he arrived at Kinghorn on the
1st of August, and disembarked with his naval forces. The
land troops were led by David Cumin, formerly earl of
Athole, Moubray and Beaumont; and the English auxiliaries
by Talbot. At the report of the arrival of the fleet, Alexander
5 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Seton,” a nobleman who was accidentally residing in that
quarter, hastened to oppose them, hoping he might find some
convenient opportunity for attacking them with advantage
during their disembarkation; but not being supported by the
inhabitants of the district, on coming to an engagement with the
enemy, he was cut off, with the greatest part of his followers.
Baliol, after resting a few days to recover his men from the
fatigue of the voyage, marched directly for Perth, and
encamped on the Earn, not far from the water mills. The
regent, with a large body of forces, being stationed beyond,
and Patrick Dunbar, with another not inferior, on this side
the river, about five miles distant from each other. Baliol,
although his army amounted to more than ten thousand men,
the report of his success having induced many to join him,
yet, being placed between the two armies, and fearing lest he
should be surrounded and overwhelmed by both, judged it
most expedient to attack them separately and unexpectedly,
and resolved first to attempt the regent Marr, who appeared
the most likely to be unprepared, as being at the greatest
distance from the enemy. r
v1. For this purpose he procured Andrew Murray of Tulli-
bardin as a guide, who, not daring openly to join himself to
the English, fixed during the night a stake in the river, at the
place where it was fordable, to point out the passage to
Baliol's army. Having approached near the enemy, under
cover of the wood which clothed the opposite bank, the
invaders learned that the Scots passed the night as if in time
of peace, with few sentinels or outposts. Trusting to this
negligence, they marched against the camp in the utmost
silence; and thinking they would find the greatest security on
the farthest side, they made the attack there; but on that
* Alexander Seton. Fordun styles him the son. Some editions read
Alexander Seton and his son. After a long dissertation on the family of the
Setons, Lord Hailes arrives at a conclusion agreeing with the statement by
Buchanan—that he was a nobleman who happened to be in these parts, and
about whom we know nothing more. Hemingford says the earl of Fife
opposed the landing of Baliol. Fordun does not mention that nobleman, nor
is it likely that he was there; he was afterwards taken prisoner at the battle
of Duplin.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 7
part where they expected the greatest negligence, Thomas
Randolph, earl of Moray, Robert Bruce, earl of Carrick,
Mordac, earl of Monteith, and Alexander Fraser, kept
watch. These, with a strong body of friends, sustained
bravely the first charge of the enemy upon the edge of a
ditch, which the gush of the mountain torrent had made.
In the mean time, the whole camp was a scene of noise and
tumult, every one seizing arms, and hurrying to the conflict;
and the crowd rushing forward rashly, without order, and
without standards, first threw into confusion their own
men who resisted the assailants; then the last ranks impellin
the first, precipitated them into the ditch, and falling above
them, were involved together in one common ruin. Many
were there killed by the enemy, but more, both men and
horses, were crushed to death, while by far the greater
number were so much disabled that they could neither fight
nor flee. -
v11. There fell of the Scots about three thousand." Many
of those who escaped fled to Perth; but being without arms,
and without leaders, the city easily surrendered to the English
who followed them. Next day, Dunbar, when he heard of
the destruction of the regent's army, the capture of Perth,
and was likewise informed of the small number of the English,
marched straight to the town, with the design of besieging it,
hoping to destroy the enemy whilst they were yet unfurnished
with any supplies; but, on consulting the chiefs, and a difference
of opinion arising, the design was dropped. Baliol having
succeeded so far beyond his expectation, and so quickly, now
applied himself to gain the rest of the Scots, either by
* This battle is generally known by the name of the battle of Duplin.
With regard to three of the noblemen said to have fallen, there is considerable
confusion. Robert Keith is not mentioned by Fordun or the English histo-
rians; and as the only doubts respecting him arise from his being mentioned
by Boece, he may therefore, perhaps, be allowed to have fallen. Boece
mentions a David Lindsay, of course Buchanan's Alexander is a different
personage, not answerable for the objections urged against David. The
greatest difficulty lies with the chief of the Hays. That a nobleman of that
family was killed, is probably true, the rest of the story appears doubtful
Robert Bruce was a natural son of Edward Bruce, and had received the title
of earl of Carrick.
$ HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
tº
conciliatory measures, or to subdue them by force. In a short
time the concourse of all ranks to his cause increased so much,
that the present seemed a proper opportunity for proclaiming
himself king; and this design he could execute more securely,
because the greatest part of the slaughter had fallen upon
families in the neighbourhood of Perth. There were slain in
battle:-the regent; Robert Keith, with a great number of
his relations and vassals; eighty of the family of Lindsay,
with Alexander their chief. The name of Hay would have
been wholly extinct, had not William, the head of the family,
left his wife pregnant. Thomas Randolph, Robert Bruce,
and Mordac, earl of Monteith, also fell. William Sinclair,
bishop of Dunkeld, and Duncan Macduff, earl of Fife, being
taken prisoners, in the then desperate situation of affairs were
forced to take an oath of allegiance.
XCIX. EDWARD BALIoI.'
viii. Baliol, trusting to his present good fortune, proceeded
to the neighbouring abbey of Scoon, and was crowned on the
25th August, 1332. Although the power of David Bruce was
grievously wounded by this blow, yet his adherents were far
from being disheartened by the adverse state of his affairs;
and in order to place him, during his minority, beyond the
reach of danger, they sent him, along with his wife, to his
father's friend, Philip, king of France, while they prepared
themselves for every accident—either to fall honourably in
battle, or to restore their country to its ancient eminence.
Their first step was to appoint Sir Andrew Moray, sister's
son of Robert Bruce, regent, in the room of Donald; and
next they sent messengers every where, partly to confirm their
old friends, and partly to rouse the indolent to avenge their
present wrongs. The first who took up arms, were Robert
Keith, and James and Simon Fraser, sufferers by the recent
misfortune, their fathers and relations having been killed at
Duplin. They besieged Perth about the autumnal equinox;
and though the siege lasted longer than they expected, yet
they took it after three months. Macduff, earl of Fife, who
held the town in the name of Baliol, with his wife and child-
ren, were sent prisoners to the castle of Kildrummie, in Marr.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 9
Andrew Murray, of Tullibardin, who had pointed out the
fords of the river Earn to the English, was put to death.
The Book of Paisley affirms, that the walls of the town
were levelled with the ground, which appears to me more
likely, than what others write, that it was kept and garrisoned,
especially during a time when there was such a scarcity of
faithful adherents and of military men. . . . , , i.
1x. Nearly about the same time, Baliol was engaged in
Annandale, receiving the homage of the noblemen of the
neighbouring counties, whom such a sudden change of circum-
stances had so astonished, that even Alexander Bruce," lord
of Carrick and Galloway, despairing of his kinsman David's
fortune, submitted to him. This flow of prosperity produced
in Baliol contempt for his enemies, and that contempt pro-
duced negligence, which, when the regent understood by
means of his spies, he sent thither Archibald Douglas, the
brother of James who fell in Spain, to take advantage of any
favourable opportunity which might occur. He, having along
with him William Douglas, lord of Liddisdale,f John, the
son of Thomas Randolph, and Simon Fraser, with a thousand
horse, came to Moffat. "Thence, after exploring the country
all around, he advanced upon Baliol by a night march, and
attacking him while asleep, he struck his army with such
astonishment and terror, that in the confusion and alarm, he
himself fled almost naked, upon horseback, without either
saddle or bridle. In this affray, a great many of his particular
friends were slain. Alexander Bruce was taken, but pardoned
at the request of his relation John Randolph. Henry Baliol,
on that occasion, obtained great praise for his courage from
both parties; for, in the disorderly flight, while defending his
men from their pursuers, he wounded many of the enemy,
killed several, and at last died bravely fighting. There fell,
besides, John Moubray, Walter Cumin, and Richard Kirby,
* Alexander Bruce, a matural son of Edward Bruce, and brother to
Robert, who was killed at the battle of Duplin.
t Sir William Douglas, better known in Scottish history by the title of
the knight of Liddisdale.
, VOL. II, B
10 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
distinguished chiefs of the English faction. This exploit was
performed on the 25th December, A. D. 1332. ,
x. The Brucean party being somewhat elevated by these
successes, frequent consultations, were held, with Andrew
Moray, the regent, respecting the state of the realm, for they
all believed that Baliol did not seek the kingdom for himself,
but for the king of England, by whose orders he acted.
Wherefore, considering Edward as, their real enemy, they
pressed, with their utmost diligence, their preparations against
this more powerful adversary. They fortified Berwick by a
strong garrison, as they thought the English would commence
the war by an attack upon it, and appointed Alexander Seton,
an illustrious knight, commander of the town, and Patrick
Dunbar, governor of the castle and surrounding district.
William Douglas, lord of Liddisdale, who possessed the
highest reputation for bravery and prudence, was sent to
protect the western borders of Annandale. Andrew Moray
marched to Roxburgh, where Baliol then was. Having thus
arranged the command at home, John Randolph was sent to
France, to visit king David, and, also, to inform Philip of the
precise state of the country, and request from him some
assistance against the common enemy. Moray, who had
gone to Roxburgh, having defeated Baliol in a sharp contest
at a bridge beyond the city, while he pursued the English,
who were retreating by the bridge back into the town, being
cut off from his own forces, was taken prisoner, and thus lost
a victory which he had already gained. At the same time,
in the opposite quarter, William Douglas of Liddisdale, in
an engagement with the English, was wounded, and fell into
the . of the enemy; which disaster so dispirited his men,
that they were thrown into confusion, and put to flight.
xi. These inconstant freaks of fortune again tore Scotland
into two factions, according as love, hatred, hope, fear, or
private interest, prevailed. In the mean time, the king of
England, thinking that these dissensions afforded him a
favourable opportunity for seizing that kingdom, received
Baliol, now too weak to protect himself, into favour, and
exacted from him an oath of fealty; then, without regarding
his affinity to Bruce, the sacredness of a treaty, or the sanctity
, 19
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. T1
of an oath, that he might indulge his immoderate ambition,
he at once declared, and made war upon the Scots, destitute
of a king, and distracted among themselves. But that this
outrage might seem to have a shew of justice, he sent an
embassy to demand Berwick, which town his father and
grandfather had possessed for many years, and he himself
immediately followed with his army. To his ambassadors it
was replied, that Berwick had always belonged to the Scots,
till Edward, his grandfather, had seized it by the foulest
injustice; and that when Robert Bruce, their last king, had
recovered all the rest of Scotland, he likewise reconquered
that town from Edward—the father of him who now asked it
to be returned—and restored its ancient form of government.
Nor was it long since the present Edward himself, by a solemn
act of his parliament, renounced all right which he or his
ancestors had ever said they possessed, either over the whole
of Scotland, or any single town or place; since which time
they were not conscious of having violated the treaty to which
they had sacredly sworn, and which was confirmed by a
matrimonial alliance, although, within a few years, they had
been twice assaulted by secret fraud and open violence. In
these circumstances, they besought the ambassadors to enforce
upon the mind of the English monarch, a respect for equity,
and the impropriety of his taking advantage of the times to
endeavour to rob an absent king—harmless by his years, and
the husband of his sister; that they, on their part, would
refuse no terms of accommodation, if they were honourable;
but if he attempted any unjust violence, they, in defence of the
guardianship of the king committed to them, would rather die
an honourable death, than consent to any peace disgracefil to
themselves and to the kingdom. *
xII. This answer being returned by the Scottish council,
the king of England, who sought not peace but victory,
commenced the siege of Berwick by sea and land, with a
powerful army of his own subjects, increased likewise by
foreign auxiliaries; nor did he omit any thing which might
contribute to the capture of the city; and trusting to his
numbers, he gave the besieged no respite, never intermitting
his attacks by day nor night. Nor did the besieged on their
12 HISTORY OF ScotlanD.
part less fiercely annoy himsby their incessant sallies. They
burned, a great part of the fleet which was lying in the river,
by throwing firebrands among them; in which achievement,
William Seton, an illegitimate sons of the governor's, an
uncommonly brave youth, and much lamented, perished,
while endeavouring to leap on board an English vessel; his
own ship being driven too far back by the force of the waves,
he fell into the sea, and in such confusion it was impossible to
assist him. Another son of Alexander's, but born in wedlock,
in one of the sallies, pushing forward with too much eagerness,
was separated from his associates, and taken by the English.
But when the siege, which began on the 13th of April, had
now lasted three months, and the besieged, besides their
fatigue and watching, beginning to be in want of provisions,
appeared incapable of longer resisting the power of the
enemy, it was agreed with the English that, unless they were
relieved by the 30th July, they would surrender the city to
them, Thomas, the eldest son of Alexander, being given as an
hostage. * * * - 4. Aº
xIII. Whilst these transactions were going forward at
Berwick, the Scottish parliament assembled to deliberate on
the state of the nation; and the regent being taken at Rox-
burgh, that they might not be without a leader, they chose
Archibald Douglas, * as their chief, and determined that he
should have an army to march into England, and waste the
neighbouring districts, in order to draw away the king from
the siege. According to this determination Douglas proceeded
for England; but hearing of the agreement of Alexander, he
altered his design, and, in opposition to the more prudent
counsels of the wisest of his officers, marched directly towards
the English, and on St. Magdalen's eve was descried both
by friends and enemies. The king of England, although
the day had not arrived for the surrender of the town, when
he saw the Scottish forces so near, sent a herald to the
commander of the garrison, who announced to him, that
unless he immediately delivered up the place, he would put
\
* Archibald Douglas, commonly called Tyneman—Tiny man, the small or
slender man, from his diminutive appearance.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 13
his son to death. In vain did the governor contend that the
day for surrendering the city had not arrived; in vain did he
appeal to Edward's pledged faith; for while affection, tender-
ness, anxiety, and his duty to his country, variously agitated
his paternal bosom, the king of England, thinking he would be
moved were the terrible object brought nearer, ordered a
gallows to be erected on a situation where it could be easily
seen from the town, and the two sons of the governor, the one
a hostage, the other a prisoner of war, to be brought thither
for execution. At this dreadfully distressing spectacle, when
the mind of the father wavered, his wife, the mother of the
youths, a woman of masculine fortitude, by various arguments
encouraged and strengthened his resolution. She placed
before him his fidelity to his king, his love to his country,
and the dignity of a most noble family. She reminded him
that they had other children still remaining, neither did his
age or her own preclude the hope of having more; and these,
although now they should escape, yet, in a short time either a
fortuitous death, or, at best, old age, would sweep them away;
but if any spot should stain the family of Seton, it would
remain for ever, and the infamy would attach to their innocent
descendants; that she had often heard praised, in the speeches
of the wise, those who had devoted themselves and their
children as victims for the safety of their country; but he, if
he delivered up the city intrusted to him, would betray his
country, without securing the safety of his children; for how
could he hope, that a tyrant, who now violated his faith,
would afterwards observe his promises? She therefore en-
treated him not to purchase an uncertain, and, even if pro-
cured, a momentary advantage, by certain and perpetual
disgrace. When she had, by such reasoning, in some measure
tranquillized the mind of her husband, lest he might not be
able to avert his eyes from the detestable execution, she led
him to another quarter of the city, from whence it could not
be observed.* *
xiv. The king of England, after this execution, which was
disapproved of even by some of his own army, removed his
.* For remarks on the siege, vide note Book iv, cap. 1.
14 History or scott AND.
camp to Halidon hill, in the neighbourhood of Berwick, and
théré awaited the enemy. Déuglas; whom the advice of his
experienced officers could not persuade before to draw off the
besiegers upon himself by ravaging the English lands, now
burning with rage, and afraidºlest, if, 'after so infamous a
transaction, perpetrated almost before his eyes, he should
retire without a battle, it would appear that he dreaded the
enemy, determined to fight, and marched straight towards
them. When his army had stood for a considerable time
drawn up in order of battle, and the king of England still
remained in his station on the height, nor would descend into
the plain, Douglas led out all the Scottish army against them
on the hill. This rash proceeding produced its natural
consequences; for while they were struggling hard, to get up
the acclivity, the enemy annoyed them dreadfully, by rolling
down huge rocks, and by a furious discharge of arrows,
before they could come to close fighting; and when they did
approach, their opponents rushed upon them in such compact
bodies, that they precipitated them headlong to destruction.
There were upwards of ten thousand killed; some say that
fourteen thousand fell. Almost all the nobles who had escaped
at the unhappy battle of Duplin perished, among whom were
Archibald, the general, James, John, and Allan Stuart, uncles
of Robert who reigned next after the Bruces, Hugh, earl of
Ross, Kenneth, earl of Sutherland, Alexander Bruce, earl
of Carrick, Andrew, James, and Simon Fraser, brothers.
This slaughter of the Scots happened on St. Magdalen's day,
A. D. 1333. Լ
xv. After this battle, all hope of relief being cut off,
Alexander Seton surrendered the city, and Patrick Dunbar
the castle of Berwick, to Edward, on condition of having
all their property preserved. Both were obliged to swear
fealty to the king of England; and Dunbar, in addition,
was ordered to rebuild immediately, at his own expense,
the castle of Dunbar, which he had destroyed that it might
not afford a strong hold for the English. Edward having
remained a few days, committed the charge of the city,
and the farther prosecution of the war, to Baliol, and
retired to his own kingdom, leaving Richard Talbot, a man
History of scorland, - 15
of high rank and prudence, in Scotland, with a few troops, to
assist Baliol in subduing the rest of the country. ...Nor did
that seem a very difficult task, almost all the nobility being
extinct; and of those who remained some submitted to the
conqueror, while the others retired to fortified or uninhabited
places. But a few garrisons still held out for David. On this
side the Forth, an island in a lake, whence the river Doon
flows, scarcely of size sufficient to contain a moderate castle,
and Dunbarton. On the other side the Forth, a castle situated
in Loch Leven, likewise Kildrummy and Urquhart,. . . . .
xvi. Next year ambassadors came from the pope and
Philip king of France, to settle the disputes between the
kings of Britain. But the king, of England, elated by the
uninterrupted course of his prosperity, refused even to admit
them into his presence, for he thought the spirits and strength
of the Scots were so broken, that they neither would dare,
nor were able, to rebel again. From a very trifling occasion,
however, and whence it was least expected, a dispute arese
among the English themselves at Perth, which changed the
greatest tranquillity, into, the most grievous: war, asſohn
iMoubray had possessed lands in Scotland, which were given
to his ancestors by Edward I, then lost in the vicissitudes of
the times, and again recovered during the reign of Edward
Baliol, He dying without male heirs, Alexander their uncle
commenced a lawsuit against his brother's daughters for the
estates. Henry Beaumont, who had married one of the
daughters, as also Richard Talbot and David Cumin, chiefs
of the English faction, favoured the cause of the ladies.
Baliol countenanced the claim of Alexander, and, in the
suit, adjudged the lands to him, which so irritated his
opponents that they openly complained of the decision, and
when their complaints did not seem to receive due attention,
they retired from the court, each to his own estate. Talbot,
whilst he was going to England, was seized and carried
prisoner to Dunbarton. Beaumont garrisoned Dundarg, a
strong castle in Buchan, and took possession not only of the
land in dispute, but also of all the neighbouring country,
Cumin went to Athole, and fortifying some advantageously
situated places, prepared himself to resist violence, if any
16 History of scqtLAND.
were attempted. Baliol dreading the effects of a conspir-
acy of such powerful men, reversed the sentence, gave
Beaumont the disputed lands, and reconciled Cumin, by
bestowing on him many valuable estates which belonged to
Robert Stuart, the heir apparent to the crown. Alexander
de Moubray, enraged at this - affront, joined himself with
Andrew Moray, regent of Scotland, who had lately ransomed
himself from the English by a large sum of money. These
different transactions, which took place at various times, I
have joined together, that I may not interrupt the course of
xvii. In the meantime, Baliol, in another quarter, took or
destroyed all the fields around Renfrew; and having settled
every thing there according to his wish, he sailed for the island
of Bute, and fortified Rothsay eastle, of which he made Allan
Lisle governor, whom he had before made lord justice general.
He eagerly pursued Robert Bruce, grandson of Robert Bruce
by his daughter, to put him to death; but he, by the assistance
of William Huish, and John Gilbert, escaped in a boat to the
opposite continent, where horses were waiting him, and pro-
ceeded to Dunbarton, to Malcolm Fleming, the governor of.
the castle. … Baliol, when he had arranged affairs in Bute,
crossed over to the neighbouring continent, and took Denoon
castle in Cowal, which struck such terror into the nobility in
the vicinity that they almost all submitted to him. . . *
xviii. Returned from thence, next spring he besieged the
castle of Loch Leven; but the siege appearing to proceed
slowly, he left John Stirling, a powerful knight of his party,
to whom he joined Michael Arnot, David Wemyss, and
Richard Melvin, to prosecute it. They, after having built a
fort opposite, where the passage was shortest, and vainly tried
every method to take the castle by force, as it was vigorously
defended by Allan Wepont, and James Lambine, citizens of St.
Andrews, attempted to overflow it by shutting up the outlet of
the river Leven, which flows from the loch through a narrow
strait worn in the rock. At this place they endeavoured to
erect a mound with turf and stones to obstruct the passage;
but the work proceeded slowly, for the summer being hot, the
torrents which flowed into the lake were almost dry, and the
HISTORY OF scotland. I?:
extended surface of the waters received but a small increase;
in this manner the siege was protracted till the month of July,
in which occurs the festival of St. Margaret, a holiday kept in
honour of a former queen of Scotland, on which day a fair
was wont to be held in Dunfermline, where the body of the
saint is buried. On this day, John Stirling with a great part
of his men went thither, some for the purpose of merchandise,
and some for the purpose of religion, leaving the camp with
a small guard at the mound, for they dreaded no enemy,
knowing that except the few shut up in the castle, none of the
adverse faction were in the neighbourhood. The besieged,
when they ascertained the absence of Stirling by the silence of
the camp, having placed on board small vessels the engings
they had previously prepared for perforating the embankment,
proceeded in the beginning of the evening, when the guards
were asleep, and bored it through in several places at once.
The water, having thus found some small openings, at first
flowed gently; but by degrees widening passages for itself...at
last rushed with such violence, that overwhelming whatever
was opposed to it, it inundated the whole plain, and swept
tents, huts, some half sleeping soldiers, and their baggage,
with a tremendous noise into the sea. They who were in the
vessels, then landing, rushed upon the astonished besiegers
with loud shouts, and increased the unexpected tumult; at
which the whole were seized with such terror, that no one
thinking of any thing but safety, left all to the enemy, and
fled in every direction, Allan then, at his leisure, carried
into the castle from the camp, not only spoil, but provisions
sufficient for a long siege. In another sally upon the guards
who were in Kinross, he was equally successful, and the fort
being taken and demolished, the siege was raised.* |
* Ruddiman, in a note on this passage, supposes there is a mistake in the
date, and that the siege must have taken place in some other year than 1335,
because the feast of the translation of St. Margaret was celebrated at Dün-
fermline on the 19th June, and there was a truce, he alleges, from the 4th
April to the 24th June 1335; to prove which, he refers to an instrument in
Foedera, tom. iv. p. 640; but that instrument only shews that proposals had
been made for a truce, not that a truce had been concluded. Hailes'Ann.
vol. ii. p. 218.
WOL, II, C
$ºr *
18. History or scotland."
xix. During these transactions in Fife, the English entered,
Scotland, withºpowerful armaments: both by sea and land.
The fleet sailed up the Forth; but the admiral's vessel being
driven on the rocks in a storm, and the rest much shattered,
they returned home with more damage than plunder. The
army penetrated to Glasgow; there the king of England called:
a convention of the nobles of his faction, when having under-
stood that the opposite party had neither leader nor army,
and that his presence would be no longer necessary, he
returned to England, carrying Baliol-in whose disposition
he did not altogether confide—along with him, and leaving
David Cumin, earl of Athole, to command in Scotland.
Cumin immediately seized all the extensive possessions of
the Stuarts, which comprehended Bute, Arran and Renfrew,
the whole of Kyle, and part of Cunninghame: he confirmed
Allan Lisle in the chief justiceship of Bute, which some call
sheriff, others lord lieutenant, and ordered the adjacent
countries to obey him. He himself marched into different
parts of the country, and reduced Buchan and Moray; but
although he had increased his possessions far beyond the
bounds of a private station, yet he framed all his charters, and
whatever public orders he issued, in the united names of
Edward king of England and Baliol. At that time, although
no person in Scotland, except boys in sport, durst acknowledge
Bruce as king, yet Robert Stuart, who then lurked in Dun-
barton, thinking something might be attempted, in the absence
of Cumin, acquainted the Campbells, a powerful family in
Argyleshire, with his design; and Colin," their chief, having
collected about four hundred men, met him at Denoon castle,
in Cowal, which he immediately seized. At the report of
this, the inhabitants of Bute, separated only by a narrow
sound, rose simultaneously, and hastened to meet their former
Fords. Allan Lisle, in order to arrest their progress, pro-
ceeded, with what force he could muster, to meet them.
The crowd, for the most part unarmed, who had assembled
rather, from the impulse of the moment than from any con-
}
• * Colin Campbell. Fordun calls him Dougal Campbell of Lochow, lib.
xiii. cap. 29. &
19
! HISTORY of scotLAND. (19
certed plan, struck with a sudden panic, fled to the nearest
hill; there, having found a great quantity of stones, they
overwhelmed, as with a shower of hail, the soldiers, who
despising them, had advanced rashly to attack their position,
The greater part were wounded before they could come to
a close engagement; and were so hardly pressed in their
retreat, that Lisle, with the bravest of his troops, were killed,
and John Gilbert, governor 6f Bute castle, taken prisoner.
The Islanders armed a number of themselves with the spoil of
the slain, and this not bloodless victory was followed by the
surrender of the castle. * * r * : *s
’’ xx. At the report of these successes, Thomas Bruce, earl of
carrick, with his partisans from Kyle and Cunninghame, also
William Carruder, of Annandale, who had always refused
subjection to the English, accompanied by his friends and
relations,. leaving their 'lurking-places, hastened to Stuart;
John Randolph, earl of Moray too, lately returned from
'France, brought the hopes of exterhal assistance. Upon this,
the royalists, encouraged to attempt greater enterprises, having
collected an army, and their efforts being seconded by Godfrey
Hoss, sheriff of Ayr, they in a short time drew over the whole
ôf Carrick, Kyle, and Cunninghame to the party of the Stu-
arts; the inhabitants of Renfrewshire likewise cheerfully re-
turned to their ancient chiefs. The vassals of Andrew Moray
following their example, the rest of the men of Clydesdale,
some willingly, and some by constraint, joined that interest.
Their confidence being increased by such auspicious begin-
nings, that there might be some resemblance of a government,
they assembled the principal men of their party, and chose as
regents, Robert Stuart, who, although a youth, yet in these
unsettled rambling expeditions, had given proof of his devo-
tion to his country, and John Randolph, worthy of his
illustrious father and brother. The latter, being sént with a
strong force to the north country, the inhabitants, who were
tired of the oppressive rule of the English, received him with
open arms; and David Cumin, terrified at the sudden revolu-
tion, fled to Lochaber, where Randolph pursued him, and
having shut him up in a narrow corner, and surrounded him,
he was compelled by want to surrender. After having obliged
; :
20 HISTORY or scoriand."
him to swear fealty to Bruce, Randolph dismissed him; and
so much confidence had he in his promises, that he left him
his deputy at his departure, nor was Gumin deficient in his
pretensions of zeal for the Brucean cause. . . .
xxi. Randolph, on his return to. Lothian, joined himself
to his old friend, William Douglas, who, lately come back
from England, had avenged his long melancholy imprison-
ment by the immense slaughter he inflicted on his enemies.
Andrew Moray, who had been taken at Roxburgh, had also
returned. There being now a sufficient number of nobles,
the regents summoned a parliament to meet at Perth,” on the
first of April; but, after they had assembled, nothing could
be effected, on account of a violent quarrel between William
Douglas and David Cumin, the alleged ground of which was,
that the intrigues of Cumin had caused Douglas to be so long
detained by the English. Stuart favoured Cumin, but almost
all the rest supported Douglas. Cumin alleged these diffe-
rences as the reason why he came with a numerous retinue to
the assembly, for he had brought so many of his friends and
vassals, that he appeared formidable to all the rest; and his
fickle temper, ambitious disposition, together with certain
intelligence of the approach of the English, with whom it was
generally believed he would join, increased their suspicions;
nor indeed, was it long after, that the king of England invaded
Scotland with a large force both by sea and land, bringing
Baliol with him. The fleet, consisting of one hundred and
sixty vessels, entered the Forth, while he in person marched
forward with the army to Perth, wasting the country on every
side, and there waited for Cumin.
XXII. Randolph, in the meantime, went to John, governor
of the AEbudae; but not being able to induce him to join his
party, was, content, in these troublous times, to conclude a
truce for some months. On his returning from the Islands
he found Robert, the other regent, dangerously ill. In this
distracting situation, the whole burden of the state devolving
* Fordun says this parliament met at Darvesey, Dairsy, near Cupar, in
Fife, and through the tyrannical behaviour of David, earl of Athole, their
proceedings only exposed them to contempt, lib. xiii, chap. 34.
tº-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 2F
upon him, when he found he durst not meet the English in a
general, engagement, he divided his forces, that he might
harass them in detached parties. Having heard that a strong
body of Flemings were marching through England to join
Edward, he hastened to the borders. On his march he was
met by Patrick, earl of March, William Douglas of Liddis-
dale, and Alexander Ramsay, esteemed the first soldier of the
age; and having joined his forces with theirs, waited for the
Flemings in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh. As soon as
they approached he attacked them, and after a furious conflict,”
the Flemings being vanquished, fled to a neighbouring hill,
where there was a castle infruins; and next day, compelled
by want, they surrendered on condition only that their lives
should be spared. Randolph, as a mark of regard to Philip
Wallois, said to be his particular friend, not only dismissed
them safe, and supplied them with provisions, but himself
undertook to escort them back, ;In this march, having; êIA
into an ambush laid, by the partisans of the English faction;
he was taken prisoner, and brought to, Edward, who then be.
sieged Perth. About the same time, David Cumin, all whose
movements depended upon, the turn of fortune, rejoicing in
the calamity of his enemy, came to the king of England, and
promised him that he would in a short time drive the whole
of Bruce's adherents out of the kingdom; nor was he tardy in
performing what he had promised. Perth having surrender-
ed, and, the walls being demolished, Edward prepared to re-
turn to England, as he was so wretchedly supplied with pro-
visions; for the Scots, at his approach, had driven their flocks
to the mountains, and conveyed every other moveable away
to a distance, or to some fortified place, destroying what they
could not remove. Nor did his fleet, to which he had trusted
for supplies, much avail him; for having, at their first en-
trance into the Frith, plundered the monastery of Inchcolm
shortly after, while at anchor in the open sea, a furious storm:
* This action took place in the Borough-moor. In the engagement Richard
Shaw, a Scottish esquire, was singled out by a combatant in the Flemish army;
they rushed to the fight, and both fell transfixed with mutual wounds. On the
Fleming's body being stripped of its armour, the brave stranger was discovered
to be a woman
$22 History of scorland.
arose, which oecasioned great devastation among them, Part
of the vessels with difficulty reached the neighbouring but
barren island of Inchkeith, and others were driven to a greater
distance by the violence of the winds. They, therefore, when
they began to collect, impºrted the eatise of the tempest to the
anger of St. Columba, whose monastery they had sacrilegious-
ly and cruelly plindered; and, in consequence, carried thither
all the spoil they had taken as an expiatory offering. Not
was any memorable transaction afterwards performed by the
fleet during the whole year. . . " * . . *
xxiii. These causes although they strongly influenced the
king of England, yet what'chiefly hastenéd his return, was a
projected French war, upon which he was then chiefly intent.
Wherefore, when he had apparently almost finished the war
in Scotland, he led back his army, and carried Edward Baliol
along with him, leaving Cumin regent, to finish what remain-
ed. Cumin, that he might prove his zeal’ for the interest of
both kings, and avenge himself on his enemies, exercised his
office with the utmost cruelty, which appeared the more base
becauses having only a few months before been reduced to the
greatest extremity, he had so easily obtained his pardon.
Among the Scottish nobles, there stood, almost alone, three,
whom no promises could entice, nor any dangers force to sub-
mit to the English—Patrick, earl of March, Andrew Moray,
and William Douglas. These having joined their forces,
marched against Cimin, who was besieging Kildrummy castle,
and engaged him at Kilblaine-wood; on which occasion,
Cumin, who exceeded them in number, had nearly surround-
ed them, when John Craig, the governor of Kildrummy, ad-
vancing with three hundred fresh men, turned the day, and
gave a decisive victory to the adherents of Bruce. The brav-
est of Cumin’s followers fell, either in the battle, or in 'flight.
Many took refuge in Canemore, a neighbouring castle belong-
ing to Robert Menzies; but there not being provisions for
such a multitude, they surrendered next day, and, upon tak-
ing an oath of fidelity to Bruce, were pardoned. There fell
in this action, besides the chief, Robert Brady and Walter
KCumin, two of Cumin’s intimate friends. Thomas, his
brother, was taken and beheaded the day following.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND," 23
xxiv. This achievement, as Randolph was a prisoner, and Stu-
art sick, procured the regency for Andrew Moray, by military
suffrage; for letters having arrived from the king of France
respecting the truce, when the nobles of the Bruce party as-
sembled to receive them, they unanimously restored to Moray
his former honour, of which a misfortune had deprived him.
He, after a truce of a few months was ended, besieged Loch-
indore castle, which was kept by the wife of David Cumin,
who, foreseeing what would happen, had begged assistance
from the English; and they, without delay, landed a force in
Moray, and raised the siege. They then advanced as far as
Elgin, a town situate on the river Lossy, wasting all before
them. On their march to Perth they burned Aberdeen, and
garrisoned all the castles in the Merse, Dunnotter, Kinfauns,
and Laurieston. The six monasteries, nearest to Perth, were
ordered to rebuild the walls which had been destroyed, and
having intrusted the government of Scotland to Edward Baliol,
who had again returned, they departed for England. The
English having departed, and the strength of the Scots being
broken, Henry Beaumont, thinking this a proper time for
avenging the death of his son-in-law, the earl of Athole, seiz-
ed and put cruelly to death, without distinction, all that he
could find who had been engaged in the battle of Kilblaine.
Andrew Moray, therefore, besieged him in Dundarg, and
compelled him to surrender; and after having made him swear
solemnly that he would never again return as an enemy to
Scotland, dismissed him. Moray, by an uninterrupted course
of victory, having also obtained possession of all the fortified
places beyond the Forth, except the castle of Cupar, and the
town of Perth, after expelling the garrisons, demolished them.
Thence he marched into England with his army, where he
obtained great booty, and refreshed his men, who were worn
out with penury at home; for the whole of Scotland, that
year, having suffered by war, the fields either lay uncultivated,
or were wasted by the constant incursions of both parties;
and, in consequence, such a famine ensued, that the English
abandoned the strong castle of Cupar for want of provisions
On which occasion, a Scottish seaman, who had been ill treat-
ed by them, being employed to transport the garrison by night
34 HISTORY, OF sco.TLAND, .
to Lothian, disembarked them upon a sand bank left bare by
the ebbing of the tide; they, thinking they had been landed
on the continent, proceeded a little forward, when being met
by the sea again, they all perished, calling in vain upon the
sailor for assistance. , * .*
xxv. Next year, A. D. 1337, the English besieged the
castle of Dunbar. Agnes, wife of the earl of March, common-
ly surnamed Black Agnes, a woman of a masculine spirit, de-
fended it; and the earls of Salisbury and Arundel directed
the operations against it. This siege lasted beyond all expec-
tation. Two different armies, sent to the assistance of Baliol,
entered Scotland, the one led by Montford, the other by
Richard Talbot. Laurence Preston encountered the army
under Montford, and defeated it, their leader being killed;
but he himself was so severely wounded, that he died in a few
days after; and his soldiers, enraged at the loss of their gen-
eral, satiated their vengeance on the prisoners, whom they in-
humanly butchered. Talbot was taken prisoner by William
Keith, and his army destroyed. Still the siege of Dunbar
continued. The sea being shut up by the English, the be-
sieged began to suffer from scarcity, and, without doubt, the
castle must have surrendered, had not Alexander Ramsay,
by a bold attempt, opportunely relieved it. In a tempestuous
night, having deceived the guard who watched the coast in
Genoese gallies, he brought his vessel to the castle, and land-
ed forty chosen men, and a great quantity of provisions; then,
with part of the garrison added to his men, he rushed out at
midnight with a great noise upon the English guard, and
made terrible slaughter among them, who expected nothing
less than a sally from men they considered as already con-
quered. Having performed this exploit, he returned back
the following evening as secretly as he had come. At last, in
the sixth month, the English troops, who had fatigued them-
selves, and tried every expedient in vain, being called away
by the king to the French war, the siege of Dunbar was rais-
ed. Andrew Moray, his country being now almost freed from
foreign soldiers, first besieged Stirling, and then Edinburgh
castle, but departed without reducing either; however, he
subdued Lothian, and brought it back to the king. After
P - HISTORY OF SCOTLAN ID. 25
which, having gone to relax himself a little, by a visit to his
estates in the north, he fell sick and died. He was buried.at.
Rosemark, greatly and universally lamented; for the splendid
actions he performed during two years and a half, in which he
held the regency, were such as would have illustrated the
greatest captain of any age. * *
xxvi. After him, the Stewart, quite a youth, was regent till.
David's return from France. He had the honour of several
skirmishes which were gained this year in his name, by
William Douglas, with much risk, and at the expense of
several wounds. Douglas expelled the English out of Teviot-
dale, and took the hermitage in Liddisdale; and surprising a
great quantity of provisions at Melrose from the enemy, he
fortified that place. He had such a sharp and obstinate battle
with Berkley, that he and three of his companions with diffi-
culty escaped under covert of the night. He defeated the forces
of John Stirling in a severe engagement, but shortly after he
was nearly surrounded by him; recovering himself, however,
from the unexpected attack, after a keen struggle, he put Stir-
ling to flight, slew thirty of his companions, and took forty
prisoners. He so stuck to William Abernethy, that although
he had been five times defeated by him in one day, yet, before
night, having disabled all his men, he at length took Aber-
nethy himself prisoner. Nor was he less fortunate in over-
coming Laurence Vaux, a man of great strength. Soon after,
he went to France to inform king David of the state of Scottish
affairs. *
xxvii. Next year, A. D. 1339, the Stewart intending to fol-
low up his good fortune, collected an army, and arranging it
in four divisions, proceeded to attack Perth; but it being gal-
lantly defended by the English, he was wounded and repulsed.
In the third month of the siege, when almost despairing of
success, William Douglas returned with five piratical vessels
he had hired, and brought a re-enforcement of soldiers, and
machines. Having landed part of the soldiers, he ordered
the rest in the ships to secure the mouth of the river Tay,
while he himself went to recapture the castle of Cupar, which,
having been abandoned by the English, was occupied by a
Scottish garrison, under William Bullock, an English priest,
vol. Ile ,D **.
26 History of scotland.
who was also treasurer. With him Douglas entered into an
*greemént, that upon receiving lands in Scotland, he should
join their party; to this he was the more easily persuaded, be-
cause he neither expected any assistance from the English,
nor could he entirely rely upon the troops he had in the castle.
His bravery and fidelity were often afterwards of much ad-
vantage to the Scots. The siege of Perth had already lasted
four months, and seemed as if it still would be more tedious,
when the earl of Ross having drained off the water of the
ditches by mines, advanced with his men close to the wall,
whence the defenders being driven by the force of powerful
weapons thrown from the machines, a capitulation was entered
into, and the place delivered up to the Scots. The English
were allowed to march out with the honours of war, and the
whole of their property. A few days after, Stirling was be-
sieged, and surrendered upon the same conditions. Maurice
Moray, the son of Andrew, was made governor. Baliol, ter-
rified at this sudden change of affairs, left Galloway, where
he had usually resided, and went into England.
xxviii. Shortly after, Edinburgh castle was taken by strata-
gem. William Currie, a merchant who happened accident-
ălly to have a vessel laden with provisions, lying at Dundee,
in the Frith of Tay, was despatched by William Douglas to
the Forth. On his arrival, having communicated the design
to Bullock, in the assumed character of an Englishman, he
carried two bottles of his best wine, and some other little
presents to the governor of the castle, and requested that he
might be freely allowed to dispose of the rest of his pro-
visions in the garrison; at the same time, he requested the
governor to say in what manner he could serve either him or
the garrison, and he would cheerfully attempt it. The
governor then ordered him to bring... some hogsheads of
wine, and a certain quantity of ship biscuit, promising him
access whenever he chose; and Currie, pretending to be afraid
of the Scots, who made frequent excursions in that quarter,
replied, he would come at the dawn of morning. That night,
Douglas, with twelve of his most chosen companions, in
sailors' dresses above their armour, brought the provisions to
the castle, and having placed soldiers in ambush, as near as
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 27
*
possible, he ordered them to await his signal; Douglas and
Simon Fraser, who went a little before—the rest being order-
ed to follow at a moderate distance—when let within the palli-
sadoes, by the porter, perceiving the keys of the doors sus-
pended from his arm, killed him, and opened the castle gate
without noise. Then, as had been agreed upon, they gave
the signal to their companions, by blowing a horn. The
sound of the horn, at the same time, informed those who
were in ambush, and they who were guarding the castle, that
the fortress was entered by the friends of the one, and the
enemies of the other; and both hastening to the spot, the
Scots threw down their burdens in the entrance of the gate,
lest the doors should be shut before the arrival of their com-
rades, who could advance but slowly up the steep declivity,
A sharp conflict ensued, with considerable bloodshed on each
side. At last the garrison gave way, the whole being killed
or wounded, except the governor and six soldiers.
... xxix. Some authors place in this year, and some in the
former, the expedition of Alexander Ramsay into England.
Hamsay ranked first in military glory among the Scottish
commanders of the age, and such was the opinion entertaine
of his skill, that he who had not served in his school, was
never considered a finished soldier. Numbers, therefore, of
youth flocked to him, as the only master in the art of war.
After having successfully conducted many excursions against
the enemy, with a small force, thinking, in the present
wretched state of affairs in Scotland, that something greater
might be attempted, he, assembled a considerable number of
his vassals and friends, and ravaged Northumberland. On
his return, the English followed him with a much superior
army, collected from all the neighbouring countries and
castles. When Ramsay found it impossible to avoid, coming
to an engagement, and perceived the spirits of his soldiers de-
pressed on account of the multitude of the enemy, he sent the
plunder on before, placed his infantry in ambush, and order-
ed the horse to scatter themselves over the country as strag-
gling fugitives, with instructions to halt after they had passed
the place where the ambush lay, and upon a signal by trum-
pet, rally in a body. The English deceived by the flight of
29 sº. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the horse, which they imagined to be real, followed in as dis-
orderly a manner. When the Scots, being recalled by signal,
turfied upon them in a moment, and the foot-starting up on
evéry'side from their lurking places, the enemy, terror-struck
at this unexpected attack, fled with greater speed than they
had before pursued. Many being slain, and more taken
prisoners, the plunder was driven safe home. Among the
captives was the governor of Roxburgh, who having brought
nearly the whole garrison along with him, Ramsay attacked
the town thus left almost empty, and took it at the first as-
sault. Having also obtained possession of the lower part of
the castle, those who escaped fled into a strong tower; but
being closely besieged, and having no hope of any relief, they
surrendered. Some relate that the earl of Salisbury was taken
here, and exchanged for John Randolph; I, however, rather
incline to follow those writers who tell us that Salisbury was
taken by the French, and in France. Randolph, marching into
Annandale, took his castle at Lochmaben from the English.
And the commanders in the three borders, Alexander Ram-
say on the east, William Douglas on the middle, and Ran-
dolph on the west, drove the English beyond the ancient
boundaries of the kingdom, as possessed during the reign of
Alexander III.; nor did the enemy retain any place in Scot-
land except Berwick. There are some who say that Roxburgh
was taken by Ramsay, by escalade in the night, while the
guards were asleep, in the year 1342. The Book of Paisley
says the same,
xxx. In the same year, on the 2d of July, David Bruce
arrived with his wife at Inverbervie, nine years after his de-
parture, and his arrival was the more grateful, as the prospect
of Scottish affairs was extremely discouraging; for Edward,
having 'concluded a three years’ truce with king Philip, at
Tournay, and being thus freed from the French war, had
determined to attack Scotland with his whole strength. He
had an army of forty thousand foot, and six thousand horse;
and to provide against any scarcity of supplies, he had fitted
but a large fleet to carry provisions for his land forces.
Scarcely, however, had the fleet set sail in the month of No-
vember, when they were overtaken with a severe tempest,
***** HISTORY OF scori,AND. 29
and after being long tossed at sea, were thrown upon the
Dutch and German coasts, and rendered useless for the pre-
sent war. ... While Edward lay with his army in the neigh-
bourhood of Newcastle, in the greatest want of provisions,
ambassadors being sent to him from Scotland, a truce was
concluded for four months, upon condition, that if king David
did not return home before the first of June, all Scotland would
yield obedience to Edward. But David, having heard of the
preparations of the English, had set sail before the ambassa-
dors reached him. * !
xxxi. Among others who came from every part of the
kingdom, to congratulate the king on his return, was the
illustrious. Alexander Ramsay, renowned for his splendid
military achievements, but particularly for his late brilliant
exploit. He was received with particular marks of favour by
David, and beside the governorship of Roxburgh had the
sheriffdom of the whole of Teviotdale bestowed upon him.
Douglas, the knight of Liddisdale, was exceedingly displeased
that Ramsay should have been preferred to this dignity, for,
after he had driven the English almost entirely out of Teviot-
dale, he had acted as sheriff, although without the king's com-
mission, for several years, and trusting to his own services, and
the rank and power of his family, he did not expect to have
had any competitor for that magistracy. Wholly intent upon
revenge, he, however, concealed his anger for the present,
but in three months after, he unexpectedly surprised his rival,
while holding his court in the church of Hawick, and after
killing three of his attendants, who endeavoured to protect
him, he placed him wounded upon a baggage horse, and
carrying him to the hermitage, starved him to death. Nearly
about the same time, and in the same manner, William Bul-
lock, distinguished for fidelity to the king, was put to death
by David Barclay. These two deeds of inhuman cruelty, rent
all Scotland into factions, and filled it with animosities. They
likewise strongly affected the king, still a youth, and unaccus-
tomed to the savage disposition of soldiers. But although he
discovered the utmost anxiety to bring Douglas to punishment,
yet that chief, by the influence of his friends—for his brave
actions in defence of his country's independence had procured
30 History of scotland.
him many—and particularly of Robert Stuart, the king's
nephew, obtained a pardon, and, besides, the magnificent, but
true enumeration of his exploits, and the state of the times,
peace abroad being uncertain, and tranquillity at home disr
turbed, which strongly tended to embolden and exalt military
inen, had great influence. Wherefore Douglas was not only .
pardoned, but received the command of Roxburgh and Teviot-,
dale—a clemency perhaps requisite at the time, but a most
injurious precedent for the future. f *
xxx11. David, when he had thus settled matters at home, pro-
claimed an expedition against England, although the greater
part of the nobility dissuaded him from it, on account of the
great scarcity of provisions. He, however, levied a great army,
and intrusted the command to John Randolph, he himself
going with it in disguise. After having ravaged Northumber-
land for nearly two months, they returned home laden with
spoil. A few days after, the king himself assuming the com-
mand, they again entered the enemy's country; the English,
however, being inferior in strength, would not risk a battle,
during the absence of their king in France, but assembled a
numerous body of cavalry, and with it prevented the Scots
from extending their devastations. Five of the chief nobles,
lately created knights by David, who rashly advanced too far,
after all their attendants were either killed or taken prisoners,
fell into the hands of the enemy, and the king, in order not to
spend his time uselessly, returned with his army. He after-
ward undertook a third expedition. Having assembled his
forces as secretly as possible; that he might unexpectedly in-
flict a severe blow upon his enemies, he entered England
during a stormy autumn, but the small brooks were so swollen
with the rain, that they rendered the country impervious, and
prevented the carriage of provisions; wherefore, not to appear
as having made such mighty preparations in vain, he demolish-
ed a few castles and returned home. Not long after, several
embassies were interchanged, in order to treat respecting a
two years' truce, to which the Scots agreed upon condition,
that Philip, king of France, consented; for, in the treaty
between the Scots and French, there was a clause, that neither
nation should conclude any separate treaty of peace, or truce
HISTORY OF SC4) TLAN D. 31
with the English. The negotiations in the mean time, kept
Scotland quiet. 3.
xxxiii. In the fourth year after the return of King David,
the French having lost a great battle, and Calais, a town of
the Morini being besieged, Philip, by his ambassadors, ear-
nestly urged the Scots to invade England, on purpose to
divert part of the English force from him. An army was
therefore ordered to rendezvous at Perth, When the bar-
ons were assembling, David, earl of Ross, having laid wait
for his old enemy, Reginald, lord of the Isles, attacked him in
the night, and slew him, together with seven of his noblest
companions.” This murder greatly diminished the army, as
not only the friends and vassals of both parties, but likewise
many of their neighbours, dreading a civil war between such
powerful families, departed to their homes. Wherefore,
William Douglas of Liddisdale, strongly advised the king
that, deferring the expedition for the present, he should en-
deavour to preserve domestic tranquillity. But despising this
counsel, the king—his friendship for Philip overcoming his
love for his country—led his army into England, and wasting
all before him, in sixteen days advanced into the bishopric of
Durham, f The English having here assembled a numerous
* This murder was perpetrated in the monastery of Elcho. The family of
Reginald, or Raynald, is still a matter of dispute among the Macdonalds.
+ The advice of Douglas is differently related by Fordun. After the Scots
army had advanced, David stormed the castle of Liddel, and beheaded Walter
Selby, the governor. This castle was connected with the territory of W.
Douglas, and served as a frontier garrison to his castle of the Hermitage, and
it was then that the knight of Liddisdale advised the king to abandon his
enterprise against England, and dismiss his army. On which the rest of the
barons exclaimed, “Must we fight merely for your gain? You have got your
share of the spoils of England, and would you prevent us from getting ours?”
f The Scots army, when mustered at Hexham, consisted of two thousand
men at arms, completely accoutred, and a great irregular body of light in-
fantry. Fordum, lib. xiv. cap. 2. The English were “in number, twelve hun-
dred men at arms, three thousand archers, and seven thousand footmen,
besides a choice band of expert soldiers, newly come from before Calais, the
whole amounting to sixteen thousand complete.” Barnes, quoted in the Ann.
S. Hist. Besides an immense crowd of ecclesiastics, “who were all,” says
Aiscue, “good tall Trencher-men, such as were not afraid of a crack'd crown,
though they had no hair to hide the wounds.” Froissart supposed that
32 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
army, party composed of levies raised by Percy, and partly
of soldiers sent back from the siege of Calais, showed them-
selves to the Scots in battle array, much sooner than they had
dreamed of David, who feared nothing less than the advance
of an opponent, and had sent William Douglas to spoil the
neighbouring country, gave his men the signal for battle.
Douglas, who had unexpectedly fallen in with the enemy,
after losing five hundred of his bravest men, fled back to the
camp in disorder. Nor was this unfortunate commencement
of the conflict followed by any happier termination. The fight
was for a while contested fiercely by the right wing, where
John Randolph, earl of Moray, was slain, and this division
routed. The centre, which the king commanded in person,
was then attacked by two bodies of the English, of whom the
one had been victorious, and the other was entire, and here
the Scottish nobility, determined to die with their monarch,
were almost entirely cut off. The king himself was disarmed,
and taken prisoner by John Copeland, two of whose teeth he
knocked out, after being disarmed, with a blow of his fist,
although he had previously been severely wounded by two
arrows. The third line, commanded by Robert Stuart, and
Patrick Dunbar, having beheld the slaughter of their friends,
retired almost untouched.
xxxiv. After this battle, the nobility being so dreadfully
thinned, Roxburgh, the Hermitage, and many other castles
immediately surrendered to the English, and the Scots were
*
Philippa, the consort of Edward III., was their leader, but no English writer
mentions a circumstance, which if true, they could not possibly have omitted.
Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 93. is of opinion, that Baliol commanded in chief,
having Henry de Percy, and Ralph de Nevil, as his seconds in command as it
appears by the Foedera, tom. v. p. 831, they were hired to serve under Balioi
for a year, 26th January, 1346–7. Barnes and Tyrrel support the opinion of
Abercrombie. The more ancient writers, however, only mention Percy and
Nevil. Among the prisoners taken at this disastrous battle, were John de
Graham, earl of Menteith, in right of his wife, who had formerly sworn fealty
to. Edward, and Duncan, earl of Fife, who had sworn fealty to Baliol, the vas-
sal of England. These Edward ordered to be tried as traitors, and together
with that order, transmitted to the judges a schedule, containing the sentence
of condemnation; they were of course found guilty. The earl of Menteith
suffered as a traitor. The earl of Fife was not executed.
HISTORY OF SCOTLANI). 33.
forced to yield up, besides the territories they held in England,
JMarch, Teviotdale, Liddisdale, and Lauderdale, the English
boundaries being extended to Cockburnspath and Soutra hill.
Baliol, not content with having recovered his paternál estates
in Galloway, marched over Annandale, Nithsdale, and the
countries adjoining the Clyde, wasting every where with fire
and sword, and having joined himself to the English Percy,
he spread similar devastation over Lothian, nor for some years
could a respectable army be raised in Scotland. To these
miseries was added a dreadful plague, which carried off nearly
a third of the inhabitants; yet, in the midst of these calamities
there was no cessation of domestic dissensions. Sir David
Barclay, who had formerly killed Bullock, was, about this
time, also present at the murder of John Douglas of Dalkeith.
William Douglas, of Liddisdale, * still a prisoner in England,
since the battle of Durham, in requite, caused him to be mur-
dered by his vassals; nor did Liddisdale himself long survive
his return to Scotland, for, while hunting in Ettrick forest, he
was killed by William Douglas, the son of Archibald, then
lately come back from France, in revenge for the death of
Alexander Ramsay. The clans of the ancient Scots too, a
race impatient of repose, added to the general disorder, by
their feuds. *
xxxv. Amid these disasters pressing on every side, William
Douglast collected a band of his relations and vassals, and
having driven out the English, recovered Douglas, the ancient
* During his captivity, the knight of Liddisdale forfeited all the merit of
his former services against the English, by an infamous treaty, which he entered
into with Edward, to aggrandise himself, and procure his liberty at the expense
of his allegiance to his king, and his fidelity to his country. By it he bound
himself and his heirs, to serve the English king and his heirs, in their wars
against all persons whatever, excepting his own nation, with a proviso, “that
he might at pleasure renounce, the benefit of the exception,” and in a war
between the two nations, he was to remain neuter, but to permit the English
to pass and repass through his lands without molestation. Were there such a
thing as honour ever known in the transactions of kings and politicians, where
interest happens to be concerned, it would be perhaps difficult to say whether
Edward or Douglas in this transaction, best merited the palm of infamy.
f William Douglas, son of Archibald Tineman, mentioned in the former
chapter, in which the assassinations are not mentioned in chronological order.
WOL. II, E
34 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
patrimony of his fathers, and the confidence of his coun-
trymen in him, increasing from these small successes, he pro-
ceeded and reduced a great part of Teviotdale. “In the mean-
time, John, king of the French, who had succeeded both to
the kingdom and the wars of his father Philip, fearing lest the
Scots, broken by so many misfortunes, should yield to * their
powerful enemy, sent to them Eugene Garranter, attended by
forty gallant companions, to desire them to conclude no peace
with the English, without consulting him. He brought also,
forty thousand crowns along with him for raising soldiers, and
by magnificent promises, he induced the nobility to espouse
his cause. They accepted the money, and divided it among
themselves; they raised, however, no regular army, but car-
ried on the war after their own manner, by predatory excur-
sions. When intelligence of this embassy, was brought to the
English king, he reduced Lothian, which was already but
thinly inhabited, almost entirely to a desert; to revenge which,
Patrick Dunbar, and William Douglas, having collected a
large force as secretly as possible, sent William Ramsay of
Dalhousie, a brave and active soldier, with a small detachment
to burn the village of Norham, on the banks of the Tweed,
while they themselves lay in ambush. When Ramsay had
accomplished his object, he retired as directed, followed by
the English, and led them forward to the snare, there being
surrounded, and several of them killed, the rest, perceiving
the wide disparity of numbers, surrendered themselves pris-
OIleI’S. w -
xxxvi. This success having raised the spirits of the Scots,
* The Scots were at this time negotiating or had actually concluded a
treaty for the release of their king, whose ransom was fixed at 90,000
merks sterling, to be paid at the rate of 10,000 merks annually, for nine
years, during which time, there was to be a truce between the two na-
tions. And it was to prevent this treaty from being carried into effect, that
Philip sent Garranter, or Garencieres, as Fordun calls him, with money and a
small body of forces. Had the Scottish nobles known, that at that very time,
Edward negotiated with Baliol, and had commissioners treating with the
widow of Sir William Douglas, to admit an English garrison in the Hermitage,
and accept her homage as his subject, they would probably have required little
encouragement from France, to induce them to break their engagements with
that monarch. Foedera, tom. v. pp. 788, 812.
21
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 35
when the same leaders had joined their forces, Thomas Stuart,
earl of Angus, resolved to attempt Berwick. In order to
perform this privately, he procured ships, and having put on
board scaling ladders, and every other apparatus for attacking
a city, he informed Patrick [Dunbar, the earl of March] of
his proceedings. At the hour appointed, the Scots approach-
ed the walls as quietly as possible, yet not unperceived by the
guard, whom, however, after a sharp action, they drove from
their stations, and obtained possession of the city, though with
considerable loss. They then attacked the castle, which was
still kept possession of by the enemy, with great fury, but
without success. The king of England, on hearing of the
situation of affairs in Scotland, collected a numerous army,
and hastened thither by forced marches. The Scots, on hear-
ing of his approach, being unprovided for a long siege, after
plundering the city, set it on fire, and returned home. Ed-
ward, who had brought with him every kind of artificer, soon
restored the damage which the fire had occasioned—but he
himself remained at Roxburgh. Thither Baliol came, and
resigned the kingdom of Scotland to him, "earnestly entreat-
ing him not to forget the injuries he had received from the
Scots. The king of England, as if in obedience to this request,
immediately after invaded Lothian by sea and land, and de-
stroyed whatever had been spared in the former devastation.
Edward had determined by this expedition, so to exhaust Scot-
land, that it should never be able to recover strength again to
rebel; but this design was frustrated by a furious tempest,
which dispersed, shattered, and distressed the fleet that car-
ried his provisions, and few of the vessels could be again col-
* Edward, in return for the surrender, became bound to pay Baliol five
thousand merks, and to secure to him an annuity of two thousand pounds
sterling. In the preceding year, The Scottish government debased the coin,
which till then had been the same with that of England. In consequence,
Edward had issued a proclamation, forbidding-it to be received in England,
but as bullion; the preamble runs thus. “Whereas, the ancient money of
Scotland was wont to be of the same weight and alloy as our sterling money
of England, and on that account had currency with us, yet of late, money
bearing the resemblance of the alicient money, has been coined in Scotland,
of less weight, and of baser alloy, and begins to have currency, whereby the
English nation will be deceived,” &c.
36 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
lected. The English king, thus forced to retreat for want of
provisions, wreaked his vengeance on Edinburgh, Hadding-
ton, and the other towns of Lothian. When this army had
returned into England, William Douglas having expelled the
enemy from Galloway, Roger Kirkpatrick, from Nithsdale,
John Stewart, the son of the regent, from Annandale, these
counties were restored to the Scots.
xxxvii. Almost at the same time, John, king of France,
was vanquished in a great battle at Poictiers, by the English,
and taken prisoner. Edward, with two kings his prisoners,
passed the winter in the highest exultation, amid the con-
gratulations of his friends. The Scots, thinking that his
mind satiated with glory, might be bent more easily to
justice, sent ambassadors to treat with him about the libera-
tion of their king. Bruce, that he might the more easily com-
municate with his people, was sent to Berwick, but, when
they could not agree about the conditions, he was brought
back again to London. Not long after this, ambassadors
sent by the pope, with much difficulty, effected a peace be-
tween England and France; they negotiated one also for the
Scots, who engaged, according to our writers, to pay to the
English, one hundred, or, according to Froissart, five hun-
dred thousand merks of English money, part immediately,
and the rest by instalments, and, that it might be the more
easily raised, the pope gave authority to draw the priests’
tenths for three years. In the meantime, a truce being con-
cluded, the most noble youths were given as hostages, who
almost all died in England, of the plague. David, in conse-
quence, returned home, having been eleven years prisoner in
England,” and his first act was to punish those who had fled
* King David, before the treaty at Newcastle, was allowed, in 1851, to
visit his dominions, on making oath to return, and giving seven young noble-
men as hostages for his return. Foedera, tom. v. p. 711, 722–27. In 1853
he was carried down to Newcastle, from whence he returned to London,
Foed. tom, v. 756, but it does not appear that he went back to London from
Berwick, till after the treaty was concluded there, and afterward ratified at
Scoon; but in a few months after that, he was, at his own request, permitted
to visit England, for which he seems to have contracted a liking, and where
indeed he appears to have been honourably entertained, though at the ex-
pense of his own subjects, after the first four months of his captivity; for in
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3?
from the battle at Durham. From Patrick Dunbar, he took
away part of his estates, and from Alexander Stuart, his
eldest sister's son, the hope of the succession, and in his place
substituted Alexander, son of the earl of Sutherland, by his
second sister, and caused his nobles to swear fealty to him.
The father of this youth, to conciliate the affections of the
nobles to his son, gave extensive and fertile estates to the most
powerful, but Alexander dying, David was reconciled to
Stuart, and in a full assembly of the estates, by a unanimous
decree, restored him to his rank as heir apparent—but this
happened some years after.
xxxviii. The king employed almost the whole of the next
five years in appeasing civil discords, in which time two dis-
asters happened. The one, which was only partial, arose
from an inundation. So great a quantity of rain fell, that the
brooks and rivers of Lothian, overflowing their banks, cover-
ed the face of the country, and carried away, by the violence
of their currents, not only bridges and mills, but even farm
houses, with their owners and cattle into the sea; trees
were torn up by the roots, and even some towns, near the
banks of the rivers, were almost destroyed. This calamity
was followed by a plague, which cut off great numbers of
every rank and age. The country being restored to tranquil-
lity, the king, in the year 1863, in an assembly of the estates,
proposed, to the lords of the articles, that in case of his death,
the king of England, or his son, should be offered the Scot-
tish crown.” This proposal, whether originating from his
May 1347, about four months after he was committed to the Tower of Lon-
don, “William de Toures, and three others, all Scottishmen, were allowed by
Edward, to go to Scotland, in order to procure money to defray the charges
of David Brus, and the rest of the Scottish prisoners.” Foedera, tom. v. p. 562. '
* Since the days of Buchanan, the publication of various official documents
has brought to light a transaction of David's, which had probably been in ent-
bryo at the time he made this proposition to his Parliament. In November of
the same year, 1563, in a conference at London between the two kings,
the heads of which were committed to writing, it was agreed, that in default
of the king of Scots, and his male issue, the king of England, for the time
being was to succeed to the kingdom of Scotland, as an independent king-
dom and be crowned at Scoon king of the Scots; and the whole succession
by Marjory, Robert I.'s daughter, as settled in the king's will, and by the
38 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
being tired of war, or looking forward to the advantage of
both nations, or, as many thought, from his having been
forced to swear, by the king of England, that he would make
it, was so disagreeable and offensive to the whole, that with-
out waiting to be asked their opinion in order, they all, with
tumultuous clamour, execrated the proposition; and some
even who had opposed it most strongly, fearing his anger,
projected a revolt. But he, perceiving their alarm, repressed
his displeasure, and received them into favour. When the
country was every where else at peace, the Highlanders still
continued in arms, and not only raged with cruel and savage
barbarity among themselves, but likewise wasted the adjacent
counties. The king having in vain tried every other method
to produce concord among them, at last sent emissaries to in-
crease their dissensions, till the most ferocious being destroy-
ed by mutual slaughter, the rest might be rendered more mild
and tractable. Having finished these transactions at home
and abroad, he died in Edinburgh castle, in the forty-seventh
year of his life, and the thirty-ninth of his reign, May 7th, A. D.
1377. He was a man of distinguished virtue, just and hu-
mane, and, tried both by adverse and prosperous circum-
stances, appears to have been unfortunate rather than inca-
pable.
Scottish Parliament, was to be set aside. The only advantage to be gained
by the Scots, for changing the succession from a family they loved, to one
they abhorred, was a remission of the payment of the part of the king's ran-
som which was not paid. There were a number of stipulations for securing
the independence of the kingdom and its honour distinct from England,
which would have been observed as all articles of union between a weaker
and more powerful nation generally are, as long as it is for the advantage of
the strongest. It is highly probable that this paper was merely a formal ex-
tension of what had been the subject of much previous discussion. Lord
Hailes' supposition that it was a new treaty, after the expressed aversion of
the Scottish nobles, would make it an act unaccountable even in a prince
more capricious than David II. The articles are inserted at length in the
Annals of Scot. vol. ii. p. 307–12. and Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 130–2. They
were originally published in vol. vi. of the Foeders.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 39
}
C. RoBERT II.
xxxix. David being dead, when the nobles met at Linlith-
gow, to congratulate Robert,” who had before been designated
king by his uncle, on his accession to the throne, the ambition
of William, earl of Douglas, almost occasioned a sedition,
for he demanded the crown as his hereditary right, being de-
scended both from Baliol and Cumin; but perceiving that his
claim was disapproved of by all, and in particular by his inti-
mate friends, George Dunbar, earl of March, John, earl of
Moray, his brother, and Robert Erskine, governor of the
three strongest castles, Edinburgh, Stirling, and Dumbarton,
he withdrew his claim, and professed his allegiance to Robert
as king; and the king, to bind him closer in the ties of friend-
ship, gave his daughter in marriage to earl William's son.
XL. This year the truce which had been concluded for four-
teen years was violated by the English. There was a great
fair usually held # on the 11th August, at which multitudes
assembled from the most remote parts of both kingdoms,
and, many of the inhabitants of March being present, one of
George Dunbar's intimate friends was killed. George, having
demanded, according to the laws of the borders, that the
authors of the murder should either be delivered up to him,
or punished by themselves; when he saw justice overcome by
favour, dissembled the injury, but prepared secretly a band
* This prince was the first of the house of Stuart who ascended the Scot-
, tish throne. The origin of the family is still involved in considerable ob-
scurity, and cannot well be made plain to persons unacquainted with genealo-
gical antiquities, except by details at once tedious and uninteresting. It is
certain, however, that the family of the Stuarts, a patronymic derived from
Walter, who held the office of high stewart of Scotland, was opulent and
powerful in the reign of David I. before the middle of the twelfth century,
Hailes’ Ann. App. No. x. and it naturally follows that even then it may have
been ancient. Mr. Pinkerton suggested the idea that it was derived from the
noble English family of FitzAlan. Hist. of Scot. vol. i. p. 4. The author of
Caledonia, from old charters and other documents, has shown that the sup-
position was correct. He traces the Stuarts of Scotland to Shropshire in Eng-
land, and to the FitzAlans, progenitors of the earls of Arundel. Caledonia,
vol. i. p. 572-3-4.
+ At Roxburgh.
40 HISTORY OF SCOTLANT),
§
against the next yearly fair; and then, attacking the town
unawares, he slew all the young men, burned the houses, and
returned home with...great spoil. . The English, to revenge
this slaughter, wasted with equal cruelty the lands of John
Gordon an illustrious knight. . Not long after, Gordon enter-
ed England, and seized a great booty of men and cattle, on
which, John Lilburn, collecting a much greater band, met
him on his return, and both, inflamed with the most deadly
hatred, fought long with determined obstinacy, till victory at
last declared for the Scots, the English chief, with many of
his relations and vassals, being taken.
xLI. Henry Percy, earl.of Northumberland, a high spirited
nobleman, who was then lord warden of the eastern marches,
indignant at the devastation of his estates, collected above
seven thousand men, and encamped near Dunse, a village only
remarkable as being the birthplace of John Scotus, surnamed
the subtile.” The countrymen and shepherds, armed only
with rattles, such as they use to frighten the deer and cattle
which wander every where wild in that district, assembled in
the Lammermuir hills, in the neighbourhood of the village,
during the night. The form of the rattles is this—At the end
of a long spear they fasten wooden twigs, bent like a semi-
circle, over which they stretch a skin, exactly the form of
those lanterns which they call Falots + in Paris; in the inside
they enclose a few small pebbles which, when shaken, make
a loud noise, and scare the ańimals away from the corn—
with this species of rattles having raised a tremendous noise
on the hills which overhang Dunse, the horses of the English
terrified at the sound, broke loose from their bindings, and
running about disorderly, became the prey of the countrymen.
In the army all was confusion and calling to arms; and be-
* John Duns Scotos was born at Dunse, about 1265. When very young
he entered into a monastery of Franciscans, at Newcastle, whence he was
sent to prosecute his studies at Merton college, Oxford, where, in 1301, he
was professor of Theology. Afterwards he went to the continent, and died
at Cologne, 1808. Part of his works have been printed in twelve volumes
folio. The subtilty, which procured him the greatest reputation, was his
puzzling doctrine of the immaculate conception of the virgin.
+ Or Bouets in Scotland.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 41
lieving the enemy to be close upon them, they passed a sleep-
less night. Discovering the mistake in the morning, and
inany of their draught horses being a missing, they retreated
Hike fugitives six miles—for the village is that distance from
the English borders—leaving their baggage behind. The
same day in which Percy retired from Dunse, Thomas Mus-
grave, governor of Berwick, who had marched from that gar-
rison with some troops to join him, fell into an ambush laid
by John Gordon, and thinking the number of the enemy
greater than what it was, fled, but was pursued and taken
with the whole of his men. On the western borders, John
Johnston, likewise, acquired both plunder and glory; he so
harassed his neighbours by short but frequent excursions,
that he did them not less damage than greater armies are ac-
Customed to do.
xLII. Everything having thus succeeded happily in the two
first years of his reign, in the beginning of the third, Eu-
phemia, the queen, daughter of Hugh, earl of Ross, died
By her the king had three children—Walter, afterwards earl
of Athole, David, earl of Strathearn, and Euphemia, whom
he had married to Jamies Douglas, as formerly mentioned.
After her death, Robert, induced not so much by an impa-
tience of celibacy, as by affection for the children he had for-
merly had by Elizabeth, the daughter of Sir Adam More,
married this lady; for while quite a stripling, he had fallen
violently in love with her—then young and beautiful—and
had three sons and two daughters by her. He afterwards
procured her marriage with Gifford, a nobleman in Lothian;
but almost about the same time, Euphemia, the queen, and
Gifford, the husband of Elizabeth, died, and the king, either
from a revival of his old affection, or to legitimate the chil-
dren, took her to wife, and immediately promoted her sons to
wealth and honour. John, the eldest, he made earl of Car-
rick, Robert, earl of Menteith, and Alexander, earl of
Buchan, to which he added Badenoch. But not content with
these munificent establishments, he assembled a meeting of
the estates at Scoon, where he obtained an act to set aside the
children of Euphemia, and to follow the right of primogeni-
W. Ol.- : I. F
42 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ture in the succession to the kingdom; which act afterward
almost proved the ruin of his numerous family.”
XLIII. For nearly the next two years, there was neither
settled peace nor open war, but the strife was kept alive by
slight incursions, or rather robberies, on both sides. In the
mean time, Edward III., king of England, died. To him
succeeded Richard II., his grandson, by his son Edward,
born at Bourdeaux, a child of eleven years of age; at which
time, ambassadors from Charles V., king of France, came to
Scotland. The cause of their coming was to renew the an-
cient league with Robert, and persuade him to invade Eng-
land, and draw off part of the war. While these treaties were
in discussion before the estates, Alexander Ramsay, as the
English writers, following Froissart, narrate, attended by forty
chosen youths in a tempestuous night, while the guards were
asleep, seized the castle of Berwick, and killed or took
prisoners all the garrison. The townsmen, amazed at this
unexpected blow, sent for Percy, who quickly arrived with
ten thousand armed men, and surrounding the castle on every
side, assaulted it furiously. Intelligence of these proceedings
having reached the assembly of estates, Archibald Douglas,
anxious for the safety of his kinsman, instantly set out with a
body of only five hundred horse to his relief; but all access to
* In the account Buchaman gives of Robert’s wives, he has fallen into a
mistake common to most of the early writers on Scottish history who copied
it from Russel, a continuator of Fordun. It appears from documents dis-
covered after Buchanan wrote, that Robert, at an early age, had formed a
connexion with Elizabeth More, and had several children by her before their
marriage; but having obtained a dispensation from the Pope, he married that
lady formally, and legitimated her children, 1349. After her death, 1355,
he married Euphemia, daughter of the earl of Ross, by whom he had the
children mentioned in the text. The mistake, it is said, originated in Robert’s
having a concubine of the same name of More, who also had a son, John ;
and it was she who was married to Gifford, and has occasioned this confusion.
, Walter, earl of Athole, afterwards attempted to bastardize the eldest child-
ren of Robert, on account of their not being born in wedlock, and before the
date of the Papal dispensation; which circumstance, when added to the
other, easily accounts for the error in our historians, without supposing it a
deliberate falsehood invented by Buchanan, as Mr. Chalmers, with his usual
charity for our author, chooses to insinuate.—Stewart's Hist. of the Stewarts.
—Abercrombie's Life of Robert.—Ruddiman's Note.
21
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 43
&
the besieged being cut off, he returned without performing
any thing. A few days after, notwithstanding a vigorous de-
fence, the castle was taken by storm, and all, except Alex-
ander alone, put to the sword. Such is the English account.
Our writers assert, that the castle was taken by six country-
men of March, who, not being able to keep it, left it.
XLIV. Not long after the meeting of the estates, William,
the first earl of Douglas, entered England with twenty thou-
sand men, and took by surprise the town of Penrith during a
great fair, and, after plundering, burned it, and brought back
his army safe laden with the spoil; but along with the plunder
he brought a pestilence, which raged with great violence over
the whole kingdom for two years. The English, in order to
retaliate, having passed the Solway, entered Scotland with
fifteen thousand men, commanded by Talbot, a brave officer.
Trusting to his numbers, he spread devastation far and wide,
and having collected a large booty, was returning home.
When not far distant from the English borders, he rested in a
narrow valley. In the night, about five hundred Scots entered
the valley, and rushing upon the enemy, as they lay secure
and unprepared, and for the most part unarmed, killed
those who first opposed them, and spreading terror and con-
fusion on every side, they put the whole army to flight.
Many were slain there; two hundred and forty were taken, a
greater mumber, in rashly attempting to cross the river, were
drowned, and the rest, leaving their plunder behind, returned
home every one by the nearest road he could find,
XLV. All this while, a vigorous war, both by sea and land,
was carried on by the English against the French, besides
which, they had a considerable army in Portugal. It was
therefore determined by their Parliament, that John, duke of
Lancaster, the king's uncle, should be sent into Scotland to
treat for peace; that while stunned with the noise of war on
every side, they might secure tranquillity in that quarter
which was most exposed. There were sent by the Scots, who
had been apprized of his approach by an herald, William,
earl of Douglas, and John Dunbar, earl of Moray, to ne-
gotiate with him, and a truce, was concluded for three years.
But while the negotiations were going forward, a civil war
44 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
raged furiously in England, the chief instigator of which
was said to be John Ball,” a mass priest, who, perceiving the
people greatly discontented with a poll-tax of, four English
pennies levied on every person, first, at confessigns, + and by
hints in secret meetings, and then, when he found his language
agreeable, by more open harangues endeavoured to inflame
the minds of the commons against the nobles. But besides this
recent, there was an older cause of complaint arising from the
condition of the peasantry—a great part of the country popu:
lation having been kept almost in a state of slavery—these
rising in insurrection, were joined by a mob of artisans, and
others, who had neither fortune nor character to lose; and such
a tumult was excited, that the stability of the government was
seriously endangered. Although all this was well known at the
meeting of the ambassadors, yet both parties concealed, their
knowledge until, after peace was concluded, the Douglas told
Lancaster:—That he had been acquainted from the first with
the state of England; yet so far was he from wishing to take
any advantage of the critical situation of the times, either for
carrying on the war, or exacting more favourable terms of
peace, that even now, if necessary, he might remain securely
their guest till the insurrection should cease, or, if he wished
to return, five hundred horse were ready to escort him. Lan-
caster handsomely acknowledged his courtesy, but hoped he
would not require at present to take advantage of either of his
offers. On his return home, however, being shut out of
Berwick by the governor, he accepted of the earl’s pledged
honour, and returning to Scotland, remained there till the
popular sedition was quelled.
xlvi. When the three years' truce was finished, in the year
1384, in the month of January, Archibald Douglas of Gallo-
way, assisted by William Douglas, earl of Douglas, and
George, earl of March, besieged Lochmaben castle, whence
daily excursions were made upon the neighbouring estates.
* The insurrection mentioned here, was that under the celebrated Watt
Tyler, by whose name it is better known.
+ i. e. When in the exercise of his office he received the confessions of the
penitents, he seized the opportunity to inculcate sedition.
HISTORY OF SCOTLANE). 45
The governor of the castle, taken by surprise, agreed with
the enemy, that if not relieved in eight days, he would sur-
render; on which, the Scots remained, notwithstanding they
suffered grievously from the wintry storms and continual rains,
till the ninth day, the 4th of February, when the castle was
delivered up to them, according to the agreement. Those
who lived near Roxburgh, fearing lest that castle should share
a similar fate, procured the governorship for one Graystock,
a rich nobleman, who was reported to be a skilful warrior;
and he, on his appointment, sent not only ample provisions,
but all his household stuff, thinking they could nowhere be
lodged so conveniently for his own use, or so safe from the
grasp of the enemy. Dunbar, who was made acquainted by
his spies both with the road and the day of his march, having
placed ambushes at convenient places, arose suddenly upon
the long and confused line of soldiers, waggoners, and a pro-
miscuous crowd of attendants, and, without a battle, obtained
possession of immense spoil, together with the owner himself,
and immediately retired without annoyance.
XLVII. The English, to revenge the injuries they had re-
ceived, and prevent their repetition by some memorable
chastisement, sent Lancaster to Scotland, with a powerful
military and naval armament. The earl himself advanced
through March and Lothian, as far as Edinburgh, having
sent the fleet to ravage the maritime coast of Fife. His sol-
diers strongly wished to burn the capital, but their leader
recollecting that a few years before, when exiled his own
country, he had been there kindly and hospitably entertained,
preserved the city from the flames. The sea forces did not
display equal humanity. Having landed upon the island of
Inchcolm, * they plundered and burned the monastery, and
exercised similar cruelty in every place where they made any
descent, until opposed by Thomas and Nicholas Erskine,
Alexander Lindsay, and William Cunninghame. Many being
killed, and some taken, they were compelled to fly with such
* Fordun mentions this descent and defeat to have taken place a little
above Queensferry. Sir Thomas Erskine, afterward earl of Marr, in right of
His wife, A.D. 1390, and Cunninghame of Kilmaurs, were the chiefs here
46 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
trepidation to their ships, that besides other loss which they
received in their hurry, they allowed forty of their men to
perish before their eyes, the cable to which they clung being
cut. Scarcely had Lancaster returned home, when William
Douglas, almost treading in his footsteps, partly taking, and
partly destroying the castles, which the English had retained
in Scotland ever since the battle of Durham, restored all
Teviotdale to the Scots, except Roxburgh. He checked
likewise the robberies, which had increased through the licen-
tiousness of war; but he did not long survive these services,
being soon after carried off by a fever, in Douglas castle.
James Douglas succeeded him, a son in every walk of virtue,
worthy of such a father.
xLVIII. In the meantime, a truce for a year was concluded
at Boulogne, in the Netherlands, between the French, English,
and Scots. The French, to whom was intrusted the charge
of informing the Scots, having neglected to do so, the English
noblemen on the Scottish borders, thinking this an excellent
opportunity for inflicting some great blow upon the Scots,
which they would not have sufficient time to revenge before
the truce was announced, collected ten thousand horse, and
six thousand archers, under the command of the earls of
Northumberland and Nottingham, and committed extensive
devastation, especially upon the estates of the Douglases, and
Lindsays. The Scots, who had heard some reports of the
truce, and had laid aside all thoughts of war, enraged at their
own negligence, and the perfidy of the enemy, resolved to be
speedily revenged. . At the same time, the news of the English
invasion reproached the tardiness of the French, who had been
ordered to publish the truce; and they, endeavouring by a late
hurry to correct a previous delay, arrived at London during
the very heat of the invasion, where, being received with plau-
sible hospitality, they were detained by courteous and friendly
invitations, until the return of the English out of the enemy's
country was ascertained; then, at last dismissed, they came
to Scotland and executed their commission. All the no-
bility, and chiefly those who had suffered by the late disas-
ter, were exasperated, and exclaimed, that the deceit of the
English was not to be endured. The king in vain endeavour-
* HISTORY OF SGOTLAND, 47
ed to appease them, and preserve the truce inviolate; they
prolonged a discussion about it with their disputations, till, hav-
ing secretly collected by their friends fifteen thousand horse,
upon an appointed day, Douglas, Lindsay, and Dunbar with-
drew from the court, and joining their troops, marched into
England with a hostile army, and ravaged Northumberland as
far as Newcastle; then returning through the lands of the earl
of Nottingham and Moubrays, whatever could be damaged
by fire or sword they wasted and destroyed, and on their
arrival home with an immense spoil of men and cattle, imme-
diately took care to have the truce proclaimed.
xL1x. About the end of the truce, A. D., 1385, John de
Vienne,” admiral of the French fleet, arrived in Scotland,
sent by his king, with about two thousand auxiliary soldiers,
of whom one hundred were cuirassiers, armed at all points,
two hundred armed with scorpions, for discharging weapons
—afterward called cross-bows—the rest were foot of a prom-
iscuous kind. He brought also, money for six months’ pay,
besides presents, and forty suits of armour, which were to be
divided among the bravest soldiers. The Scottish king having
consented, he invaded Northumberland along with James
Douglas, where they destroyed three castles, and would have
proceeded farther, but the heavy autumnal rains obliged them
to return, and besides, the reported advance of Richard, king
of England, against them, accelerated their retreat; for that
monarch was now immoderately incensed against the Scots,
because they not only carried war into his kingdom themselves,
but even sent for strangers, and that at a time too, when the
French prepared to invade England with a formidable force.
He therefore levied a large army, which the English writers
say, consisted of sixty thousand foot and eight thousand horse,
resolved to break the strength of the Scots, and prevent them
for many years, from being able to bring any body of men into
the field. At the same time, he ordered a fleet laden with
provisions, to sail up the Forth, because he knew that that
part of Scotland through which he must march, was com-
* John de Vienne, admiral of France, was the son of Guillaume de Vienne,
lord of Rolleans, Burgundy, and the most celebrated French warrior of that
age. He was slain at the battle of Nicopolis, fighting against the Turks, 1396.
48 HISTORY OF SööTLAND.
pletely exhausted by continual warfare for so many years, or
if any thing was left, the inhabitants would remove them to
other places, and he considered himself now secure on the
side of France, as he trusted the wiriter storms would prevent
them from making any attempt that season. With these forces
having entered Scotland, he spared no place, either sacred dr
profane, nor any man of an age fit to beår arms. In the mean-
while, John de Vienne, who paid more attention to the in-
structions he had received from his king at parting, than to
the interests of the Scots, constantly urged Douglas to give
battle, who, when he had often replied that the Scots did not
decline battle from any lukewarmness towards the French,
but from a consciousness of their own inferiority, at last took
the admiral to a high station, from whence he could securely
survey the hostile army, and he then, on observing attentively
the long line of English forces on their march, readily acceded
to the earl’s opinion. It now appeared to them both, that the
only method by which, in present circumstances, they could
annoy the enemy, was to collect their forces, and march into
England. Wherefore, taking a circuitous route, at a great
distance from Richard's army, they entered Cumberland, and
laid it and the neighbouring counties waste in every direction.
L. The English having inflicted every species of misery
upon Lothian, for they durst not go farther from their fleet,
lest their provisions should ſail, at the approach of winter
began to consult about returning home. Some were of opin-
ion, that they should follow the route of the Scots, and inter-
cepting their retreat, force them, whether they would or not,
to come to an engagement. Others, better acquainted with
the country replied, that the road was difficult, through mar-
shes and mountains, and frequently through narrow passes;
so totally barren, that the march was scarcely practicable for
a small party of light armed troops with a few days provisions;
then, though the difficulties of the journey were overcome, the
country which would receive them, not naturally fertile, was
wasted by the late incursions, and suppose even that disad-
vantage surmounted, they had to follow a nimble, roving
enemy, whom it would be more difficult to find and bring to
a battle, than to conquer, and when if found, it would not be
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 49
possible to force to fight, unless in places of his own choosing.
The peril of such an enterprise, his grandfather, Edward III.
had found to the greatest detriment of his own, and but little
inconvenience te the Scottish army. On hearing this, and re-
flecting on the miseries which winter brings in a cold climate,
and the recollection of their children and all that was dear to
them at home, rushing upon their minds, they were easily
persuaded to change their intentions, and marched back by
the same route by which they had come. Thus both parties,
each having freely plundered their enemy's country without
seeing an enemy, returned to their own.
LI. The Scots, when they ascertained that the English could
not attempt another expedition till next summer, determined
to attack Roxburgh, a town at no great distance, and by far
the most troublesome to the neighbouring districts. When
they had assembled before it, a dispute arose between them
and their allies about the town, which they had not yet taken
for the French alleging, that they were more skilful in besieg-
ing towns than the Scots, from their great experience in their
own domestic wars, and had been put to great expense in this,
thought it but just, that the town, if taken, should be theirs,
and remain in their possession. The Scots, on the other hand,
contended, that it was unfair for auxiliaries to demand the
whole rewards of the war; that whatever money they had
expended, was not for a Scottish, but for a French object,
in order to divide the strength of the enemy, and divert
part of the storm from themselves ; that, if the value of
friendly offices was to be calculated, it would be more just
for the French to repay to the Scots the whole expense of the
campaign, than for them to ask a reward for their tardy
assistance, and such a reward as in the memory of man was
never either given by, or asked for from allies. But the
iniquity of the demand would easily appear, if it was consid-
ered that the Scots might have remained at peace, without
being disturbed by the English, and witnessed as spectators,
the contest between the two powerful kings, a thing the French
had it not in their power to do, without yielding up a large
portion of their territories; neither could they perceive of
what use the possession of this town could be to the French,
, VOL. II. Gr
Tºs
50 HISTORy of Scotland.
unless as a bridle, that the decision of peace or war might be
lodged in their hands, and if this was their design, it would
riot only be much better, but much more honourable for the
Scottish kings to want it, than for so trifling a cause to sub-
ject themselves to voluntary servitude; or, if by this unjust
requisition, the French wished to excuse their return home,
which they had already attempted, that was unnecessary, for,
as they had come thither of their own accord, so they were at
liberty to depart whenever they chose; no one would ask them
to delay their departurc, seeing if they remained unwillingly,
their assistance would be of little service.
LII. Thus the siege of Roxburgh was broken up, and as
there had before been heavy complaints on both sides, so they
now threatened to break out into open enmity. The origin of
the dissension, however, arose from the different manner of the
two nations in carrying on war. Both the Scots and English
behave, among their own countrymen, not less modestly in war
than in peace, and pay honestly for whatever they receive in
their quarters; but the French, as if publicly licensed, rob
and plunder wherever they go, and having been accustomed
to this way of living from their youth, what they have always
seen done, they think they have a right to do. Wherefore,
before that time, as the French could neither abstain from
their usual rapacity, nor could the Scots submit to this un-
wonted servitude, often quarrels, and sometimes blows had
arisen from the former seizing, and the other defending his
property; but after the coldness at Roxburgh, the Freneh
commissaries, as they were to depart soon, foraged with
greater licentiousness than before, and the country people,
enraged at being plundered by a few strangers, often carried
away their baggage horses, and wounded, and sometimes
killed the straggling officers and soldiers sent out to plunder.
Complaints being brought to the council, the countrymen
unanimously replied, that they were worse pillaged by the
French, who called themselves their friends, than by the
English, their professed enemies, and the foreigners should not
depart until they had compensated them for their losses, nor
could the Douglases, the most popular chiefs of the day, bend
their obstinacy. Wherefore, the troops were dismissed, but
21
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 51
their leader was detained until the demands of all were satis-
fied. The French set sail on the first of November, and the
Scots, either tired with the warlike labours of the former year,
or satiated with the spoil of so many successful expeditions,
remained at rest during the winter, * g
LIII. Next spring, William Douglas, son of Archibald,
governor of Galloway, sailed over to Ireland, to revenge the
frequent descents of the Irish upon that district, and prevent
them for the future. William was the most distinguished of
the Scottish youths, both for mental and corporeal endow-
ments; of colossal stature and proportional strength, his
appearance, which rarely happens with persons of uncommon
size, was graceful and dignified. To his other advantages was
added warlike renown, for he had often attacked the ene-
my with far inferior numbers, and returned victorious; nor
had he ever engaged in any enterprise in which his valour had
not been conspicuous; yet these advantages, which usually
excite envy, were accompanied in him with so much modesty,
that he rendered himself universally agreeable. Induced by
his virtues, the king, although he knew he was illegitimate,
gave him his daughter Egidia in marriage, the lovliest woman
of the age, and sought by many of the chief young noblemen,
and with her the county of Nithsdale, the next to Galloway,
as a dowry. The expedition landed at Carlingford, a wealthy
town in the county of Louth, and struck such terror into the
inhabitants who were wholly unprovided for any attack, that
they immediately sent to treat about a surrender, to which
Douglas agreed, and in the meantime, dreading nothing from
the enemy, sent Robert Stuart of Durisdeer, with two hun-
dred soldiers, to bring in provisions to his ships. Time having
been thus afforded to the inhabitants for deliberation, they
sent to Dundalk for assistance, whence five hundred horse
were despatched. The townsmen increased by this number,
dividing themselves into two bodies, marched against the
enemy, expecting from their numbers, to obtain an easy vic-
tory and the possession of their fleet; but both parties being
defeated, the town was taken, plundered, and burned. Having
laden fifteen vessels which they found in the harbour, with the
spoils of the city, they crossed over to the island of Man,
52 Ҽ History of scoprand.
*
which they also plundered, and afterward arrived safe, with
their booty, at Loch Ryan, a bay that divides Galloway from
Carrick. Douglas, on his arrival there, having heard that his
father was gone on an expedition against Eñgland, he hastened
to join him. The chief cause for ündertaking this expedition,
WaS, * * º & * , g f .
I.iv. Richard, king of England, who the year before had
invaded Scotland, and spared nothing either sacred or profane,
on his return home was involved in a great sedition, that
changed the whole situation of the kingdom. In order to cure
the evil, he removed, as is usual in these cases, all the magis-
trates, both the lords lieutenants of the counties, and inferior
officers, but by this he rather covered than extinguished a
flame, ready on the first opportunity to break out again.
Scotland, on the other hand, enjoyed a profound, but a very
uncertain tranquillity, for it possessed a hardy youth, and
enterprising commanders. The nobility were therefore desir-
ous of war, and complained loudly in all their meetings, that
such an excellent opportunity for avenging their former in-
juries upon the English was neglected, especially as they never
omitted to take advantage of the disturbed state of Scotland.
But king Robert, a prince naturally of a quiet disposition,
was, on account of his declining age, averse to war, and did
not seem sufficiently alive to the wrongs of his country. John,
his eldest son, naturally indolent, and lame besides, from a
blow from a horse, was thought incapable of enduring the
fatigue of a camp; the nobles therefore in a body, waited upon
Robert, the second son, earl of Fife, and lamenting the im-
becile state of the government, it was unanimously resolved,
that the late devastations ought to be revenged, and all cheer-
fully offered their assistance. A levy was in consequence
ordered against the 5th of August, but to be so secretly con-
ducted, that both of the kings should be equally ignorant of
their proceedings. They could not, however, deceive the
English, who, when they had found out by their spies, the
time and place of assembling, endeavoured to intrap their
enemy by a counter stratagem. Their nobles mutually re-
solved, that they should each hold himself in readiness with
tº
HISTORY OF Scotland. 53
his vassals,...not for a particular day, but always prepared to
assemble on any emergency.
Lv. Having thus settled their arrangements, when they
heard that the Scots were in Teviotdale, not far from the
borders, to the amount of thirty, or, according to Froissart,
forty thousand strong, they determined that nothing should
be attempted before the arrival of the enemy, and that they
might in the interim conceal their design, every one should
remain at home, until they discovered in what quarter the
storm would burst, and then arrange their movements accord-
ingly; pursuing a plan similar to what their enemies had done
the preceding autumn, they would then enter Scotland in a
different direction, and repay disaster for disaster. In the
meantime, they sent a spy to procure certain intelligence res-
pecting the enemy now in their neighbourhood, deeming it of
the utmost importance not only to know their movements, but
the last orders which were issued. . Their messenger, who
differed nothing in language, dress, and arms, was easily
mistaken for a Scotsman, and having learned all that he wish-
ed to know, returning for his horse which he had left tied to a
tree, found that some thief had taken him away. But pro-
ceeding on his journey, booted, spurred and āccoutred as an
horseman, he began to be suspected, and when he had got to
a considerable distance, messengers were sent after him, who
brought him back. On being interrogated who he was, and
whence he came, and whither he was going, when he could
give no satisfactory answer he was brought to the com-
manders of the army, and fearing a heavier punishment, he
discovered to them the designs of the English.
Lv1. The Scots having thus discovered the plans of the
enemy, altered their own. They divided their army—the
greater body to march towards Carlisle, under the command
of the king's two sons, the earls of Fife and Strathern, assist-
ed by Archibald Douglas of Galloway, and the earls of Marr
and Sutherland; the other was directed to march into North-
umberland, led by James Douglas, and the two brothers,
Dunbar, George, earl of Moray, and John, earl of March;
with them went three hundred horse, and two thousand foot,
besides the attendants on the horse, for every horseman is
* #
54 History of scori.AND.
: ;%. , ; 5. §.
followed by at least one stºut; * who, being lightly
armed, can almost keep pace .# …” tº horse, or engage with
the enemy when requisite. # #ées thus, divided, they
who marched to Cumberland aiigarlisle, irresistible by their
numbers, did not encounter any enemy. Douglas, in the
opposite direction, when wasting on every side, had a differ-
ent fortune. He had so planned his expedition, that by.
forced and secret marches, he should cross the Tyne, pass
Durham, and then commence his devastations. This he ac-
complished with such celerity and silence, that the first intelli-
gence the English had of an enemy, was by the smoke of their
conflagrations. The elder Percy, the most powerful and rich-
est nobleman in Northumberland and the adjacent counties,
on being informed of the progress of the enemy, sent his
two brave and high spirited sons, Henry and Ralph, to New-
castle, commanding the other nobility to meet him, with the
design of intercepting the return of the Scots; but they having
spoiled the country round Durham, by far the richest in that
quarter, repassed the Tyne, laden with plunder, about three
miles above Newcastle. There the noble commanders, am-
bitious of glory, and elated with their success, thinking it
would be disgraceful only to have frightened rustics, and not
to have alarmed the cities, galloped round Newcastle, and,
threatening it with a siege, endeavoured, by their contumeli-
ous language, to draw forth the enemy.
Lv11. When they had remained there two days, during
which many skirmishes had been fought with various success,
one combat took place, upon the evening of the last day,
which attracted the attention of all. The two rival generals,
being nearly equal in family, power, age, and spirit, re-
solved to engage in single combat, in presence of both the
armies; and ā challenge having been sent, James Douglas
and Henry Percy encountered each other in the space be-
twixt them, when, on the first shock, in charging with the
lance, Percy was unhorsed. The English running to his as-
sistance, when Douglas could not take him prisoner, he car-
ried off his spear, and shaking it, exclaimed so loud as to be
heard–That he would carry his trophy into Scotland. The
combat thus ended, the Scots doubled their watch, as being

zº-
HIS'I'QRY OF SCOTLAND. 55
near a city, full of citizens and enemies, and next day pro-
ceeded for Scotland, but slowly, being burdened with spoil.
While the booty proceeded a little before, they attacked and
destroyed an enemy's castle in the neighbourhood, and .
again resuming their march, proceeded to Otterburn, about
eight miles distant from Newcastle. There they deliberated
about their future route. The greater part were of opinion
that they should march to Carlisle, to meet the other army,
and that they should not fight, as had been originally agreed,
till all the forces were united. On the other hand, Douglas
advised that they should remain there two or three days, on
purpose to confute the boast of Percy, that they should never
carry his spear to Scotland; and, in the mean time, that they
might not be idle, proposed to attack a neighbouring castle.
This proposition, although to many it appeared unadvisable,
yet, from deference to Douglas, it was agreed to by the whole.
Wherefore, having erected a temporary fortification round
their camp, which on one side was sufficiently protected by
the marshes, they proceeded to besiege the castle.
LVIII. Percy, surnamed Hotspur from his fiery disposition,
would immediately have followed the departing enemy, to wipe
away the affront he had received, but was detained by the
more experienced commanders, who feared an ambuscade;
for they did not believe it credible that the Scots, with so
small a force, would have dared to attack so strong a city,
unless they had had some greater army lurking in the vicinity.
That day, and the next, therefore, they employed in explor-
ing the country better, when finding they had nothing to fear
from the greater army, which was at a distance from Douglas,
Percy set out with ten thousand of his bravest men, without
waiting for the bishop of Durham, who, he was told, would
that very night arrive, believing that he had a sufficient num-
ber for defeating an enemy who were inferior by one half.
At the first appearance of the English, some of the Scots were
at supper, and others, fatigued with the siege of the neigh-
bouring castle, had laid themselves down to rest, when sud-
defly the cry was heard—to arms | Whilst the rest were
arming, part of the foot, and the servants of the horsemen,
assisted b : the fortifications of the camp, sustained the attack
56 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

of the English. The horse shad itheftyantage ôf anticipating,
the attempt, for, in their disputes abºut eggaging the enemy's
army, who they always expected gºld follow, they had per-
ceived the benefit to be derived from, the possession of a hill
in the neighbourhood. Wherefore, riding round it, while
the English assaulted the entrance to the camp, they attacked
them in flank, made great slaughter, and occasioned much
greater confusion. The English, however, from their superi-
ority in numbers, quickly brought up subsidiaries, and easily
restored their ranks. But the temporary confusion had this
good effect to the Scots—the fight in front of the camp slack-
ened, and space was afforded them for marching out, and ar-
ranging their forces, in order of battle. In the mean time,
night overshadowed both parties, but it was short, as in the
month of July in northern countries. The sky was by chance
clear, and the moon, almost during the whole night, supplied
the place of the light of day. The battle, therefore, suffered
no interruption, but continued to be keenly contested, as be-
tween men of noble rank, more anxious for glory than life.
Percy strove to efface the stain he had suffered, and Douglas
to illustrate the honour he had gained by a new achievement;
and both with unequal numbers indeed, but with equal spirit,
contended till midnight, when the moon becoming overcast,
and rendering it difficult to distinguish friend from foe, the
combat paused, till she again broke through the clouds, when
the English charging with greater impetuosity, the Scottish
foot fell back a little, and the standard of Douglas was nearly
lost. At that moment, the two Hepburns, father and son,
from the one wing, and Douglas from the other, rushing
through their own ranks, flew to the front where the danger
was greatest, and so furiously urged the battle, that after
much mutual bloodshed, they succeeded in regaining, for their
men, the situation from which they had been driven.
Lix. Yet, Douglas, not satisfied, pressed forward, accom-
panied by Robert Hart, and Simon Glendinning, his relation,
into the thickest of the enemy; and his strength of body equal-
ling his ardour of mind, whereyer he went he spread slaughter
around him. His men following, fought desperately; but be-
fore they could reach him, he was mortally struck in three
***as
r
History of scotland. 57
different places, and they found him upon the ground bleed-
ing, with Hart near him dead, while the priest, who always
adhered to him in every danger, preserved his exhausted body
secure from any violence. In this situation, his relations,
John Lindsay, and John and Walter Sinclair, asked him how
he did? I am well, he replied, for I die, not sluggishly on a
sickbed, but in the field, as almost all my ancestors have
done. Hear my last requests—First, conceal my death from
friends and enemies; next, do not allow my standard to be
lost; and last, avenge my death. If I may trust to your per-
formance of these, I can endure every thing else with equa-
nimity. Before proceeding, they covered the body with a
cloak, that it might not be known, then, raising his standard,
they shouted, as the custom is—A Douglas ! At that cry, such
a charge was made, and with so much alacrity did the Scots
rush upon the enemy, that they drove them far distant from
the field of battle; for, at the name of Douglas, not only the
common soldiers, but also John, earl of Moray, ran to that
quarter, believing the greatest danger to be there. Moray
had previously defeated the division of the enemy opposed to
him, and taken the younger Percy prisoner, whom, as he was
severely wounded, he sent to the camp to be cured. The
battle being thus more feebly contested at other points, they
who had rallied round the standard of Douglas dispersed the
English, worn out by their day's march, and their nocturnal
engagement, and, in the same charge, took Henry Percy,
the general of the enemy, prisoner. On the loss of their
leader, the flight became general and disorderly. There were
killed of the English, about one thousand, eight hundred,
and forty, wounded about a thousand, and fourteen hundred
taken prisoners. The Scots lost one hundred slain, and two
hundred were taken prisoners, as they pursued with a few a
great number of English.
Lx. In the pursuit, James Lindsay having singled out from
among the crowd of fugitives, Redman, governor of Berwick,
thinking him one of the chiefs, from the beauty of his armour,
pursued him closely, who, when he had fled three miles, and
, his horse becoming fatigued, finding it impossible to escape,
dismounted, Lindsay immediately did the same, and, at last,
WOL. II. H
58 ” “HISTORY of scot1.AND.
after a pretty long combat, thºugiaman, inferior in that
kind of weapon, surrendered toºidsay; who sent him home,
he having sworn that he would returnºwithin twenty days.
Such, at that time, was the courtesy of the neighbouring na-
tions to their captives, and which, even now, is observed with
the utmost punctiliousness among the inhabitants of the bor-
ders; whoever does not return at the day appointed, is thus
punished:—At the meetings usually held for arranging any
disputes which may arise, he who has been deceived, com-
plains by exhibiting the figure of a hand, or a glove, on a
long spear. This is held so infamous among them, that the
violator of his faith becomes detestable to his friends and rela-
tions, and no man of any rank will either eat, speak with, or
afford him shelter. Aº
LxI. Lindsay, having on this condition dismissed his
prisoner, perceiving a great body of armed men, rode straight
up to them; nor did he discover them to be enemies, till he
was so near that he could not retreat. They were the forces
of the bishop of Durham, who had come rather late to New-
castle, and, not being able to overtake Percy, and, besides,
thinking that he would not engage the enemy till next day,
had ordered his men to halt and take supper, and a little after
supper, recommenced his march ; but before he had gone far
from the town, he learned the fate of the battle, and returned
to consult with his friends about pursuing the Scots. They
having resolved that all should be in arms by sunrise next
morning, about ten thousand horse and foot of different kinds
assembled from the neighbourhood. This re-enforcement en-
couraged the bishop to march as quickly as possible against the
enemy, and try the event of a battle; for he thought he would
surprise them, tired with two days’ fighting, stiff with their
wounds, and negligent on account of their success, and easily
obtain a victory. The approach of the bishop being discover-
ed by the outposts, the earl of Moray, who, since the death of
Douglas, enjoyed the whole confidence of the army, assembled
the chiefs, and consulted respecting the fate of the prisoners,
whom it appeared cruel to kill, after having given them quar-
ter, yet dangerous to preserve, their number being nearly .
equal to that of his own troops. It was agreed, that, having

21
HISTORY or scot LAND. * 59
sworn them, that they would not stir during the engagement,
and that, although their countrymen might relieve them, still
they were to consider themselves as prisoners, they should
be left in the camp, under a small guard, with orders to
kill the whole if any one attempted to move. Having thus
disposed of their captives, the Scots, highly excited by their
former victory, marched out to battle, their rear defended by
the marshes, and their flanks by trees which they had cut
down. Orders were at the same time issued, that each, as
soon as he approached the enemy, should blow the rude
trumpet, formed of a cow's horn, which he carried—for every
individual carried one suspended from his neck—and raise as
loud a noise as possible; which peal, sufficiently terrific in
itself, multiplied by the echoes of the neighbouring hills, would
occasion the appearance of a much greater number than were
actually approaching. The English, who had advanced hur-
riedly, and were to fight among the carcasses of their country-
men, were astonished at the horrible sound, and the alacrity
of the enemy, who were already drawn up in battle array
against them, and as the leader could neither trust his raw
soldiery, nor the soldier confide in his unexperienced leader,
signal was immediately given to return. In the mean time,
Lindsay, who was taken as mentioned, having been left at
Newcastle, was seen and recognized by Redman, who treated
him with the utmost courtesy, and sent him home without
I’āIlSOIIls
LXII. The Scots having so easily repelled this sudden at-
tack, determined to return home. At his request they releas-
ed Ralph Percy, who, being severely wounded, could not-
bear the fatigue of the journey, and wished to be left at New-
castle for cure, he promising, so soon as he recovered, that:
he would appear at any place the earl of Moray should ap-
point, and pledging his faith for his return, as was the usual
custom. Six hundred other prisoners followed his example,
and obtained leave also to depart. Many, besides, of the
common soldiers, from whom more trouble than gain was ex-
pected, were dismissed without ransom. Henry Percy, and
with him about four hundred of the higher rank, were detain-
ed and carried into Scotland; but in a short time all were
* .
º
2K
.*
60 * * HISTORY OF SCOTLÄND.
liberated at the price which they chose to affix themselves as
their ransom; for in that age, as Ennius expresses it, “they
not as pedlars, but as warriors took theffield;” as men con-
tending för liberty and glory. Théâbodies of Douglas, and
the illustrious men who died with hiſm, were, on the third day,
carried to Melrose, and there buried with great military pomp.
LXIII. When these particulars were told to the other army
that ravaged Cumberland, it marred their rejoicings for the
victory, and changed their gladness into grief; for the loss
of Douglas so affected all military men, that not only those
who followed himself, but the soldiers of the other army re-
turned home silent and sad, and as if they had suffered a de-
feat; and what added to the general commiseration was, that
he fell in the flower of his youth, left no child, and almost
alone was deprived of the fruit of the victory he had achieved.
His estate upon his death, devolved to Archibald, of Gallo-
way, surnamed the Grim, and like himself renowned in war.
Thus ended the memorable battle of Otterburn, remarkable
not only for the magnanimity and perseverance in fighting,
the patient endurance of fatigue, and the moderation after
victory, displayed both by the general and men, but chiefly
by its varied issue. The victor, in the highest expectation of
glory, was prevented by death from reaping the fruit of his
labour. The vanquished, though his army was routed, and
himself a captive, yet enjoyed after the battle many years of
fame. It was fought on the 21st of July, A. D. 1388.
Lxiv. By this victory, the situation of the country was ren-
dered a little more tranquil, both at home and abroad. The
king, who was by age unfitted for governing, perceived by the
late expedition, which was undertaken without consulting him,
that such also was the general opinion, and John, his eldest
son, being of an indolent disposition, more inclined to consult
his ease, than attend to any arduous business, called an as-
sembly of the estates, and made Robert, earl of Fife, viceroy,
1 * This is the only quotation which Buchaman, although himself so eminent
a poet, makes in his history from any of the Latin poets. They are part of
a speech of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, uttered on a similar occasion—the re-
demption of the Roman captives; a passage highly praised by Cicero-Cicero,
Offic. I. 2. *
History of Scotland. 6H
under the title of governor, as they who exercised that magis-
tracy before had been called guardians. During the time
Henry Percy, illustrious both by his descent and his actions,
remained captive in Scotland, the earl Mareschal, * common-
ly styled the Marshal of England, a man more courageous
in words than in arms, was appointed in his room, who de-
preciating the bravery of the Scots, and inveighing against the
cowardice ºf the English at the battle of Otterburn, procured
for .the hatred of both nations; and Robert, the regent
of Scotland, was so much disgusted at his boasting, that he
considered it a sufficient reason for undertaking an expedition
against him. Having passed the hostile boundary, accom-
panied by Archibald, now earl of Douglas, he marched straight
against the enemy, who was said to be waiting for him with a
large army. When he came near, he immediately gave him
an opportunity of fighting, and when he delayed accepting it,
sent a trumpeter to defy him to equal battle, but as the Mares-
chal remained in his fastnesses and strongholds, nor gave any
answer to the challenge, Robert, after waiting for some hours
with his men drawn out in order of battle, sent his army to
plunder the circumjacent country, and chiefly those places
where the Mareschal used to dwell, which having done, he led
back his troops, laden with spoil, without fighting. This
expedition, although undertaken upon slight grounds, yet
delighted both English and Scots who rejoiced to see the van-
ity of the man so humbled. But he, as often as it was men-
tioned, excused what he had done, by alleging his tenderness
for his countrymen, whom he did not wish to expose to dan-
ger without a cause.
Lxv. At this time, when it was hoped that the truce between
France and England would, through the mediation of the
pope and the neighbouring princes, issue in a peace, on con-
dition, that the allies of both should be included, the Portu-
guese on the side of England, and the Scots and the Castilian
Spaniards on the part of France, king Robert, against the
advice of all his council, gave his useless assent, for he could
neither make peace nor truce, except according to the opinion
* The earl of Nottingham, marshal of England, who was appointed lord
warden of the eastern marches.
**
62 HISTORY or scori.and,
of the estates, nor any promise to be depended upon without
their act; and the nobility could ºnótºconcéâ |their resentment
against the selfishness of the French swhºse usual method it was,
when .. were engaged with aii enemy, to take the arms
out of their hands in the moment:6f victory; that they might
themselves enjoy the fruit of their present success, and turn
to their own advantage the profit of their achievements.
At last, after long altercation, the ambassadors who had come
from France, persuaded, though with difficulty, the Scots to
send ambassadors thither to treat, that the peace so nearly
concluded, might not be hindered by their obstinacy.
LXVI. King Robert did not long survive this transaction, he
died on the 19th of April, in his castle of Dundonald, in the
year 1390, aged seventy-four, having reigned nineteen years,
and twenty-four days. This king, who always carried on war
by his generals, was almost always successful. He himself
was present at few battles, which some ascribe to his age, and
some to his cowardice, but all with one consent agree, that he
was a most excellent man, and in the arts of peace few kings
could be compared to him. He administered justice diligent-
ly and impartially, he severely restrained robbery, he was
steady in his conduct, and faithful to his word. The kingdom
which he received in turbulent times, he restored to internal
tranquillity by his justice and equity, and so far recovered it
from the enemy, that at the time of his death they had only
three castles remaining in it.
Lxvii. After the king's death, disturbances arose from a
quarter, whence they were least expected. Alexander, earl
of Buchan, youngest son of the king by Elizabeth More,
incensed against the bishop of Moray for some trifling cause,
when he could not lay hold on him to murder him as he
desired, wreaked his vengeance on the cathedral of Elgin,
then the most beautiful in Scotland, and burned it. * In the
same year, William Douglas of Nithsdale—who, as mention-
*
* In June, 1890, he not only burned the cathedral, but all the other build-
ings, among which were the church of St. Giles, an hospital, called Maison de
Dieu, and the dwellings of eighteen canons and chaplains. In the May pre-
ceding, he burned the town of Forres. For these cruelties he received the
appropriate name of the wolf of Badenoch. }
*


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 63
ed, was on account of his bravery, made son-in-law to the
king—was killed at Dantzic, on the Vistula, by some assassins,
hired by Clifford, an Englishman. Douglas, when there was
peace at home, in order not to languish in indoleſł Set Out
to Prussia, to the hºly war,” where he gave such proof of his
t.
valour, that he was made commander of the whole fleet, which
was both great and well fitted out. Some dispute, however,
having arisen with the Englishman, formerly his rival, and
now envious of this honour, he was challenged by him to
single combat; but the challenger, on reflecting upon the
hazard of the enterprise, purchased his own safety, by pro-
curing the murder of his opponent.
Y
*The war here named holy, was carried on by the Teutonic knights against
the infidel Prussians, in which they were aided by the English, Scots, and
French. A treaty between England and the grand master of the order, was
concluded 1887. The Scots seem to have been numerous, but chiefly adven-
turers. In the memoirs of Mareschal Boucicaut, written by a cotemporary,
and published at Paris, by Godfrey, 1620, it is mentioned that Boucicaut went
to Prussia for the third time, to avenge the death of Douglas, who had been
slain by the treachery of the English, and defied them, but was answered,
that vengeance belonged only to the Scots.

54.
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTL AND.
Book X.
1. Robert II. was succeeded by his eldest son, John,
August 13th, A. D. 1390, whose name, upon his accession,
was changed by act of the estates, from John to Robert.
Whether this was done on account of the misfortunes of the
two kings of that name, one in England and one in France,
or because the two Roberts, who lately reigned in Scotland,
were remarkable for their virtues and success, both in peace
and in war, as our writers have not informed us, I also leave
undetermined. Robert III. was characterized rather by an
absence of vice, than distinguished by any remarkable virtues,
and although he possessed the name of king, the direction of
the government remained with his brother Robert. In the
beginning of his reign he enjoyed external tranquillity, a truce
with the English having been concluded for three years, which
was afterward prolonged for other four. The first disturbance
at home was occasioned by Duncan, or Dunach Stuart, son of
Alexander, earl of Buchan, the king's brother, the ferocious
son of a fierce father. He, upon the death of his grandfather,
thinking this afforded an opportunity for plundering and
rapine, descended into Angus, accompanied by a numerous
band of robbers, and began to spoil as if he had been in an
enemy's country. Walter Ogilvy, and Walter Leighton his
brother, who endeavoured to oppose him, were slain, together
with sixty of their followers. Elated with this success, the
plunderers oppressed the people more outrageously, but hear-
ing of the approach of the earl of Crawford, whom the king
had sent to restrain their audacity, the nimblest retired by a

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 65
speedy flight to their lurking places. They who were more
tardy had many killed, and many taken, who were afterward
hanged; but the turbulence of this restless race being prevent-
ed from breaking out upon the low country, raged more
violently among themselves at home.
II. In particular, there were two of the most powerful families,
whose deadly hatred was displayed by acts of the most atro-
cious cruelty, and as they would neither determine their differ-
ences by law, nor submit to the arbitration of friends, Thomas
Dunbar, earl of Moray, and David Lindsay—his father being
dead–earl of Crawford, were sent by the king to quell them.
These noblemen reflecting that they could not subdue a fierce
banditti, regardless of repose, and who despised death, with-
out much loss to their own party, resolved to accomplish by
policy, what would have been hazardous to attempt by force.
Addressing therefore, each of the chiefs separately, they re-
presented to them, what danger threatened both from their
mutual slaughter, for though one family might wholly destroy
the other, yet that could not be done without very severe loss
to the conqueror. Neither would it put an end to the contest,
for the victor, weakened by repeated conflicts, would still have to
encounter the king, whose displeasure they might easily judge
of from his having sent forces sufficient to destroy both, while
yet undiminished; but, as he was more desirous of their safety
than of their blood, if they chose to listen, he would inform
them of a method, neither dishonourable to them, nor disa-
greeable to the king, by which a reconciliation might be
effected. When they desired to hear this method, the follow-
ing condition was proposed;—That thirty combatants, chosen
from each side, armed with swords only, should decide the
contention before the king, the vanquished to have a pardon
for all past offences, and the victors to receive an honourable
reward from the sovereign and his nobles.
III. Both being satisfied with this condition, a day was
appointed for the combat, on which the chiefs, with the cham-
pions, having come to court, part of a large field on the south
side of the city of Perth, separated from the rest by deep
ditches, was assigned them for the encounter, and seats con-
structed around for the spectators. An immense number of
-
WOL. II. I

66 History of scotland.
spectators having assembled, the battle was a little delayed,
because one of the thirty of the one party had withdrawn
through fear, and the lesser party were unwilling to engage
with the greater, nor could they find a man to supply the place
of the absentee; neither would any one of the opposite side
allow himself to be removed from the number of the combat-
ants, lest he should seem to appear less courageous than they.
At last, a common tradesman offered himself as a substitute,
on condition, that, if victorious, he should receive half a gold
French crown, and afterward be provided for as long as he
lived, which offer being accepted, and the numbers thus again
made equal, the battle commenced, and was fought with an
eagerness, such as ancient hatred inflamed by recent injury,
was culculated to produce in the minds of ferocious savages,
accustomed to deeds of cruelty, especially when honour and
advantage in addition, were proposed to the victors, and death
and ignominy awaited the vanquished; yet was not the fury of
the combatants greater than the horror of the spectators at
witnessing the unsightly wounds, the torn limbs, and the fell
rage of the infuriated barbarians. This, however, was observ-
ed by all, that no one behaved more bravely than the mercen-
ary to whose exertions a great part of the victory was ascribed.
There remained in the battle, of the side to which he belonged,
ten alive besides himself, but all severely wounded. Of the
other party there remained one, but wholly unhurt, who seeing
himself exposed to such fearful odds, threw himself into the
river Tay, which was near at hand, and escaped to the other
bank, his adversaries who followed, being retarded by their
wounds. By this means, the fiercest of both parties being
slain, and the multitude left without leaders, they desisted for
many years from seditions, and returned to more peaceful pur-
suits. This combat took place, A. D. 1396."
Iv. Nearly about two years after, in an assembly of the
estates at Perth, the king created his son David, then eighteen
years old, duke of Rothsay, and his brother Robert, already
* The clans who fought upon this occasion, were the clan Kay, and the
clan Chattan. The mercenary, whose name was Henry Wynd, a saddler in
Perth, fought for the clan Chattan. The story is handed down in an old
proverb, “He comes in for his aim hand, as Henry Wynd fought.”
21
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 67
earl of Menteith and Fife, duke of Albany. This empty title,
then first introduced into Scotland, displayed a great increase
of ambition, but none of virtue, nor did it ever prove fortunate
to any that bore it. The king wished to bestow a similar
distinction on the earl of Douglas, but he, being a grave man,
constantly refused this show of useless honour, and indignant-
ly spurned the presumption that any of his race would ever
deign to wear it. Some writers assert, that the appellation
of governor, given to Robert by his father, was this year
confirmed by his brother, and that the family of Lindsay had
the earldom of Crawford added to their titles; but it does
not appear certain whether Thomas or David were the first
who bore the title. -
v. Next year, Richard II. King of England, was obliged
to abdicate his throne, and Henry IV. was appointed his suc-
cessor. In the beginning of his reign, while the truce had
not yet expired, the seeds of a new war with Scotland were
sown. George Dunbar, earl of March, had betrothed his
daughter Elizabeth, to David, the king's son, and had already
paid a considerable part of her dowry, on which Archibald,
earl Douglas, incensed that so powerful a nobleman and his
rival, should be preferred to him, alleging, that the consent of
the estates had not been asked, which had never before been
omitted in any of the royal marriages, proposed his daughter
Mary, with a larger portion, and by means of Robert, the
king's brother, who then ruled the Parliament, effected that
his offer should be accepted by the king, and the marriage
confirmed by their decree. Indignant both at the injury
and the affront, the earl of March expostulated strongly with
the king, but as what was done could not be recalled, he
demanded back at least his daughter's portion. Refused this
reasonable request, when he perceived that he would not be
able to obtain justice, the royal ear being prepossessed against
him by his rival, he left the court, not only irritated but
threatening revenge; and having committed the charge of the
castle of Dunbar to Robert Maitland, his sister's son, he set
out for England. Maitland immediately after, surrendered
the castle to an herald, sent from the king to demand it, and
Douglas was placed in it with a garrison, who refused the earl


G8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
admittance upon his return home, on which he went back to
England, taking with him his wife, children, and some of his
intimate friends, and there this injured, powerful, and renown-
ed chief confederated with Percy, the most implacable enemy
of the name of Douglas. Relying on the affection of the
neighbouring Scots, the most of whom were either his vassals
or relations, or bound by some good offices to him, he soon
returned in an hostile manner, making incursions through all
the Merse, and driving away plunder, especially from the
estates of the Douglases. The king of Scots on this, proclaim-
ed Dunbar a traitor, confiscated his property, and then sent a
herald to the king of England, to complain of the violation of
the truce, and to demand the fugitive according to treaty.
v1. To these demands, it was shamelessly replied, by the
king of England:—That he had pledged the public faith to
Dunbar, nor ought a royal promise to be violated; as if a pri-
vate agreement with a fugitive was to be more sacredly ob-
served than what had been publicly ratified by ambassadors
and heralds, for the truce, which had been made with Rich-
ard, had not yet expired. In the mean time, young Henry
Percy, surnamed Hotspur, and George Dunbar, incessantly
harassed the neighbouring Scottish counties by their incur-
sions, which having done so often with impunity, their au-
dacity increased with their success; and having collected two
thousand men, they entered Lothian, wasted the country ex-
tensively round Haddington, and besieged Hailes' castle,
though without success. When they had sat down before
Linton, a village in Lothian situate on the river Tyne, they
were surprised so unexpectedly by the sudden arrival of
Douglas, that, leaving not only their plunder, but even their
baggage, they betook themselves to flight, with such trepida-
tion, that they never halted till they arrived at Berwick.
These events took place about the beginning of February,
A. D. 1400; in which year, on the return of the heralds, war
was declared against England, and Archibald Douglas, sur-
named the Grim, equal in renown to the most celebrated of
his ancestors, died in an unfortunate crisis for his country,
which had lately lost so many commanders by various acci-
dents. A son of the same name succeeded him.

IIISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 69
wn. On the 13th of August, the king of England entered
Scotland with a large army. When he came to Haddington,
he remained there three days; after which he advanced into
Lothian, where he remained about the same time, and then
laid siege to Edinburgh castle. To oppose the invader, the
governor levied a great army, but so slowly, that it easily ap-
peared he would not have been grievously vexed even although
the castle, and with it David, the king's son, had been taken
by the English; for his criminal ambition began already to
discover itself, and that not obscurely. He despised his
brother as a weak man, and endeavoured, by every means, to
destroy his children, whose disasters, he considered as his
gain, in order to transfer the kingdom to himself. But the
king of England, on the other hand, as if by displaying the
terrors of war, he only sought to obtain peace, carried on
hostilities mildly, and, after a slight attempt on the castle,
broke up his camp, and returned home without doing much
mischief, receiving the praise of great clemency and modera-
tion. Both in his advance and retreat, he treated those with
humanity who submitted, abstained from all violence towards
sacred places, and was even munificent to some, on account
of the hospitality shown his father; which conduct, as it ren-
dered him more esteemed, rendered the governor more hated,
because he neither carried on the war with spirit, as against
an enemy, nor endeavoured to secure the friendship of so
gentle and beneficent a king.
v1.11. After Henry's return into England, Dunbar infested
the Scottish borders, with frequent, rather than great incur-
sions. To repress which, as active and not numerous bands
were necessary, Douglas divided the county forces into small
bodies, with each their particular leader, who were ordered
by turns either to repress the inroads of the enemy, or them-
selves to annoy their borders. The first lot fell upon Thomas
Halyburton of Dirleton, who brought back a rich spoil from
the neighbourhood of Bamborough. But Patrick Hepburn,
who spread farther with a larger force, was not equally fortu-
nate; for, trusting to his numbers, when he returned in an
incautious manner with his booty, he was surprised by the
English, and perished, together with the flower of the Lothian

70 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
youth. Archibald Douglas, in order to revenge this disas-
ter, collected, by consent of the governor, above ten thou-
sand men, with whom were the chief of the nobility, and
among them Murdoc, the governor's son. Having over-run
Northumberland, as far as Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which they
gave up every where to plunder, they engaged in a pitched
battle with Henry Percy and George Dunbar, and were de-
feated. Many of the noblemen were slain. Douglas, after
losing an eye, was taken prisoner; Mordac, earl of Fife,
Thomas, earl of Moray, George, earl of Angus, besides
many others eminent for rank and fortune, being taken along
with him; nor indeed had the strength of Scotland been so
much wasted in any one battle for many years before. It was
fought at Homeldon, a village in Northumberland, on the
7th of May, A. D. 1401.”
Ix. Percy, having gained so signal a victory, resolved to
reduce, under the English dominion, all the country lying be-
tween Northumberland and the Forth; nor did he in this pro-
pose a very hazardous undertaking, because the nobility of
these regions were either killed in battle, or detained in cap-
tivity. Wherefore, he immediately proceeded against the
castle of Cocklaw, # in Teviotdale, with the governor of which
he agreed, that unless the Scots should raise the siege within
fifty days, he would deliver it up. These conditions being
related to the king, and also to the governor, some were of
opinion that the castle should be given up to the English, not
thinking it worth the risk of another engagement, as the
strength of the kingdom had been so much wasted in the last.
This dejection of spirit did not proceed, however, from dread
of the enemy, but from a fear of danger to the country, from
* The date of this battle should be 14th September, 1402. Henry settled
a pension of £40 per annum, on Nicholas Merburry, an esquire of the earl
of Northumberland, who first brought him certain intelligence of his victory,
the grant of which, ascertains the date, Foedera, vol. ix. p. 26.
+ The siege of Cocklaw is also misdated, it was not till June next
year, 1403, that it took place, and it appears rather to have been a feint on
the part of Percy, to cover his intentions of acting against Henry, than any
serious attack, of which probably the Scottish governor had been aware, when
he so frankly offered to attempt raising it.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 71
the perfidy of the governor. He, on the other hand, to re-
move all suspicion, expressed himself in lofty and confident
language:—This public confession of imbecility and terror,
he said, would increase the audacity of the enemy, more than
the loss of a battle; if any one imagined the English would be
content with the possession of one castle, he grievously de-
ceived himself, for as a light sprinkling of water increases the
flame, so their cupidity, by the surrender of some places,
would be rather inflamed than extinguished, and what was
conceded at first, would be made a step for attaining more.
But if every one of the nobilty, he added, should refuse to
march to the relief of the castle, I shall march alone, nor
shall I live, and seeing such a stain on the Scottish name, al-
low it to remain. At this speech of the governor's, the whole,
either having their suspicions extinguished, or dissembling,
exclaimed they would follow. But fortune dissipated that
danger, Percy being recalled to the civil war, the castle was
liberated without force.
x. While affairs were thus managed against the enemy
abroad, the internal administration was not more felicitously
conducted. A little after the death of Archibald Douglas in
the former year, Annabella, the queen, and Walter Trail,
archbishop of St. Andrews, died in rapid succession, from
which a great change of affairs was universally presaged; for
as the military splendour of the country was supported by
Douglas, the ecclesiastical authority, and some shadow of an-
cient discipline maintained by Trail, so the queen preserved
unstained the dignity of the court, as was evident by what fol-
lowed upon her death. David, the king's son, a young man
of a violent temper and warm disposition, whose vices increas-
ed through the indulgence of his father, who did not possess
sufficient authority to ensure respect, had yet by the admoni-
tions of those who watched over his education, but especially
by the attention and counsel of his mother, been hitherto re-
strained. As soon as the queen died, however, the prince re-
turned to his true bias, and gave an unbridled license to his
passions; laying aside fear and shame, he not only seduced
married ladies, and virgins of good family, but those whom
he could not entice, he forced to his embraces, and whoever


72 History of scorland.
endeavoured to check his libertinism, was certain to suffer for
it. Many complaints having been made to his father respect-
ing his irregularities, he wrote to his brother, the governor,
to keep the young man near himself, till the exuberance of
youth should settle into more regular habits. The governor,
who now found what he had long waited for, an opportunity
of destroying his brother's children, carried David, whom he
met about three miles from St. Andrews, along with him to
the castle, which he had kept as a kind of garrison, ever since
the death of the archbishop. A short time after, he had him
transferred to his own castle at Falkland, and there threw him
into a dungeon to perish by hunger; but the miserable death
to which his uncle's cruelty had doomed him, was protracted
by the compassion of two females for a few days. One of
them, a young girl, whose father was commander of the castle
and garrison, carried him oaten cakes, made as is usual in
Scotland, so thin that they could be folded, which she con-
cealed under a linen veil, thrown negligently over her head
as a protection against the sun; and as often as she had an
opportunity of going into the gardens near the prison, she
thrust them through a chink rather than a window. The
other was a country nurse, who conveyed the milk from her
breasts to his mouth through a slender tube. By this wretch-
ed sustenance, which rather increased his hunger than as-
suaged it, when his life and his sufferings had been lengthen-
ed out for a few days, his keepers watching more closely, dis-
covered the women, and they were put to death; the father
cursing the deceit of his daughter, and endeavouring by this
to show his own unshaken fidelity to the governor. Deprived
thus of all human aid, the young man, overcome with hunger,
having gnawed his own members, expired, after suffering
more than death. His fate was long concealed from his father,
because, although generally known, no one durst be the mes-
senger of such melancholy tidings.
xi. But to return to the affairs of England, in as far as they
are intermixed with ours. When Percy, having formed a
conspiracy with a great number of the nobility, meditated even
against his own king, he agreed with Douglas, whom he still
kept a captive since the battle of Homeldon, that if he would

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 13
lend his assistance against Henry, as bravely and faithfully as
he used to fight against himself, he would freely release him.
Douglas, who could refuse no opportunity of strenuously op-
posing the king of England, cheerfully promised, and having
collected a few of his friends and vassals, he prepared for the
impending struggle. In the battle which ensued," he behaved
as bravely as he had promised to Percy. Despising the com-
mon crowd of soldiers, he fixed his eye and his soul upon the
king only, and as many were clothed with royal apparel on
that day—either to deceive the enemy, who were anxious for
his life, or, that the soldiers might think he was everywhere
present, the witness of their valour or cowardice—Douglas
rushed full tilt against one of these, conspicuous by his armour,
and unhorsed him, who being rescued by those who were
standing near, he unhorsed a second, and then a third—as,
besides our own historians, Edward Hall, an English writer,
affirms—deceived by the splendour of their arms and their
royal robes, nor was he so much struck with his own danger,
as astonished whence so many kings could come. At last,
after a most sanguinary engagement, the fortune of the day
declared against him, and Henry proved victorious. Douglas
was severely wounded. On being recognized among the
prisoners, many were desirous of putting him to death, but he
was preserved by the king, who not only applauded his fideli-
ty towards his friend, but honoured his bravery by presents,
and had the cure of his wounds carefully attended to. After
he had been several months with the king of England, he was
with difficulty dismissed, upon paying a large ransom.
x11. In the mean time, a report of the murder, by his uncle,
of David, eldest son of the king of Scotland, reached his
miserable parents, and the author was pointed out by secret
rumour, because nobody dared openly accuse so powerful a
man; on which, the king sending for his brother, severely
reproached him, but he had a tale prepared to account for the
death of the young man, and to transfer the guilt to others.
At the same time he promised, that both he and his friends
would appear, when and where the king wished, to stand trial,
* The battle of Shrewsbury in which Percy fell.
WOL. II. K.

74 IIISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
but he had some of the perpetrators of the murder already in
custody, and would diligently pursue the rest. An inquiry
being in consequence instituted, the author of the crime him-
self assembled a council, instructed the prosecutors, and, the
king being present, he who was empannelled as guilty, was of
course declared innocent. The king having imprecated ven-
geance from heaven, and the most grievous curses upon those
and their posterity who had perpetrated so nefarious a crime,
oppressed with grief and bodily infirmity, returned to Bute,
whence he had come, with his suspicion increased, that the
parricide” had been committed by his brother, who was,
however, too powerful to be brought to punishment. But the
governor, that he might the more strongly dissemble, brought
forth some suppositious authors of the murder from prison—
criminals indeed, but guiltless of the crime of which they were
accused—and caused them to be executed.
xiii. The king, now solicitous about the safety of James,
his youngest son, whom he had intrusted to the care of Walter
Wardlaw, t archbishop of St. Andrews, an upright man and
faithful to his interest, consulted those who were particularly
attached to him, on the subject. They were of opinion that
the prince could be safe no where at home, and advised that
he should be sent to Charles VI, king of France, the ancient
ally and sincere friend of Scotland, with whom he would be
out of danger, and honourably educated, for they recollected
the recent example of David Bruce, who, in unsettled times
in his native country, had spent several years honourably in
that kingdom, on which, a vessel being prepared, James
embarked at the Bass, a rock rather than an island, accom-
panied by Henry Sinclair, earl of Orkney, as his guardian.
While coasting along the shore, he landed at Flamborough
nead, either forced in thither by a storm, or to recover a little
from sea-sickness, where he was detained by the English, and
on the king's being consulted about the disposal of the royal
youth, sent to court. There, neither the existing truce, which
* Parricide in reference to the dignity and station of the prince.
+ Should be Henry Wardlaw, nephew of Walter the Cardinal, who was
bishop of Clasgow.
21

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 75
had only a little before been concluded for eight years, nor
the supplicating letters of his father, prevented him from being
kept as a lawful prisoner; for his father upon his departure,
had given him letters to the king of England, if by chance he
should be forced upon his dominions, in which he pathetically
adverted to his own, and to the common lot of mankind. But
although the king himself was not unacquainted with the in-
stability of human affairs, yet ancient enmity to the nation
outweighed all regard for the innocence of youth, the tears of
a parent, the dignity of the royal name, and the faith of treaties.
xv. When Henry referred to his council the question how
he should treat the son of the Scottish king, driven by acci-
dent, into his territories, those who loved justice, and were
weary of the long war, delivered a mild opinion, and advised
to treat the royal youth, flying from the cruelty of his own
relations, and a suppliant, with hospitality and kindness; that
a brave nation, unconquered in war for so many ages, might
be conciliated by favours, for this, they asserted, is the firmest
and most splendid victory, by which liberty is not forcibly
destroyed, but by which the soul is bound in the indissoluble
chains of friendship. Others, on the contrary, argued, that
the prince appeared to be a lawful captive, either because the
chief nobles of his nation had assisted Percy in his rebellion
against the king, or because his father protected and main-
tained in exile, the elder Percy, condemned as a traitor in
England. And this last was followed, as the worst advices
usually are in royal councils, although those who were present
knew that they who had fought against Edward, were not
authorized by the Scottish sovereign, but did so from private
attachment to Douglas, who was then in Percy's power, and
they might have remembered what Henry himself a few years
before, had replied to the Scots, when they demanded that
George Dunbar should be delivered up, yet their opinion was
preferred, for almost always in kings' courts, a false show of
advantage outweighs honest integrity. Yet, in one respect
the English monarch behaved liberally and royally to his
captive, he caused him to be carefully instructed in learning
and correct discipline.
xv. This calamity of his son being told to the old king
--
-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND-
while at supper, his grief was so violent, that he almost ex-
pired among the hands of his attendants, but being carried to
bed, he refused all food, and the third day after, he died of
grief and exhaustion, at Rothsay, a town in the island of
Bute, on the first of April, in the sixteenth year of his reign,
A. D. 1406.” He was buried in Paisley. Robert, in stature,
and in elegance of shape and form, was inferior to none of his
cotemporaries. Blameless in domestic life, he was deficient in
no virtue requisite for a private gentleman, and it may with
truth be said of him, that he was a better man than he was a
monarch. After the king's death, the administration of the
realm was confirmed to Robert, by the decree of the estates,
and he possessed many qualifications worthy of that high
office, if he only had not by a blind ambition to rule, hastened
his accession by the worst of means, for he was brave in war,
and prudent in council, decided with equity, conciliated his
nobles by his liberality, and did not oppress the people by
exactions.
xvi. In the same year, the elder Percy again conspired
against his king, in order to revenge the death of his brother
and his two sons; but the design being discovered, and many
of the conspirators taken and executed, he fled into Scot-
land, that thence he might sail into Flanders and France,
to procure assistance for renewing the war. In the mean-
time, Henry, the son of the king of England, made extensive
excursions into Scotland by sea and land. After he had re-
turned home with a great quantity of booty, the common
people of Teviotdale took, and spoiled the castle of Jedburgh,
which the enemy had kept possession of ever since the bat-
tle of Durham, and afterward, by order of the governor, it
* James, prince of Scotland, was seized by the English in 1405, his father,
Robert, died in 1406. Whether his son's captivity had been kept secret from
him till then, or whether the cause of his death be inaccurately stated, is of
little importance, but as both events happened on Palm Sundays, though in
different years, Pinkerton conjectures the story might have originated from
that circumstance. Perhaps it may have arisen from some interpolation or
mistake. In the Scotochronicon, it stands corrected by Goodal, Note, lib. -
xv. Cap. 18.




HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 77
was levelled with the ground." George, earl of March, when
he could neither obtain from the English, in return for the mis-
chief he had done his own country, any assistance to recover
his estates, nor any honourable income to support his rank,
being reconciled with the governor through the intervention
of friends, returned home; he was mulcted, however, of part of
his patrimony. His castles in Lochmaben and Annandale,
were given to Douglas, as a compensation for the losses he
had sustained, and old offences being mutually forgiven, he
passed the remainder of his life in peace with his neighbours,
and loyalty to his king. -
xvi. Next year, Percy, having in vain travelled over France
and Flanders, returned to Scotland, to his old friend the earl
of March, by whom he was hospitably received, and supported
according to his rank, thence, when, by secret messengers, he
had made frequent attempts to procure his return to his
country, he wrote to a certain old, and as he believed, faithful
adherent, Ralph Rokesby, that among Scots and English he
could procure troops on whom he might rely, and did not
despair of recovering his patrimony, if he would join him.
But Ralph, who was then viscount, or sheriff of York, as they
call it, that is, president in the judicial assemblies, first invited
Percy to come to him, with false hopes of assistance, and then
discovered the conspiracy, and betrayed his wretched friend,
whose head was cut off, and sent to London to Henry.
About this time, there was in Scotland a certain English-
man, who called himself Richard II, but falsely, in my opin-
ion, for, when the elder Percy often and strongly desired a
conversation with him, he never could obtain it, the other
fearing, I believe, lest his imposture should be detected by a
nobleman, who had so well known his own king. He was,
however, treated for several years, as a prince of the blood
* Fordun mentions that a parliament held at Perth, voted a house-tax of
two pennies on every house that had a fire, for defraying the expense of de-
molishing the castle of Jedburgh, but the governor refused it, saying, no tax
had ever been raised in the time of his government, nor should be raised, lest
the poor should curse him, as theintroducer of such an abuse. He therefore
ordered that the people of the March should be employed in demolishing the
castle and paid out of the produce of the royal customs, lib. xv. cap. 21.

78 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
royal, who pretended, that, in order to live more securely, he
was totally destitute of any desire to reign. At last, dying, he
was buried in the church of the Dominicans, at Stirling, and
the title of king of England inserted in his epitaph. Not long
after, Fast castle, the strongest castle in March—as the name
indicates—was taken from the English, by Patrick Dunbar,
the son of George, Thomas Holden, the governor, who had
infested the neighbouring places of Lothian with his continual
robberies, being at the same time made prisoner. Besides,
in Teviotdale, Roxburgh bridge was broken down, and the
town burned by William Douglas and Gavin Dunbar, the
youngest son of the earl of March, but the castle was not
attempted, as they had come unprovided with every thing
requisite for undertaking a siege.
xviii. In the following year, A. D. 1411, Donald, lord of
the AEbudæ, having, as next heir, which indeed he was,” de-
manded the restoration of Ross, taken from him by the gov-
ernor under some legal pretext, and finding himself denied
justice, collected ten thousand of his Islanders, and made a
descent upon the continent, where he easily took possession
of Ross, every one cheerfully returning to the vassalage of
their rightful lord. This ready submission of the inhabitants
of Ross, excited his mind, naturally ambitious, to attempt
greater exploits. Having advanced into Moray, where there
was no force to oppose him, he reduced it, then carried his
depredations into Strathbogie, and threatened Aberdeen.
The governor prepared forces against this sudden and unex-
pected enemy; but as the greatness and imminence of the
danger would not allow of waiting for distant aid, Alexander,
earl of Marr, the governor's nephew, with almost all the no-
bility beyond Tay, opposed Donald at the village of Harlaw,
* The heiress of the earldom of Ross, was Euphemia, who married Walter
Lesley, by whom she had a son and daughter, Alexander, who succeeded to
the earldom, and Euphemia, who married this Donald of the Isles. Alexander
died and left an only daughter, who turned a nun, and becoming thus dead
in law, Donald as next heir, in right of his wife claimed the earldom. But
the widow had married a second husband, Alexander earl of Buchan, son of
Robert II. brother of the governor's, and through her influence the governor
wished to procure the earldom for his own family, Pinkerton, vol. i. p. 91.
-
-


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. -
79
where a bloody and memorable battle was fought, the brave
nobility contending for their estates and honour, against the
unbounded ferocity of their invaders. Night separated the
combatants, rather fatigued with fighting, than that either
had obtained the advantage; and so uncertain was the issue
of the day, that each side, on reckoning their loss, imagined
themselves vanquished. In this battle, there perished more
noble and illustrious men, than had fallen in foreign warfare
during many years, and a village, formerly obscure, became
distinguished to after ages. In this year was founded the
university of St. Andrews, more through the efforts of learned
men, who gratuitously offered their services as professors,
than from any public or private stipendiary patronage.
xix. During the next ten years, nothing memorable oc-
curred between the English and the Scots, either because a
truce had been entered into, which, however, is not mentioned
by any historian, or because Henry IV. dying on the 21st
of May, his son, Henry V., who immediately succeeded him,
was, during the rest of his life, so much engaged in the affairs
of France, that the English abstained from injuring the Scots,
or because the governor of Scotland dared not stir, lest Henry
should send back the true heir to the crown, whose misfor-
tunes he knew would render him doubly welcome to his peo-
ple. Any excursions which took place during this period,
were rather robberies than acts of war. Such were the burn-
ing of Penrith in England, by Archibald Douglas, and of
Dumfries in Scotland, by the English. An exchange of
prisoners being effected, Mordac, the governor's son, who
had been taken at the battle of Homeldon, was returned to
the Scots for Percy, who, upon the defeat of his grandfather,
had been brought from England to Scotland, and left with the
governor, but, upon the accession of the new king, had been
restored to the honours of his ancestors. Although Percy
was not a lawful prisoner of war, yet the unfair detention of
James, the son of the Scottish king, prevented the English
from complaining of any injustice. To Percy himself it cer-
tainly was not disagreeable, as, during the whole of his life,
he testified his remembrance of the hospitality of the Scots by
every office of kindness. In this same year, likewise, came an

80 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
embassy from the council of Constance,” at the head of which
was the abbot of Pontignac, and another from Peter Lune,
who had seized the papacy, and pertinaciously retained it.
This last, by means of Henry Hardinge, an English Fran-
ciscan, had brought over the governor to his party, but in
vain, for the whole of the priests, who had acknowledged the
authority of the council of Constance, opposed him, and
agreed to the election of Martin V.
xx. About this time, the king of France became deranged,
and his distemper was confirmed by the nostrums of the
monks, who attempted to cure him. France, in consequence,
divided into two factions—the chief of the one was the duke
of Burgundy, who, having killed the king's brother, joined
the English; at the head of the other was the king's son,
who had been disinherited by his father in his delirium, and
was called, in derision, by his enemies, the king of Berry,
because he usually resided at Bourges, the capital of that
province. The latter being deserted by a great part of his
countrymen, and by all his foreign allies, sent the earl of
Vendome, in the year 1419, as his ambassador to Scotland,
to beg assistance in terms of the ancient league. A body of
seven thousand men was in consequence voted by the estates;
nor was it then difficult to raise that number of volunteers,
the young men having so much increased during the peace
with the English. John, earl of Buchan, the governor's son,
was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces, and many
young noblemen followed him, of whom the most eminent was
Archibald, earl of Wigton, son of Archibald, second earl of
Douglas. These, on their arrival in France, were sent by
the Dauphin—by which name the eldest son of the king of
France is usually called—into Touraine, a country abounding
in every necessary, and in the neighbourhood of the enemy;
for the duke of Clarence, Henry's brother, who then com-
manded in France for him, wasted the province of Anjou,
which still remained faithful to the king of France, and it was
* The council of Constance had deposed Pope Benedict XIII. and elected
Martin V. The merits of these two heads of the church, were tried before a
Scottish parliament at Perth, who decided in favour of Martin, and his infal-
libility was accordingly acknowledged by the Scottish clergy.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 81
believed would come to the village of Beaux. These move-
ments took place two days before Easter. Wherefore, the
Scots thinking the duke, as was customary, would suspend
hostilities during these few days, and apply to religious exer-
cises, or trusting, as others say, to a truce which had been
concluded for eight days, became more remiss than usual.
xxi. Clarence, informed of this, either by Andrew Fergus,
an Italian, or by some Scots foragers whom his horse had in-
tercepted and taken prisoners, glad of an opportunity, as he
thought, for striking an advantageous blow, rose instantly
from dinner, and ordering only the cavalry to arm, set out
directly for the enemy. The duke, besides his armour and
other ornaments, was distinguished by a royal coronet, spark-
ling with jewels. A few French, who were stationed in the
village of Little Beaux, next the enemy, alarmed at his sudden
approach, fled to the tower of a neighbouring church. These
being attacked, the noise alarmed the army, who suddenly
flew to arms in great trepidation. The earl of Buchan, while
the rest were making ready for action, sent thirty archers to
occupy a bridge, the only one by which an adjacent river
could be passed; there, the battle having commenced, Hugh
Kennedy * hastened from a neighbouring church where he
had been quartered, to join them, with a hundred attendants,
but in such a hurry, that they were only half armed. These,
with the archers, checked the progress of the cavalry; on
which, Clarence, with a few of the foremost, leaping from
their horses, fought on foot, and charged the Scots so fierce-
ly, that they drove them from the bridge, and opened a way
for their men. In the meantime, while Clarence remounted,
and the rest had scarcely passed the bridge, the earl of Buch-
an arrived with two hundred horse, and immediately both
equally desirous of distinguishing themselves in the face of
danger, joined keenly in the fight, animated with the same
courage and the same hatred. The Scots rejoiced at having
found an opportunity for giving the first display of their val-
* Hugh Kennedy, laird of Ardstinsiar, brother to the laird of Dunure, in
Carrick, had no issue, but the house of Bargeny succeeded. His arms were
in reward of his exploits, quartered with the royal coat of France. From his
brother the laird of Dunure, the earls of Cassilis are descended.
WOL. II. L


82 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
our, and refuting the jests of the French, who accused them
of being fonder of eating and drinking than of fighting—a
charge usually brought by the French against the Britons,
by the Spaniards against the French, and by the Africans
against the Spaniards—and the English were enraged that
they should not only be attacked at home, but followed be-
yond seas by their implacable enemy. In the battle, none
fought more bravely than Clarence himself; distinguished by
his armour, he was singled out by John Swinton, who charged
him, and wounded him severely in the face with his lance;
and the earl of Buchan striking him with a baton, he fell from
his horse. On his fall, the English fled, and many were slain
in the pursuit, which continued till night. This battle was
fought the day before Easter, when the days are short, as
in cold countries, a little after the vernal equinox. About
two thousand English fell in this conflict, among whom were
twenty-six distinguished noblemen. Many of high rank were
taken, chiefly relations of the duke. Of the French and Scots
a few were slain, and those chiefly of the lower order.
-xxii. What I have related, is the common account given
of Clarence's death, but the book of Pluscarty mentions that
he was killed by Alexander Maccalsland, a knight of Lennox,
who, having taken the crown, which I have mentioned, off his
head, sold it to John Stuart of Darnley, for one thousand
English angels, which he again pledged to Robert Houston,
to whom he owed five thousand angels; and this, the record
says, was the common report of the time. That the chief
merit of this victory belonged to the Scots, even their detrac-
tors could not deny; and the earl of Buchan was, in conse-
quence, created, by the dauphin Charles, lord high constable
of France, which is the highest office in that country next to
the king; the other generals were also rewarded according to
their rank and bravery. During these transactions in France,
in the year 1420, Robert, the governor, died, on the 3d of
September, fifteen years after the death of king Robert III.
xxiii. Murdo, his son, succeeded to his father's office.
He was a man of an indolent disposition; not only unfit for
governing a nation, but even incapable of regulating his own
family; for, either through carelessness, or too much indul-
-
21.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. - 83
gence, he so spoiled his children—for he had three sons—
that, in a short time, he precipitated both them and himself
into the most extreme wretchedness and ruin. These domes-
tic changes brought back the earls of Buchan, Wigton, and
many of their relations from France; but, in a short time,
when the affairs of Scotland were arranged, being recalled by
the Dauphin, the earl of Buchan, and his brother-in-law,
Archibald, with his son James—his other son, the earl of
Wigton, being left at home sick—set sail for France, accom-
panied by the flower of the Scottish nobility. They landed
at Rochelle with five thousand soldiers, and immediately set
out for the dauphin at Poictou, by whom they were received
with the greatest rejoicings, and Douglas was created duke of
Touraine. Henry, king of England, on hearing of the death
of Clarence, appointed his other brother, the duke of Bedford,
his successor; and having sent before him, into France, four
thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, he, himself, soon fol-
lowed, carrying with him James, king of Scotland, that, by
his means, he might either conciliate the Scots, who were
fighting in France, or render them suspected to the French.
But he succeeded in neither; nor could he even obtain, at the
request of their own king, that they would either return home,
or remain neuter, and be only spectators of the war; for when
he addressed the garrisons held by the Scots, he received from
all the same answer:—That they would never acknowledge
him as their king, who was in the power of another.
xxiv. Henry, offended at this obstinacy, when he took the
town of Meaux by storm, hanged twenty of the Scots whom
he found there, alleging that they fought against their king.
Not long after, both he, and Charles VI, king of the French,
died within a short time of each other. About two years after,
the English being victorious at Verneuil, there were killed of
the chief of the Scots, the earls of Buchan and Douglas, the
one, the high constable of France, and the other, the duke of
Touraine; likewise, James Douglas, the son, Alexander Lind-
say, Robert Stuart, Thomas Swinton, and above two thou-
sand of the common soldiers; and, in about three years, fol-
lowed another severe defeat, in which the Scottish auxiliaries
suffered greatly; for having attacked the English, as they

B4 HISTORY OF SCOTLANT).
were conveying provisions to Orleans, they were routed at
Beaux, in which battle there were slain of the Scottish noble-
men, William Stuart, with his brother, and two illustrious
knights of the Douglas family, whose posterity yet possess, the
one, the castle of Drumlanric in Nithsdale, and the other, the
castle of Lochleven, and the opulent estates round them. I
have thus shortly glanced at the transactions of the Scots in
France during a few years, a foreign subject which may be
found more fully detailed in the French annals; which al-
though not wholly foreign to the history of the Scots, yet I
should not have adverted to them, if the detraction of some
English writers had not obliged me to do so; for, by slander-
ing, they endeavour to depreciate actions which they cannot
deny, of which, if even history should be silent, yet the muni-
ficence of kings, and the decrees of states, and the most hon-
ourable monuments of Orleans and Touraine would sufficient-
ly publish. What fault do they find in this? Why, the Scots,
they say, were too poor to maintain such large armies in a
foreign country. If they think poverty a crime, the crime is
in the soil, not the people; nor should I have considered it a
reproach, had not their writers told us that they meant it as
such; to them, therefore, I shall only reply–These poor,
and, if they choose it, these starving Scots, have carried off
many and illustrious victories from the opulent English; and
if they do not believe me, let them believe their own writers,
to whose fidelity, if they themselves refuse credence, they
cannot require us to pay much attention. But to return to the
affairs of Scotland. -
xxv. Murdo, as already mentioned, having been appointed
governor in the room of his father, his children, Walter,
Alexander, and James, in consequence of the laxity of his
domestic discipline, despised and oppressed their inferiors,
and contaminated their youthful companions with the same
vices with which they themselves were tainted; nor could their
father restrain their licentiousness, till the punishment of their
neglected education fell at last upon his own head. The old
man had a bird, which he highly prized, of the falcon species,
which Walter having often asked from his father, and having
been unable to obtain, at last, in contempt, snatched from his


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 85
feeble hand, and wrung off its neck. To which outrage, his
father thus replied:-Since you cannot submit to obey me, I
shall bring another whom both you and I will be forced to
obey; and from that time he bent his whole mind to restore
his relation James. Colin Campbell, one of the chief noblemen
in Argyle, whom Walter had formerly affronted, approving
of the design, assisted him to accomplish it. An assembly of
the estates was, in consequence, convoked at Perth, where the
subject was brought before them, and all, either from affection
for the lawful heir of the throne, or tired of the present con-
fusion, willingly determined to send an embassy to desire
their king's release. And ambassadors, chosen of the high-
est rank, being sent, found the English more willing to accede
to their demand than they had expected; for the duke of
Gloucester, who then governed England during the minority
of the king,” having called a parliament, easily persuaded
* The duke of Gloucester managed the affairs of England during the ab-
sence of the duke of Bedford on the continent. -
The publication of the Foedera, which has thrown so much light upon
Scottish History, enables us to correct a mistake into which Buchanan had
been led respecting the ransom, it was not the half but only a fourth part of
the sum, which was remitted, and that exaction was softened down into pay-
ment for the prince's expenses in England. The Scotch ambassadors were
William, bishop of Glasgow, George Dunbar, earl of March, John Mont-
gomery, of Ardrossan, Sir Patrick Dunbar, of Bele, Sir Robert Lauder, of
Edrington, Sir William Borthwick, of Brothwick, Sir John Forrester, of
Corstorphin, and Dugal Drummond, an ecclesiastic, who arranged the pre-
liminaries of the treaty, which was concluded at York, 10th September,
1423, by the bishop of Glasgow, Earl of March, James Douglas, of Belrany,
the abbots of Cambuskeneth and Balmarino, Sir Patrick Dunbar, Sir Robert
Lauder, Mr. George Borthwick, archdeacon of Glasgow, and Patrick
Houston, archdeacon of Glasgow. The conditions were, that the sum of
40,000 pounds sterling, be paid as an equivalent for the king's entertainment
while in England, at the rate of 10,000 merks half-yearly till the whole was
liquidated, and hostages given as security for the payment. A list of the
names with yearly rents of the hostages was required, which was given, and
is curious as ascertaining the incomes of some of the noble families at that
time. David, eldest son, and heir of the earl of Athol, 1200 merks; Thomas,
earl of Moray, looo; Alexander, earl of Crawford, looo; Duncan Campbell,
lord of Argyle, 1500; William Douglas, heir of the lord of Dalkeith, 1500;
Gilbert, heir of William Hay, constable of Scotland, 800; Robert Keith,
marshal of Scotland, soo; Robert Erskine, lord of Erskine, 1000; Walter,


88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
them to restore James to the wishes of his people, since, in his
present condition, he had not sufficient authority either to re-
tall the Scottish auxiliaries from France, or induce any part
of that kingdom to ally itself to England. There was, besides,
another consideration which he thought ought to be taken ad-
vantage of, and which would render James not only the firm
friend, but keep him always subservient to England, and that
was, if he should marry Joan, [or Jane, the earl of Somer-
set's daughter, and the loveliest woman of her time, of whom
he was passionately enamoured; he was persuaded, through
her influence, the French league would be easily broken; and
the Scottish king, too, himself, upon obtaining his liberty,
would either become the ally of England for that favour, or,
while he avenged himself on his relations for the injuries he
had suffered, he would involve his country in a heavy intestine
war; and, in either case, the English would be gainers, either
they would be stronger by the acquisition of such a friend, or,
by the dissensions of their enemies, would be left unincumber-
ed for distant war. -
xxvi. Nor did these appear to be very unwise considera-
tions, had not the English parliament, by their own greed,
covetousness, and niggardliness, themselves destroyed their
advantage. But they demanded a larger sum for the prince's
ransom than the Scots, in the then state of their affairs, either
durst promise, or were able to pay. It was therefore com-
promised, and the royal lover agreed, that the portion of his
bride should be retained for the one half, and the sons of some
lord of Dirlton, soo; Thomas Boyd, lord Kilmarnock, 500; Patrick Dunbar,
lord Cumnock, 500; Alexander, lord Gordon, 400. Besides the hostages,
the cities of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Aberdeen, gave each particular
obligations; and the king, before leaving Durham, gave his own personal bond
in addition, so strict were the English parliament in these days respecting
money transactions. The English ambassadors were instructed, if the Scots
ambassadors should talk of a marriage between their king and some English
lady, to tell them that he himself is acquainted not only with several English
ladies of high birth, but also with princesses of the blood royal, that he may
make his own choice; but if the Scots make no proposal, to use caution, as
the English ladies, at least the noble women, are not accustomed to make the
first advances to the men. The king's marriage suit, which was of cloth of
gold, cost £28 Sterling.

HISTORY OF SCUTLAND. 87.
of the nobility sent as hostages for the liquidation of the other.
James thus liberated, returned home, after he had been
eighteen years a captive, A. D. 1423-4. A great concourse
of all ranks assembled to see the king, but scarcely had they
paid him their congratulations on his return, when he was
assailed by numbers, who complained loudly of the injuries
suffered since the death of the late king, partly through the
negligence, and partly through the fault of the governors, and
they particularly accused Walter, the son of Murdo, Malcolm
Fleming, and Thomas Boyd, who, to please the people, were
for the present, committed into separate places of confinement,
until the next meeting of parliament, which was appointed for
the 27th day of May. Fleming and Boyd, however, upon
making compensation, besides paying a considerable fine into
the exchequer, were dismissed.
CII. James I.
xxvii. James, together with his queen, was crowned on the
20th day of April, being placed in the royal chair by Murdo,
his uncle, that office belonging to the earls of Fife. Shortly
after, many useful acts were passed, particularly for suppres-
sing robbers, who had increased so much during the licen-
tiousness of the few past years, that despising laws and magis-
trates, they seemed to consider the sword as the only arbitrator
of right. The next object which came under consideration,
was, raising money to pay the king's ransom; for the royal
domains, during so many wars, followed by domestic seditions,
having been mortgaged by the governors, who freely pardon-
ed” the offenders, and profusely rewarded the loyal, the king
was rendered unable out of his own patrimony, to pay the
debt, and reduced to beg the assistance of the estates. The
nobility, who had given their children as hostages, easily
procured an act to be passed for this purpose; but they could
not with the same facility procure the money, for when a
twentieth was ordered to be levied upon the estimated value
of all moveables, in the then great scarcity of money, and the
* Without confiscating their estates to defray the expense of the wars they
had occasioned.

83 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
plenty, and consequent depreciation of every thing else, the
burden seemed intolerable to men unaccustomed to pay taxes,
and who feared the example for the future, even more than
the present loss. Nor did the rich escape the reproach of the
lower classes, as if they wished to shift the load from themselves
to the poor. But what chiefly harassed the common people,
was the short time allowed to collect it, for it was ordered to
be levied within fifteen days, and whoever did not pay it with-
in that time, their cattle were to be seized either by their
superior, or the sheriff of the county. Neither was debt, nor
arrears of rent to a landlord to be allowed as any excuse for
the non-exaction of this tax; and the harshness of the collectors
aggravated the evils. They not only tormented the common
people, but by surcharges and expenses, prevented a great
part of the money they collected from ever reaching the ex-
chequer. The present tax too, appeared the heavier, compar-
ed with the lax treatment to which the people had been ac-
customed under the governors, who endeavoured to please the
populace, that they might not become anxious for the return
of their lawful king; for which reason, when the estates had
voted an assessment to Robert, the king's uncle, he wishing
to ingratiate himself with the people, refused to sanction it,
and said, he would rather pay the money out of his own
pocket, than that any one should be troubled on that account.
The king therefore, when he had exacted the first payment,
which was wretchedly collected, and that with the greatest
discontent among the common people, who, besides the ex-
pense of the war, complained of the imposition of this new
burden, remitted the exaction of the remainder.
xxviii. In this parliament, Murdo, duke of Albany, Walter
and Alexander, his sons, Duncan, earl of Lennox, and Robert
Graham, who some years after murdered the king, were ap-
prehended and thrown into prison, along with twenty-four of
the chief nobility. The latter were, however, soon after set
at liberty, Murdo, with his sons and father-in-law only being
detained. On the same day on which Murdo was taken, the
king seized his castles of Falkland, in Fife, and Doune, in
Menteith, from which last his wife was sent to Tantallon, a
castle in Lothian. James, his youngest son, on hearing of the

History of scotland. 89
disasters of his family, collected a band of his retainers,
burned the town of Dunbarton, and killed John Stuart, the
king's uncle, and thirty-two along with him. He himself
afterward fled into Ireland, where he died soon after, as did
Finlay, bishop of Lismore, or Argyle, of the Dominican order,
who fled with him, and had been his chief adviser. Walter's
wife, with his two sons, Andrew and Alexander, and his illegiti-
mate son, Arthur, likewise fled into Ireland, where they remain-
ed till the reign of James III, when they returned, and were
invested with high honours.
Xxix. The same year, an assembly of the nobles being held
at Stirling, Murdo, with his two sons, and his father-in-law,
were brought to trial before a tribunal constituted according
to the custom of the country. The form is as follows:–Some
person of distinguished prudence and authority is chosen, who
presides, and to him are given at least twelve assessors, who
hear the accusation, and pronounce a decision upon oath.
These are always of the same rank with the accused, or as
nearly so as possible, and the pannel has the power of object-
ing to any of the jury. When the proper number, that is
twelve or sometimes more, is completed, they having weighed
the charges, return their verdict according to the opinion of
the majority. The judges being selected in this manner, their
names are of little importance; they were men of rank, and
the majority related to the accused.* The prisoners were
found guilty of high treason, and that same day the two sons,
and the day after, their father and grandfather suffered death
on a little hill opposite Stirling castle. There is a report
current, although I do not find it mentioned by any historian,
that the king sent the heads of her father, husband, and
* The names of the jury, omitted by Buchanan, are, I apprehend, rather
of considerable importance, as they show either the impartiality or the policy
of James, who caused a number of the regent's own relatives and friends share
in the merit, or in the obloquy, and danger of condemning him. Wide chap.
xlvii. Among them were Walter Stuart, earl of Athole, Archibald Douglas,
earl of Douglas, Alexander Stuart, earl of Marr, William Douglas, earl of
Angus, William Sinclair, earl of Orkney, Alexander of the Isles, earl of Ross,
George Dunbar, earl of March, James Douglas of Abercorn, Robert Stuart of
Lorn, Gilbert Hay of Errol, Borthwick of Borthwick, Sir John Forrester of
Corstorphine, &c. - - º-º-º-º:
WOL. II. M -

90 HISTORY OF →coºla ND.
children, to Isabella, the wife of his cousin-german, on pur-
póse to try whether so violent a woman, in a paroxysm of
grief—as sometimes happens—might not betray the secrets of
her soul; but she, although affected at the unexpected sight,
used no intemperate expressions, but only said, if the crimes
charged were fairly proven, the king acted justly and rightly.
After this parliament was dissolved, John Montgomery and
Humphry Cunninghame were sent to besiege the castle on
Inch Murin, in Lochlomond, held in the name of James
Stuart, the fugitive, which they forced to surrender. Not
long after, John Stuart, of Darnley—now commander-in-chief
of the Scottish forces in France, almost all the other military
leaders having been removed by various accidents—came to
Scotland, along with the bishop of Rheims, to renew the
ancient league with France, and to contract a marriage, be-
tween Louis, son of Charles VII., and Margaret, the daughter
of James, both yet infants.
xxx. Next year, A.D. 1426, all Scotland being quiet on
this side the Grampians, the king bent his attention to tran-
quillize those parts beyond them. And first, he ordered the
castle of Inverness, situate conveniently on the farthest bound-
ary of Moray, to be rebuilt. When he came thither in about
two years after, he sent for the heads of the clans, especially
those who were accustomed, with large bodies of men, to
plunder the neighbouring counties, and levy tribute from the
peaceful inhabitants, whom they forced to support their idle
retainers. Of these robbers, some had one thousand, some
two thousand, and some even more, who kept the well disposed
in constant fear of outrage, and affording protection to the
disorderly, emboldened them in the perpetration of crime.
When the king, partly by threats, and partly by promises,
had got about forty of these chiefs within his power, he threw
them into prison, and having brought them to trial, he ordered
two of the most guilty, Alexander Macrorie, and John Mac-
arthur to be hanged. James Campbell also suffered death for
the murder of John, a noble islander. The rest being sent to
separate prisons, some were afterward brought to punishment,
and the others were then liberated and sent home. The
heads of the factious being thus either put to death, or thrown
*
23
HISTORY OF SCoti. AND. 91
into prison, the king, thinking that the common people de-
rived of their leaders, would not dare to attempt any dis-
turbance, admonished them kindly and benignantly, that they
should live honestly, and place their hopes of safety only on
the innocence of their conduct, which if they did, he would
honour and reward them, but if not, they might perceive from
the example he had made, what they themselves might expect.
xxxi. Other affairs being thus settled, there still remained
Alexander, * the Islander, the most powerful chieftain next to
the king himself, for he commanded the whole of the AEbudæ,
besides the extensive county of Ross, which he inherited from
his mother, daughter of Walter Leslie, late earl of Ross.
This chief having perpetrated many flagitious actions with
much cruelty, was greatly alarmed, yet by means of his friends,
he found the king not inexorable, and in an interview, brought
about by their means, his past conduct was forgiven, and ample
hopes held out to him for the future, if he would submit to the
laws, and behave with humanity. He was then sent home, but
so far from receiving his pardon, and subsequent liberation, as
any favour from his sovereign, he thought he had done him the
greatest injury by detaining him a day, and immediately upon
his return, collected a band of those who were accustomed to
live by rapine, with which he entered Inverness in an appar-
ently peaceable manner, where he was hospitably received,
and in return, having plundered the town, he gave it up to
the flames. He afterward made a fruitless attempt upon the
castle, where learning that an expedition was fitting out
against him, he hastily retreated into Lochaber, and there
with his army—for he had ten thousand trained soldiers—
trusting to the advantages of the situation, he determined to
give battle. But when his followers heard of the approach of
the king, although they had cheerfully enough marched to
plunder, two of the clans deserted. +
xxxii. Deserted by part of his force, and distrusting the
rest, Alexander again betook himself to his retreat. Dismis-
* Alexander, the son of Donald, who fought at Harlaw, and grandson of
Euphemia, countess of Ross, here styled his mother.
+ The Chattans, and Camerons, commonly called clan Chattan, and clan
Cameron.

92 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
sing his army, he fled with a few attendants towards the
AEbudæ, where he deliberated with his followers about fleeing
to Ireland, but as there seemed little prospect of safety there,
he conceived the design of throwing himself, as his last refuge,
once more upon the clemency of his sovereign-Yet, in this
he hesitated between hope and fear, for when he recollected
what crimes he had perpetrated in his first defection, and that
after he had experienced the favour of the king, he had be-
haved with such cruelty and perfidy, as almost to preclude
any expectation of a second pardon, he was afraid to trust
his person and his fortune into the hands of the monarch he
had so justly incensed. He therefore determined to attempt
a middle course between flight and surrender, and sent sup-
pliants to the court, in order to incline the mind of the king
to lenity. Although he had chosen for this office quiet men,
wholly uninfected by his crimes, and therefore more likely to
be agreeable to his prince, yet the only answer he could ob-
tain was, that the king would listen to nothing unless he
surrendered himself unconditionally; nor would he treat in
his absence. Alexander, on considering every risk, and per-
ceiving that he could not escape the king's vengeance, having
chosen his time and place, determined to throw himself upon
his mercy, for he thought he would be ashamed to spurn a
suppliant kneeling before him. Wherefore, he came secretly
to Edinburgh, and on Easter Sunday, that day on which the
resurrection of our Lord is celebrated with great solemnity,
covered, rather than clothed with a small linen coat, he threw
himself at the king's feet, and in a studied speech, deplored
his misfortunes, and placed his safety unreservedly in his
majesty's hands. The time, the place, and so great and sud-
den a reverse of fortune affected the spectators, and the
queen and nobles who were present interceding, they so much
moved the king, that they were desired to wait the end of the
service. In the meantime, the king weighing every thing with
himself, as he knew it would not be safe to dismiss so power-
ful, factious, and perfidious a chief with impunity, yet wishing
to yield something to the request of the queen, determined to
save his life, but at the same time deemed it prudent to keep
him in secure custody, and thus he would procure the reputa-

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 93
tion of clemency to himself, take away from Alexander the
power of perpetrating new crimes, provide for the security of
the people, and by the example, repress the licentiousness of
others. He therefore sent him to Tantallon, and placed his
mother, a furious woman, in the island of Inchcolm, as she
was believed to have excited her son to his last treason.
xxxiii. The licentiousness of Alexander was thus subdued,
yet was not tranquillity wholly restored to the northern re-
gions; for the clan Chattan, and the Camerons, who, in the
former year, had deserted from Alexander, having quarrelled
among themselves, fought with such inveteracy, and in such
numbers, that many of the Mackintoshes, and almost all the
Camerons were slain. In the AEbudæ, likewise, which it was
thought would have been more tranquil by the banishment of
Alexander, a new commotion was raised by Donald Balloch,
cousin-german of Alexander, to avenge the injury his relation
had suffered. In order to repress this sedition, Alexander
Stuart, earl of Caithness, and Allan Stuart, earl of Marr,
having collected a band of countrymen, marched to await the
coming of Donald in Lochaber, where it was reported he
would attempt a descent; and that chief having learned that
his opponents were straggling disorderly, without regularly
encamping or setting watches, silently landed his men during
the night, attacked them unexpectedly, and half asleep, and
made a great slaughter. In this assault, Allan perished with
nearly his whole force, and Alexander escaped with only a
few by a hurried flight. Donald, inflamed by this success,
wasted the whole of Lochaber with fire and sword, none dar-
ing to resist; but hearing that the king was coming against
him with a superior force, he gathered the greater part of his
plunder into his vessels, and returned to the AEbudæ. The
king having marched as far as Dunstaffnage, and beholding
the terrible devastation which had been made, was so highly
exasperated, that he was about to go over into the Islands,
when the chiefs came to him as suppliants, and protested that
nothing had been done by public authority, but that the whole
blame attached to Alexander, and the needy and flagitious
characters belonging to him. The king replied:—He could
only admit this excuse, provided the perpetrators of the crimes

94, - HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
were apprehended, and delivered up to him for punishment.
Upon their promising to use their endeavours for this purpose,
a part of them were sent to take the robbers, and the re-
mainder were detained with him as hostages. Those who had
been sent home, having slain a number of the banditti,
brought three hundred captives to the king, all of whom the
king ordered to be hanged. Donald himself, afraid of punish-
ment, had fled.
xxxiv. Although this severity produced a little more
quietness in the Æbudae and neighbouring regions for the
time, yet the restless disposition of the inhabitants would not
allow the tranquillity to be of any long duration. The king,
at the entreaty of his nobles, had released two Angusians,
Duff and Moray, their principal leaders, on which, they im-
mediately turned their rage upon each other. Having gather-
ed together almost an equal number, for each supported about
twelve hundred ruffians by public rapine, they engaged with
such fury, that scarcely a messenger was left to carry the tid-
ings of their mutual destruction. Some say eleven, and others
nine, were all that remained. It is certain, however, that the
king, who was much incensed against both parties, could
hardly find any to punish.
xxxv. The disasters of these villains did not, however, re-
strain Macdonald from his accustomed barbarity. He was a
motorious robber, born in Ross, whose depraved disposition,
incited by the impunity of former times, had long distressed
his neighbours. One piece of cruelty, exceeding in wanton-
ness all his other transactions, is told of him. When a poor
widow, who had been stripped of her all, was lamenting her
misfortune, and frequently exclaimed—That she would carry
her complaints to the king: “And that you may go the easier,”
said he, “I’ll assist you;” then calling a smith, he made him
affix a pair of horse's shoes with iron nails to the soles of her
feet, adding scoffingly: “Now you're fitted for a rough road.”
The woman, who possessed a stout spirit, being more enraged
than terrified by the injury, as soon as she was able to endure
the journey, sought out the king, and told him the whole
story. The king, who had heard of the circumstance before,
and had the perpetrator in jail at the time comforted the


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 05
woman, promising her, that in a short time, the author of the
crime should have the benefit of his invention; and, accord-
ingly, having brought Macdonald out of prison, with twelve
of his associates, he ordered them to be led for three days
round the city, shod with iron shoes, preceded by a crier,
who explained to the people the cause of this novel punishment.
The captain was then beheaded, and his twelve associates
hanged upon gibbets erected along the highways.
xxxvi. These fresh outrages, perpetrated by those who,
having been once pardoned, were not reclaimed, made the
king more eager in the pursuit of Donald the Islander.
Wherefore, when he understood that he was concealed by a
certain nobleman in Ireland, he sent messengers to demand
that he should be delivered up to be punished. The noble-
man fearing, if he sent the culprit alive so far by sea and land,
that he might escape, and thus his enemies, perhaps, allege it
was by his contrivance, caused Donald's head to be cut off,
and sent it to the king by the messenger. Open robberies be-
ing thus diligently suppressed, the king endeavoured to root
out more secret crimes and improper customs. For this
office, he chose men eminent for their prudence and purity of
manners, and gave them power to go over the whole kingdom,
and hear complaints; and if any causes were brought to
them, which the ordinary judges, either through fear durst
not, or through partiality would not decide, they should take
cognizance of them themselves. To this commission, he added
a corrector of the weights and measures, a very necessary
office, when not only every city, but almost every house had
different measures; and in parliament, he enacted many very
salutary laws on the subject, ordaining iron measures to be
kept in certain places, and a person to be sent to all fairs and
markets, to cause the rest to be regulated according to that
standard, and inflicting a heavy penalty on any dealer who
used a measure which had not the public stamp.
xxxvii. While the king was thus employed for the public
advantage, in the year, 1430, on the 14th of October, twins
were born to him; and in order to increase the public rejoic-
ings on the occasion, he pardoned the offences of some noble-
men, the chief of whom were Archibald Douglas and John


96. HISTORY OF SCOTLANL).
Kennedy, accused of using seditious language, for which
Douglas had been confined in Lochleven, and Kennedy in
Stirling castle. He added, likewise, as a proof of his recon-
ciliation to Douglas, that he made him stand godfather at the
baptism of the children, which used to be a mark of honour
and intimacy; his son was also made a knight among those
who were created upon this joyful occasion.
xxxviii. Having cleared the other parts of the kingdom of
the most obnoxious nuisances, James next endeavoured to re-
form the ecclesiastical order. But the priests could not be
corrected by the magistrate; for seizing the time when the
sovereigns were engaged in wars, the priesthood, throughout
all Europe, had by degrees withdrawn themselves from their
jurisdiction, professing obedience to the Roman pontiff alone,
and he, in return, indulged their vices, and cherished their
licentiousness, that, by the power of their order, he might
have the monarchs more subservient to his will. Wherefore,
the king resolved, by the only method remaining, to oppose
their tyranny. As he perceived he had not the power to amend
what was passed, or to expel unworthy men from the honours
they already enjoyed, he thought it best to provide for the
future, and bent his whole attention to establish schools, sup-
porting them liberally, that they might be seminaries for all
ranks, and thence, as from a fountain, might issue whatever
was to be great or excellent in any department of the state.
He not only drew around him learned teachers by rewards,
but was himself frequently present at their disputations, and
as often as he could disengage himself from public business,
cheerfully attended to their literary discourses; thus striving
anxiously to eradicate, from the minds of his nobility, the
false idea, that literature rendered men idle, slothful, and
averse to active employment; that it softened the military
spirit, and broke or debilitated every generous impulse; and
that the study of learning was only adapted for the cells of the
monks, or other drones of the community. But the monks,
as they had degenerated from the simplicity and parsimony of
their predecessors, so they had wholly withdrawn their atten-
tion from the culture of the mind to the care of the body; nor
was learning less despised among the other descriptions of
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 07
priests, because the livings, in general, were either bestowed
upon the most worthless members of noble families, men who
were unfit for any other employment in life, or were inter-
cepted by the fraud of the Roman see; and almost all the
benefices were considered as sinecures for services, and those
frequently not the most honourable.
xxxix. To such evils was added another, perhaps the prin-
cipal source of the corruption of ecclesiastical discipline—the
orders of mendicant friars. They, at the first, by their pre-
tensions to sanctity of life, easily imposed upon the people,
who heard them more willingly than their parish priests, or
curates, whose minds and bodies were equally gross. The
curates, as they grew rich, grew lazy, and turning negligent
about their duty, bargained with the friars, i.e. brethren, as
they chose to be styled, for an annual salary, to deliver a few
harangues to the common people during the year; while they
themselves resorted to cities, where they chaunted idle songs,
like magical incantations, of the meaning of which they were
totally ignorant; nor did one of them ever look near his
charge, except when the tythes were to be collected. By de-
grees they even withdrew from chaunting at certain hours in
the cathedral, which, although a light, was a daily labour,
and hired some poor underlings to perform their functions
of singing masses and reading prayers, only officiating in a
certain task of psalms, ordered on particular days, when they
played together in a kind of hollow murmuring, now con-
tending in alternate verses, and now with a chorus intro-
duced between the acts, and exhibited a sort of tragedy, which
closed with a representation of the death of Christ. The
hireling friars, durst neither offend their employers, on whom
their living depended, nor could they bear their insolence and
their avarice. Wherefore, they fixed upon a middle course,
in order to force them to pay their stipends; they inveighed
often sharply against the luxury and licentiousness of the
priests, and, after raving sufficiently to terrify them, and con-
ciliate the people, they–prudently recollecting that they also
were in sacred orders—concluded by teaching, that whatever
abuses there were in the conduct of the priests, the order of
priesthood was sacred and inviolable; nor had the civil magis-
WO. II. N























98 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
trate any power of punishing them, for they were only respon-
sible to God, and to the Pope, who had almost equal power
with God. As the avarice of the friars, however, increased
with their luxury, and they could not hope for any great reve-
nue from their usual employments, they prepared a new spe-
cies of tyranny for themselves, by turning their discourses to
the merit of works of supererogation. Thence arose purga-
tory, and the purification of the souls whom the popes chose
to detain there, by the sacrifice of the mass, the sprinkling of
holy water, by alms, offerings, indulgences, pilgrimages, and
the worshipping of relics. By the exercise of these scandalous
corruptions, the friars claimed to themselves the empire both
of the living and of the dead.
xt. When James found the ecclesiastical state of Scotland
in this condition, he thought the shortest way of restoring the
ancient discipline, would be to promote learned and good men
to the benefices. In order to increase the emulation of the
scholars, he desired the teachers of colleges, as he was so
occupied himself with the affairs of state, that he could not
know the individual youths of merit, to recommend such as
excelled in virtue and learning, that he might promote them
to livings, where they could not only be useful to the people
by their learning and example, but even assist, by their wealth,
their poorer brethren, and prevent men of good genius being
forced, through want, to leave their studies and practise low
employments for their subsistence. And that the students
might apply themselves more diligently to the liberal arts,
and the indolent be taught that the road to honour was by
virtuous exertion alone, he distinguished their proficiency by
degrees, on purpose to appreciate who were fit to receive pre-
ferment, which method if succeeding kings had followed, it
would not have happened, as now, that the people are unable
to bear the vices of the priests, and the priests incapable of
enduring the remedy. Nor was the king ignorant that the
most intolerable vices under which the church then laboured,
had arisen from the immoderate wealth of the priesthood;
neither did he approve of the lavish waste of money by former
sovereigns, who exhausted their treasuries in endowing mon-
asteries, for he often said–That though David was otherwise
-


23
º
ºš
- º
the best of kings, yet his profuse piety, so much praised by N
many, had been hurtful to the kingdom.” Yet, even he, car-
ried away by the current of custom, could not abstain from
building a monastery for the Carthusians near Perth, and en-
dowing it with large revenues.
xii. There was one admirable quality which the king pos-
sessed, in the midst of his most anxious solicitude about the
greatest affairs, he thought nothing, however small, beneath
his notice, from which any advantage could arise to the pub-
lic. As, during the constant state of warfare in which Scot-
land had been engaged, for nearly a hundred and fifty years,
from the death of Alexander, her cities had been wasted and
burned, and her youth trained to arms, while the other arts
had been neglected, he invited tradesmen of every description
from Flanders, and encouraged them to settle by rewards and
immunities, and filled the almost deserted cities with artisans;
the nobility, according to the ancient custom, residing on their
estates. Nor did he by this restore only the ancient appear-
ance and trade of the towns, but he likewise induced a great
crowd of vagabonds to betake themselves to industry, and su-
perseded the necessity of bringing, at a great expense, from
abroad, what could with little cost be produced at home.
xiii. While the king thus endeavoured to strengthen the
weak parts of his kingdom by the application of proper reme-
dies, yet he incurred the dislike of his subjects, chiefly for two
reasons. The one, indeed, appeared trifling in appearance,
but it is one whence has arisen almost always the calamities of
a people. Peace being established at home and abroad, ease,
luxury, and licentiousness followed, first disturbing the tran-
quillity of the country, and then all sobriety of conduct.
Hence arose sumptuous entertainments and revellings night
and day, masquerades, delicate foreign clothing, luxurious
houses, built not so much for use as for appearance, a corrup-
tion of manners under the name of elegance, a contempt for
native customs, and a fastidiousness which esteemed nothing
handsome or becoming, unless it was new and unusual. The
common people readily transferred the blame of all these in-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
* His expression was:–He was ane soir initia tº cººl.
- - - - - - --->
-- ** * * * *








100 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
novations to the courtiers who had followed the king from
England, yet did they not more strongly inveigh against
them in words, than studiously adopt them in practice. But
the king resisted this pestilence as much as he could, both
by sumptuary laws, and his own domestic example: for he
not only, in his dress and household expenses, did not ex-
ceed that of a respectable private gentleman, but, if he beheld
extravagance in any one's mode of living, he expressed his
displeasure both by his looks and his reproofs; thus the wide
spreading course of luxury was restrained rather than the new
intemperance destroyed, or the ancient parsimony restored.
xliii. The other fault was first mentioned in the calumnies
of his enemies, and thence broke out into public distraction.
Robert, the king's uncle, and Murdo, his cousin-german, who
governed the kingdom so many years, when they aspired to
the throne, and found they could not remove James, en-
deavoured, as the next best plan, to engage the affections of
the nobles towards themselves, so that they might not wish
very anxiously for the king's return, and they accordingly,
if Walter, the son of Murdo, had conducted himself a little
more condescendingly, or with a little more moderation, ex-
hibited such management in almost all their proceedings, that
their government seemed not only tolerable, but even desirable
to many of the chiefs. They flattered the powerful by a dis-
play of their munificence. Some they allowed to retain the
royal demesnes they already possessed, and made grants of
different portions to others. Out of kindness they cancelled
unfavourable decisions, and recalled several exiles from banish-
ment. Among these was George Dunbar, earl of March, an
eminent and powerful chief, who did heavy and extensive dam-
age to his country, during his absence. By such proceedings
they had hoped to ingratiate themselves so strongly with the no-
bility, that they would never think of bringing the king back,
and that if James died without children, the kingdom would
descend to them without any rival, or, if by chance he should
return, their faction would be so powerful, that they would be
secure from violence, by having a parity of strength. But upon
the king's restoration, the ancient favour borne the governor,
had bee: ºmºbitºrated by the recent injuries, and flagi-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 101
tiousness of Walter, and it plainly appeared, that nothing was
more popular than justice. And therefore, the people not only
suffered, but even favoured the execution of the father, together
with his two sons, and the banishment of the third, whose
estates went to increase the king's revenue, as did those of
John, earl of Buchan, who died in France without children,
and of Alexander, earl of Marr, himself a bastard, who died
at home, also childless. Respecting the latter I shall digress
a little.
x1,iv. Alexander, was the son of Alexander, son of king
Robert. In early life, by the bad advice of wicked associates,
he acted as the captain of a band of robbers; but when he
reached manhood, he so completely altered his behaviour, that
his character became decidedly of an opposite description.
His vices gradually decreasing, and by attending to good
counsel, he so conducted himself at home and abroad, that
he left an illustrious reputation to his posterity. At home he
repressed an insurrection of the Islanders at Harlaw, with great
slaughter, and extinguished a most dangerous war in its very
origin. Yet, though he had honourably procured great wealth,
and possessed more extensive estates than many of his com-
peers, he did not waste his prime in idleness or pleasure. He
went on an expedition, with a strong body of his countrymen,
to Flanders, and followed Charles, duke of Burgundy, against
the people of Liege, whence he returned with both wealth and
honour. Besides, he increased his riches by a marriage in
Holland, an island of the Batavians. But the Batavians, un-
willing to submit to the will of a stranger, revolted, on which
he returned home, and prepared an armament with great ex-
pense though little profit, being against a people most admira-
bly supplied, both with land and sea forces. At last, however,
having intercepted a large fleet of theirs returning from Dant-
zic, he sunk, burned, and captured the greater part of the
vessels, and thus repaid manifold, the damage he had sus-
tained from the enemy, and at the same time so subdued their
haughtiness, that they begged, and received a truce for one
hundred years. He likewise caused a noble stud of mares to
be imported from Hungary into Scotland, on purpose to im-
prove the breed, whose race continued there for many years.


102 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
On the decease of the above mentioned earls, the richest in
Scotland, without children, their estates in Buchan and Marr,
fell by right to the king; he likewise inherited the whole pro-
perty of the three brothers, who had been born to Robert II.
by his last wife, but not without exciting murmurs among the
nobility, who had been accustomed to largesses, and were dis-
pleased that the king did not divide such rich inheritances
with them.
xLv. To this ground of discontent, was added another more
recent cause of oftence. James revoked some large, though
unjust grants, made by Robert and Murdo, the last governors.
Among these two were remarkable. George Dunbar, earl of
March, who had been proclaimed a public enemy, had afterward
been recalled by Robert, and had part of his estates restored.
His son George had succeeded him, to the great joy of the pub-
lic, who were delighted to see an ancient noble family, that had
so often deserved well of their country, restored to their pristine
dignity. But it appeared to the king, who inquired, I will not
say too strictly, into the state of his exchequer, that the power
of recalling a sentence of banishment, taking away the disgrace,
and restoring the estates which had been escheated for high
treason, was greater than could be exercised by one who held
the government in trust for another, and was chosen only as a
tutor; for even grants, made during the minority of the sove-
reign, could, according to the ancient Scottish law, be annul-
led, unless confirmed by the kings, when they came of age.
Wherefore, James, that he might bring back into his own
power without disturbance, the inhabitants of March, as they
were warlike men, and adjoining the English, retained George
about his person, and sent letters to the governor of Dunbar
castle, ordering him to deliver up the castle to William
Douglas, governor of Angus, and Adam Hepburn, of Hailes,
whom he had sent to take possession. When George com-
plained, that he had been unjustly robbed of his patrimony
for the crime of another, whose crime too had been forgiven
by him who had the supreme power, the king, that he might
appease him, and exhibit a show of clemency to the people,
gave him Buchan. This action of the king's was variously
represented, according as men were variously affected. There
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 103
happened besides, another circumstance which hastened the
death of the king, this it is necessary to trace back to its
origin.
xiv. I mentioned before, that Robert II. had three sons
born to him previously to his marriage. He had besides, two
by his wife Euphemia, Walter, earl of Athol, and David, earl
of Strathern. But when the queen died, he married his con-
cubine, in order to legitimate her children, and leave them
heirs to the throne, and accordingly, at his death he left the
crown to the eldest; to the second, together with great posses-
sions, he left the government of the kingdom; and he created
the third earl of several counties. By this arrangement,
although his wife's children thought themselves injured, yet,
because they were both younger and inferior in wealth, they
remained silent for the present. Their power likewise was
diminished by the death of the earl of Strathern, and his leav-
ing only a daughter. This daughter was given in marriage
to Patrick Graham, a young nobleman of a very powerful
family, who had by her a son, Meliss Graham, whose birth
the parents did not long survive, and the boy a few years after,
while quite a child, was sent as a hostage to England, for the
payment of the king's ransom.” Athol, however, although
weaker than the adverse faction, never gave up the design of
destroying his brothers, nor lost hopes of regaining the king-
dom, but being unequal to open violence, he secretly fomented
discord among them, and insidiously endeavoured to turn
their dissensions to his own advantage, until by his arts, this
family once so numerous, were reduced to a few. The general
belief was, that David, the son of king Robert, was starved at
his instigation, and, that James would not have escaped his
snares, if he had not passed a great part of his life in England,
at a distance from home. ,
xlvii. He had likewise, it was said, advised the earl of Fife
to put his indolent brother to death, and usurp the throne.
When the king, however, deprived of his children, and en-
* The hostages who were given at first were subsequently allowed to be
exchanged for others whose estates were of equal value; and in this manner,
as Abercrombie expresses it, a great number of the noble youth had the
!disagreeable] honour of serving their king.


104. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
tirely subservient to his brother, had suddenly died of grief,
there remained then only the governor and his children, who
obstructed his hopes, but this prince was active, powerful, and
rich, possessed of authority, loved by the people, and had a
numerous family. These circumstances for some time delayed
his design, till Robert dying, and his son John being killed at
the battle of Verneuil, he reverted with greater keenness, to
his former cogitations. He then strained every nerve to ob-
tain the freedom of James, and involve him in a quarrel with
Murdo and his children, knowing, that they could not all
stand safely together, and that whoever of them fell, he was,
by their destruction, brought one step nearer to the throne.
James, at last, being returned, he set all his machines in mo-
tion, to accelerate the ruin of Murdo, he suborned witnesses
to accuse him of treason, and sat judge himself on him and
his sons. They being cut off, there remained only James and
a little son, not quite six years old, and if they could but be
removed by a conspiracy of the nobles, he did not doubt but
that he, who alone would remain of the royal stock, would then
be called to the government. Athol, incessantly occupied
with these meditations, yet kept his ambition concealed, and
under a great show of loyalty to the king, assisted him in
destroying his relations, anxiously endeavouring by the crimes
of others to increase his own power, and diminish that of his
opponents.
xLv1.11. In the meantime, Meliss Graham—then a hostage
in England—deprived of Strathern by the king, who, in his
investigation into the public patrimony, had found that this
grant had been made to his maternal grandfather, upon con-
dition, that in default of male descendants, it should avert to
the king, being what lawyers term a male fee. The misfor-
tune of the innocent youth, who was both absent and a
hostage, excited general compassion, and enraged Robert, his
tutor, almost to madness.” Indignant at the treatment of his
* In the parliament held January 1435, Graham advanced to the throne,
and laying his hand on the king, said, I arrest you in the name of all the
three estates of your realm here assembled in parliament: for as your people
have sworn to obey you, so are you constrained by an equal oath to govern
by law, and not to wrong your subjects, but to maintain and defend them.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 105
kinsman, he did not hesitate openly to accuse the king of in-
justice, for which, being summoned to stand trial, and failing
to appear, he was outlawed. On this fresh injury, his mind
becoming more exasperated, and more eager for revenge, he
privately conspired with those whose estates were confiscated,
or who were irritated by the punishment of their friends,
however just, or who accused the king of avarice, because, in
his anxiety for wealth, he had not rewarded them according
to their expectations. In addition, he was joined by all those
who complained, that noble families were not only reduced to
ruin, but the tutorships of young nobility, which used to be
the reward of brave men, were now almost entirely in the
king's hands; that all the wealth of the kingdom was heaped
up by one, and the rest might languish in misery and want,
under a master who repaid their services so ungratefully.
Respecting the tutorships of which they complained, the
practice is–In Scotland, England, and in some parts of
France, upon the death of their parents, young noblemen
remain until they are twenty-one years of age, under the
tutorage of those who are their superiors, and the rents of
all their estates, except the necessary expense of their educa-
tion, and the doweries of the pupils' wives belong to the tutors.
Now these tutorships, or, as they are commonly called, ward-
ships, used either to be sold for a small sum to the relations,
or bestowed as gratuities, and all who either expected gain
from the purchase, or hoped to obtain a reward by the gift,
were dissatisfied, and unable to conceal their chagrin, when
they saw the king appropriate the whole.
x1,ix. When these complaints were mentioned to the king,
he excused the proceedings as absolutely necessary, the pub-
lic patrimony having been so wasted by former kings and
governors, that it could neither maintain the dignity of the
royal family, support an honourable retinue, nor allow magni-
ficence to be shown to foreign ambassadors. Neither was the
king's keenness in procuring money legally, useless to the
nobility, to whom nothing could be worse than an empty
Then turning round, said, Is it not thus? but the members remained in pro-
found silence, and he was immediately ordered to prison, and soon aſter into
banishment.
WOL. II. O
106 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
exchequer, for in that case, kings, who could not want, either
endeavoured to extort money from the rich, or were forced to
harass the poor by taxation ; besides, the parsimony of a king,
which only prevented immoderate donations, was far less
hurtful to the public than the profusion, which, after having
consumed his own, revelled without bounds, on the property
of others. This answer satisfied reasonable men, but the dis-
contented, who rather sought cause for complaint than any
proper explanation, were excited to exclaim against him still
more vehemently.
L. In this situation of affairs in Scotland, an embassy ar-
rived from France, to require, that Margaret, the daughter of
James, who had been formerly betrothed to Louis, the son of
Charles IX., should be sent home to her husband. This
produced another from the English; for the duke of Burgun-
dy having withdrawn from their alliance, Paris threatening
defection, and all their transmarine provinces being in a state
of insurrection, they were afraid, lest, while the whole forces
of the kingdom were engaged in the French war, the Scots
might attack them on the opposite quarter. They, therefore,
strove to prevent the renewal of the league with France, and
hinder the nuptials, by proposing a perpetual alliance with
themselves, who were born in the same island, and spoke the
same language, which if the Scots would agree to, and swear
to have the same friends and enemies, they promised to deliver
up to them Berwick, and Roxburgh, and every other place
that formed any occasion of dispute between the two king-
doms. James referred the request to a meeting of the estates,
which was then assembled at Perth, where, after a long de-
bate, the ecclesiastics being divided into two factions, the
nobility cried out, that they understood the deceit of the
English, who by this new league, wished to dissolve their
ancient friendship with France, in order that Scotland, being
deprived of her former ally, might be the more easily subdued
by them, when they were freed from all other distractions,
and could bring their whole force to bear in a war with them.
Such was the real meaning of these liberal offers, but they
would abide by their ancient league, nor depart from the
fidelity they had once pledged. Repulsed in this application,



23

History or scot1...AND. 107
the English from entreaty betook themselves to threats, and,
their alliance being rejected, denounced war, telling them,
if the Scottish king sent his betrothed daughter to France,
to an enemy of England, they would endeavour to obstruct
the voyage, and take her and her attendants prisoners, for
they had already a fleet prepared.
LI. These threatenings of the ambassadors, were so far from
terrifying the king, that having fitted out a fleet, in which a
great train of noblemen and ladies embarked, he caused his
daughter to set sail sooner than he intended, in order to defeat
the designs of the English. But notwithstanding, it was rather
by the favour of heaven than the foresight of man, that they
did not fall into the hands of their enemies; for, when not far
distant from the place where the English fleet were lying in
wait for the Scots, suddenly a Dutch fleet appeared, who were
laden with wine from Rochelle to Flanders. Against these
—because Burgundy being but lately reconciled to France,
fiercely opposed all their enemies—the English bore down with
full sail, and soon came up with them, who being heavy laden
and unarmed, were all taken without any engagement. But
before they could carry their prizes into port, the Spaniards
attacked them unexpectedly, released the captured vessels,
and sent them safe to Flanders. During this various fortune
of the three nations, the Scots reached Rochelle, without
seeing an enemy. Being there met by many noblemen of the
French court, they were brought to Tours, where the nuptials
were celebrated with great rejoicings, amid the congratulations
of both nations.”
* The fate of this young princess, although not singular, was more than
ordinarily unhappy, even in the list of high born ladies who have been sacri-
ficed on the altar of political expedience. Young, sprightly, and accomplish-
ed, she fell a victim to an infamous conspiracy, carried on under the auspices of
her husband, and died, at the age of twenty-two, of a broken heart 1 Her
crimes appear to have been, her too great affability, her frankness of manners,
and a certain carelessness about her dress. The calumnies which overwhelm-
ed her too susceptible mind were the villanous aspersions of a man servant, an
officer of the dauphin's, “who was proved,” says Pinkerton, “to be a scoun-
drel and a common liar, qualities which doubtless recommended him to the
special protection of Louis,” her husband. From the informations taken
concerning the cause of her death, contained in the History of Louis XI. by
108 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Lii. On this occasion, the English writers, particularly
Edward Hall, and his plagiarist, Grafton, inveigh with great
spleen against James, as ungrateful, perfidious, and quick to
forget favours, who had been treated so courteously for such
a number of years by the English, honoured with royal nup-
tials, enriched with an ample dowery, and restored to liberty
after a long captivity; yet, notwithstanding these many and
great obligations he preferred the friendship of France to
England! But the story itself easily refutes their slanders.
For, at first, their detention of that prince, in opposition to
treaties and to the law of nations, when he landed on their
coasts, was an injury and not a favour. Next, if they did not
kill him, but chose rather to accept money, than to pollute
their hands invidiously in the blood, not of an enemy, but of
a guest, he owed his life to their avarice, not to their love or
compassion. If that be a favour, can it be estimated higher
than that of robbers, who, when they do not murder their
Duclos, Pinkerton has extracted the examinations of this wretch. In 1446,
May–August, Jamet de Tillay was twice questioned, and the queen of France
herself gave a deposition. Tillay confessed, that on entering the chamber of
the dauphiness in the dusk of the evening, and perceiving no lights, he said it
was grande paillardie in the officers to show such negligence: denied that
he accused lady Pregente of managing Margaret's amours, as he would not
wish more chastity in his own wife than he was persuaded belonged to the
dauphiness; and he offered the duel to any man who would say that he
arraigned her honour: denied that he said that Margaret's illness arose from
love, while he only said it proceeded from her sitting up all night makingron-
deaux and ballads, and that she would never have a child while she was so fond
of sour apples and vinegar: he denied that he said the dauphin did not love
his wife, because “les basses marches ne se portoient pasbien.” The queen's
deposition proves Tillay to have been a meddling, malicious fellow, capable
of any falsehood. His second examination bears that Margaret would com-
pose twelve rondeaux a day; that she sometimes was laced too tight, at
otherstoo loose. The fatal words at length appear to have been, “Avezvous
point vu cette dame la P. Elle a mieux maniere d’une paillarde que d'une
grande maitresse. Have you seen that lady? she has more the appearance
of an harlot than of a great princess.” He denied having said them, and
offered the duel, asserting that no lady could have more the appearance of
high birth; but the words were confirmed by another witness. On her
deathbed her confessor could hardly persuade her to pardon Jamet, and she
cried out, “Now he has gained his purpose.” The character of her husband,
afterwards Louis XI. was black and malignant.


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 109
victim, would wish it to appear that they actually preserved
him; besides, if in this he was indebted to the English, be-
cause they consulted their own gain, it was a private, not a
public debt. That they bestowed an honourable education
upon a youth of a tender age, a suppliant by accident, but a
king by descent, and detained by the greatest injustice, has
indeed some appearance of humanity—although the neglect of
it would have heen barbarous—and possibly might have merit-
ed the name of a favour, had it not been destroyed by the in-
justice which preceded, and the avarice which followed; unless
perhaps you may think if you wound a person, you deserve
thanks for his cure, and consider a heavy loss an obligation,
if followed by some trifling acknowledgment; or, because
you have performed part of your duty, expect not only to be
paid for the whole, but to get a premium, and what you have
done for your own advantage, wish to be wholly at the expense
of another; as he who educates a slave carefully, either for
his own pleasure, or that he may sell at a higher price, although
he does him who is educated some service, yet it is not the
advantage of the slave but his own, to which the master looks
in his education.
LIII. But they gave him a wife, a relation of their king,
and thus the royal youth was honoured with royal nuptials |
What if that connexion was not less honourable to the father-
in-law than to the son-in-law? His daughter, whom he must
otherwise have married to a subject, was made a queen, and
married into that family into which the most illustrious of the
English kings had married their children, and whence so
many former kings had sprung. But they bestowed a large
dowery To whom pray was that dowery given 2 To the
English themselves, who took it away before it was paid, and
in words only showed to the husband what they retained for
their own use. It was a promise, not a portion; and this
promise, they would have the young prince, who had suffered
so many injuries from them, consider as a favour, though he
carried home his wife without a farthing ! But they sent him
home free, yes, truly 1 as pirates liberate their prisoners upon
being paid their ransom. And how free? If we may credit
their own writers, after having forced him to swear, that he

110 history or scoriand.
would always acknowledge the king of England as his superior,
and bring the kingdom, of which he was not yet in possession,
into perpetual servitude, which, had he even possessed, he
could not alienate, but yet he must bind it over to another,
before he had received it. He was not then returned free,
but rather with a lighter species of fetters; not a king, but
the procurator of a king; the vicegerent of another I omit
mentioning that they compelled a captive, who was under the
power of another, to promise, and to promise that which he
could not perform himself, nor oblige those who had the
power, to perform This is that wonderful liberality of which
they accuse him of being forgetful But allowing these
strangers to all modesty in writing, to call emolument receiv-
ed, a favour bestowed, what shall we think of their propensity
to falsehood and love of slander, who descend to tell us that
the king's daughter was disagreeable to her husband on ac-
count of her stinking breath; for, impudent as they are, they
durst allege nothing against her morals. Monstrelet, a co-
temporary writer, informs us, that she was both virtuous and
beautiful; and the author of the Pluscartine Book, who ac-
companied the queen during her voyage, and at her death,
has left it on record, that she was very dear both to her
father-in-law, her mother-in-law, and her husband. And be-
sides, some elegiac verses, filled with her praises, were pub-
lished at Chalons, where she died, were afterwards translated
into the Scottish language, and are still preserved. But pass-
ing over these calumniators, let us return to our history.
Liv. When the king attempted to raise a small tax from the
people, to defray the expense of fitting out the fleet, the
greater part openly refused to pay any thing. A few gave a
little, and with ill will; on which, the king ordered the col-
lector to desist from exacting the remainder, and return what
had been collected. Yet did he not prevent the clamours of
the people, for the designing, and such as were irritated on
some private account, constantly excited the turbulent against
him. At the same time, the English, under Percy, governor
of Northumberland, began to ravage Scotland, plundering by
sea and land, against whom, William Douglas, earl of Angus,
was sent with nearly an equal force, both having about four
-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 111
thousand, in which excursion Alexander Johnston” of Lothian
was slain, a Scottish nobleman of approved valour. Some
report, that there fell altogether, on both sides, two hundred,
and others say that only forty were slain. Of the English
there were taken about fifteen hundred prisoners.
Lv. The Scottish king having been twice provoked by the
English, first by the fleet lying in wait to intercept his
daughter, and next, by the recent devastation of the country,
determined to declare open war. Having therefore collected
as numerous an army as possible, he vigorously attacked Rox-
burgh, and when he every moment expected his surrender,
the queen, who had come express, arrived in his camp, with
the disagreeable intelligence, that a foul conspiracy was form-
ed against him, and that unless he watched with the utmost
circumspection, his destruction was inevitable. The king,
alarmed at this unexpected intelligence, dismissed his army,
and returned home, which gave rise to reports of the most
disagreeable nature—that when on the very point of success,
he abandoned his object at the nod of a woman; and that he
seemed, by so much expense, and the trouble of the whole
kingdom, to have sought nothing but disgrace. The king,
upon his return, proceeded to the monastery of the Domini-
cans, near the walls of Perth, that he might there, as private-
ly as possible, make inquiry respecting the plot; but his de-
sign was discovered by the conspirators, who were constantly
on the alert to carry their treason into execution. One of his
domestic servants, who had engaged in the business, John,
his surname is not mentioned, having informed his associates
of what was transacted in the palace, hastened their proceed-
ings, before their secret designs should be discovered or coun-
teracted. Walter, earl of Athol, the king's uncle, although
a principal, yet, as much as possible, kept himself in the back
ground. He invited Robert Graham, his relation—formerly
mentioned—a young man, daring, but rash, and enraged
against the king as well on account of his own imprisonment
* The person slain in this engagement was not Alexander Johnston, but
Alexander Elphingston, whose wife was pregnant at his death of a daughter,
who afterwards was married to Gilbert Johnston, whence, Ruddiman conjec-
tures the misnomer had arisen.



112 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
and exile, as for depriving his brother's son—whose tutor he
was of Strathearn. To him he joined his own nephew,
Robert, an active youth, whom he instructed in what he wish-
ed to be done; and promised, that after the deed was finished,
as he would then be at the head of the government, he would
provide for their safety. They willingly lent their assistance,
and hastened to execute their purpose, before the whole scheme
of the conspiracy should be discovered to the king.
Lv1. Having privately collected their band, and knowing
that the king had but few attendants in the Dominican mon-
astery, in order that they might surprise him, and murder him
with as little noise as possible, they persuaded John, the
king's servant, whom they had formerly drawn into the con-
spiracy, to give them his assistance. He accordingly intro-
duced the assassins in the middle of the night into the palace,
placed them secretly near the bed-chamber of the king, and
showed them a door which could be easily broken open, as he
had taken away the bar. Others think they were admitted
into the palace by Robert, the earl of Athol’s grandson. In
the meantime, while they anxiously waited, an accident ac-
complished that which seemed to present the greatest obstacle
—the breaking open the bedchamber door. Walter Straiton,
who had a little before gone in with wine, on coming out,
when he perceived armed men, endeavoured to force his way
back again, calling as loud as he could, traitors. While the
assassins were despatching him, a young noble lady, of the
family of Douglas, as the greater number of writers say—some
call her Lovel—having shut the door, and not being able to
find the bolt which had been traitorously removed by the
servant, thurst her arm into the hole instead of the bar; but
that being quickly broken, the assassins entered, and rushed
towards the king, when the queen interposed her own body
to defend his, and after he was knocked down, stretched her-
self over him to protect him, nor could she without difficulty
be torn away, wounded in two places; then when all were re-
moved, they accomplished the murder, having inflicted twenty
wounds, some of them directly through the heart of the king."
* There is along account of the death of king James I. published by Mr.
Pinkerton, in the Appendix to his History, vol. i. from a MS, supposed to



HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 113
Lvii. Thus was the life of this most excellent monarch
closed by a cruel death, at the hands of execrable ruſſians, to
the unspeakable grief of all good men. When the murder
was divulged by the wailings and tumult, there was a great
concourse from every place to the palace, and the rest of the
night—for the particides had escaped in the dark—was spent
in weeping, complaining, and lamentation. Then every one,
according to his disposition, either to excite hatred towards
the murderers, or to sympathize with the grief of friends,
dwelt upon whatever, of prosperous or adverse circumstance,
had befallen the king. In his childhood exposed to the snares
of his uncle, to avoid which he was precipitated into the
power of the English; next, his father dying, the rest of his
youth spent in exile among his enemies; then, by a change of
fortune, unexpectedly restored, and, after his return in a few
years, the kingdom, from a state of the greatest turbulence,
altered to one of the most profound tranquillity; and, again,
by a sudden turn of affairs, he, whom foreign enemies had
spared, destroyed by the treachery of his relations in the
flower of his age, and in the midst of his exertions for settling
the kingdom by good laws and institutions: and, now, that
death had extinguished envy, the virtues both of his body and
mind received their merited eulogium. In stature he was
rather below the middle size, yet so firm and robust, that he
easily excelled all his cotemporaries in exercises where strength
and agility were required: and such was the quickness and
vigour of his mind that he was ignorant of no art becoming a
gentleman to know. He spoke rough Latin verse extempore,
as was the practice of that age. Some poems written by him
in the English language are yet extant, which display the ex-
cellence of his genius, though perhaps they would have ad-
have been written about 1440, and which he thinks to be the translation
from a Latin relation, probably published in Scotland by authority. Two
objections, however, occur to this probability: 1. The account has hitherto
escaped the notice of all our historians. 2. It makes the “ Kyng of Scottes”
talk of his “maister the Kyng of England,” which no account published by
authority in Scotland, it is likely would have done: it differs in some of the
minor details from Buchanan, but there appears no good reason why it
should be preferred. -
WOL. II. P




114. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
mitted of a more artificial polish; in music he was more ex-
quisitely skilled than was either necessary or expedient in a
king, for there was no instrument but he could touch, with
such science that he might have contended with the greatest
masters of his day. These may perhaps be considered as the
flowers, more than the fruit of education; ornamental, rather
than useful in the business of life; but when he had acquired
the other branches of philosophy, he diligently applied to that
which teaches the regulation of manners and the art of reign-
ing, and how great and mature his acquirements in these de-
partments were, the conduct of his government, and the laws
which he enacted, not only for the benefit of his own age, but
posterity, can amply testify.
Lwin. The death of the king declared that nothing was
more popular than justice; for those who were accustomed to
detract from him while alive, followed his memory with the
most affectionate regret when dead. The nobles, as soon as
they heard of his murder, spontaneously assembled from all
quarters, and before a trial was regularly decreed, they sent
messengers every where to apprehend the perpetrators, and
bring them to justice. A great number being taken, the chief
were put to death by a novel and most exquisite mode of pun-
ishment, the rest were hanged. The principal actors were
Walter, earl of Athol, his grandson, Robert, and their rela-
tion, Robert Graham. The punishment of earl Walter—be-
cause he was considered the contriver of the whole—was pro-
longed for three days. On the first, he was placed upon a
cart, on which a kind of crane, in the form of a stork, was
erected, to which he was drawn up by ropes let through
pulleys, and then suddenly, by loosening the ropes, let fall
from the height to near the earth, with the most excruciating
pain from the dislocation of his joints. On the next, he was
elevated upon a pillory, that he might be conspicuous to all,
crowned with a red hot crown of iron, and this inscription—
The king of traitors. The reason of this punishment was that
Walter had been told by some female witch—for whom Athol
has always been infamous—That he would be crowned king
with the greatest celebrity; and thus the prediction was either
fulfilled or eluded; and truly such predictions have often sim-
23

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 115
ilar accomplishments. He was then placed upon a hurdle,
and drawn at a horse tail through the High-street of Edin-
burgh. On the third day, being extended upon a platform
in a conspicuous place, while yet alive, his intestines were
taken out, thrown into a fire, and burned before his face; and
last of all, his heart was torn away and cast into the same
fire. His head was then cut off, and, fixed upon a long pole,
exhibited in the most conspicuous place of the city, and
his body being divided into four quarters, was distributed
among the principal cities of the kingdom, to be exposed in
the most public situations. After him, his grandson was put
to death; but in consideration of his youth, and of his being
an accomplice only, not an instigator of the crime, as he
obeyed his grandfather, he suffered by a gentler mode of pun-
ishment; he was simply hanged, and his limbs quartered.
Robert Graham, who, with his own hand, had committed the
crime, was carried through the city on a cart, his right hand
mailed to a gallows erected in the cart, the executioners all the
while thrusting red hot iron spikes into his thighs, shoulders,
and the limbs at a distance from the vital parts of his body;
he was then quartered as the former.
Lux. In this extreme manner was the death of James pun-
ished. The murder was undoubtedly a cruel one, but it was
assuredly revenged with a cruelty beyond the common bounds
of humanity. Such inflictions do not so much restrain the
common people by the dread of their torture, as they excite
them to perpetrate, or to endure any thing; neither do they
so much deter the wicked by their severity, as by their fre-
quency they lessen the terror of the punishment, especially if
the minds of the criminals are unsubdued by the pain of their
sufferings, for among the ignorant vulgar, stubborn obstinacy
often receives the praise of unshaken constancy. James died
in the beginning of the year 1437, on the 20th day of Febru-
ary, after a reign of thirteen years, aged forty and four. In
avenging his death, such was the diligence employed, that
within forty days all the conspirators were executed. He
left one son, the youngest of the twins, the half of whose face
was as red as if covered by a suffusion of blood.

THE
HISTORY OF SCOTL AND.
Book XI.
CIII. JAMES II.
1. AETER the punishment of his father's murderers, James,
only son of the late king, a child scarcely seven years of age,
was crowned in the abbey of Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh, on
the 27th day of March; but he being unfit to assume the
reins of government, a great contest arose among the nobles,
respecting the choice of a regent. Archibald, earl of Douglas,
was by far the richest, and the most powerful of the Scottish
chieftains of his day, but Alexander Livingston,” and William
Crichton, + though both belonging to families of inferior rank,
possessed greater authority and reputation, having held the
highest official situations during the former reign. The ma-
jority of the nobility, therefore, favoured their pretensions,
because they were jealous of Douglas, f whose power was an
* Sir Alexander Livingston of Callendar, near Falkirk, Stirlingshire, from
him descended the lords Livingston, raised to this honour by James II., and
created earls of Linlithgow by James VI.
+ Sir William Crichton, afterward lord of Crichton, in Lothian. His
descendants were forfeited, 1484. His second son married the heretrix of
Sanquhair, named Ross, from whom descended the lords Sanquhair, afterward
earls of Dumfries. Crichton on the forfeiture, was given to the Hepburns
of Bothwell, and by the forfeiture of the last earl Francis—sister's son to
queen Mary's paramour—Crichton was given to the house of Buccleugh,
Crawford's Note. -
f Abercrombie mentions having seen two original papers, in the possession
of lord Gray, with the great seal affixed, dated Edinburgh, 28th November,
and 8th December, from which it would appear a parliament was held at
Edinburgh, 27th November, 1438, by Archibald, duke of Touraine, earl of
Douglas, lieutenant-general of the kingdom, whence he supposes, that the

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 117
object of uneasiness even to the kings themselves. Livingston
was in consequence, advanced to the regency, and Crichton
made chancellor, which office he had borne under the last
monarch.
II. Scarcely had the parliament separated, when the country
became the prey of faction. The chancellor remained with
the king in Edinburgh castle; the regent was with the queen
in Stirling; and Douglas, indignant at being neglected at the
last meeting of the estates, and uncertain which of the parties
he hated most, was not displeased at the general confusion;
and the men of Annandale, accustomed to robbery and theft,
induced by his not restraining, rather than his encouraging
them, began to ravage and waste all the neighbouring coun-
ties, as if they had been hostile territories. When complaint
of these outrages was made to the governors, they first re-
minded Douglas of his duty—for he commanded in Annan-
dale—by letters, and then more sharply expostulated with
him; but so far was he from punishing the past, that he in-
creased the growing evil by impunity, for he ordered that
none of his vassals should obey the summons of the king's
officers to stand trial, or submit to any such act of magistracy
exercised by them, for the privilege of judging, commonly
called the right of regality, was held by him as a grant from
former kings, and whoever attempted to lesson it should suf-
fer death. The regent and chancellor might deplore, but
could not alter this state of affairs, and in the meantime, in-
subordination spread like a gangrene throughout all parts of
Scotland on this side the Forth. Even these two parties were
at variance among themselves, and issued proclamations in
every town, almost every village—the regent forbidding the
lieges to obey the chancellor, and the chancellor prohibiting
sway was divided; that Crichton filled the office of chancellor, and Livingston
was keeper of the king's person; but it is difficult to reconcile this with the
allowed fact, that the royal infant was kept by Crichton in Edinburgh castle,
and stolen thence by his mother early in 1439. Before this, however, Ar-
chibald, earl Douglas, had died, and was succeeded by his son William, a
youth of fourteen, who from his age, could not sustain the rank of lieutenant-
general, and nothing of importance occurring during the few months his father
held that rank, the circumstance may have been overlooked as trivial, by our
historians.

118 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
them from obeying the regent; and if any person entered a
complaint to either, on his return he was certain to suffer from
the adverse faction, sometimes his house even burned to the
ground, and every thing he possessed totally destroyed, for,
in their mutual devastations, they destroyed each other with
more than hostile fury. The moderate men who joined neither,
remained at home in a state of uncertainty, privately bewailing
the deplorable state of the country. Thus, whilst each en-
deavoured to strengthen himself, the good of the realm was
neglected by all.
III. The queen, who was with the regent at Stirling, in
order to procure the ascendancy for her own party, undertook
a bold project. Having gone to Edinburgh, under the pre-
text of visiting her son, she was admitted by the chancellor
into the castle, where being courteously entertained, after the
first compliments had passed, she began to lament the situa-
tion of the kingdom, and enlarged upon the number and
magnitude of the mischiefs which flowed from their mutual
animosities. She had always anxiously desired, she said, for
the public advantage, to have these dissensions composed, that
there might be, if not perfect tranquillity, at least some ap-
pearance of a government in the realm; but as she now pos-
sessed neither influence nor authority in her public, she would
attempt to perform her duty in her private capacity, and use
her most strenuous endeavours that her son should be so
liberally and piously educated in the prospect of reigning,
that he might be able afterward to apply some remedy to the
daily increasing evils. This duty, prescribed to her by nature,
would not, she hoped, procure for her the envy of any one;
they might take the other departments of the administration,
who believed themselves equal to the burthen, but let them
recollect so to conduct themselves, as to be able to render an
account to the king when he came of age. She delivered these
sentiments with such an appearance of sincerity, that the
chancellor gave her implicit credit, and, as she had no attend-
ants from whom either fraud or violence was to be apprehend-
ed, he gave her liberty to visit her son as often as she chose,
to remain with him alone, and sometimes to pass the night
with him in the castle.
HISTORY OF SCOTLANI). - 119
v. During all this while, the queen artfully held frequent
conversations with the governor, about healing the existing
dissensions, frequently inviting those of the opposite faction to
the discussions, and by her frankness so charmed him, that
he consulted with her about almost all his plans. The chan-
cellor being thus cozened, she easily persuaded the child, that
it was his duty to follow her out of prison, and free himself
from the hands of that wicked man, who, she said, covered
his own crimes by the royal name, and monopolized all offices
of trust to himself, neglecting the public interest to advance
his own. To accomplish this, it was only necessary for him
to attend to the good advices of his friends, and leave the rest
to her. By such speeches, a mother, and a woman of abil-
ity, readily induced an inexperienced youth, and her son,
especially as she promised him greater freedom, to intrust
himself wholly to her guidance. Every thing being prepared
for flight, she went to the chancellor and told him, that she
was bound by a vow, which she had formed for the safety of
her son, and would remain that night in the castle, but early
next morning, she would set out for Whitekirk,” to pay it,
and in the meantime, commended her son to his care till she
should return. He, suspecting no deceit, wished her a hap-
py journey and a safe return, and parted. Next morning,
as previously arranged, the king, shut up in a chest, which
had been in use to contain the queen's dress, was carried out
of the castle by trusty adherents, and transported to Leith,
she herself, to avoid suspicion, following with a few attendants.
Every thing being ready there, she went on board a small
vessel at that port, and taking advantage of the tide, set sail
for Stirling. The king's servants waited till the day had
advanced for his awakening, so that before the fraud was
discovered, the ship was beyond the reach of danger, and the
wind having been favourable, he landed at Stirling in the
evening. The king and queen were received by the regent
* Whitekirk, in Buchan, celebrated for pilgrimages in Popish times. St.
Aldred, or, as sometimes contracted, for Beatus Aldred, Baldred, after his
death, had the special privilege bestowed upon him of having his body in
three different places at the same time, and Whitekirk was one of the favour-
ed spots.


120 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
and all the multitude, with the greatest joy and acclamation,
the adroitness of the queen was the topic of universal praise,
and the established reputation of the chancellor for prudence,
became the object of general ridicule. This event was cele-
brated by the populace for two days, with their usual extrava-
gant demonstrations of joy.
v. On the third day, those who belonged to Livingston's
faction, assembled, the greater part induced by the expecta-
tion of a change, and some influenced by the authority of the
king's name. When they were informed of the whole trans-
action, all joined in extolling the spirit of the queen in under-
taking, her wisdom in conducting, and her felicity in accom-
plishing her object, and inveighed strongly against the avarice
and cruelty of the chancellor, and his ingratitude to the queen
and the regent. He was accused of being the sole author of
all the discord, and of all the evils which had arisen from the
civil dissensions. He had converted, it was said, the public
revenue to his private use; he had forcibly taken away the
property of individuals, and what he could not take away he
had destroyed. He alone was possessed of power, honours,
and wealth; the rest had only disgrace, idleness, and poverty.
Such oppression, although great, yet greater must have follow-
ed, had not the queen, evidently under the guidance of Heaven,
as bravely as fortunately, delivered the king from prison, and
the people from the chancellor's tyranny—for what might not
private persons fear from him who imprisoned his king?
What hope of reconciliation would be entertained by his ene-
mies with the man who had so perfidiously circumvented his
friends? What relief could the inferior ranks expect from
him, whose insatiable avarice the estates of the wealthy could
not satisfy Wherefore, since by divine aid, and the activity
of her majesty, they had been freed from his tyranny, every
measure ought to be taken to render the happiness perpetual:
to accomplish which, one thing was necessary, he must be
expelled the castle, and either put to death, or so disarmed
that nothing might be feared from him in future, although
safety could scarcely be expected while he lived, because,
accustomed as he had been to murder and rapine, he would
never be quiet while spirit or strength remained.

ºisºtony or scotland. i21
vi. When Alexander had delivered his opinion in council
to this effect, a great majority assenting, it was determined
that each should return home, and raise as many soldiers as
possible, to besiege the castle of Edinburgh, nor depart from
before it until they took it. To facilitate this, the queen
promised that she would furnish a great quantity of corn from
her granaries in Fife; but despatch was chiefly requisite, while
their design was secret, and the enemy unprovided for sus-
taining a siege. In the mean time they had nothing to fear
from Douglas, whose implacable hatred towards the chancello,
was well known; and as they possessed men, money, and the
authority of the king's name, which the chancellor had been
deprived of no hope now remained to their enemy but in
their mercy. The assembly being dissolved, in a short time
-
every thing was ready for the expedition, and the castle was .
closely invested.
vii. The chancellor, who had obtained information of their
designs, placed his chief hopes of safety, and of preserving his
dignity on being able to obtain the alliance of Douglas. He
therefore sent supplicating messengers to effect a treaty,"
offering his pledge if he would assist him in his present
distress, and at the same time urging, that Douglas greatly
deceived himself, if he imagined that the ambition and cruelty
of his enemies would be satisfied with his—the chancellor's—
destruction, for which they would use him as a stepping stone.
To this Douglas replied with greater freedom than policy:—
That the perfidy of both the rivals was much upon a par;
the cause of their dispute was not the benefit of the pub-
lic, but their own private ambition, in which contest it was of
no consequence who prevailed, but if both were destroyed, it
would be of much advantage to the state; nor could any loyal
subject desire a more delightful spectacle, than a mortal com-
bat between such duellists. i
virt. When this answer was 'divulged in the respective
armies—for the castle was already besieged—it had the effect
of producing among both a readier desire for peace. A truce
being concluded for two days, the regent and chancellor had
a conference, in which they soon came to an understanding of
the danger, both public and private, to which they would be
WOL. II, Q

122 HISTORY OF 500TLAND.
exposed, if they pertinaciously persisted in their mutual ani-
mosity; for Douglas waited as a spectator of the event of their
contest, that, unbroken, he might attack the conqueror; when,
one being destroyed, or both weakened, he would possess
himself of the whole power of the kingdom; therefore, no
hope of safety remained to either, except in their concord.
Their common danger easily reconciled these acute politicians.
Crichton, as had been agreed, having delivered up the keys
to the king, professed a surrender both of the castle and
himself into his power, and declared, that it had never been
his intention to disobey his will; on which, with the uni-
versal consent of all present, he was received into favour.
The king, that same night, supped in the castle thus surren-
dered to him, and next day, the chancellor was formally ap-
pointed governor, and Livingston entered upon the adminis-
tration of his office as regent.” Thus, after a deadly hatred,
the expectation of mutual advantage, and the fear of their com-
mon enemy, united the rivals, it was hoped for ever, in the
firmest bonds of friendship. During these civil commotions,
besides robberies and murders perpetrated every where among
the common people with impunity, a few lurking feuds broke
out among some illustrious families. The year after the
king's death, on the 21st of September, and during a truce,
Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock treacherously slew Allan Stuart
--
*The reign of James II. is involved in considerable confusion, and the au.
thorities are both obscure and contradictory. From the MS. documents in
the possession of lord Gray, referred to in a former note, p. 116, and others
belonging to the earl of Linlithgow, also mentioned by Abercrombie, there
can be little doubt but that Archibald Earl Douglas acted [yet I apprehend
it was only pro tempore, as lord lieutenant of the kingdom; and I think
Abercrombie's supposition has considerable probability, that the dissensions
between Crichton and Livingston, did not take place till after the death of
earl Archibald, and that the message sent by Crichton was to his successor
William. The answer accords with the character of a petulent boy. He sup-
poses, also, the conduct ascribed to Archibald, to belong of right to William.
Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 820. The only way in which we can reconcile the
records, and Buchanan, is by supposing, and as there are no doubts to puzzle
us, the resolution may be correct, that there is a complete blank of a year in
the narrative, from the coronation of the child, till the year in which William
succeeded to the earldom of Douglas, and that the death of Archibald, ch.
ix. is misplaced.
-
23 ---
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 123
of Darnley, whom he met between Falkirk and Linlithgow.
Next year, on the 9th of July, Alexander, the brother of
Allan, vanquished Boyd in a set battle, in which there was a
great slaughter on both sides, and Boyd himself fell.
ºx. About this time, apparently very opportunely, died
Archibald Douglas, whose power, when alive, had been for-
midable to all. He died of a ſever, the next year after James
I. William, his son, the sixth earl in this family, succeeded
him, a boy of about fourteen years of age, and of the most
excellent promise, if his education had been equal to his rank;
but flattery, the continual plague of great families, corrupted
his tender age, already insolent through premature freedom,
for parasites accustomed to idleness, and to whom the folly
of the rich is a source of gain, by praising his father's magni-
ficence, and more than royal wealth and power, easily per-
suaded a simple and indiscreet youth to maintain a large
establishment, and always to appear in public, attended by a
train, great beyond the retinue of any other chieftain; to
retain his ancient vassals by kindness, and to acquire new ones
by gifts; to create knights and noblemen; to distinguish the
orders in imitation of the meetings of the estates; and, in
fine, to omit nothing by which he might vie with the majesty
of the king. To these things, which were sufficiently invid-
ious of themselves, he added another imprudence, that greatly
increased the indignation of all loyal subjects; he went gener-
ally guarded by two thousand horse, among whom, were many
convicted criminals, notorious robbers, and other infamous mis-
creants, with whom he would come to court, and even intrude
into the presence of the king, not only to display his power,
but as if he wished to strike terror; and even this insolence
he surpassed, by sending men of rank as ambassadors to
France—Malcolm Fleeming and John Lauder,” who, by re-
presenting the services of his ancestors to the kings of France,
easily obtained a confirmation of the title, Duke of Touraine,
which honour his grandfather had received from Charles VII.
for his services, and his father also had enjoyed. Elevated
by this accession of grandeur, he despised the regent and
* Malcolm Lord Fleeming of Cambernauld, and Sir John Lauder of Halton.



124 HISTORY OT S.C.O. 11 Nº.
chancellor as his father's enemies, nor did he much reverence
the king himself.
x. When the power of the Douglases seemed already too
exorbitant, a new cause of suspicion arose. William Stuart
had an ample inheritance in Lorn. His brother, James, after
the death of the king, having married the queen, and had
several children by her, indignant at not being admitted to
any part of the administration, in order to obtain his object,
and revenge the supposed affront, seemed inclined to join
the Douglas faction; nor was the queen supposed ignorant of
his design, for she also was greatly enraged at being overlook-
ed by the regent. On account of these suspicious appearances,
the queen, her husband, and her husband's brother were
thrown into confinement, on the 2d of August, A. D. —.
The queen was shut up by herself in a small narrow apart-
ment, and was, besides, closely guarded; the others were
put in irons, and committed to prison, nor were they releas-
ed until the 31st of August, when the queen had cleared
herself in parliament from any knowledge of these new plots,
James, and his brother, having also given security that they
would not attempt any thing against the regent, nor accept
of any public employment without his permission. During
the unsettled state of the country, the Æbudaean Islanders
made a descent upon the continent, spreading desolation
on every side, sparing neither sex nor age, and marking
their progress by unexampled rapacity and cruelty; nor did
they confine their ravages to the sea coast, but even in Len-
nox they murdered John Colquhoun, a nobleman whom they
had invited from Inchmurin, an island in Loch Lomond, on
their pledged faith to a conference. The frequent perpetra-
tion of such barbarities, together with the want of cultiva-
tion, and an unfavourable season, occasioned a famine, which
was followed with a pestilence, that continued for nearly two
years, of so virulent a nature, that those who were seized with
the distemper, seldom survived above one day. The cause of
all these misfortunes was commonly attributed to the regent,
who now ruled without control, and, in contempt of the chan-
cellor and the nobles of his faction, concentrated the whole
administration of the kingdom in himself. It was also a com-
Hº- ºr ººº-º-AND- 125
plaint against him, that, upon the slightest suspicion, he
threw into prison numbers of noblemen and gentlemen, and
punished them severely ºr pardoned them solely at his own
pleasure. He was besides said to hold secret correspondence
with Douglas.
ki. The chancellor, who could neither bear these things
with patience, nor oppose them by force, resolved to suppress
his anger for a time, and withdraw from the court. He, ac-
cordingly, on the first opportunity, left the king and regent at
Stirling, and came to Edinburgh with a large body of his ad-
herents, and remained in that strongly fortified castle, to watch
the crisis of the unstable times; which step, when known,
occasioned a great dislike to the regent's power, and excited a
general sympathy towards the chancellor in his retirement.
Nor did Crichton neglect to improve this disposition of the
public, for he had determined, by some bold action, to check
the insolence of his opponent, and rescue himself from con-
tempt. When he discovered by his spies that the king amus-
ed himself every day in hunting, and was but negligently
attended, watching an opportunity of Alexander's absence,
and having made himself acquainted with the facilities of the
country, the proper time, and the number of the guards, he
marked out a spot not far from Stirling, in which he placed
the most confidential of his friends, with as many troops as he
could collect, and instructed them to await his coming; he,
himself, with a few horsemen, took his station before day-
break in a wood near the castle, and there expected the arrival
of the king. Fortune favoured this bold undertaking, for the
king having entered the wood at daybreak, with a few unarm-
ed attendants, fell among the armed band of the chancellor.
These respectfully saluted him as king, and encouraged him,
bidding him be of good cheer; the chancellor, at the same
time, exhorting him briefly, to assert his own independence,
and that of his crown; to rescue himself from Alexander's
bondage, and live, in future, royally and freely, and instead
of submitting to the dictates and rule of others, take the reins
into his own hands, and relieve his subjects from the miseries
into which they had been plunged so deeply by the ambition
and cupidity of their governors, that no person, unless the




126 HISTORY OF SCOTL AND.
prince himself should assume the government, could apply a
remedy: adding, that he might do so without risk, for he had
provided a great body of horse, who would attend him wherever
he wished, or thought it might be necessary to go. When
the king, by his countenance, seemed to approve of the pro-
posal, either convinced by what he heard, or dissembling
through fear, the chancellor seized his bridle, and led him
straight to his own party. Those who were with the king,
seeing resistance impossible, being few and unarmed, their
opponents many and well accoutred, returned back with
chagrin, while the king, attended by four thousand soldiers,
marched forward to Edinburgh, where he was received by the
populace with great joy.
XII. When the regent heard of what had taken place, he
returned to Stirling, overwhelmed with shame and vexation,
to consider what line of conduct he should pursue. His high
spirit was tortured for having allowed himself to be so child-
ishly beguiled through his own carelessness, while, at the same
time, he suspected the deceit was practised by some of his own
people, and thus uncertain whom to trust or fear, he remain-
ed long in a distracting state of painful suspense. At last,
becoming composed, he began to reflect upon a remedy for
the misfortune; he knew he was not able to cope with the
chancellor, a man of prudence and activity, favoured by the
people, and supported by the authority of the king. He had
so deeply offended the queen, by her close confinement, that
he scarcely hoped to be reconciled to her, and, even if recon-
ciled, he could expect little from her assistance. Douglas had
sufficient power, but had no prudence; he was young, waver-
ing, corrupted by flatterers, and guided by parasites; and, as
it usually happens in such circumstances, that the worst have
the greatest influence, he considered it beneath his dignity to
betake himself to such a worthless crew. The chancellor, al-
though he was opposed to him, was a man of sense, in whose
age and disposition he could place more confidence; nor was
the cause of offence so great, but that the recollection of ancient
friendship might surmount it; what, however, afforded the
greatest chance of effecting a reconciliation, was the similarity
of their danger, and the necessity of their concord for the pre-
HISTO-º- ºr SCOTLAND. 127
servation of the state; besides, his enmity was above all to be
dreaded, because, if he joined himself to the opposite faction,
he had it in his power to deprive him of his office, or drive
him into banishment.
ºn. Livingstone having discussed these topics with his
advisers and others who wished well to the country, by their
advice, set out for Edinburgh, attended only with his com-
mon train. It happened, accidentally, that the bishops of
Aberdeen and Moray, men illustrious for learning and vir-
tue, according to the estimation of the times, were then both
in the city, and by their mediation, a meeting was effected
between the regent and the chancellor, in the church of St.
Giles, each accompanied by a few friends. The regent first
began the conference;—“ I do not think it necessary,” he
said, “to lament, in along oration, what are sufficiently well
known to all—the mischiefs which spring from intestine dis-
sensions, or the advantages which arise from internal concord:
I could wish these were rather known to us by foreign exam-
ples, than domestic experience. I shall proceed to that which
concerns the safety of all the subjects of this realm, but es-
pecially, and more nearly ourselves. Our disagreement, al-
though it neither arises from avarice nor ambition, but only
because, in the administration of the kingdom, which we both
wish to preserve, you and I are of different opinions, yet it is
of the utmost consequence, that this disagreement do not oc-
casion public hurt to the nation, or private ruin to ourselves.
All eyes are turned on us; the wicked expect to enjoy greater
licentiousness; the aspiring to reap honours, wealth, and power
from our destruction. Men newly raised to exalted situa-
tions, must expect to be surrounded by a number of envious;
who, as they repine at their success, and calumniate their pros-
perity, so they delight in their adversity, and wish and hope
for their downfall; we ought, therefore, the more anxious-
ly to consult our own safety, which is intimately connected
with that of the public, and how we may be revenged upon
our enemies with the greatest glory to ourselves. To accom-
plish this, the only method is-that, forgetting private quar-
rels, we bend all our thoughts and aims to the public advan-
tage; remembering, that for the protection of the king intrust-




128 Histony or sºn.
ed to our fidelity, and the safety of the kingdom committed to
our charge, we are liable to be called to an account. Let us
then, as we have formerly, with mistaken zeal, striven who
should be the greatest in honour and authority, for the future,
contend, who shall exceed in moderation and justice. Thus,
at last, we shall cause the common people, who now hate
and impute their calamities to us, love and respect us; the
nobles, who, trusting to our dissensions, indulge in unbridled
licentiousness, will return to a sense of moderation; and the
chiefs, who contemn the weakness of our divisions, overawed
by our union, will revert to their obedience. For my own
part, I cheerfully allow the tender age of the king to be
regulated by you, as he was intrusted to your charge by his
father during his lifetime, and the more seriously I reflect
upon the office, I think myself not deprived of an honour,
but relieved from a burthen. If I have received from you
any private injury, I frankly forgive it for the sake of the
public; and if I have done you wrong, I shall repay it accord-
ing to the arbitration of honest men; nor shall I ever here-
after allow any personal consideration to obstruct the public
service. If you agree with me, we may govern together with
security, and leave a remembrance grateful to posterity; but
if you are otherwise disposed, I call the present and future
ages to witness, that it was not my fault that we did not strive
to cure, or, at least, to alleviate the misfortunes of our coun-
try.”
xiv. To this, the chancellor replied:—“As I entered, un-
willingly, into this contention, so I cheerfully listen to any
proposal for an honourable adjustment; and although I did
not take up arms until provoked by my injuries, so, induced
by your moderation, I shall not suffer my obstimacy to oppose
the public advantage, for I perceive, that through our discord,
the most loyal subjects are exposed to the assaults of the
basest, and the seditious exult in the hopes of revolution, dur-
ing which the country is left as a prey, the royal dignity less-
ened, public safety betrayed, and public authority become con-
temptible; nor while we compromise the public interest, are
our own private affairs improved; for turbulent men take ad-
vantage of our dissensions, and we afford to our enemies a
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 129
most delightful spectacle—as they hate us both equally—each
imagining that whatever diminishes the power of either of us,
increases his own. I shall not therefore, repeat the causes of
our strife, lest our old wounds, by being touched, should
bleed afresh; I shall only shortly declare, that I sacrifice all
my private inconvenience, or injuries, to the public, and that
nothing ever either was, or shall be dearer to me, than the
weal of my country.” These mutual declarations were heard
with great approbation by the meeting, and arbitrators were
accordingly chosen to adjust their differences. Thus, to the
great joy of their friends, the roots of ancient discord being
cut up, and the seeds of fresh amity sown, they again under-
took, in conjunction, the government of the kingdom.
Xv, After this reconciliation, a convention of the estates
was held at Edinburgh; to which, not a few, as formerly,
but almost whole districts flocked to represent their wrongs.
The appearance of this crowd was so wretched, that they
could not be beheld without the utmost compassion, every one
bewailing his peculiar distress; children lamenting the loss of
their fathers, and fathers of their children; widows their hus-
bands, and husbands their wives, and all complaining of the
spoliation of their property by robbers. Compassion for the
sufferers begat hatred to the leaders of their plunderers, whose
crimes were become so flagrant, that they could no longer be
tolerated; for so widely had the mischief extended, that no
one could preserve either his life or his fortune in safety, who
did not join himself to them; and so powerful was their force,
that the authority of the magistrate afforded no protection to
the weak against their violence. It appeared, however, to the
more prudent, that the power of these banditti was unassail-
able by force, and they advised that it should be artfully
undermined by degrees. Although all knew that the earl
of Douglas was the fountain of these disorders, yet nobody
dared openly to name him; the regent, therefore, dissem-
bling his anger, persuaded the convention, that Douglas was a
man whom it would be more advisable to appease than to
irritate by their suspicions; for he was so powerful, that he,
alone, if he remained refractory, could prevent the acts of the
estates being carried into execution, but, if he joined with the
WOL. II. R























130 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
nobles, he was able to heal the present disorders. It was, in
consequence, decreed, that complimentary letters should be
sent him, in the common name of the estates, to admonish
him—that mindful of the rank he sustained, and of the ances-
tors from whom he sprung, he should attend the meetings of
the estates, which could not be conveniently held during his
absence, and that of his friends. If he had any complaint
to bring forward, they would afford him every satisfaction; if
anything had been done amiss by himself or his adherents, it
would be forgotten, from respect to the nobility of his family,
and the remembrance of the many services they had rendered
their country; from the consideration of the state of the
times, of his age, and the great hopes entertaintained of him.
They, therefore, requested him to come and undertake what
part of the administration he chose, and as Scotland had often
been rescued from situations of the greatest peril by the arms
of Douglas, that he might, by his presence, restore and con-
firm the tranquillity of his country, torn as it was by internal
disorders.
xvi. The young earl, naturally ambitious, and at an age
apt to be dazzled by show, was induced by these letters, and
the persuasions of his friends—who, full of expectation, never
dreamed of danger—to proceed to parliament. The Chancel-
lor, when he heard of his approach, advanced several miles to
meet him, invited him to his castle, Crichtón, which was near
the road, and entertained him magnificently. Having cour-
teously detained him for two days, and shown the greatest
marks of friendship, in order more easily to circumvent the
unwary youth, and eradicate all suspicion from his mind, he
began familiarly to advise him, that mindful of the royal dig-
nity, and of his own duty, he should acknowledge and obey as
his liege lord, him whom the accident of birth, the laws of his
country, and the decree of the estates, had appointed to the
sovereignty; that he should transmit to his posterity as he
had received it, his extensive inheritance, procured by the
valour and blood of his ancestors; that he should preserve
the name of Douglas, as illustrious for loyalty as high achieve-
ments, not only pure from the stain, but even from the sus-
picion of treason; that he should restrain his followers from
23

|STORY OF SCOTLAND. 181
oppressing the weak common people, dismiss all robbers
from his service, and in future, maintain such a respect for
justice, as to evince that the offences he had formerly commit.
ted, were not owing to the depravity of his nature, but to
improper counsellors, and at his age, repentance would be
accepted as innocence.
XVII. By these and similar speeches, when he had fully
persuaded the young man of his amicable disposition, he drew
him to Edinburgh, along with his brother David, who was his
confidant. On the journey his attendants began to entertain
some suspicions, on account of the frequent messages from
Alexander, the regent, and the almost constant interchange of
couriers, and the language of the chancellor, which was more
flattering than was usual from one in his situation. Murmur.
ings to this effect spread through almost all the earl’s follow-
ers, and some at last even freely told him, that if he were
determined to persist in his progress, he ought at least, to
follow his father's dying advice, and send back his brother
David, nor expose the whole family to one stroke of fortune.
But the incautious boy, irritated at these surmises of his
friends, caused a kind of proclamation to be published through
his whole train, for suppressing such secret whisperings, and
answered his advisers, that he knew it was the common plague
of great families, to have always about them troublesome fel-
lows, to whom the danger and misery of their patrons was
gain; who, because in peace they were ſettered by the bonds
of the law, were active in stirring up sedition, that in times of
commotion they might plunder without restraint; but he
would rather trust his person to the known prudence of the
regent and the chancellor, than to the rashness and madness
of interested agitators. When he had thus spoken, in order
to prevent a reply, he spurred forward with more than usual
speed, together with his brother, and a few of his principal
friends, passing on straight to the castle, and, as if dragged
by fate, precipitated himself headlong into the snares of his
enemies. The regent, as had been agreed upon, arrived at
the same instant, that the deed might be perpetrated in pre-
sence of both, nor the whole load of reproach rest upon one.
Douglas was courteously and kindly received, and admitted to

132 HISTOR. W. O. SCOT. N. L.
the king's table; but, during the feast, armed men surrounded
him, quite defenceless, and placed before him a bull's head,
in those days the signal for murder, on seeing which, the
young man was alarmed, and endeavoured to rise, but was
instantly seized, and carried into the adjoining square of the
castle, where, for the intemperance of his youth, he suffer-
ed death, along with his brother David, and Malcolm Flee-
ming, who, next to his brother, enjoyed his greatest confl-
dence. The king, then advancing to adolescence, is said to
have shed tears at their murder, on which the chancellor
severely rebuked his unseasonable grief for the death of an
enemy, during whose life there could have been no hope of
public tranquillity.”
xviii. William dying without children, James, surnamed
the Gross from his corpulence, succeeded him in the earldom,
for it was what lawyers term a male-fee. The rest of the
immense patrimony fell to his only sister, Beatrice, the love-
liest woman of her age. This earl James, although not re-
markably wicked, was yet not less hated by the common
people than the former lords, nor less suspected by the king,
because, although he did not retain the robbers, who were
supported by the preceding earls of Douglas, he did not sup-
press them with sufficient energy, but in about two years,
death removed him from all odium. William, the oldest of
his seven sons, succeeded him, who, desirous of emulating the
power of his grandfather, in order to restore the family to
their ancient splendour, resolved to marry his uncle's daugh-
ter, the heiress of so many counties. Several of his relations,
however, did not approve of this alliance, partly because it
was unusual, and therefore not legal, and partly, because by
the accession of so much wealth, he would be envied by the
people, and formidable to the crown; for there was a report,
nor was it groundless, that the king would do every thing in
* There appears, from charters quoted by Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 380, to
have been some forms of a trial, beneath which, the perpetrators of this in-
famous assassination screened themselves. Three years after, Sir Alexander
Livingston, declared upon oath, that he had given no counselnor consent to
the death and slaughter of Sir Malcolm Fleeming, who was murdered along
with the Douglas.
HISTOR ºr sco TLAND. 133
his power to prevent the match. On which account, William
hastened the nuptials in the season when marriages are pro-
hibited," that he might prevent any attempt on the part of the
king to obstruct them. Insolence accompanied this too great
wealth, and hatred followed, especially, as bands of robbers
pillaged every where, whose leaders, it was believed, were not
unconnected with the projects of Douglas. Among these was
John Gormac, of Athol, who, in returning from a plundering
expedition, attacked in regular battle, William Ruthven,
sherift of Perth, as he was carrying one of the Athol robbers
to execution. Gormac, however, being slain with thirty of
his associates, the rest fled to the mountains. This battle was
fought A. D. 1443.
ºx. Not long after, the impregnable castle of Dunbarton,
was twice surprised within a few days. Robert Semple held the
lower part, and Patrick Galbraith the upper, and their com-
mands were so distinct, that each had a separate entrance to
his own division. They were also attached to different fac-
tions. Patrick was believed secretly to favour the Douglases,
and Semple having perceived that his upper division of the
fortress was negligently guarded, expelled him thence, and
ordered him to remove his property. Next day, when Patrick
came for this purpose, with four men unarmed, having found
the porter alone, seizing arms, he expelled him and all the
rest from the upper part, and having procured speedy assist
ance from the neighbouring town, he drove his opponents out
of the lower part also, and thus obtained possession of the
whole. A great many murders of the common people were
perpetrated at this time, partly by the retainers of Douglas,
and partly charged upon them by their enemies. The king
approaching now towards manhood, and capable of attending
to the government himself, Douglas, unable to withstand the
envy of the nobility, and the hatred of the lower ranks, re-
solved by a change of conduct, to appease the people, and if
possible, conciliate the affections of his sovereign. Where-
fore, he came to Stirling with a large train, and when he
* In time of Lent, and on Good Friday. It is doubted whether she was
actually married, or only affianced at this time. Pink, vol. i. The effects,
however, were the same, William got the estates.




134. HISTORY ºr sº.
understood by the courtiers, whom he had gained by large
bribes, that the king was favourable, he presented himself, and
surrendered his life and fortune into his hands. The crimes
of his former life he partly excused, and partly—as that seem-
ed the more likely way to reconciliation—he ingenuously con-
ſessed, acknowledging, that henceforth he would owe whatever
he possessed, to the clemency of his majesty, not to his own
innocence, and if the king would accept of his service and
obedience, he pledged himself, that he would be exceeded by
none in his fidelity, loyalty and good conduct. In repressing
and punishing these robbers, whose crimes his enemies had
attributed to himself, he would for the future, be diligent and
severe; for he was descended from a family which had aggran-
dized itself, not by oppressing the weak, but by protecting the
Scottish people by their arms. The earl's speech, and the
secret recommendation of the courtiers, so influenced the
king, that he graciously pardoned all past offences, received
Douglas into his confidence, and made him one of his council.
Indeed, he had in a short time so attached the king to himself
by his obsequiousness, his ministers by his liberality, and all
by his courtesy, that the nation were delighted with his con-
descension, but the more discerning dreaded his too sudden
change. -
xx. In particular, Livingston and Crichton, suspecting that
his designs tended to their ruin, resigned all their public
employments, and retired from court, Alexander to his estate,
and William to the castle of Edinburgh, to wait the event of
Douglas' dissimulation; nor was their penetration deceived.
Douglas having obtained the ascendancy over the incautious
young monarch, now destitute of the advice of experienced
counsellors, thinking the opportunity favourable for avenging
the death of his relations, easily persuaded the king to summon
Crichton and Livingston, with his two sons, Alexander and
James, to render a legal account of their administration.
They perceiving his intention to be either to overwhelm them
by the strength of his faction, if they came to court, or by
using the king's name to declare them public enemies if they
refused, and sequester their estates, replied to the summons;
that they never had pursued any other object than the welfare

|| 1st ORY OF SCOTLAND. 135
of the king, and the prosperity of the kingdom; that they
had executed their offices in such a manner, that nothing was
more desirable to them than to render an account to equit-
able judges; but or the present, when all who would sit in
judgment, were either enemies, or bribed by their enemies,
and when every avenue was beset with armed men, they must
be excused if they withdrew, not from justice, but from the
violence of their most inveterate foe, and reserved themselves
for better times, till the leaders of robbers were driven from
the royal presence, and then, as they had often done before in
difficult situations, they would approve their integrity to the
satisfaction of the king, and all honest subjects. Upon re-
ceiving this answer, a convention of the estates was held at
Stirling, on the 4th of November, in which Douglas procured
them to be declared traitors, and their estates confiscated
and immediately sent John Froster, [or Forrester] of Cor-
storphin, one of his vassals, with a body of forces, to ravage
their estates, and bring the proceeds into his majesty's ex-
chequer, who having obtained possession of their castles,
demolished some, put new garrisons into others, and spread-
ing wide devastation without meeting any resistance, carried
away a great booty.
xxi. Scarcely had the party of Douglas withdrawn, when
Crichton, collecting a band of his friends and vassals with
unexpected celerity, over-ran the estates of Froster and the
Douglases, at Corstorphin, Strabroch, and Abercorn, burned
the castle of Blackness, destroyed the corn, and carried off all
the plunder he could seize; among the rest he brought away
a stud of noble mares, thus repaying with interest the damage
he had sustained from the enemy. Douglas, aware that
Crichton had accomplished his object, more by the aid of his
allies than his own proper vassals, directed his vengeance
against those who had privately—for none dared publicly—
sent him assistance. The chief were James Kennedy, arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, George, earl of Angus, and John, earl
of Morton, both of the Douglas’ family, but the one born of
the king's aunt, who was also James Kennedy's mother, and
the other was married to the king's sister. These always
preferred the public welfare and their duty, to any family
136 HISTORY O -------
affection, but Kennedy, both by age and wisdom, and of
course, authority, was greatly superior to the others. On him
therefore, Douglas vented his keenes indignation. Alexan-
der Ogilvy, and the earl of Crawford, having levied a pretty
large army, wasted his possessions in Fife extensively; and
more eager for plunder, than attentive to the cause in which
they had engaged, even ravaged the adjoining estates, no one
Haring to resist, and returned to Angus laden with spoil.
Kennedy retorted with his own proper arms, and summoned
the earl of Crawford before the church court, and on his
refusing to obey, excommunicated him, which Crawford, with
his usual haughtiness, despising, was speedily punished for
his contempt of all law, human and divine.
xxII. In the same year in which these transactions took
place, the college of the Benedictines at Aberbrothoc, had
elected Alexander Lindsay, eldest son of the earl of Crawford,
their chief justice—as the monks are forbiden to intermeddle
with civil affairs—or bailiff, but he with his numerous attend-
ants becoming too expensive to the monastery, and behaving
rather as their lord than as their officer, was dismissed by the
brethren, and Alexander Ogilvy placed in his room. Lindsay
was highly enraged at this insult as he conceived it, and both
parties collected forces from all quarters, and prepared for
war. The armies were already drawn up in order of battle,
when the earl of Crawford, who had received information of
the dispute, hastened to the field, and advancing on horseback,
rode up between the two lines, trusting to the dignity of his
title alone for protection, but whilst he was in the act of pre-
venting his son from engaging, and calling on Ogilvy to a
conference, a soldier, accidentally or not I do not know,
struck him with a spear in the mouth, and killed him. His
death was the signal for engaging, and after a severe conflict,
many being killed on both sides, victory remained with the
Lindsays, the chief cause of which is said to have been this:—
When the two armies stood with their spears placed upright,
exhibiting the appearance of a wood, a person cried out, why
do you bring these goads as if you meant to engage with
oxen, let us throw them aside, and sword in hand, with true
bravery, decide our quarrel as becomes men. At which, the

|- sloº OF SCOTLAND. 137
whole cast away their spears, except about an hundred men of
Clydesdale, who had been sent by Douglas to the assistance
of the Lindsays: these holding their shields in their hands,
trailed their spears behind them, till they came within reach
of their opponents, and then protruded them as a dense ram-
part, at which, the others, terrified by the unexpected ap-
pearance of the weapons, broke their ranks, and fled in disor-
der. Of the victors, there were missing about one hundred.
On the other side, there fell about five hundred, and among
them many noblemen. Alexander Ogilvy, who was taken pris-
oner, died in a few days of his wounds and vexation. Gordon,
earl of Huntly, being placed by his friends on horseback,
escaped, and the slaughter would have been much greater, if
night had not protected the fugitives, for the battle began a
few hours before twilight, on the 24th of January. The ad-
herents of Lindsay exercised their victory with great cruelty,
pillaging and demolishing the houses, and wasting the coun-
try; nor was the war carried on between the factions with more
languor in other quarters. Douglas, who had kept Crichton
shut up in Edinburgh castle for some months, in order that
he might press the siege more closely, transferred to the cap-
ital the meeting of the estates, which had been summoned
for the 19th July, and had already commenced sitting at Perth.
At last, after the siege had lasted nine months, and the be-
siegers as well as the besieged, were completely tired, it was
surrendered upon condition, that Crichton should receive a
full pardon, and be allowed to depart in safety with his fol-
lowers. Thus, in every dispute, he who is the most powerful,
is generally allowed to be the most innocent. Crichton was
soon again received into favour, and restored to the chancel-
lorship with universal approbation; but he cautiously kept at
a distance from court, and even from interfering in public
business as much as his office would allow.
xxiii. Douglas, having rather alarmed than crushed Crich-
ton, directed, next, his vengeance towards Livingston; but
before I proceed to that part of the history, I shall notice the
murders of some noblemen, which occurred about these times–
to record the whole would be endless. James Stuart, a noble
knight, was slain by Alexander Lisle and Robert Boyd, at
WOL. II. s



138 HISTORY or scº L.
Kirkpatrick, two miles distant from Dunbarton; but not have
ing satiated their cruelty by his death, they were anxious to
get his wife also, then pregnant, and near her time, into their
power. To accomplish their purpose, they sent a priest to tell
her of the disturbance, and inform her that all the roads were
beset with armed men; nor was there any other way of es-
cape, except by proceeding in a small vessel to Dunbarton, to
Robert Boyd, who solemnly promised that he would send her
safe home. The unsuspecting woman, who was ignorant that
Robert had been present at the perpetration of the murder,
being carried from Cardross to the castle, perceiving herself
surrounded on every hand by the associates of her enemies,
overcome by excess of grief, fear, and indignation, was seized
with premature labour, and expired, along with her infant,
in a few hours. About the same time, Patrick Hepburn,
lord Hailes, held Dunbar, and had with him Joan, the widow
of James I., who, during these troublous times, had fled to
him for refuge. Archibald, earl of March, taking offence at
this, attacked Hailes, Hepburn's castle, during the night,
and took it, the garrison being killed on the first assault, but,
in a few days after, being panic struck at the approach of the
earl of Douglas, restored it, upon condition that he should be
allowed to depart in safety with his followers. Joan, the
queen, died soon after, leaving the following children by her
last husband—John, earl of Athol, James, earl of Buchan,
and Andrew, afterwards bishop of Moray. On her decease,
Hepburn delivered up the castle of Dunbar to the king. In
Angus, Alexander, earl of Crawford, put to death, in the
market-place of Dundee, John Lyon," who had been raised
by his father to wealth and honour, and even an alliance with
the king, because he proved ungrateful, and forgot his favours.
In the midst of these disorders, the Annandale thieves spread
their ravages through all the adjoining counties. -
xxiv. The cause of all these disorders, was imputed to
Douglas, who, while he sedulously endeavoured to conceal
* This account of the assassination of John Lyon, lord Glammis, is sup-
posed to have been inserted by mistake, here, instead of Book IX. at the end
of the xlv. chap, as it took place about the year 1881–2, in the reign of
Robert II.
-->
28
------ Sºº L.A.N.D. 139
the robberies committed by his own retainers, yet openly
abetted vexatious attacks upon the opposite party; for to such
a height had his insolence reached, that it was a capital of
fence to blame any of his proceedings. He forced James
Stuart, the king's uncle, to fly the country, because he spoke
too freely of the situation of the kingdom, who, being taken
by the Flemings, died soon after in captivity. Douglas have
ing matured his plans against the Livingstones, caused Alex-
ander, the chief of the family, and James, his eldest son, to
be summoned before a convention of the estates at Edinburgh,
together with Robert, the king's treasurer, and David and
Robert Bruce, and James and Robert Dundas, his friends;
at which, Alexander, and the two Dundases, had their es-
Bates confiscated, and were remitted back to custody in Dun-
barton—the rest suffered capital punishment. For what crime
they suffered, cotemporary writers do not mention; nor shall
I hazard a conjecture, respecting a subject so far removed from
our times. I shall only relate what I have heard reported.
James Livingston, when he came to the place of execution,
complained, dignifiedly and eloquently, of the inconstancy of
fortune; his father, he said, lately placed next in power to the
king, had cheerfully resigned the invidious title of regent, and
had retired to his own estate, at a distance from court, and
the sight of his enemies, whose cruelty, not satiated with his
misfortunes, had forced him to have recourse to arms for his
own preservation; these he had laid down at the king's com-
mand, and if there was any crime in this, he had already
obtained pardon for it; since when, his conduct had been
above suspicion; and for this he would appeal to the testimony
of the nobility, many of whom, he knew, anxiously deprecated
the present infliction; yet the tyranny of his adversaries had
prevailed over the former services of his family, the king's par-
don, and the entreaties of the nobility. He therefore warned
all who were present, to look upon glittering titles of empire
and command, as nothing more than the flattering compli-
ments of fortune, about to inflict some more cruel severity; as
funereal decorations, rather than the safeguards of life; es-
pecially as the cabals of the wicked can always more readily
effect the destruction of the virtuous, than the united efforts




140 HISTORY or sco N. D.
of the good procure their safety. Having said this, he sub-
mitted to the stroke of the executioner, amid the lamentations
of the spectators.
xxv. During these commotions, Crichton was sent to
France, to renew the ancient league, and ask a wife of the
royal blood for king James. Nor was Douglas displeased at
his absence, even when sent upon an honourable mission; for
although he was a prudent and vigorous statesman, yet some
remains of their ancient discord did not render his presence
altogether agreeable. The ecclesiastical order, too, was aſ:
fected by the contagion of the times. John Cameron, bishop
of Glasgow, had committed, in his diocess—which was exten-
sive—many acts of cruelty and rapine; and had encouraged
men in power to do the same, that the effects of those who
were unjustly condemned might revert to him; he was, be-
sides, believed to be the author or promoter of all the mis-
chief perpetrated by the lower orders in his charge. This
man, it is reported, came to an end worthy the nefarious life
he had led. On Christmas eve, as he was asleep at his country
house, about seven miles distant from Edinburgh, he seemed
to hear a loud voice summon him to appear before the tribunal
of Christ; suddenly awaking in great perturbation, he roused
his servants, and ordered them to sit by him with lighted can-
dles; and having taken a book in his hand, began to read,
when a repetition of the same voice struck all present with
profound horror; then, a short while after, as it sounded
again, louder and more terrible, the bishop gave a deep
groan, and on his attendants going up to his couch, he was
found dead, with his tongue hanging out of his mouth. This
remarkable example of divine vengeance, I shall neither rash-
ly affirm nor dispute, but as it has been mentioned by others,
and is constantly and uniformly reported, I did not think it
proper to omit. At the same time, James Kennedy, a man
widely different in his life and manners, whose every counsel
tended to the public welfare, when he saw that he could nei-
ther, by his authority nor advice, resist the daily increasing
evils, and perceived that even the royal power was too weak
to oppose the conspiracies of the wicked, left his all as a prey
to his enemies, and retired from the dangerous contest. Amid
| | | | SCOTLAND. 141
such turbulence at home, the foreign relations of the country
were not more quiet.
ºv. The ºnce with England being expired, the Scots
made incursions into England, and the English into Scotland,
accompanied by the usual devastation. In England, Alnwick
was taken and burned by James, brother of the earl of
Douglas; in Scotland, Dumfries was similarly treated by the
earl of Salisbury, and Dunbar by the earl of Northumberland,
and the spoil in men and cattle was considerable. An agree.
ment, however, was entered into between the commanders for
an exchange of prisoners, as the captives on both sides were
nearly equal both in number and rank. By these incursions,
although the country was almost reduced to a solitude, the
war was not brought to a crisis; another truce was therefore
agreed upon for seven years. In this situation of public af.
fairs, James Dunbar, earl of Moray, died, and left two
daughters, heiresses. The eldest, before her father's death,
had been married by him to James Crichton; the younger,
after his decease, married Archibald, brother to the earl of
Douglas, who, in opposition to the laws and the custom of
our ancestors, assumed the title of earl of Moray, so great
was the power of Douglas at court. Yet not content with this
increase of title, that he might still more extend the honours
of his family, he caused his brother George be created earl of
Ormond, and his brother John, who had many large and
productive estates given him, baron of Balveny. These ac-
cessions, however, produced jealousies even in the minds of
his friends, who thought his power already too great and
formidable to the crown; and some of them augured that this
immoderate flow of good fortune would not be of long dura-
tion.
xxvii. But his enemies strongly inveighed against his insa-
tiable cupidity. What sort of existence, in future, said they,
shall we drag out under the tyranny of such a rapacious op-
pressor, whose avarice is insatiable, and against whose power
there can be no safeguard; who has forcibly seized the inherit-
ance of the nobles, and left the more humble a prey to his
vassals; who has caused all that opposed his will, to be either
deprived of their estates or their lives, by robbers and as-
---


142 History ºr sº ºn.
i
sassins; who has raised upstarts to the highest honours, and
exalted them on the ruins of ancient families; who has collect-
ed, in one house, the whole wealth of the kingdom—for, be-
sides knights and barons, there were five opulent earls of that
family alone—and left to the king himself but a precarious
sway; while all extremity of wretchedness, they added, must
be endured under a miserable servitude to the Douglases, as
whoever breathes a word for liberty, must breathe their last at
the same time. These, and similar complaints, sometimes true,
and sometimes greatly exaggerated beyond the truth, for the
purpose of exciting hatred, were spread abroad every where,
and induced those who belonged to no faction, to give up all
concern for the public, and confine themselves entirely to their
private interests. The more sagacious of his adversaries were
glad to perceive, that a man possessed of such power, as ren-
dered all opposition hopeless, was, of his own accord, rushing
headlong to destruction. Nor were their anticipations falla-
cious, for his mind, naturally insolent, had so much increased
in arrogance, by his great successes, that he resented the free
admonitions of his friends, and even silence was unsafe; for
his parasites observed not the words only, but the counte-
mances of those who disapproved his proceedings. His old
enemies he hurried before a tribunal, where he sat both ac-
cuser and judge, confiscating the estates of some, and con-
demning others to death, while many went into exile to avoid
his iniquitous decisions. The adherents of the Douglas, fear-
less of being brought to trial—for no man durst accuse them
—indulged in every species of licentiousness, respecting noth-
ing either sacred or profane, murdering whoever was obnoxious
to them, and sometimes, with wanton and gratuitous cruelty,
torturing those who had never offended them, lest their souls,
softened by the disuse of crime, should become humanized;
and the more contumeliously any one treated the common
people, the more noble did he esteem himself.
xxviii. Torn with so many disorders in every part of the
kingdom, Scotland must have sunk beneath the seditions, had
not England, at the same time, been equally distracted by her
civil dissensions. These, at last, however, being in some
measure allayed, the English violated their truce, and invaded


















coºl, ºp. 143
Scotland, where having spread their ravages over a wide ex-
tent, destroyed many villages, and driven away great numbers
of cattle, they returned home. The Scots did not long suffer
this injury to remain unrevenged, but, entering England with
a strong force, they retaliated, inflicting upon the enemy
greater damage than they had sustained, and thus, mutually
irritated by these incursions, great devastation was spread
over both countries; but the greater part of the calamity fell
upon Cumberland, whence the injury had first arisen, and
which harassed with all the disasters of war, was nearly re-
duced to a desert. Reports of these outrages being carried to
London, it was determined to send a powerful army against
The Scots, with which they imagined they would easily subdue
a barren country, labouring under domestic misfortunes.
Wherefore, having raised an army of the best description,
they gave the command to the earl of Northumberland, on
account of his knowledge of the country, and because his name
and authority was great in these districts. To him they added
one Mayne, of a knightly family, who had served many years
in France, with great reputation for activity and bravery, and
who bore so violent hatred against the Scots, that he is said
to have bargained with the king for whatever lands in Scot-
land he should gain, either by expelling or destroying the in-
habitants.
xxix. On the other hand, the Scots having heard of the de-
monstrations of the enemy, prepared to resist them. George,
earl of Ormond, being appointed commander in chief, march-
ed immediately into Annandale, whither he was informed the
enemy would advance. The English, however, who had
commenced hostilities, had pre-occupied it, having passed the
rivers Solway and Annan, and encamped on the banks of the
Sark, whence they sent out plundering detachments, who
scoured the country. On being apprized of the approach of
the Scots, they recalled their marauding parties, and concen-
trated their whole forces into one body; and as soon as the
two armies could be drawn up, the battle almost instantaneous-
ly commenced. Mayne led the right wing of the English, Sir
John Pennington the left, composed of Welshmen, the relics
of the ancient Britons, the earl himself commanded the centre.



144. History ºr
-
George Douglas placed Wallace, lººd ºf Craigie, opposite
Mayne, the chiefs of the Maxwells and Johnstons, with their
clans, against Pennington, and taking himself the command
of the centre, briefly addressed his soldiers, exhorting them
confidently to expect a victory, for having been forced to take
up arms by the injuries they had received from the enemy,
success must attend so just a cause, and if once they humbled
the pride of the English, by a signal defeat, they would for a
long time enjoy the fruit of their labours. The English, who
were superior in their archers, galled the Scots exceedingly
with their arrows, when Wallace, who commanded the lett
wing, exclaimed so loud as to be heard by all: — Why do ye
thus stand trifling at a distance? Follow me to the enemy.
and engage him hand to hand, which is the only way of dis-
playing true bravery, or fighting like men. Having thus
spoken, he rushed forward, and carried the whole left wing
along with him; and immediately charging the enemy with
their long spears, with which both the Scottish horse and foot
are armed, he drove them back, routed, and put them to
flight.
xxx. Mayne, perceiving the confusion of his division, and
regarding more the glory of his past life, than the present dan-
ger, advanced with great impetuosity towards Wallace, either
to restore the battle by his presence, or illustrate the splendour
of his former deeds by his fall; but as he incautiously pressed
forward, he was cut off from his men, and slain with a few
followers. The report of his death being spread through
both armies, the Scots were inspirited to advance with greater
alacrity, and the English army were not able long to resist
them. As they fled dispersed, and in great confusion, more
were slain in the pursuit than in the battle; the greatest
carnage was at the banks of the Solway, as the river being
swollen by the influx of the tide, prevented the progress of the
fugitives. There perished in this engagement about three
thousand of the English—of the Scots about six hundred. The
number of the prisoners was great, among whom the chief
were Sir John Pennington, and Robert Huntington. The
son of the earl of Northumberland might have escaped, but
waiting to assist his father to mount his horse, he was taken

D. 145
-" joyfully home."
-
than in encoura them, for this only was wanting to com-
as greater than ever had been
their army, and the dissensions of
- e come not so much to fight as to
as their confidence, and such their con-
tempt for tº neº. Wallace was carried home severely
º, º after languishing three months, died of his
wounds. The victorious earl of Ormond having reviewed the
ent the noblemen to Lochmaben castle, and re-
imself to court, where he was received with the
honours, the whole nobility advancing to meet and
ate him. The king too, highly praised his conduct
ºr and in an address to him and his brother, advised
om injuring the weak, and likewise prevent
from doing it; and that the power which his
rather to be used in repressing robbers,
plete their fame, which they would undertake, he assured
them nothing would give him greater pleasure than the ad-
vancement of the family of Douglas. Having returned a
dutiful answer, they were dismissed by the king, and return-
* The battle of Sark is recorded by no contemporary historian, either
English or Scottish. Pinkerton remarks, that among the later writers,
The English pass it in complete silence, and the Scots too much swell their
victory.” The French historians, according to Abercrombie, “magnify it
excessively; they tell us, that in two different engagements with the Scots,
they, [the English] were not only soundly beaten, bien battus, but left 24,000
men upon the field of battle." It is evident, however, from all accounts,
that the battle had been pretty decisive, and there appears no good re.
for preferring any other statement to that given by Buchanan.
adds, “even the copious Holinshed [is] equally º Now, Holinºle
silent, he has a long account of the battle, and Abercrombie rºº
vol. ii. p. 340. It is almost needless to observe, “the copious
in the first part, merely a translation of Bellenden's translatiºn
in the last, a mere compilation. -
WOL. II. T |






























146 HIS
him. together with some of his attendants. Douglas was so
blºod of Colvin Nor were his threats vain; for he
his castle, took and plundered it, and put to death
xxxi. The battle of Sºl .
Scottish borders, but when tº º
London, the English, irritated
council respecting the Scottish war.
to raise a new army, to wipe away the
intent upon this object, an insurrection ºn
at home, and a strong combination of the
against the king, put an end to all designs of a ſº-
Ambassadors were therefore sent to Scotland, to treat
ing peace, whose arrival was the more welcome ºn
of the unsettled state of affairs among the Scots themsel
A peace, however, could not be concluded, but a tº
entered into for three years. These transactions too
A. D. 1448. The public joy at this event was
increased, by the arrival of a messenger from
the
as cº to
numbled, held a
as deterºined
Mary, the daughter of Arnold, duke of Guelde
to the royal family of France, her mother being sº
duke of Burgundy—was betrothed to Ja The year after
she came to Scotland, attended by a great
|
urse of nobil-
ity, and in the month of July was crowned in the abbey of
Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh.
xxxii. This universal joy tº the victory, the peace, and
the royal nuptials, was somewhº interrupted by the .."of
Richard Colvill, an eminent knight, not so much because it
was unmerited, as that the manner in which it was perpetrated,
afforded a most pernicious example to The people. Sir Richard
having complained of many serious injuries which he had
received from John Achleck, [or Auchinleck, an intimate
friend of Douglas, when he perceived that he could expect no
redress in law or equity, attacked him in a skirmish, and slew
highly incensed at this murder, that he bound himself by a
ºn oath, that he would never rest till he expiated it in
ºre arrived at the age of puberty. This action,



















147
as proceeding from an indig-
nation worthy - for thus usually, in degenerate
times, flattereº ºtly fawn upon wealth, clothe
the foules often ºn honourable names. Dazzled by the
blandishments of ºne, which were urging him on to his
ruin, Douglas now indulged the foolish ostentation of exhibit-
ing his power among foreigners, as if the splendour of so
great a family was too much confined in the narrow theatre of
sland. He, therefore, determined to visit Rome, vanity
motive, religion the pretext of his journey. The Romish
ºn in imitation of the ancient Jews, who every fifty years
all debts of whatever kind to their countrymen, re-
yet excused ºn
the slaves of the Hebrew race, instituted a spirit-
and the pope, who, as vicar of God upon earth,
himself the power of forgiving all sins, every
ns without measure, not, however, without
while at other times he only retailed
of nobility, all her by the prospect of novelty, or the
ºil for Flanders, whence he travel-
with him his brother, appointed
bishop of Dunkeld, who ºverward, when Douglas had no
children, was by the king's permission, nominated his heir.
He was received in France with such splendour and kindness,
both on account of the public league between the nations, and
the remembrance of his ancestors' eminent services in the
French wars, that his ºpproach filled Rome with the greatest
expectation."
kxxiii. Scarcely had two months elapsed after his departure,
when his enemies and rivals, who were restrained by fear
while he was present, began by degrees to gather *ge
and complain of the injuries they had received. As sººn as
it became known that access could b easily obtained
king, and that he was ready to listen to complaints.
* In this jubilee, innumerable people crowded tome,
killed by the press, at the end of the bridge elo.



















148
increased daily, and every ºvel was filled with
complainants. The king, who dismiss the suf-
ferers, nor condemn the earl appeased for a
time, the clamours of the in cºnts by a mid-
dle answer. He said he would summon the earl's procura-
to to appear, that in his presence he might take cognizance
of the crimes charged against him. The procurator was in
consequence summoned, but did not appear, and king's mes-
sengers were sent to fetch him by force. When brought to
court, some demanded that he should be instantly pun
for despising the royal order, alleging, that too much patie
would weaken the king's authority, and render it contº
ble; that the appearance of lenity would increase the
courage the perpetration of new crimes.
unmoved by these representations, adhered to his
ation, rather to compensate the sufferers for tº dº
they had sustained, than satisfy the revenge of ºve
counsellors. He, therefore, commanded the procura to be
brought from prison to trial, and intº him, that if he
could reply to any of the crimes charged against the earl, he -
was at liberty to do so, and at the same shorted him to
do it without fear. Many of the causes having been decided
against the earl, when the king ordered him immediately to
pay the sums awarded, the procurator answered, that he could
not interfere with the earl’s property till his arrival, which was
expected in a few months. This reply he was understood to -
have made by the advice of the earl of Ormond, and the earl
of Moray, brothers of Douglas, whº lºng reported to the
king, he sent William Sinclair, earl of Orkney, chancellor for
the time, first to Galloway, and next to Douglas, who ap-
-pointed collectors to receive the rents of Douglas' estates, an
P*Y. the damages adjudged by law. But as Sinclair did not
possess power to enforce his orders, some eluded the de-
º, some treated ºn ith insult, and he returned home
ºut effecting his mission. The king, irritated at this
nº of his authority, summoned the whole adherents
Douglas faction to appear, which they refusing, he
hem as traitors, and having raised an army,















TLAND. 149
marched into them. On his first arrival,
the leaders of tº forced into their castles, but a
small party of pursuing some of the others
who had fled to ºne º hills, were sent back with igno-
miny. Enraged ºudacity of the outlaws, the king
determined to wine away the reproach by attacking their
strong holds. Lochmaben castle he took with little trouble,
but having experienced considerable difficulty in the reduction
Douglas castle, he levelled it with the ground. The farm-
no had thrown themselves and their fortunes upon his
he ordered to pay their rents to his collectors, till the
decreed against Douglas were liquidated. Having
lished this, and obtained a high character for lenity
- even from his enemies, he disbanded his
her intelligence of these proceedings reached
earl became greatly alarmed. He appeared de-
among his own attendants, a number of whom
set out upon his journey homeward with a
g through England, on his arrival at
and he sent his brother James before,
to sound the ºn ºn of the king towards him, which being
found placable, he returned home, and was courteously re-
ceived, and only advised to º the bands of freebooters,
particularly those of Annandale, who, during his absence, had
perpetrated many acts of rapine and cruelty. Douglas hav-
ing solemnly sworn that he would undertake this, was not
only restored to favour, but declared king's lieutenant over all
Scotland. Yet his unbounded ambition, always craving ex-
the borders
* Pinkerton estimates the retinue of Douglas, from the number who re-
ceived passports on his return from Henry VI. certainly a fallacious mode of
computation. It requires little knowledge of the world to perceive, that
there must be a wide difference between the attendants of a favourite in hon-
our, and a favourite in disgrace. It does not appear, however, that he ºr
fully obtained again the king's confidence after the reconciliation
probably never was sincere on either part. The access which Criº
to the young queen during his embassage, was fatal to Douglas
and able courtier had time and opportunity, to insinuate himself
gºod graces, and through her influence directed the council ºn
which ultimately issued in the ruin of a family, * *

































150 HISTOR
ºntent with this
he king, rashly
cessive and immoderate in
honour, the greatest he could
prompted him to afford new He soon
after proceeded to England, and interview with
the English king, assigning, as the his journey, that
although he had often demanded back the property taken
away during his absence, he had never obtained it. These
reasons appearing trifling and unlikely to his sovereign, fixed
more deeply in his mind, the suspicions he had alº
begun to entertain, and when he did not conceal his rese
ment or his conviction, that something more important lurk
under that conference, Douglas again as a suppliant had
recourse to the often tried clemency of James, and the ºn
and many of the nobles interceding, he was ºr
emn oath, that for the future he would not do
which the king might be justly offended, once no
only his high office was taken away, and the ear
and Crichton, whose loyalty had remained tº
º
were intrusted with the government.
xxxv. For this affront, as he thought Douglas conceived
the highest indignation against all the cºers, but especial-
ly against Crichton, by whose counsel he supposed all his de-
signs were impeded; he therefore resolved, if possible, to re-
move him by stratagem, but iſ hat should not succeed, to get
rid of him by any means. To effect this, in such a manner as
to incur the least opprobrium he suborned some of his friends
to assert that they heard Crichton affirm:-That Scotland
never would be quiet as long as the family of Douglas existed;
that the safety of the king and the kingdom, the concord of
the estates, and the public peace depended upon the destruc-
tion of the earl; but if this chief, so restless by nature, sup-
ported by so many and such powerful connexions, whom no
favours could conciliate, nor honours satisfy, were put to
death, the public tranquillity would be secured. When the
story was circulated, it.was generally believed, because it ap-
lºam Sinclair, earl of Orkney and Caithness, chancellor of Scotland,
- ºan of princely munificence, respectable for his talents, and pat-
romage of in lºss, Sir Gilbert Hay, translated Bonet's then popular
de Batailles, at his request, Pinkerton, vol. i. p. 214.













Lººp.
peared so likely. great deal of hatred against
Crichton Dº learned by his spies at what
ºne his rival ºl uburgh, placed an ambush for
him by the and as secretly as he could,
who, as soon ºroached. sprung up, and attack-
ed him with nº of his attenda ºne were fore.
is a so sudden an assault, were stupified and
º themselves; but William, who possessed
intrepidº when he recovered from his surprise, killed
first that attacked him, knocked down another, and cut
through the midst of his enemies, after receiving sev-
ounds. Having remained in Crichton castle, whither
several days to be cured, he collected his tenants
ºlº and marched to Edinburgh with so much celer-
rived before any report of his march had reach-
whom he very nearly surprised. Douglas,
this unexpected danger, was distracted be-
and vexation; and perceiving that the adverse
both in strength and popularity, he, in order
of his own, entered into a league
and Ross, the most celebrated and
gdom, next to the Douglases; the
sºlves by oath, to aid and assist every
member of the confederacy against their enemies, with their
entire vassals and retainers; and trusting to this conspiracy,
the confederates bid defiance not only to the power of the op-
posite party, but even to that of the king.
xxxvi. While the king was exasperated at this combination,
fresh causes of offence were added, which hastened theim-
pending ruin of Douglas. Sir John Herres of Galloway, who
detested the crimes of the faction, had confined himself almost
entirely to his own castle, but being harassed by the robberies
of the Annandale thieves sent against him, and having often
complained to Douglas in vain, determined to be revenged by
force. For this purpose, he collected a band of his friends.
and entered Annandale, where he was taken ... "
his followers, by the banditti, and brought to Doug
notwithstanding the king sent many letters entreating his
hanged him as a thief. This atrocious act gave many
























152 Histoº
most infamous
now remained
thin a few days,
one ºrocious.
surmises—that Douglas on
practices, aimed at the throne
to satiate his vast cupidity;
was strengthened by another a -
The family of the Maclellans was ºn alloway
both for descent and power. The cººl ºf this family
having slain one of the adherents of Doºl by whom he
had been often affronted, was seized, along ºn his brother.
and thrown by Douglas into prison. The king, on being
made acquainted with the circumstance, and strongly impor-
tuned by the friends of the captive, to prevent a nobleman.
and a man of otherwise excellent character, from being drag-
ged, not to a trial, but to certain death—his inveterate º
sitting as judge—whose present offence was not so ºn
crime, as his having uniformly adhered to the loyal nº
spatched Sir Patrick Gray, the uncle of Maclellan, and
wise a relation of Douglas, to command him to a
oner to court, there to be tried according to law.
received Sir Patrick with great courtesy, but
time, ordered Maclellan to be put to death and then request
Gray to excuse this action to the king it had been done
without his knowledge, and contrary to his inclination. But
he perceiving how evidently he had been ºcked, told Doug-
las, in a rage, that he renounced, from that day, his relation-
ship, friendship, and every other tie by which they were unit-
ed, and for the future, would be his implacable enemy. On
the return of Gray to court, the action appeared detestable,
and the conduct of Douglas was severely censured. He had
at length, it was said, passed the bounds of a subject, which
he had so often attempted, and exercised openly the preroga-
tive of the king. Thither his confederacy with the earls of
Crawford, Ross, Moray, and Ormond, indisputably tended.
The secret conference with the king of England, the murder
of the loyal, the encouraged licentiousness of the base, all in-
dicated the same. Already innocence was despised as cow-
ºrdice, and loyalty punished as perjury. The insolence of
these traitors had increased, it was added, through the lenity
ºf the prince, and it was now necessary that he should assume
the reins himself, and let it appear who were his enemies,
























did not dare to do so openly,
persons, he ought to punish
ºld dº neither, nothing re-
provide for their own safety.
presentations accorded both with
the condº º ºs party, and the king's previous
suspicions, ºnes, either from an innate principle of
mercy, or a design, invited the earl to court.
The earl on tº her hand, conscious to himself of so many
misdeeds, recollecting too, how often he had been pardoned,
and besides, not ignorant of the aversion the king bore to the
e league with Crawford, although he had considerable con-
lence in his majesty's clemency, yet being more inclined to
rºd to come, where he had so many powerful enemies,
on had lately lain in wait for his life." To dissi-
ºnensions, a number of noblemen, along with the
an obligation, signed and sealed, promising,
it although the king himself should meditate
e, they would dismiss him in safety.
- ced the king's mercy so often, and
having, besides, public faith of so many noblemen pledged
for his security, cº Stirling, attended by a great train.
At the pressing mºtion of the king, he entered the castle.
After supper, which passed with great mirth, James took him
aside to a bedchamber, with a few attendants, not even ad-
mitting those with whom he was accustomed to advise, and
there gravely addressed him, reminding him of the bravery
and fidelity of his ancestors, and the kindness of his own to-
wards all the family, and particularly his individual indulgence
to himself; adding, that he had easily pardoned the crimes
committed by him, either on account of his inexperienced age,
or the evil counsels of others, always hoping that his kindness
and clemency, or his own more mature age, would produce a
reformation; neither did he yet despair, nor would he ever
refuse to pardon, when he perceived regret for misconduct
but this last league with Crawford and Ross, continued he
as it is not honourable to you, and is ignominious to me -
though I am seriously displeased at it, yet I put in your powe
to break it, and although I could demand of right rather
WOL. II. L.
and º were
ºn
Douglas, having

























154. Histoº
wish to persuade you, when you to remove
thus every suspicion of treas plied to every
thing else with sufficient subm
to mention the league with Cº. he appeared
rather perplexed, and would not as to what
he would do, but said he would coºl º his allies, as he
could perceive no reason why the king should be so urgent,
for the league contained nothing which º tº cºnd him.
The king, whether he had determined on the action, or
whether, as the courtiers wished it to appear, offended at the
contumacy of the answer, replied—if thou wilt not break it.
I will, and instantly struck his dagger into the earl's breast.
At the noise, those who stood without rushed in, and finished
the murder. Some writers mention, that Sir Patrick Gray-
mentioned before—struck him the mortal blow on he
with a battle-axe, after the king, and that then the
courtiers, to shew their loyalty, each inflicted a wound he
body. He was killed in the month of February, lºº, ac-
cording to the Roman computation.
xxxviii. There were, at that tim Stirling, |
four brothers, who had accompanied hiº tº a great num-
ber of the nobility; who, as soon as they heard of the catas-
trophe, ran in trepidation, as usually happens in cases of sud-
den alarm, to their arms, with much confusion and great -
noise; but the tumult being in some measure appeased by the
chiefs, each was desired to repair to his own lodging. Next
day, a meeting of that party being called, James was saluted
earl in room of his deceased brother, and he, after inveighing
against the perfidy of the king and courtiers, advised that they
should besiege the castle with what troops they had, and col-
lect re-enforcements from every quarter, to drag from their
lurking places, men brave only for perfidy, while they still
trembled with a consciousness of their crimes. All present
applauded the piety and courage of James, but opposed the
idea of a siege, as they were wholly unprovided for such an
undertaking. They, therefore, returned home, and having
consulted with their particular friends, returned on the 27th |
March; and having pasted on a board, the promise of public
faith given by the king and his nobles to Douglas, they tied it











Laº. 155
tº a horse tail -
he most cont. ons against the king and his
council. Whº the market-place, five hun-
ºned horns sº they proclaimed, by the com-
mon crier, the lose who were with him—Truce
preakers, per enemies to all good men They
spoiled, also the unoffending town, and after they departed,
sent back Jºº lamilton and burned it, and, for some days,
continued to gº their anger, by destroying the estates of
all in that neighbourhood who remained loyal to the king.
They then besieged Dalkeith castle, binding themselves by an
ºn that they would not depart from it until they took it;
For they were highly incensed against John, lord of the place,
necause he and the earl of Angus had separated themselves
enterprises of the rest of the Douglases. The siege,
- lasted longer than was expected, for Patrick Cock-
º commander of the garrison, made a most vigorous
reº to all their attacks; and after much fatigue and ex-
ention. great being wounded, they were forced to
raise it.
xxxix. The king, having in the mean time collected an
army to aid his dºessed friends, finding himself unequal to
cope with the forces of the Douglases, determined to wait the
arrival of Alexander Gordon, who was said to be advancing
with powerful assistance, raised in the farthest parts of the
north; but in marching through Angus, the earl of Crawford
met him with a strong body of men at Brechin. An engage-
ment having commenced fiercely, the centre of the royal army
began to give way, and could scarcely withstand the shock of
the men of Angus, when John Coless, who hated the earl of
Crawford, deserted with the left wing, which he commanded,
and thus exposed the middle of their line; on which, those
who were almost conquerors fled, panic struck, and Gordon,
contrary to his expectation, obtained a sanguinary victory,
his two brothers, with a great number of gentlemen, and
many of his vassals being slain. Of the Angusians, there fell
several distinguished men, and among them John Lindsay.
brother of the earl. The earl himself, on his defeat, turned
his vengeance from his enemies, towards those who had de-






156 HISTOR
serted him, whose castles
estates with fire and sword
greater facility, Gordon bºnº
north to defend his own as ºf the earl of
Moray was ravaging and exerciº cºes of cruelty
in Strathbogie, where, with his vi ºn he not only
revenged his loss upon the enemy, but drove him also from
the county of Moray. These actions took place in the spring.
KL. In the mean time, the king, by the advice of James
Kennedy, called an assembly of the estates at Edinburgh, to
which he summoned, by herald, the earl of Douglas, and all
who followed him. Instead of attending, the earl, next night,
affixed a label to the church doors, declaring–That he would
neither trust his safety to the king in future, nor obey him,
who, having enticed his relations to Edinburgh, his
brother to Stirling, by the pledge of public faith, had º
fidiously murdered them without a trial. In this as
the four brothers of the earl who was slain, James, cºald,
George, and John, and Beatrix, the late earl's wife, were de-
clared public enemies. Many were advanced to the rank of
noblemen, and several had rewards assigned them out of the
estates of the rebels. An army also was levied for pursuing
the enemy, who, after having spoiled their estates, driven
away their cattle, and burned their corn in their granaries, was
then dismissed, because the soldiers could not keep the field
during the winter, and a new expedition ordered for the
spring. About the same time, James Douglas, to prevent the
large possessions, which the family had acquired by their
wealthy matrimonial alliances, being alienated, married Bea-
trix, his brother's widow, and negotiated with the pope, to
confirm the marriage; but the king interposing by letters,
rendered the application abortive.”
wasted the
to do with the
ºnly to return
* There is here a gap in the history, filled up with a vague account of the
struggle, which is supposed to have continued from the death of earl William,
at Stirling, till the final ruin of the house of Douglas; but documents, with
which Buchanan was unacquainted, prove that James, who succeeded to the
title, was reconciled to the king, and was afterward sent by him on an em-
bassy to England, to prolong the truce, which he accomplished. While at
London, he procured passports for Rome, with the intention, as is believed,







ºn. 157
tº following, the contest
ºted with the keenest acri-
demolishing the castles of
any decisive battle. The
on Annandale, the Forest, *
ions of the Doºses. In con-
ºnce tº dº station, a nine, and in consequence of
the ſº ºus is ºr ensuing the wisest of
Dougl ºn ºn entreat him, to throw himself upon
of his which his predecessors had so fre-
ºperienced, especially as the king was of a placable
disº on by nature, and easily entreated by his friends, and
not run by his pertinacity, a noble family, neither betray
the lives of so many brave men who followed his fortune, nor
ºn to the necessity-after being broken by misfor-
procuring for themselves what terms they could.
Whil his situation was prosperous, a pacification would be
easy, but iſ he were ance deserted by his friends, there would
remain no hope of n. But that young nobleman haugh-
tily replied-Thº would never place himself in their
power, who were ºr restrained by shame, nor by any law
human or divine, whº having by flattering promises entrapped
his cousins and his brother, perfidiously and barbarously mur-
dered them; and he would rather suffer every extremity, than
trust their faith. This reply was variously relished; the more
daring, and those who were enriched by public calamity,
of obtaining a dispensation from the pope for his marriage with Margaret, the
fair maid of Galloway, his brother's widow. He did not, however proceed
to Rome, nor does it appear from the records, that he ever married the lady,
or that she returned to Scotland till after his final overthrow. King James'
opposition to this marriage, and the connexions which the earl formed with
the York faction during his residence in England, are the supposed causes
which induced Douglas again to rebel; and the parliament which is here
mentioned, as if called shortly after the murder of earl William, is a parliar
ment which was summoned after the new rebellion, two years after the first.
The submission of Crawford, should in proper chronological order, have
preceded the meeting of this parliament, and the suppression of Ormond in
the north, have followed.
*The country lying between Lothian and Teviotdale, formerly a royal
forest.





























praised the greatness of ed; the
prudent, recommended tº lºngs to
extremity, lest dº experience,
when too late, the usual - conduct that
he had lost an opportunity tº
which would never return
ºn. The earl of Crawford, no become of the wº
reflecting on the unjust cause which he supported and the
uncertainty of fortune, and ºre that he would easily procure
pardon from his prince, if he made a speedy subº on.
which it would be difficult to obtain if he remained
being deserted too by a part of his friends, and suspicious of
the rest, he went, clothed in a habit calculated to excite com-
passion with his head and feet bare, and threw himself as a sup-
pliant, in the way of the king, who was passing through Angus.
Having ingenuously confessed the offences of his former life.
he surrendered unconditionally to his majesty, confessing that
he merited the severest punishment, and whatever he might
enjoy hereafter, he would owe entirely to the clemency of the
king. By such speeches, accompanied by many tears, he
greatly affected all who were present, in particular, the nobil-
ity of Angus, who, though they were attached to the royal
party, yet were unwilling that so ancient and illustrious a
family should be extinct. On this occasion, James Kennedy
performed the part both of a good bishop, and a patriotic
subject. He not only forgave the earl the many and severe
injuries he had suffered, but likewise strongly recommended
his plea to the king, because he foresaw, what afterward came
to pass, that by such an accession of strength to the royal
party, that of their enemies would be daily weakened, and
many would follow the example of this nobleman. The king
himself also, thinking that his haughty spirit was humbled,
and that he sincerely regretted bis past conduct, was not diffi-
cult to be reconciled, and having restored him to his ancient
estate and honours, advised him in future to adhere to his
duty. Crawford, affected by the kindness and humanity of
the king, endeavoured ever after, by every service in his
power, to evince that he deserved it. He attended him
with all his forces, to the most distant parts of the kingdom,



- Nº. 159
ºr the time, entertained
their return. He en-
he could raise, on
- ºil war, and so
aside his pris-
boºing bility on terms
his death, ºh happened
both by king and the
he ºn º weakening the strength of
lºses lººding then heir only remaining hope
re non ºng assistance from England. Hamilton
was therefore sent to London, whence he returned with an
answer from the king :-That he would undertake a war
agains the king of Scotland, upon no other condition than that
Dº and all his followers should submit to him, and own
themselves subjects of England. Hope being cut off on this
side, and on the other, his own sovereign pressing him by edicts,
proscriptions, and arms, and all the other miseries which accom.
pany rebellious insurrections, Hamilton advised the earl, not
to suffer the king by detaching individuals, to weaken, and at
last to overturn the whole, but rather try the fate of a battle,
and either conquer nobly, or die bravely—a resolution worthy
of the name of Douglas, and the only way at once to put an
end to their troubles. Roused by this speech, the earl hav-
ing collected as great an army of his vassals and friends as he
could, marched to raise the siege of Abercorn castle, for the
king, after having thrown down many of the castles of
Douglas, had laid siege to Abercorn, by far the most strongly
fortified of the whole, situate about midway between Edin-
burgh and Stirling. When Douglas had come within sight
of the enemy, his friends advised him either to procure per-
petual renown by a splendid victory, or free himself from
wretchedness and contempt by an honourable death. But,
when all was prepared for the decisive alternative, he damped
the spirits of his followers by his irresolution, for he led back
his army to the camp, and determined to protract the war.
By this action he disgusted his officers, and Hamilton, asham-
ed of his cowardice, and despairing of success, revolted that











160
very night to the king.
him, but not reposing
a character, sent
sion of his frien he reli
him into favour ºne ºeſ nº
followed, being ºn to
Douglas party (ollowed the
each any favourable opport tº
At last, after much bloods on
stormed, and the gºrison being pº to ºrd,
half demolished, as a monument of the cºory.
almost totally deserted, fled to England with a very few of his
relations, thence, not long after, he made an inroad into Ann-
andale, which was garrisoned by the king's troops, but being
defeated, he escaped, with his brother John, by flight. º
bald, earl of Moray, was killed, and George, earl of Ormond,
severely wounded, fell into the hands of his enemies. After
he was cured, he was sent to the king and suffered death.
xLiv. An assembly of the estates was held in Edinburgh,
on the 9th June, A. D. 1455, in which nº ºn, James, and
Beatrº Douglas, were again proscribed. In this act, Beatrix
is styled their mother,” which does not appear to me very
probable, unless they were made her sons by adoption. Earl
James having lost his brothers, and being deserted by his
friends, and distrusting the English, that he might leave
nothing untried, went to Donald, lord of the Æbudae and
earl of Ross, at Dunstaffnage, and easily excited to war, a
man naturally inclined to mischief. He first burst forth bar-
barously upon the adjoining districts belonging to the king,
* There were two countesses of Douglas, sometimes confused under the
name Beatrix. Beatrix Sinclair, sister to the earl of Orkney, who married
earl James, the Gross, and was the mother of William, assassinated at Stir-
ling, James, who succeeded him, Archibald, earl of Moray, Hugh, earl of
Ormond, &c.; and the fair maiden of Galloway, only sister of earl William
and his brother, who were murdered in Edinburgh castle, who was married to
her cousin william, and afterward to the king's uterine brother, the earl of
Athol. It was the first who was forfeited, and correctly designated in the
act, the mother. The other, who is here supposed to be also a Beatrix, was
named Margaret.












. 16.1
ring notº which fire
he nº visited
len with plunder.
he crossed to
ºed and burn-
ere not quiet,
ºportunity for
ºn as attempt-
- considerable
it loss.
iſe of ºner earl of Douglas,
lived tº ºne as wºre with his brother James,
led court, and laying the blame of all her former conduct
upon her husband, who forced her, a friendless woman, to his
accused nuptials, a slavery from which she had seized the
º ºpportunity of his absence to escape, she committed her-
self, and all that belonged to her, entirely to her sovereign,
to whose decision she would willingly submit. The king on
this, received her under his protection, bestowed upon her the
lands of Balveny, and married her to the duke of Athol, his
uterine brother he wife of Donald of the Isles followed
her example. She was the daughter of James Livingston,
and had been married to Donald, by her grandfather, the
regent, through the persuasion of the king, that she might
soften the savage disposition of the barbarian, and retain him
in his interest; but since then, her relations being restored to
the royal favour, and her husband joining the Douglas fac-
tion, her situation became wretched from his hatred, and
she now implored the protection of the sovereign against his
harshness and cruelty. She was under no necessity of excul-
pating herself to the king, who had been the author himself
of her marriage. He, therefore, received her kindly and
courteously, and bestowed upon her extensive estates, and an
ample revenue, to support her honourably for life. About
the same time, Patrick Thornton a secret partisan of the
Douglases, but who had long followed the court, finding
a convenient opportunity at Dunbarton, killed John Sande-
lands, of Calder, a young man of twenty years of age, and
Allan Stuart, both noblemen remarkable for their loyalty;
WOL. II. X
















162
but being
Wºls put º
of man illustribu
statesman, althou
account of his
stant and unsº
was much and
ºr Next ity
of former inroad under -
of Northumberland,
March. On purpose even on
Douglas, earl of Angus, having cºll d of
men, made an attack upon the plunderers, and drove back
in disorder upon their own frontiers, the party he accident-
ally encountered. Enraged at this indignity, the English,
without recalling the rest of their scattered troops, marched
forward with their whole army to battle. Nor were the Scots
tardy in meeting them. While the conflict hung in suspense,
and was contested on both sides with spirit than num-
bers, the parties of the English who were scattered over the
country, learning from the sound and confusion, that the
enemy was near, and fearing lest they should lose the immense
booty they had collected, marched straight home. Their
departure afforded an easier, but not a bloodless victory to
the Scots, the numbers slain on both sides being nearly
equal, but many of the English were taken prisoners in the
fight. The intelligence of this victory somewhat cheered the
spirit of the king, depressed by civil and foreign warfare,
and disposed Donald the Islander, when he saw the adverse
fortune of his allies, to send messengers to beg for peace. In
a submissive speech, they dwelt upon the royal clemency to
Crawford, and others who were engaged in the same cause;
attributed their own treason to the fatal madness of the times,
and promised on the part of Donald the greatest loyalty and
obedience for the future. The king, who appeared affected
by their entreaties, returned a doubtful answer, neither wholly
forgiving Donald, nor yet excluding all hope of pardon:-His
many crimes, he said, were evident, but he had as yet, given
no proof of any alteration in his disposition. If he, therefore,















































25
rly
sº |-
knew that
it was neces-
nº lºosened
ºr encourage
ous deav-
give time to Donald
actions the truth of
would behave toward them
deeds and not their words in the mean-
in sure them of their safety, and that their happi-
nº sery depended entirely upon themselves.
The intestine commotions being thus either healed
or hushed, the king turned his whole attention towards Eng-
land. While he was deliberating about carrying on the war,
and avenging the tºuces so often violated, ambassadors arriv-
ed from the . begging his assistance against
Henry, their king; for, despising his natural advisers, Henry
had promoted upstarts to the helm, by whose advice his wife,
a woman of a masculine spirit, administered the whole gov-
ernment. The misfortunes too, in Aquitaine and Normandy,
increased the general contempt for himself, and the hatred
to his favourites; for on the loss of so many provinces, and
on being confined within the ancient limits of the island,
his chieftains openly rebelled, complaining, that neither the
indolence of the king, nor the queen's insolence could longer
be endured. At the head of the rebels, were Richard, duke
of York, and the earls of Salisbury and Warwick. When
the English ambassadors had enlarged upon the grievances,
the strength of the confederates, and the inactive cowardice
of the king, they asked assistance against him as a common
enemy, timid in war, and base in peace, who had fomented
the domestic discords of the Scots, and assisted their exiles;
and they promised, upon a victory being achieved, to restore
all the castles and countries taken in former contests from the
Scots. The king, with the advice of his council, replied, that he































th-
º re
C
taken ºn
deterºined tº
of and nº
would give him assis
XLVIII. An agreen
ambassadors returned hº -
ied an army, o enter Engla when a lºng-
lish cheat, sent by Henry, met him. This fellow had been
long at Rome, and had learned the Italian manne and lan-
guage. His dress and attendants were foreign, and having
fictitious letters, as from the pope, he easily personated the
character of a Roman legate; besides, to prevent suspicion,
he had a monk as his coadjutor, whose hypocritical sanctity
might easily procure credit to his assumptions. On being
brought to the king, the impostors forbade him, in the name
of the pope, to proceed, threatening him with excommuni-
cation in case of disobedience; because his holiness, in order
to carry on, with greater advantage, war against the com-
mon enemy of Christians, had bent his whole soul to com-
pose the differences of all Europe, and they had been sent
before to announce this; but a more solemn embassy would
shortly arrive, which would put an end to the civil wars of
England, and procure satisfaction to the Scots for the injuries
they had received, and they believed the legation was already
in France. The king, who did not suspect any fraud in this
-
* James, is, by Buchanan, said to have promised assistance to the house of
York. This is inaccurately stated, as, from the English historians, it appears,
that both James and France were in the interest of Lancaster. Drummond,
with greater probability, asserts, that both parties solicited the assistance of
James, who temporized with both, and seized the opportunity of the commo-
tions in England, to attempt recovering the fortresses of Roxburgh and Ber-
wick, which had been ungenerously torn from Scotland during a state of sim-
ilar distraction. .








-
ly
a his associates,
º
nº lº º, but for the pre-
sent that he would raise he siege of the castle, and
abstain ºn all acts of hostility towards the English, lest he
should excite hatred in the people to their party, which it
was even now difficult to allay without marching an army
against the Scots. James, after congratulating them upon
their victory, asked the ambassadors, whether the duke of
York and his associates had given any instructions about ful-
filling their promises? When they replied, they had received
no orders, I, said he, before your embassy came to me, had
determined to demolish that castle, built upon my territories;
nor since then, have I received any favour from that faction,
which should induce me to desist from the enterprise I have
begun, and nearly finished; and as to the threats, either of
themselves or the people, that is their business. Do you tell
them—Not words but arms shall remove me hence 1
xLIx. The ambassadors being thus dismissed without ac-
complishing their object, while the king closely urged the
siege, Donald, the Islander, came to the camp with a great
body of his people; for, in order the more easily to obtain
complete pardon of his former life, and ingratiate himself into
the king's favour, he had promised, whenever he wished to
march against an enemy, he would advance a mile before the
rest of the army, and wherever there was the greatest dan-
ger, there would he be first. He was, however, ordered to
remain near the king, and some of his troops were sent out to








me -
James, to strike
of the wall to be
stood near tº ºr .
- - - -
from which a tº Pº - - k
him dead, the rest ºing unhº no stood
near, were deeply affected with the unexpected but
fearing, if a report of the king's death were made public, the
common soldiers would be discouraged, covered the body,
and the queen, who had arrived that day in the camp, so far
from being overcome by womanish grief assembled the nobles,
and exhorted them to be of good courage, and not to allow
the death of one man to discourage them, or make them give
up an undertaking now almost accomplished. She told them,
in a short time, she would bring them a king in room of the
deceased, but, in the mean time, they must zealously press
their operations against the enemy, lest, upon hearing of
their commander's death, they should become more resolute,
and think that by the loss of one, the courage of so many
brave soldiers was destroyed, or their ardour had departed,
when the spirit of the king fled. The nobles, ashamed to be
outdone in courage by a woman, pushed the siege with so
much vigour, that the absence of the king was not perceived
by either party. In the mean time, James, the king's son,
a boy about seven years of age, was brought into the camp,
and saluted king; nor did many days intervene, when the
English, who were in the garrison, overcome by labour and
watching, surrendered the castle to the new king, on condi-
tion, they should depart safe with all their effects. The
castle, that it might be the occasion of no new war, was lev-
elled with the ground.











James, the younges ºvivor of others -
seven years of age was proclaimed king in the town of Kelso,
and after the nobles had sworn allegiance, as customary, he
returned on the eighth day of his reign to Edinburgh castle,
to remain under the care of his mother, till a meeting of the
estates could be held, in which the government might be set-
tled. This assembly was somewhat slow in being called, be-
cause tranquil at home, and England continuing still disturb-
ed, the nobles thought nothing should divert their attention
from the war, both that they might avenge old injuries, and
check, by some signal chastisement, an enemy who was al-
ways ready to take advantage of the misfortunes of others.
They, therefore, marched into the hostile territory, which
they plundered without resistance, and levelled a number of
castles, whence they were wont to be annoyed by sudden in-
cursions, especially Wark, on the banks of the Tweed, cb-
noxious from its propinquity to the county of March. The
army, after having ravaged all around, as widely as the ad-
vanced season would permit, in the beginning of winter, re-
turned home.
II. In this year, Henry, king of England, was taken pris-
oner by the duke of York, and carried to London, where a
treaty was concluded between them, by which Henry—who
durst refuse nothing—was to retain, during his life, the name
and insignia of royalty, but the government was to remain



queen prºsecuting her ºney to relieve her captive husband,
the earl of Warwick set out to meet her, carrying the king
with him, as if he intended to defend, under his auspices, the
treaty lately concluded respecting the succession; they en-
countered each other at St. Albans—supposed the ancient
Verulam—where the queen, who was again victorious—the
hostile leaders being killed—recovered possession of her hus-
band, and proceeded on her march for London. Learning,
however, that the earl of Pembroke, sent by her to obtain re-
enforcements, and the son of the duke of York, despatched
by his father on a similar errand, had had an engagement, in
which Edward, the son of her enemy, was the conqueror, and
knowing the hatred which the inhabitants of the capital bore
her, she turned towards Northumberland, the nursery of her
strength; but being overcome there in a very sanguinary bat-
tle, in which upwards of thirty thousand men on both sides
are said to have fallen, the enemy pursued her with such
vigour, allowing her no time to collect her scattered forces,
that she fled to Scotland with her husband and son, and the
victor proclaimed himself king of England, by the name of
Edward IV.
III. Henry having requested an asylum in his distress, he
was, chiefly through the influence of James Kennedy, arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, who then surpassed all others in Scot-
WOL. II. Y


p
1. -
now be
queens
for a tre
son, titular p
were yet quite - Philip,
duke of Burgundy, uncle of the Scoº ºneen, a deadly ene-
my to the queen of England, endeavoured anxiously to pre-
vent, and sent Grathusius, a nobleman, his ambassador for
that purpose; for Philip was so incensed against Renatus, the
maternal grandfather of the young prince, that, upon every
occasion, he endeavoured to prevent the aggrandizement of
his progeny, and out of compliment to him, the arrangement
was at that time delayed, rather than broken off.
Iv. But the fortune of Henry, prevented the event Bur-
gundy feared. Encouraged by the alliance of the Scots, and
by advices from his English adherents, he sent his wife to the
continent, to Renatus her father, to bring what assistance she
could procure from her transmarine allies. She succeeded so
far in France, as to obtain a place of refuge there for her par-
tisans, from which her enemies were excluded, besides, two
thousand men, commanded by Warren, as Monstrelet says,
but according to the English writers and our own, whom I
prefer, five hundred, under Peter Brice,t or Bryce, a Briton,
rather as attendants on her journey, than as military auxilia-
ries. On her return to Scotland with this small company,
* In several editions, by mistake, printed Edward I. evidently a typographi-
cal error. -
+ Breze, high steward of Normandy; his force was five hundred men at
arms, who, with their attendants, made a body of nearly two thousand men.


carrying ſº At the report of the
new army, several of the nobles, the duke of Somerset, Sir
Ralph Percy, besides many of Henry's former adherents,
who had followed Edward for a time through fear, rejoined
the queen; but a far greater number, from the neighbouring
counties of England, accustomed to live by robbery, were at-
tracted to her standard by the hopes of plunder. Edward, in
this emergency, prepared a powerful expedition both by sea
and land; and having ordered lord Montague, with a great
part of the nobility, to advance against the enemy, he imme-
diately followed with the rest of the army. Both parties
encamped not far from Hexham, when the crowd, who had
been attracted by the hopes of plunder, beginning to fall
away, Henry, as is the wisest plan in desperate cases, deter-
mined to fight; a severe battle was the consequence, in which
being vanquished, and the principal leaders among his friends
either killed or taken prisoners, he fled hastily to Berwick.
Of those who were taken, some were put to death immediate-
ly, and the rest a few days after. -
v. Edward having obtained this victory by his generals,
came in person to Durham, both to restrain the incursions of
the Scots, by the terror of an army in the vicinity, and also
repress, by his presence, any domestic insurrection that might
arise. While he remained there, he despatched part of his


t
e-
qui
und
among
which
to the cº
rison, upon
off the whole |-
with amazement, either stupified iraculous daring of
the attempt, or supposing that Dou ad some subsidiaries
lurking in the neighbourhood, or wishing rather to obtain the
castle without fighting, than run the risk of engaging that
small but chosen band. Edward having placed guards at
convenient stations, to prevent the parties of rebels from tra-
versing the country, returned to London, as if he had tran-
quillized the whole kingdom. In the meantime, the exile
Henry, either induced by the hopes his friends had raised, or
weary of his tedious exile, resolved to return secretly to his
adherents in England; but the same hard fortune following
him to the last, he was recognized, taken, brought to Lon-
don, and committed to the tower. Margaret, his wife, dis-
heartened at the present aspect of affairs, left Scotland, with
her son and a few followers, and set sail for France, to visit
her father Renatus.
-vi. To return to the affairs of Scotland. The time being
now arrived for holding the parliament, which was summoned
at Edinburgh, a great number attended, but they split into
two factions. A few of the nobility followed the queen, while
the greater number adhered to James Kennedy, and George
Douglas, earl of Angus, the leaders of the opposite party.
The queen lodged in the castle; the bishop and the earl in
the abbey of Holyroodhouse, at the eastern extremity of the
nº on
º














other ha ºne - Ol
ment, and that he would make perfectly evident, whenever an
opportunity was afforded where he might do it with freedom.
When he finished, and was departed, before he had gone far,
he heard that the other faction had come down from the castle
armed. Douglas, thinking it insufferable, that brave men
should yield to the threats of a few, and be considered as
fugitives, could scarcely be restrained by Kennedy, from re-
turning through the next city port, and, unarmed as he was,
attacking the soldiers; and had not the three bishops of
Galloway, Glasgow, and Dunblane, attracted by the tumult,
interfered, his indignation would scarcely have been satisfied
without coming to an engagement. But by the mediation of
the bishops, the affair was quieted, and a truce agreed upon
for a month.*
* Pinkerton pronounces the whole transactions narrated in this and the
eleven following chapters, a fable, but he has produced neither proof nor
counterstatement to support his assertion. His gratuitous assumption, that
the passage was written by Buchanan, to support the interests of the regent
Moray, involves a charge too serious to be received upon the mere supposi-
tion of Mr. P. Buchanan had powerfully and successfully supported Moray's
cause in a separate publication, bearing expressly upon the subject, and he was
not under the necessity of obliquely vindicating his own opinions, by present-
ing them parabolically as the sentiments of another. His own name carried
weight sufficient to command the attention of the whole learned world, and his






them to the field? who would give accept terms of peace
or war? these were questions freely asked by the common
people in all their meetings.
viri. At the end of the month, when the truce expired, and
the public mind was a little calmer, another convention was
assembled, at which the queen alleged, in her own justifica-
tion:-That she had not, in the former year, seized upon the
administration by force, or usurped the station she filled, in
courage elevated him above the dread of the political; and besides, it could
have answered no rational purpose, to have embodied such sentiments in a
fictitious debate, when he had so fair an opportunity afterward of introducing
them in real, veritable, and undisputed circumstances, during the troublous
times of which he is the cotemporary historian. Whether he actually com-
posed a speech for bishop Kemedy, on an occasion when a speech might
have been uttered, or whether he would have been justifiable in using a
liberty, sanctioned by the example of classical antiquity, and imitated by the
moderns of his age, are questions of lesser moment; but that he imagined an
occasion, contrived circumstances, and introduced them as veritable history,
for the sole purpose of advocating the cause of the party he had espoused, is
a supposition so opposed to that stern unbending integrity, which the univer-
sal suffrage of the wisest and the best of his cotemporaries allowed Buchanan
to possess, that something more than mere assertion is necessary to make
it credible. By Buchaman's account, the arrangement of the regency was
amicably settled, so that Mr. Pinkerton's collateral argument, drawn from the
queen mother and Kennedy being upon friendly terms a year after, falls to
the ground. Hist, of Scot, vol. i. p. 251, note.




bias the
and friends,
- ºuency, or pro-
ºn, and lºs were sometimes forced to accom-
modate their actions to the wishes of their connexions. But
her only shield of defence would be her innocence, her only
reliance her son, with whose advantage her own was so inti-
mately connected, and were it not for these considerations,
she would much more willingly retire to a private station with
the general goodwill, than by punishing their crimes, be ex-
posed to the hatred of the wicked, and sometimes even to
the displeasure of the good. Nor was there any novelty in a
woman's obtaining a regency, when not only in Britain, but
in the greatest continental states, women exercised the su-
preme authority, and reigned in such a manner, that their
subjects never repented of their sway.
Ix. After the queen had spoken, many assented to her
opinion; partly those who expected some future favours from
her government, or who hoped to turn the opposition of
others to their own advantage. Norwere there wanting some,
who, basely fearing that in an election from the whole, they
would be entirely overlooked, would rather have preferred the
queen as their ruler, than any of the same, or even superior
rank with themselves. The uncorrupted portion of the nobles,
however, openly showed their disapprobation of the queen's
speech, but what made the deepest impression upon the as-
sembly, was the authority and opinion of James Kennedy,



such
|
II - - - -
deliverin.
Call Se
the libel 1.
lingly to often ºn ear
to displease, O which
can bear upon the present quest. reeve there are two
opinions which prevent our concord. The one is held by
those who think that what belongs to the advantage of all,
ought to be left to the choice of all, and as all are met to give
their suffrages respecting an office which embraces the safety
of the whole kingdom, it is unjust to exclude any one from
the hope of attaining that station, who attempts it by fair and
honourable means. The other is supported by those who
think injustice would be done to the queen, an illustrious
princess, and most accomplished lady, unless she should be
preferred before every other, to watch over the safety of her
son, and exercise the administration of the kingdom. The
sentiments of the first, which I decidedly prefer, I shall notice
last. The opinion of the others I approve so far. They
think it derogatory to the dignity of the queen, that any one
should come in competition with her for this honour, lest her
rank, which ought to be esteemed, as it is in fact, most sacred,
might seem to be degraded by contending with inferiors, and
if this were a dispute about honour alone, and not about the
safety of the kingdom, I should willingly and entirely accede
to their sentiments; but when we are to determine a question
to-day, which involves the life and fortune of every private
individual, and the general preservation of the whole nation,
I think all private interests should yield to this grand consid-








the
eing
what
*WS,
and
ºld pºet,
as far as
pt con-
cannot
---
XI.
a law enacted
by Kennet - nºred years ago, confirmed by
the estates, and in force to this day:-" That on the king
being a minor, the estates shall assemble, and choose some
nobleman, eminent for wisdom and power, to be tutor to the
king, and manage the government during his minority.”
Although this law be referred to Kenneth, it does not appear
to me to have been first enacted by him, but rather to have
been an old Scottish custom, confirmed by a new sanction;
for so far were our ancestors from intrusting the government
of the state to women, that if you examine the names of all
our offices, you will not find a feminine title among any of
them, to which command was attached, for why should they
impose such a name on an office which women never had ex-
ercised, and it was to be hoped never would They who are
styled queens in other languages, are only called kings' wives
in ours; nor do we recognise them by any higher title; for our
wise ancestors intended, I suppose, to remind them, from their
name being joined to that of their husband, as often as they
neard themselves addressed, that they were subject to men.
Wherefore, to this day, no woman was ever admitted to the
regency, or to any public office of the government. In the
appointment and exercise of inferior magistracies, the same
explicit rule is constantly observed, for although numerous
honours, and among these, jurisdictions bestowed for eminent
WOL. II. Z.
















then, consider seriously how much
the wisdom of their ancestors, who, against so ancient a law,
as useful to the women, as honourable to the men, would
commit the government of the state to them, to whom our
ancestors never allowed even a royal name, and from whom
our neighbours took it away. Other nations have acted
differently, with what success I shall afterward show, only I
shall first answer those, who, not daring openly to oppose this
law, yet in the female coteries condemnit as unjust.
x11. But whoever he be that blames this law, blames not
that which has only received some sanction from the suffrages
of men, but blames nature herself—that is, the primary law,
engraven on our minds by God.—He blames nature, I repeat,
whom our lawgiver followed as his guide and counsellor, in
this enactment; for nature from the beginning, has not only
distinguished men from women, by their strength of mind
and body, but has attributed to each sex their respective
duties, and their appropriate virtues, the same indeed in kind,
but very different in degree. How little less indecorous
would it be in a woman to sit in judgment, to muster a levy,
to lead an army, or to give the signal for battle—than for a
man to handle the distaff, manage the loom, or perform the
other services of the weaker sex? What in man is liberality,
bravery, and rigid justice, in woman is profusion, fury, and






25
king by p.
law, what by violating one, to overturn
the whole of ºne enºments, institutions, and prece-
dents? But, lest any should mistake me, I do not mean by this,
to assert, that all laws, as if enacted for ever, ought to be im-
mutable; they differ from each other in their origin, import-
ance, and authority. Those which are adapted to the occur-
rences of the times, are liable to a change of circumstances,
and usually continue in force, only while the necessity which
imposed them remains, and those which tyrants have imposed
by violence, generally expire with them. But that natural
perception, [vis natural of right, which is as it were a living
law, which derives its strength from nature, enacted by God,
engraven and imprinted on the human heart, the consent of
no member, the decree of no estate can annul; for, as an
illustrious poet expresses it,
It was not born of yesterday, nor of to-day,
It springs along with nature, and with her grows old,
And with her dies.
x:11. Of this last description particularly, is our law of
which I speak; and they do not derogate from the dignity of
the queen, who desire that she would prescribe to herself
those bounds which nature has established, her sex demands,
custom has confirmed, and the laws of almost every nation




180
apprº
em. |
d :
Go
ens death
who assº ºte to
ºne ºn
the whole law of -
God. Would you
their -
erations of pººl -
enact, or to - º in-
portant in itsell a public
administration. Why therefore lºng their wives
to consult with us? to sit in judgment to draw up, or oppose
our statutes? Why do they not stay at home themselves, to
manage their domestic affairs, and send their ladies to the
camp? Now, observe their consistency, they wish to place over
our necks, those to whom they would scarcely dare to intrust
the management of their family affairs, and do not think equal
to the execution of the smaller parts of public business! But
if conscious of their own incapacity, they do indeed think
what they say, and are restrained by modesty rather than
choice from becoming candidates, let them not distrust others
who are both able and willing to perform their proper duty,
that is the duty of men But if, what I rather suppose, this
race of sycophants think, that they gratify the queen, I would
advise them to lay aside the false opinion they entertain of
this discerning princess, nor imagine her so ignorant, as to
consider, that what is disgraceful to other females, can be any
addition or ornament to her dignity. I proceed unwillingly
in this speech—
xiv. Wherefore, as our most illustrious princess is so de-
servedly dear to the whole kingdom, that she ought to hear
nothing that can either irritate her mind or offend her deli-
cacy, I shall pass by the contumelious reflections, frequently,
but unworthily thrown upon the sex, and rather commemorate


















chief dispute
º
is º | s, whom you
fear may be improper, ill
directed ambition, wish to lay the foundation of your future
favour with a gracious princess. I shall therefore, trusting to
your wisdom, most illustrious queen, speak what I think, and
speak freely. Those persons are attached not to you, but to
your fortune; and while they think of a queen, seem to forget
she is a woman. When I say a woman, lest any should
imagine I speak contumeliously, I mean one on whom nature
has bestowed many enchanting qualities, and most delightful
accomplishments, allayed, it is true, as all her loveliest and
most precious gifts are, by a delicate weakness, which, render-
ing her less able to protect herself, doubles her claims upon
the protection of another, and, therefore, our laws, in obe-
dience to the dictates of nature, instead of burdening the fe-
male with the fatigue of government, has intrusted her, dur-
ing life, to the successive care of fathers, brothers, and hus-
bands. Nor is this intended as a reproach, but as a relief; for
to be prevented from undertaking tasks for which they are
unfit, is a tribute paid to their modesty, not an affront de-
tracting from their honour. I shall not mention with how
much difficulty they are restrained by the attention of hus-
bands, or the authority of parents, nor to what excess they
run when freed from these bonds. I shall only notice what
the present subject absolutely demands, and what, without










males tº
I speak,
female ºn -
ness of the
their licentiousnº
ceed to greater
and scarcely
they are ºn
treatment neces
more daring, the -
greater impetuosity, and wº ºn tº come tired of
their sex, and overstepped the modesty of the woman, easily
exceed the limits even of man’s licentiousness; for the bounds
set by mature once passed, all beyond is interminable; there
remains no limit either to impudence or desire. Natural
weakness itself contributes to this, because the less confidence
a person has in himself, so much the more easily is he affront-
ed by the words or actions of others; the more vehemently
enraged, and the more difficult to be appeased, the more im-
moderately does he avenge any supposed contempt that is
shown him; and none of you can be ignorant how much all
these are against a person's exercising the magistracy. If any
of you imagine that I suppose a fictitious case, let him recol-
lect what disturbance the reign of Joan lately occasioned at
Naples. Look into ancient history—Ishall not mention Semir-
amis of Assyria, nor Laodice of Cappadocia, these were mon-
sters, and not women—see the celebrated Zenobia of Palmyra,
victorious over the Parthians, the rival of imperial Rome, at
last vanquished, and carried in triumph, and the kingdom
which had been increased and adorned by her husband Oden-
atus, overturned in a moment!
xvi. I may not, however, pass over in silence, what is of
the utmost importance in administering the affairs of another,
that is, that we do not commit the chief management to per-










183
account for
-
ºne ºn
|- pun-
ºnent cº- a an ac-
countº Sº chamber?
- decrees, or
- that you will be
own authority,
- weight of op-
- I say this be-
cºe our queen, the
most excell. it is because I
think it woul - we have it yet in our power, to
place in the hands of a strºnger, the hopes of that safety
which we ought to preserve for ourselves, especially when all
divine and human laws are upon our side, and not only the
practice of our ancestors, but the general consent of all peo-
ple. Some nations, indeed, have endured women as their
sovereigns, not, however, elected by suffrage, but elevated by
the accident of birth, for no people, who ever had the free-
dom of choice, preferred women, when they had a sufficient
number of men. Wherefore, illustrious nobles! I advise and
earnestly entreat, that according to the laws of your country,
and the institutions of your ancestors, you choose one or
more, if it seem meet to you, of the most excellent of your
nobles, who may administer the affairs of the kingdom, till
the king attain that strength of body and mind that may en-
able him to assume the government himself; and I wish and
pray God may direct your proceedings.
xvii. The sentiments expressed by Kennedy, being assent-
ed to by the greater part of the assembly, the remainder, per-
ceiving that opposition would be vain, yielded to the majority.
An arrangement, however, was made, to prevent the appear-
ance of yielding on either side—two of each faction were ap-
pointed a council of regency, having the guardianship of the
king, William Graham, and Robert Boyd, then chancellor, of


















184
the queen's
the
Pº
trusted
other child
Moray, an
XVIII. Tº
were received ſº
was agreed upon
the king's moth-
had become rail
returning from
taken by the Engli
ening to declare waſ for this viol
ºr
ºn, earl of
pronº,
ºnce was
Scots threat-
ºne ºf While
peace was procured abroad, the lan was not long free from
commotions at home. The disputes of the nobles respecting
the manner of carrying on the government, magnified by pub-
lic rumour; the king's minority; the recollection of the licen-
tiousness of the late times, all conjoined, easily loosened the
bonds of men naturally turbulent. Allan of Lorn, a seditious
nobleman, desirous of enjoying the estate of his elder brother
John, kept him in confinement, but preserved his life, in ex-
* Should be Gilbert.
+ Pinkerton, on the authority of Wyrcestre, alleges that a proposal of
marriage with Edward IV., which had been artfully made by the earl of War-
wick to Mary, and which she had encouraged, being broken off, on account
of her doubtful reputation, and a change of circumstances, probably occa-
sioned her death. Sir D. Dalrymple, in his remarks, defends her from the
charge, which Pitscottie bluntly repeats after Mair, of an adulterous con-
nexion with Adam Hepburn of Hailes. But still enough remains to justify
the allusion of Buchanan. The Hepburns, afterward earls of Bothwell, have
been fatal to the reputations of our Scottish queens—Mary of Gueldre, Mary
of Lorraine, and Mary Stuart.
it. Alexander, the king's brother, duke of Albany, was going to France
when he was taken, according to Pitscottie, which, from the boy's age, is
more likely; but as he had received a passport from Edward, to proceed to
Guelderland, it might be on his return, when the time perhaps had expired,
or some objection been started. How long he remained there is uncertain.


















185
might be in-
of Ar-
- it band
prison,
to lºng many
infamous robberies ally or vol-
untarily, tº ented -
six ºr possessed
of ºr disturbance.
ºn fear, and think-
ºn of the untry, that an oppor-
- º is interiors, and in-
creasing º ess with a few at-
tendants. - ºvernor, who sus-
pected no hºle expelled the garrison, took
possession of the for d having collected his Islanders,
proclaimed himself king of the Isles; commanding the inhabi-
tants of the neighbouring districts, by proclamation, and under
a severe penalty in case of disobedience, to pay tribute, and
do homage to him alone. At the report of these transactions,
the factious and criminal from all quarters flocked to him,
and he soon found himself at the head of a great army, with
which he entered Athol so rapidly, that the earl, the king's
uncle, together with his wife, taken unawares, were made
prisoners; for the earl, on the report of the sudden tumult,
distrusting the strength of his castle of Blair, withdrew into
the neighbouring church of St. Bride, expecting protection
from the sanctity of the place, where many of the tenantry
also, panic struck, had carried their most valuable effects.
This building was held in the greatest veneration in that
whole country, and had remained inviolate from the respect
paid to its superior sanctity; but love of plunder prevailed
over regard for religion with that avaricious barbarian, who,
bringing out the earl, his wife, and a great number of cap-
tives, after pillaging the church of all it contained, set it
on fire; and when the priests endeavoured to persuade him
to desist from the sacrilege, killed some, and sent others
away severely wounded. After having wasted all the neigh-
bouring country, as he returned home with great booty, he
WOL. II. A. A














186
- . re
footed, and in the is, with gº to the
church of St. ºn ºnly a few days before
so shamefully viola The ºld, ºld to have
gone distracted from tº ºne ºrieſ the loss of
his army with the plund ºved by a coº
his former crimes, ºne ºn brance of ºe.
The disaster of their ºf induced the other tº re-
lease the earl and cº- ºf ºl, their children, and
to propitiate St. - ºn tº valuable offerings. When
the issue of Donald's expedition court, it stop-
ped all preparations for invading the lands
xx. The first tumults being thus appeased, the affairs of
Scotland were administered with so much justice and tranquil-
lity, that the oldest man alive never recollected any time of
greater security, or more settled peace, chiefly owing to the
wisdom and prudence of James Kennedy, who then ruled the
court, and the moderation of the nobility, who quietly sub-
mitted to his superior experience; for so great was the influ-
ence that Kennedy had obtained by his numerous services to
the Scottish commonwealth, and to the former king; by his
elegance of manners, and his relationship to the present mon-
arch; and such fidelity had he displayed in every department,
that the other guardians of the royal youth, who exercised
that office two and two in rotation, readily acknowledged him
as their superintendent, as often as he came to court. Thus,
by their uninterrupted concord, the education of the king was
conducted with the greatest regularity, and the excellent dis-
position of the boy seconding their diligence, the highest ex-
pectations were universally excited. In this manner, matters
were conducted till nearly the sixth year of his reign.
xxi. Robert Boyd, then at court, was the chief of the clan,
and, besides his own great personal power, was connected
with many of the noblest families by consanguinity or alliance.
The original stock, too, was then in a flourishing condition,
-




25
ºn. 187
ºbert, there was his brother
all the showy accomplishments
º ced to the king
liºns, and pºlic ºly a the desire of
relation, no on of age unit ſo youthful
exercises, to instruct his nº in the rudiments of military
tactics, in which he ledged tº excel Trusting
to these neither content with the
honourable sº authority they pos-
sessed at but to transfer all public power
into their family, to accomplish ºch, Alexander was
employed to bias the mind of the king found him a
pliable youth, he so ºn upon politeness and flat-
tery, that he gained his entire conſidences being admitted into
the most intinue tº he would frequently hint to the
young prince —That he was now capable of reigning himself;
that it was time he should emancipate himself from the slavery
of old men; that he ought to have the military about him,
and begin, in earnest, those exercises in which, whether he
chose or not, he must spend the vigour of his age.
xxii. Such insinuations were extremely agreeable to an in-
experienced youth, at the most slippery and self-sufficient
period of life. By degrees he became contumacious to his
guardians, frequently acting without consulting them, and
sometimes in opposition to their instructions, and henceforth
sought an opportunity to escape from the restraints of these
seniors, as from a prison. Having, upon one occasion, gone
a hunting from Linlithgow, without the knowledge of Ken-
nedy, whose turn it then was to wait upon him, the old man,
on being informed of the circumstance, followed the king a
little distance from that town, and having come up with him,
took his horse by the bridle, stopped him, and endeavoured
to turn him back, because the time was not convenient, nor
was he attended by a proper retinue; on which, Alexander
running to the aged nobleman, who merited far different treat-
ment from him, wounded him on the head with a bow which
he held in his hand. Having thus driven off the tutor as a
troublesome intruder, the party proceeded to their amuse-
ment, while Kennedy returned bleeding to the town; nor









183
when Robert canºe to court.
conduct. Thence sprung tº
casion | ºblº disaste doº.
the of one of the ſºons. The disco
ly discovered itself when the lººds wished to remº the king
to Edinburgh, and the Kº to carry him to Stirling.
The Boyds, who were tº ºwerful at court, without
the authority of pºlianent the º the capital, that
he might there assume | overnment His attendants on the
journey, besides the Boyds tº ºn Hepburn, John
Somerville, and Andrew Keº, the chiefs of tº respective
families. These occurrences took place upon the 10th of
July, A. D. 1466. The Kennedys being defeated in this
contest, returned to their several loºs-John to Carrick,
James to Fife—burning with and determined to
omit no opportunity of revenge. The victorious Boyds, not
content with the injury they had done, sent an ape to John,
telling him to play with it at home, in order to divert himself;
thus contemptuously treating him as a dotard.
xxIII. Not long after, James Kennedy died, in full ma-
turity, if we consider his years, but his death was so afflicting
to his country, that all seemed to have lost a public parent.
There was in him, besides the virtues already commemorated,
the greatest frugality and plainness at home, combined with
the greatest splendour and magnificence abroad. He exceed-
ed in liberality all the bishops who have gone before, and all
who have succeeded him, even to this day, although he pos-
sessed no great ecclesiastical revenue; for the practice had
not then obtained in Scotland, of heaping benefices upon the
priests, that what was basely grasped by avarice, might be
more vilely spent in luxury. He left an illustrious monument
of his munificence, the colleges of St. Andrews, built at greatex-
pense, and handsomely endowed, but with incomes arising from
the ecclesiastical revenues. There also he erected a magnifi-
cent tomb for himself, which yet the malignity of some envied,
notwithstanding he had merited it so well, from many indi-
viduals by his private, and from all by his public virtues;
they alleged that it displayed too much vanity erecting, at
so great an expense, a thing of no use. Death increased the







189
ºnced his value; for after he,
morals, was removed, public
ºne began to decºy by grees, and becoming corrupt-
dragged nearly all that was virtuous along with it.
ºv. The Boyds now endºvoured, under the colour of
law, to increase the power ºf their family, and shake that of
their enemies, among Graham, the brother of
James Kennedy, by the sº nother, and also the maternal
cousin of Robert Boyd, opportunely presented himself.
He, as was the custon was elected bishop in the
room of James, his brother. y the canons, but being prevent-
ed by a faction at court from going tº Rome with the king's
permission, he went privately without it to the pope, with
whom he easily arranged that he should be installed in place
of the deceased, for besides the nobility of his family, and his
high character for virtue, he was very learned according to the
learning of the times. While he remained at Rome, fearing
the power of the opposite faction, the ancient controversy re-
specting the liberty of the Scottish church began to be agitat-
ed; for the right which the archbishop of York usurped, dur-
ing the licentiousness of war—that of having all the Scottish
bishops under his jurisdiction—he endeavoured to retain
during peace. But according to a decree given in favour of
the Scots at Rome, Graham was not only declared primate of
all Scotland, but likewise constituted pope's legate for three
years, to restore the loose morals of the priests, and the de-
clining discipline of the church to its pristine state. Yet this
man, illustrious for so many advantages of mind and fortune,
and armed in addition, with the papal prerogative, durst not
return home till the power of the Boyds was on the wane.
xxv. The Boyds, perceiving that the accession of nobility
to their party, was not so great as they had expected, in order
to avert the accusations of their enemies, and provide for
their own future security, caused a meeting of the estates to
be held on the 13th day of October. At this meeting, the
elder Robert Boyd, falling down on his knees before the king
and the lords of the articles, complained:—That the obedi-
ence he had shown in bringing his majesty to Edinburgh,
had been traduced and distorted, by the malicious speeches




190 HISTOR
of his enemies, who threaten º º he
authors of these proceedings; he tº efore humbly entreated
his highness that he would declare openly, whether he conceiv-
ed any anger or displeasure against him for that action, that he
might repress the calumnies of the malevolent. The king,
when he had consulted for a little with the lords of the articles,
replied:—Robert had not been tº author of his journey, but
the companion; that he deserved no punishment for his
obedience, but was rather worthy of a reward for having
discharged his duty; and that he himself to put a stop to
all invidious speeches, would declare so in a public decree
of the states, and would take care, by a provision of the same
decree, that that action should never be urged as a crime,
against Boyd or his attendants. This decree, Boyd required
to be registered among the acts of the assembly, and confirmed
by a royal pardon under the great seal, all which was done ac-
cordingly, on the 25th day of the same month. The same day,
another act was passed, at the recommendation of the council,
by which his majesty created Boyd regent," and committed
to him the care of himself, his brothers, sisters, castles,
towns, and all civil jurisdiction, until he should complete his
twenty-first year, and he likewise induced the nobles who
were present, to solemnly promise, that they would assist the
Boyds in all their public deeds, and be liable to punishment,
if they did not, with all their strength and fidelity, perform
their engagement. To this promise, the king himself also
subscribed.
xxvi. By these means, royalty itself being bound to their
party, a number of the nobility united with them in a private
league, and the administration of the whole kingdom delivered
into their hands, the Boyds thought they had provided for
their security for a long while, and further to establish it for
the future, they procured a marriage beween Thomas, the
son of Robert Boyd, and the king's eldest sister. This mar-
riage, which was a wealthy one, and seemed the establishment
of their power, increased the hatred of their enemies, and
* The title of regent does not appear upon the records, but the Boyds
exercised the power, and Abercrombie conjectures, that the office was rather
styled, like that of the Douglas, lieutenant-general.






afford materials for ºrts among the vulgar. But,
although they thought tº this way they had beset every
ºssº to the king, and were become the sole directors of his
words and actions, the general indignation increased in pro-
portion as they increased in favour at court, and in about
four years after, it broke forth to the ruin of the whole family.
The discerning part of the adverse faction, were not displeased
at the sudden exaltation of their opponents, because they
hoped, as is usual, it would be accompanied by that arrogance
which cannot bear a superior, which despises equals, and
tramples upon inferiors, and when subjects exceed the limits
of their station, kings, who cannot endure them as rivals,
accelerate their ruin. The report of dissension between such
powerful factions, gave license likewise to popular disorders,
for people accustomed to robberies, greedily return after any
interruption to their former rapacity, the germs of discord,
repressed for a time, burst forth with greater vigour, the
seditious embrace more keenly these occasions, for disturbing
the commonwealth, and all, instigated by the hopes of impun-
ity, become more licentious. Nor were the Kennedys inac-
tive upon the occasion. Partly by spreading rumours abroad,
they inflamed the passions of the people, and pointed out the
Boyds as the cause of all the miseries of the country, and the
authors of sedition, and partly even—as some supposed—they
promoted the designs of the turbulent, and secretly supplied
the torches of the incendiaries. This, however, was plain
from their countenances, that the disturbed state of affairs
was not unpleasant to them. One thing only appeared want-
ing to subvert the flourishing power of their enemies, and that
was to bring over the royal inclinations, for they had abund-
ance of retainers, and the common people, always fond of
novelty, and desiring every thing rather than the present,
were ready to join them; therefore, they resolved by crafty
men, who should pretend attachment to the Boyd interest, to
make an attempt upon the mind of the king.
xxvii. In the meantime it was determined to send ambas-
sadors to Denmark, to ask Margaret, the daughter of the
Danish king, as a wife for James, and who, at the same time,
should endeavour as much as possible, to put an end to the






lººd islands, which had
cost the two nations so much ºl- The chief of this em-
bassy was Andrew Stuart, the son of Walter, at that time
chancellor of Scotland. The negotiation respecting the mar-
riage was easily transacted with the Danes, who gave up all
right which their ancestors claimed to these islands, in name
of dowery; only, it was stipulated, that the private posses-
sors of estates, should continue to possess them on the same
terms they had formerly done. Some authors write, that they
were given in pledge, until the dowery should be paid, but
that afterward, upon the birth of his grandson, the king of
Denmark gave up to James, all right for ever to them. When
the king was informed by the chancellor, that everything had
been finished according to his desire, the next object was to
choose out an honourable train of nobles, to bring home the
new queen, and here, by the artifice of his enemies, and the
inadvertence of his friends, Thomas Boyd, son of Robert, earl
of Arran, was appointed ambassador, those who envied him,
designedly exaggerating his merit, as qualified by valour,
splendour, and wealth, for undertaking whatever was magni-
ficent. He thinking every thing safe at home while his
father was regent, cheerfully undertook the embassage, and
in the beginning of Autumn, set sail with a large train of his
relations and friends.
xxviii. In the interval, the Kennedys weakened the at-
tachment of the king, and those bonds, by which the Boyds
believed they would retain to themselves his affection—pleas-
ure, and retirement from public business—were imputed to
them as crimes. At the same time, by representing their wealth,
which was then very great, as dangerous, and magnifying the
advantages which would accrue to the exchequer from its
confiscation, they distracted the royal mind, naturally weak,
and prone to suspicion and avarice. The Boyds, although
they endeavoured by their obsequiousness, and by concealing
the general misery of the kingdom, to banish all disagreeable
reflections from the king, yet they could not drown the com-
plaints of the people, nor disguise the solitariness of the court,
both of which were increased by the activity of their enemies.
There were, besides, other noblemen, who took advantage of


193
|
the young sovereign's to admonish him respecting
the public calamities and tº medies; and James himself,
as if assuming his manly duties, sometimes said, that what was
going forward did not altogether please him. The Boyds,
however, although they perceived the king becoming gradually
cooler towards them, and the popular hatred as apparently in-
creasing, behaved as licentiously as ever, trusting to his wont.
ed facility, and the pardon they had already received for their
previous conduct. The adverse faction, having now secretly
won over the monarch to their party, thought this a fit oppor-
tunity for commencing their attacks, Thomas, earl of Arran,
being with the embassy in Denmark, whence—the tempest-
uousness of the north sea rendering it unfit for navigation
during great part of the year—he could not return before the
end of spring, and the old Boyds, infirm through age and dis-
ease, besides being seldom at court, were deprived of the as-
sistance of a number of their friends, who were along with the
embassy. First, they procured a convention of the estates
—long anxiously desired—to be summoned by the king at
Edinburgh, on the 22d day of the month of November, 1469.
xxix. Thither the Boyds, brothers, were ordered to attend
to stand trial, a circumstance variously represented by those
who hated or favoured them. They themselves were certainly
taken by surprise, and being quite unprepared for the threat-
ened danger, and their spirits broken, not so much at the
power of the opposite party, as at the sudden aversion of the
king, Robert, in despair, fled to England, and Alexander,
who was prevented by sickness from flying, made his appear-
ance. The accusation against both was:-That having laid
violent hands upon the king, they brought him privately to
Edinburgh; when Alexander pleaded, that he had obtained
pardon for his crime in an open meeting of the estates, and
humbly prayed, that the king would allow a copy to be trans-
cribed from the public record—it was denied him. What his
accusers objected against that act, cotemporary historians
have not informed us, and although it were easy to conjecture,
yet I rather prefer leaving it entirely to the reader, than to
detail uncertainties as facts. In this assembly, Alexander was
condemned, and suffered capitally, Robert, a few years after,
WOL. II. B. B.


194 Histor -
º/
7"
7%
died at Alnwick, in Engla ºut by the tediousness of
exile, added to the pressure of a His absent son, unheard,
and engaged on public business, was in the same assembly,
declared a public enemy. The estates of the whole were con-
fiscated. Such were the proceedings as recorded. I must
not, however, omit mentioning what I have heard from hon-
ourable men, well informed in the transactions of these times.
They say, that in the recorded decree, by which pardon was
granted to the Boyds, there was nearly the following sentence:
—That the king forgave all offence and rancour of mind, as
they then termed it, which expression, those who wished to
gratify the king, interpreted, according to a distinction, in
these days celebrated among theologians, between the remis-
sion of blame, and the remission of punishment, as signifying,
that the king forgave in his mind the fault, and whatever
blame could attach to it, but did not exempt the guilty from
the pains of law.
xxx. Next spring, the fleet arrived with the queen from
Denmark. Thomas Boyd, having heard of the calamity of
his family, although many flattered him with the hope of par-
don during the times of public rejoicing, yet did not dare to
come ashore, and being informed by his wife, who hastened
to him as soon as she heard of the arrival of the Danish fleet,
that there was no probability of obtaining the king's favour,
all access to him being completely shut up by his enemies, he
immediately returned to Denmark, whence he came, and
travelling through Germany, proceeded to France. Thence,
after many fruitless attempts to obtain the mediation of Louis
IX., who converted the legitimate government of that king-
dom into a tyranny, he went to Charles, duke of Burgundy,
whom having served bravely and faithfully in war, he was by
him loaded with gifts and honours. There, while he passed
his life privately, but honourably, his wife bore him a son,
named James, and a daughter, Gracina-of whom afterward.
The nuptials of James III. and queen Margaret, were cele-
brated on the 10th of July, A. D. 1470, a great concourse of
nobility attending. Of this marriage, in the third year, on
St. Patrick's day, in the month of March, was born James,
who afterward succeeded his father.

25
A Nº. 195
ºxxi. The king in tº not yet satiated with the
calamities of the Boyds, wrote to Flanders, to recal his sister
home; but as he knew that she would not be easily persuaded
to return, on account of the great love she bore to her hus-
band, he raised her expectations through the medium of her
correspondents, who in their letters insinuated, that the anger
of the king, softened by time, was not implacable, and a sister
might be able to do much with her brother, for obtaining an
alleviation of her husband's calamity, only, that this must be
done personally, and not by trusting to the agency of others.
Allured by these hopes she returned, but scarcely had she
landed, when the king began to tamper with her about a
divorce. After affixing libels, publicly signed by many wit.
messes at Kilmarnock, which had been the principal seat of
the Boyds before their misfortunes, he ordered Thomas to
appear within sixty days, although it was evident, that even if
the public faith had been given, he could scarcely have re-
turned within the time. When he did not appear on the day,
the former marriage was pronounced illegitimate, and sentence
of divorce passed against him in his absence, and without his
being heard. Mary, the king's sister, was then against her
inclination, forced to marry James Hamilton,” almost an up-
start, far beneath her former husband, both in dignity and
power; she, however, bore him a son and a daughter, James
and Margaret. The children which she had by her former
husband, were also recalled by the king. Nor did Boyd
himself long survive. He died at Antwerp, where having no
relation to inherit his property, Charles erected a splendid
and expensive monument, in the church of . . . . with the
money he had munificently given him, and caused an honour-
able inscription be engraved upon it. Thus the family of the
Boyds, which had lately been the most flourishing in Scot-
* Some uncertainty rests upon the marriage of the king's sister with Hamil-
ton, whether it took place during the life of her first husband, or whether he
was dead; all authorities agree that she was divorced; but it was not till
1474, that she married Hamilton. The date of Arran's death is unrecorded,
even the place is disputed; Ferrerius says he was slain in Tuscany, by a gen-
tleman whose wife he had attempted to debauch. Buchanan's account, how-
ever, is considered the most authentic.



196 History
land, within a few short yº seen spreading abroad
their branches, and—cut down sºng lesson to posterity,
how treacherous are the friendships of young kings. Their
ruin not only astonished their friends, it also terrified their
enemies; nor did any after them dare to grasp at the station
whence they had been prostrated, perceiving in their fate, the
unstable base of all human affairs, and reflecting at the same
time, on the ease with which the king recalled his favours,
and the pertinacity with which he prosecuted his revenge.
Those who expected great advantage from this change of the
public government, were undoubtedly much mistaken, for the
king, who in former years had indulged in domestic retire-
ment, and seldom appeared in public, now, being newly mar-
ried, spent great part of his time in family pleasures, and,
excluding his nobility from his presence, committed himself
wholly to the power of a few servants. Being of a warm
temper, he could not endure to have his opinion contradicted
by his counsellors, and therefore, he avoided the freedom
which his nobles used, and retained only those around him,
who would not correct, but approve his decrees, who declined
all offensive opposition, and procured his favour by their
obsequiousness.
xxxii, While such were the manners of the court, those of
the clergy were not more holy, for although the ministers of
the church had long been addicted to luxury and avarice, yet
they had still some appearance of their ancient sobriety, and
the hope of preferment still remained as a stimulus to the
scholars who excelled in learning, the bishops being then
elected by the colleges of canons, and the abbots by their re-
spective fraternities. But now the courtiers, who entirely
possessed the confidence of the king, by showing him the ims
mense riches he had acquired, and the ease with which he
might overcome all opposition, persuaded him not to suffer
an affair of such emolument to remain with ignorant men, in-
capable of managing public business, but to assume to him-
self the power of nominating whoever he thought qualified for
exercising these functions, and then he would be able to
check the contumacious, retain the doubtful, and reward the
deserving. Instead of all the honours and wealth being, as




now, in the possession of est dregs of the people, who
were not more niggardly wº ºard to the necessities of the
state, than profuse in their own private pleasures, everything,
They said, ought to belong to the king to whom all eyes were
directed, who only possessed the power of inflicting punish-
ment, of granting pardon, or bestowing rewards. By fawn-
ing speeches such as these, the mind of the king, fickle at his
time of life, and not proof against the allurement of money;
weak through bad habits, and prone to licentiousness, was
readily influenced, and immediately the whole kingdom as-
sumed a new appearance, and at court, all offices sacred and
civil were publicly put to sale.
ºxxiii. Patrick Graham, who alone stayed the declining
church, had, during the sway of his enemies at home, spent
several years at Rome, but being informed by his friends of
the state of the country, trusting to his propinquity to the
king-second cousin, the son of his great aunt-resolved to
return; but in order previously to sound the inclinations of
the people, he sent before him the pope's bull, appointing him
legate, and caused it to be published in the month of Novem-
ber, A. D. 1472, which proceeding, excited a great ferment
against him, for those who had purchased ecclesiastical hon-
ours at court, were afraid of losing both the benefices and the
price; and those who expected advantage from similar bar-
gains, were grieved at being disappointed; besides, the whole
set who trafficked in ecclesiastical preferments, obtaining it
from the king, and afterwards parcelling it out and selling it
to others, raised a violent outcry, lest that species of gain
should be snatched from them. All these conspiring together,
loaded the absent Patrick with abuse, and assembling in the
palace, complained that the ancient laws and recent acts of
the king were violated, and much damage occasioned to the
whole kingdom by the Romanists, whose ambition, unless
resolutely opposed, would soon abridge the royal authority,
and usurp the whole power for themselves. To prevent this
mischief, an act of council was sent to Patrick upon his land-
ing, prohibiting him from exercising any part of his office un-
til the king had inquired into the complaints brought against
him, and the 1st of November was appointed as the day on





198
which he was to stand trial a ºrgh. In the meantime,
his friends and relations assº. That the king would not
be partial in so just a cause. But the opposite faction, on
hearing this report, so influenced the mind of the king and
the courtiers, by large promises of money, that thenceforward
Patrick was never able to contend on equal terms with his ad-
versaries. On coming to the assembly, when he produced
the papal bull, appointing him archbishop of St. Andrews,
primate of Scotland, and pope's legate for three years, to re-
form the state of the church, the inferior priests were highly
pleased, for they rejoiced that so necessary an office was in-
trusted to so excellent and learned a man, but, overawed by
the more powerful, who had gained the king and his courtiers,
dared not to speak out openly. His enemies, on purpose that
the favour of the people towards Patrick might grow cool if
delay were interposed, appealed to the pope, as the only judge
in this cause. He, himself, was sent back by the king to his
own particular charge, and forbidden to wear the robes of an
archbishop during the dependance of the trial, or exercise
any other office besides what the former bishops had done.
xxxiv. In the midst of these troubles, a new enemy, but
the bitterest of the whole, sprung up against Graham, and
from a trivial cause. William Sevez, a young man of con-
siderable acuteness, who had studied several years at Lou-
vaine, under John Spernic, a celebrated physician and astrol-
oger, on his return home, contrived to insinuate himself into
the good graces of the courtiers, chiefly by his reputation for
a knowledge of the celestial bodies, which he possessed, along
with other ingenious accomplishments, and which procured
him extraordinary patronage, as the court, at that time, was
addicted to every species of divination, even to madness.
Sevez, getting forward by the force of his own genius, and
the sunshine of a court, was in a short time, appointed arch-
deacon of St. Andrews; but the bishop refusing to admit him
to that office, he, in revenge, consulted with John Locke,
then rector of the college, and an enemy of Graham's, and
they endeavoured, by every means in their power, to effect
his ruin. The rector, trusting to a privilege he enjoyed from
the pope, by which he was exempted from Graham's jurisdic-



|- | land. 199
tion, excommunicated ham treated this censure,
from one so much his º with contempt, and
although, when he came intº court, it was repeatedly pro-
nounced in his hearing, he never paid it the smallest atten-
tion; on which, his enemies, as is the case when ecclesiastical
censures are despised, required the assistance of the civil
power, and got Patrick excluded from all his churches. Offi-
cers of the exchequer were sent to take an inventory of his
effects, his attendants were ordered, under a heavy penalty,
to leave him, and a guard was set over him, to watch that
nothing should be done in contravention of the edict. The
rest of the bishops, lest they should appear unworthy of so
benevolent a sovereign, violently extorted a great sum of
money from the inferior clergy, and brought it to his majesty.
ºxxv. The king having obtained this douceur-as if relent-
ing—began to treat Graham more mildly, and sent the abbot
of Holyrood and Sevez to him, when the bishop became ap-
parently reconciled to the king, and Sevez to the bishop—but
money had been previously collected by Graham's friends,
and sent to the king. Being now free, as he imagined, from
all his troubles, he retired to his seat of Monimail; but while
preparing for the performance of his public and private duties,
the collectors of the Romish taxes were sent to him by his
enemies, and because he had not paid the fees for the papal
edict—a bull they call it—he was excommunicated by them.
Thus reduced to extreme poverty, for the greater part of his
income, both before and since his return, had been gathered
by the king's collectors, and what he had been able to raise
by his friends, had been given to him and his courtiers, royal
officers were again sent to take possession of his estate, and he
was committed to custody in his own castle, his domestic ser-
vants removed, and keepers appointed by the king; an accu-
mulation of misfortunes, which drove him distracted. On
account of his alienation of mind, Sevez, his most implacable
enemy, was given him nominally as an assistant by the king,
and confirmed by the pope, but by the influence of the ad-
verse faction, he was immediately appointed an inquisitor, to
inquire into his life and morals. Many trifling, many ridicu-
lous, and even some incredible charges were brought against


200
him; among others, that he
day, while there could scarcely be ſound a bishop in that age
who said it once in three months. But his enemy being his
judge, and the witnesses bribed, he was forcibly ejected from
his bishopric, and Sevez, who carried this decree to the pope,
was appointed in his room. His persecutors were not, how-
ever, content with the misery of Graham, for when they per-
ceived that all their affronts had not broken his heart, they
procured an order for confining him in some solitary monas-
tery, with four keepers. Inchcolm, a rock rather than an
island, was chosen for this purpose, whence, upon war aris-
ing, he was, three years after, carried to Dunfermline, for
fear of the English fleet, and again removed to Lochleven
castle, where, worn out with age and misfortunes, he ended
his days. Thus perished a man, blameless in his life, and in
learning and courage, inferior to none of his cotemporaries.
Other virtuous men, terrified by his misfortunes, and hope-
less of restoring ecclesiastical discipline, confined themselves
entirely to their private duties. At court, church preferment
was either sold or bestowed as rewards upon pimps and para-
sites. Although these transactions took place at different
times, yet, that they might not too often interrupt the history,
I have placed them together, as they afford a memorable ex-
ample of the wretchedness of the times; and we may easily
thence imagine what oppression would be exercised towards
the inferior orders of men, when one eminent for every virtue,
and related by blood to the king and the highest families,
could be exposed, by a few wretches of the lowest description,
to the scorn and cruelty of his enemies. But to return to the
other cotemporaneous occurrences:
xxxvi. An act of the estates having passed in the year
1476, against John, lord of the Isles, who then possessed
some provinces, and had ravaged widely the maritime coasts
of the continent, the king determined to march against him in
person by land, and send the earl of Crawford, then his ad-
miral, with the fleet. John, who was incapable of meeting
these preparations, by the advice of the earl of Athole, the
king's uncle, came as a suppliant to court, and threw himself
upon the mercy of the king; and the provinces of Ross, Kin-







HIS LAND- 201
tyre, and Knapdale, which d occupied by force, being
taken from him, he was alloºed to retain the lordship of the
Isles. In the same year, a dispute with the English, which
had almost occasioned a war, was adjusted. A Scottish ves-
sel, built by bishop Kennedy, the largest which at that time
had ever been seen upon the ocean, was stranded by a tempest
on the English coast, and plundered of her cargo. Restitu-
tion had often been sought for in vain, and this for some years
had caused considerable irritation; but at last, an honourable
embassy was sent to Scotland, at the head of which were the
pishop of Durham, and lord Scroop, for Edward, tossed by
the inconstancy of fortune, and drained of money by so long
a war, now anxiously desired a suspension of arms. The
truce was easily renewed, upon condition, that an estimate
should be made of the value of the vessel which had been
destroyed, and the goods which had been taken away, by
honest men, and reparation faithfully made.
xxxvii. The same year, ambassadors having been sent to
Charles, duke of Burgundy, to adjust some complaints of the
merchants, when they arrived in Flanders, were honourably
received. One Andrews, a physician, who was reported to
have great skill in astrological predictions, being occasionally
entertained by them, on learning the cause of their coming,
secretly advised them, not to be in too great haste to finish
their business, for in a few days they would hear news of the
duke. Nor was it an idle prediction, for within three days,
accounts were received, that his army was defeated by the
Swiss, at Nanci in Lorraine, and himself killed. The ambas-
sadors, when they returned without finishing the business on
which they had been sent, having praised wonderfully An-
drews' skill in penetrating futurity before the king, induced
him, already strongly inclined to these arts, to invite this man
to come to his court, by great promises, and accordingly, he
arriving not long after, was kindly received by James, who
bestowed upon him, among other gifts, a rich ecclesiastical
benefice. By this astrologer, it is said, the king was told that
he was in imminent danger of death from his own relations,
and the oracle agreeing with a response of some witches, to
whose arts he was immoderately addicted, who had prophe-
WOI, II. 2 c


202
sied, that the lion should be his whelps," he degener-
ated from a prince, at first of ºn excellent disposition, and the
greatest hopes, and even then not altogether depraved, into a
most insatiable tyrant; for suspicion once obtaining possession
of his soul, he looked upon his nearest relations, and his chief
nobility as his enemies. The peers, enraged at the king for
consulting with this infamous race of beings, were still more
highly offended with some of his courtiers, men of the lowest
rank, whom, despising his nobles, he employed as his sole
advisers. The principal of these were Thomas Preston, de-
scended from an honourable family, but who parasitically
humoured the king in every thing; Robert Cochrane, en-
dowed with great corporeal strength, and equal audacity, who
having been observed by James in a certain single combat,
was immediately made a courtier from a common stone ma-
son, encouraged to indulge in higher expectations, and in a
short time, by diligently executing some lesser affairs, and
obsequiously flattering the whims of the king, he was admit-
ted to the most secret councils of the state, and chosen as a
son-in-law by Preston. The third was William Roger, an
English singer, who had come with the Ambassadors of king
Edward into Scotland, and having repeatedly performed be-
fore the Scottish monarch, was detained by him, enriched, and
advanced to the honour of knighthood. The rest were chosen
from the meanest stations, common artisans, and others whose
only recommendations were, impudence and want of honesty.
* Pinkerton represents Buchanan, as imputing the king's enmity to Andrews’
prophecy of a lion being devoured by his whelps, “which’” he adds, “if real,
was singular in its accomplishment, but could not point to the brothers.”
Buchanan does not say, that this was the Fleming's prediction, his words are,
sibia suis exitium imminere. The account of Lindsay, cannot, therefore, be
more probable than that of Buchanan from the prediction, for it is the same
in both, whether uttered by a witch or a warlock. Besides, it is John to
whom Buchanan chiefly refers in his statement, and it is Alexander who is
the chief subject of Lindsay's account. Lindsay relates, that the Humes and
Hepburns quarrelled with Albany, for uplifting the mails, rentes, and customs,
belonging to the lordship of Dunbar, and used Cochrane's influence, and a
witch's prophecy to ruin the brothers, which is easily reconcileable with
Buchanan, and differs only as two stories essentially true, may be allowed to
differ. In a majority of instances, the objections made to Buchanan’s historv,
consist merely in similar discrepancies.




















27
H-Iºn LAND. 203
ºxxviii. A meeting of ºbility having been held, at
which the two princes º's brothers were present, to
concert measures for clearing the court of such minions, the
proceedings were whispered abroad. John, the youngest
brother, more incautious than the others, having spoken with
too much freedom on the state of the kingdom, was seized by
the courtiers, and thrown into prison, and being condemned
by the king's private council, he was put to death by having
a vein opened. The cause of his execution was commonly
reported to be, that he had secretly conspired with witches
against the life of the king, and to give some appearance of
truth to the charge, twelve old women of the lowest order,
were brought to trial for witchcraft, found guilty, and burned.
The death of John, although it appeared to have broken up
the conspiracy, rather checked than dissolved it.
xxxix. Alexander, as he stood next in relationship, so did
he in danger, and although he endeavoured, as far as possible,
to remove all suspicion from himself, yet, as the king's minis-
ters could never believe themselves safe while he lived, he was
suddenly seized, and lodged in Edinburgh castle. In this
situation, narrowly watched by those who thought his power
would be their ruin, and having in vain attempted, by the
mediation of friends, to conciliate the mind of the king, he
began, as he could not otherwise hope for deliverance, secretly
with his valet, the only one of his servants who was suffered
to remain with him, to concert a plan of escape. By his
means he hired a vessel, which he ordered to wait in readi-
ness in the neighbouring roadstead. Then he procured mes-
sengers to come to him frequently, as if from court, who
should pretend before his jailors—for he was not allowed to
hold a private conversation with any one—that the king was
becoming more placable, and that there was every hope of his
soon obtaining his liberty. When the day appointed for
escaping arrived, assuming as cheerful a countenance as under
all circumstances he could, he remarked, that he fully believed
by the accounts of his messengers, that the king was reconciled
to him, and that he hoped he would not be long in their
custody. He invited his keepers to a sumptuous supper, and
drank with them till midnight, about which time the enter-







204 Histoº ºn.
tainment broke up, and the soon after, sunk into a
profound sleep, overcome by the copious draughts of wine
they had taken. Albany, whenever he found himself alone,
formed a rope of the sheets of his bed, long enough as he
thought, for the height of the wall. First, he let down his
servant to make the trial, but perceiving by his fall, that his
cord was too short, he lengthened it as well as he could, and
followed. When he descended, he found the servant had
broken his thigh bone, on which, taking him up on his shoul-
ders, he carried him nearly a mile to the sea, and, the wind
proving favourable, immediately set sail for Dunbar, and,
after having fortified the castle sufficiently against an as-
sault, departed with a few attendants for France. During
his absence, Andrew Stuart, the chancellor, was sent with an
army to reduce the castle. After he had besieged it for some
months, during which it was bravely defended, the garrison at
last, when they began to be straitened for provisions, procured
ships, and secretly in the night, embarked for England. Next
day, the empty castle was taken possession of Some distin-
guished knights among the besiegers were slain.
xL. About this time, the kings of Scotland and England,
both tired with domestic misfortunes, began to be desirous of
peace. An embassy, sent by the king of England for this
purpose, was kindly received, and a treaty entered into, not
only to procure, but to confirm the peace by a matrimonial
alliance, it being agreed that Cecilia, the daughter of Edward,
should be married to James, the son of the Scottish king,
when they came of age. Part of the dowery was also paid, on
this condition, that if, when both arrived at puberty, the mar-
riage was not consummated, the dowery should be returned.
Some burghers were given as hostages. But this peace was
of no long duration; for the ancient hatred, and the animosity
remaining from the last war, occasioned by the incursions,
plunderings, and mutual injuries then inflicted by both parties,
broke out quickly into open hostility, and besides, each had
their peculiar causes of provocation. Douglas, an old, and
Alexander, the king's brother, a late exile, excited the king
of England—for Alexander, who had gone, as we have men—
tioned, to France, received a daughter of the count of Bologne


. 205
to wife, but not being able tº procure any assistance from
Louis IX, who then reigned, he proceeded to England,
hoping to effect something there—and Louis sent Robert
Ireland, a Scottishman, and Doctor of the Sorbonne, along
with two French knights, to induce James to declare war.”
XLI. The peace being thus violated, although the situation
of Scotland was deplorable, several of the counties wasted,
and also a great English force under the duke of Gloucester,
ordered to invade it, yet the king, and those who were around
him, unwillingly levied an army; for those men, lately so poor,
who had risen by the calamities of the kingdom, and were the
authors of the ill advised measures of the crown, feared no-
thing more than an assemblage of the indignant nobles. When
the army reached Lauder, a town on the borders of March
and Teviotdale, counties either spoiled by the enemy, or
obliged to submit to him, as the king still continued to dis-
trust his nobility, and to transact every thing by his secret
council, the nobles, unable longer to endure the indignity,
assembled in the church, about the third watch of the night,
where, in a full assembly, Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus,
is said to have thus explained their cause of meeting. +
xL11. My lords, I do not think it necessary to say much
* Of this war we have few particulars, which is the more to be regretted,
as the opposition of the Scots, to at least one of the maritime expeditions of
England, appears to have been highly creditable to the greatest naval hero of
his day, Andrew Wood, of Leith, afterward Sir Andrew Wood, of Largo.
The silence of the English historians on occasions honourable to Scotland,
and their generally avowed rancour to the nation, would not in common cases,
be recommendations of their veracity; yet, because Hector Boyce happened
to be a fabulist, notwithstanding these palpable blemishes, the English histo-
rians in doubtful cases, have been often preferred to Scottish authorities by
later writers, who have endeavoured to elucidate the annals of their country.
+ He was descended from William, earl of Douglas, by Margaret Stuart,
heiress of Angus, and was the fourth earl of Angus of the Douglas family.
He is generally known by the surname of Archibald Bell the Cat, from a cir-
cumstance said to have taken place upon this occasion. In the course of the
debate, Lord Gray introduced an apologue.—The mice consulted upon the
means of their deliverance from their enemy the cat, and agreed that a bell
should be suspended from her neck, to give warning of her approach, and
their danger, but what mouse had courage to put it on 2 I sal bel the cat.
cried Angus, and ever after was distinguished by the appellation.
206 HISTOR LAND.
about the state of Scottish ºs part of which you must
recollect, and part is still before your eyes. The principal
mobility driven into exile, are forced to endure the most in-
tolerable hardships, or to engage in very disagreeable measures,
and you with whom is the strength of the kingdom, left with-
out a head, like a ship without a pilot, are exposed to all the
storms and buffetings of fortune. Your estates wasted, your
fortunes destroyed, and your farmers either killed, or seeing
no other alleviation of their misfortunes, subject to the enemy.
While the king, naturally generous and prudent, corrupted
by bad advisers, intrusts the government, both in peace and
war, not to an assembly of his nobles, but to the lowest de-
scription of men, who consult fortunetellers, and bias his
weak mind, influenced by worthless superstitions, and the
predictions of witches, and acts are passed respecting the
common safety, under their sole authority, who knowing
themselves justly, and universally hated, bear a like hatred
to us all. Nor do they only endeavour to weaken your au-
thority, but to destroy you by every art they can practise.
Some are removed by death, and some by banishment. They
do not, as upstarts usually do, mount gradually to the summit,
but at once they exercise their cruelty and avarice on the
royal blood. One of the king's brothers they have cruelly
murdered, the other they have driven by the fear of death
from the country, and sent him as a leader to our enemies.
These taken away, they threaten the rest of the nobility; for,
conscious of their own mean extraction, they wish no one of
high birth to remain, and whoever has either riches to stim-
ulate their avarice, or power to resist their audacity, are
marked as their enemies, while, in the meantime, we march
against the English as our public enemy, as if any enemy
could be more deadly than those, whose cupidity can neither
be satisfied with your estates, nor their cruelty with your
blood.
x1,111. Now, that you may understand how much more cruel
this intestine plague is than the foreign one, suppose—which
God forbid—that the king of England were victorious, elated
with present success, and recollecting former failures, what re-
ward would he claim for his victory, or what would be the re-


HIS . 207
venge he would exercise - The death of the king his enemy,
or yours? Neither, I am persuaded. The contest between us
is not for life, but for glory and empire, and a generous spirit
as he is, violent and keen against those who resist, so is he
softened by submission and entreaty, and by the remembrance
of the instability of all human aſſairs. But allowing that an
irritated enemy should seek the king's death, who is the most
merciful? He who, along with life takes away all sense of
misery, or they who reserve for daily torture, him whom next
to God they ought to love and obey? Who steel his mind by
their witcheries against his relations who keep their king
as a captive, surrounded almost wholly by the arms of his
enemies, nor permit him to see the face of his friends, that he
might perceive their affection, and receive their assistance?
They are not to be esteemed such enemies who, encamped
against you, openly profess their hatred, as those who, by
domestic treachery, threaten your safety, who betray the king
to his foes, after having alienated him from his friends, and
expose you without a leader to a hostile army, by whom if
vanquished, although you should escape death, yet you will
incur dishonour and servitude; but if you conquer, you will
not procure peace to yourselves, power to your country, nor
glory to your king, but a greater license for your enemies to
oppress in future with more security; you will gain torment
and ruin to yourselves, and a severer servitude to your king
—you will by victory avoid external misfortune, but only
increase domestic misery. Wherefore, my opinion shortly is,
that we first break our domestic yoke before we engage with
foreign enemies, for otherwise, we shall be made slaves to the
will of a few, increase the power of the enemy, and betray the
commonwealth. May God bless your deliberations.
x Liv. After this speech of Douglas, there was no more de-
liberation, but a confused murmur ran through the meeting,
calling for vengeance against the traitors; and the assembly
were so much inflamed, that it appeared, if not led, they
would have rushed tumultuously to the royal pavilion. But
the chiefs, who, on account of their age and honours, possess-
ed the greatest authority, having allayed the tumult, agreed–
- for they feared lest the common soldiery, in their rash fury,
















208 -N1)-
might violate the person of the king—that the principal noble-
men, taking a sufficient number of their friends, without any
general movement of the army, should go to the king's tent,
and seize the obnoxious minions who exercised the govern-
ment, and bring them to judgment before the whole army,
that they might suffer punishment according to law.
xlv. Whilst these things were in agitation, a rumour reach-
ed the court:-That the nobles had collected in the church
before daybreak, for what purpose, was unknown, but that
certainly it was something of importance, which collected such
men, without the knowledge of the king or his counsellors.
The king, awakened out of sleep, asked with trepidation at
his attendants, what they thought ought to be done, and in
the meantime, he sent Cochrane before to observe what was
going forward, and to bring certain information. On his
road to the church, with a few attendants, he was met by the
leaders of the nobility coming to court. Douglas immediately
seized him, and twisting the massy gold chain which he wore,
till he nearly choked him, gave him into custody, and march-
ed straight to the king. The guards, either struck by his sud-
den appearance, or overawed by his dignity, remained pas-
sive, while he seized those who were believed to have corrupt-
ed the monarch by their pernicious counsels. The king only
entreated that they would spare one young man, of honour-
able birth, John Ramsay, who clung to him, and his tender
age furnishing his excuse, they readily complied. The rest
were led to trial, amid the noise and tumult of the army, all
crying out:-Hang the villains ! On which, they were imme-
diately carried to punishment, and ended their lives by sus-
pension; and such eagerness did the army display for their
execution, that when ropes could not quickly be found, the
soldiers hastened with the traces of their waggons, and the
reins of their bridles, to supply the deficiency.
xlvi. The court faction, who were thus disposed of, had
oppressed many private individuals by their injustice; towards
the public, their principal crime was their having issued a
new brass coinage, commonly called by the invidious name of
black money, which first occasioned the dearness of every ar-
ticle of life, and then even famine, for the dealers rather al-
HISTOR .
209
lowed their corn to rot in their bºns, than give it away to the
purchasers, under the name of selling it. But to prevent a
total stagnation of trade, when any sales were effected, a stip-
ulation was at the same time added, specifying in what sort of
money the payment was to be made. Some of the former
kings had likewise coined this species of money, but then it
was more for the necessary use of the poor, than for any pur-
pose of gain; and they regulated by law the sum, beyond
which buyers were not compelled to take it; thus provision
was made for the convenience of the purchasers of small quan-
tities, and the richer were guarded against any fraud in their
payments. The faction were likewise accused of having alien-
ated the mind of the king from his nobility; of having infatu-
ated him by magic; and of having impelled him to the mur-
der of his relations. But the chief hatred was excited towards
Cochrane, by his earldom of Marr, which district James, up-
on the death of his youngest brother, had either given him,
or intrusted to his government. The evil counsellors of the
king being put to death—as the king could neither trust the
soldiers, nor the soldiers the king—the army was dismissed,
and returned home.
xlvii. The king, although he suppressed his anger for the
present, and was very liberal in his promises to his nobility,
yet cherished in his soul only vengeance and blood. He,
therefore, as soon as he perceived himself at liberty, withdrew
with a few attendants to the castle of Edinburgh. The nobil-
ity, uncertain of his intentions, held, likewise, their delibera-
tions among themselves. The king of England, chiefly by the
persuasion of Alexander, who assured him, that as soon as he
touched Scotland, he would be joined by a great number of
soldiers and the nobility, who were at variance with the
king, appointed his brother Richard, duke of Glocester,
commander of the army, collected during the winter, and or-
dered him to lead them into Scotland. He began his march
about midsummer, but understanding the situation of affairs,
turned aside to Berwick. He was received into the town im-
mediately, and having left four thousand soldiers to besiege
the castle, he advanced with the rest of his forces straight to
Edinburgh, destroying all the places on the road; but under
WOL. II. 2 D


210 HISTOR- D.
the guidance of Alexander, he entered the city without doing
it. any damage, and demanded of James. by public proclama-
tion at the cross—for he had no hopes of speaking with him—
First, that he would perform his engagement with Edward;
then, that before the 1st of September next, he would give
satisfaction for all the mischief done to the English, and the
injuries they had sustained, which if he would not do, Rich-
ard of Glocester would prosecute him and his kingdom with
fire and sword.
xt will. With these demands, in the present circumstances,
James, seeing that it was impossible to comply, and being, at
the same time, unable to repel the enemy by force, returned
no answer. The Scottish nobles, thus deserted by their sov-
ereign, that they might not altogether neglect the safety of the
country, collected another army, and encamped at Hadding-
ton; and that they might, at least, alleviate the imminent cal-
amity, and stop the course of the victorious army, sent am-
bassadors to the duke of Glocester, to desire:–That the
nuptials, so long promised, should be consummated; and to
declare, that no blame could belong to the Scots, if the agree-
ment entered into was not faithfully fulfilled. The English
commander, who knew that the Scots would not risk an en-
gagement, part of their force being with Alexander, who was
very popular with the common people, and the remainder dis-
tracted by factions, replied:—He was not sufficiently inform-
ed as to what the king of England had determined to do with
regard to the marriage; in the meantime, he thought it just,
that the money which had been paid to James, in name of
dowery, should be restored; but that, if they wished peace,
they should promise to surrender the castle of Berwick; or if
they could not do that, they should solemnly swear, that they
would neither give any assistance to the besieged, nor offer
any interruption to the besiegers, until the castle was either
taken by force, or surrendered by capitulation. To these de-
mands, the Scottish noblemen answered:—That the marriage
was delayed, not through any fault of theirs, but because the
parties were not yet arrived at puberty; the day for paying
not having yet come, the money was not due, but if they were
not satisfied with the security they had received, more would

27
11º
be given; the castle of Berwick was built upon Scottish
ground, by Scotchmen, was under their government, and had
been for many ages, and if the English, at any time, had
taken it, or retained it by force, that injustice could not dimin-
sh their ancient right.
XLIX. Glocester, who was superior in strength, persisted
in his demands, and would not admit of any questions of
right. The same day, Colin Campbell, earl of Argyle, An-
drew Stuart, chancellor, together with the two bishops of St./
Andrew's and Dunblane, sent to Alexander, who was in the
English camp at Lethington, a deed signed and sealed, offer-
ing, if he would return to his allegiance, they would procure,
in the first parliament, the restoration of his estates, and an
amnesty for all that was past, and pledged their faith for the
performance. Alexander, having communicated on the sub-
ject with Glocester, was kindly dismissed by him, and re-
turned to his own country. At the next meeting of the
estates, he was placed at the head of the government by uni-
versal consent, and he immediately submitted to them a prop-
osition for raising the siege of Berwick. The time appeared
so full of danger to the more prudent, and every thing so dis-
turbed by domestic sedition, that they thought it would be
scarcely possible to stop the current of adverse fortune, even
were the enemy quiet, and, therefore, a peace ought to be
procured upon any terms. They saw clearly, if they overcame
so powerful an enemy in a battle, they would rather irritate,
than intimidate him; but if they were defeated by him, it was
uncertain how far an enemy naturally fierce, and rendered
more insolent by success, would push his victory. These sen-
timents, although violently opposed at the time, finally pre-
vailed in the council; and after a great variety of conditions
had been in vain proposed, it was at last agreed, on the 26th
of August, A. D. 1482, that the castle of Berwick should be
surrendered, and a truce entered into for a few months, until
a lasting peace could be concluded. Thus Berwick, after it
had remained in the possession of the Scots twenty-one years,
was restored to the English; and Glocester having brought
his foreign expedition to a prosperous conclusion, returned
home in triumph. Edward, on advising with his council,



212
in - a N D.
thought it would be more for the advantage of England, to
annul the contract of marriage, because he feared, amid such
intestine discords, that the posterity of James might not suc-
ceed to the kingdom; and he was, besides, more inclined to
Alexander, who, he hoped, if made king, having received so
many favours, would remain in constant friendship with him.
A herald was therefore sent to Edinburgh, to renounce the
alliance, and demand back the portion. On the 25th October,
he publicly declared his errand, and a day being appointed
for the payment of the money, it was faithfully restored, and
given to the herald, who was safely conveyed as far as Ber-
wick.
L. Alexander, to soften his brother's anger towards himself,
if he still retained any, and awaken a renewal of his affection
by a new favour, brought him out of the castle, and restored
him to the free possession of his kingdom. But with a weak
mind, the remembrance of ancient offences outweighs the
value of recent favours. The king's former suspicions were
heightened by the representations of Alexander's enemies,
who incessantly accused him of too great popularity, which
they adduced as an indubitable proof of his design upon the
crown. Alexander, warned by his friends, of the plots formed
at court against his life, withdrew secretly to England, and
delivered the castle of Dunbar into the hands of Edward. In
his absence, he was condemned on an accusation of having sent
frequent messengers to England; of having departed thither
without the king's leave; and of having conspired with the
English against his country, and the king's life. All the
others concerned in this plot were pardoned, and among them
William Crichton, who was charged with being, not only a
participator, but the author and instigator of the designs
against his country. Scarcely, however, had Crichton obtain-
ed pardon for this offence, before he was again accused of
carrying on a criminal correspondence with the exiled prince,
through the medium of Thomas Dickson, a priest; of having
fortified Crichton castle, and not surrendering it up to be
garrisoned by the king's forces, for which he was ordered to
stand trial, on the 14th of February, 1484, but failing to
appear, he was outlawed, and his estate confiscated.





HISTOR. --LAND. 213
LI. These indeed, are the reasons assigned in the public
records, but the hatred of the king on a private account, is
supposed to have been the chief cause of his ruin. Crichton's
wife, sprung from the Dunbar family, was remarkably hand-
some, and her husband having discovered that she had been
seduced by the king, adopted a project, rash, indeed, but
natural to a husband disappointed in love, and provoked by
injury, he retaliated upon the king's youngest sister, a lady
also exquisitely lovely, but infamous for too close a connexion
with her brother, by her he had Margaret Crichton, who died
not long ago. In the meantime, Crichton's wife died at his
own castle, and the king's sister, whom, as we have mentioned,
his majesty had previously debauched, lamented so much the
absence of the restless William, that at times she seemed as if
she would go distracted. On which, the king, partly moved
by the entreaties of Crichton's friends, partly by the recollec-
tion of the injury he had done him, and desirous of concealing
his sister's infamy under the cloak of matrimony, permitted
him to return, on condition that he should marry her. Crich-
ton, persuaded by his friends, and forced by the ruin of his
| prospects, after the death of Richard, king of England, came
to Inverness, and had a conference with James, not long
before they both died, in which he was encouraged to hope
for his speedy recal. His tomb is still shown there. These
circumstances which took place at different times, I have
narrated together, that the course of the history might not be
interrupted. I now relate what I have thus passed over.
LII. Edward, king of England, died in the April following
the surrender of Dunbar, A. D. 1483, having left his brother,
Richard, the guardian of his sons. He at first governed
England for two months, satisfied with the title of protector,
then, having by various arts conciliated a great part of the
nobility and commons, he threw his brother's two sons into
prison, shut up the queen with her daughters, in a nunnery
near London, and in the month of June, assumed the name
and the insignia of royalty. Alexander, duke of Albany, and
James Douglas, desirous of trying the affections of the people
towards them, having selected five hundred horsemen, pro-
ceeded to Lochmaben, on St. Magdalen's day, when a great
214 HISTOI L.A.N.D.
fair used to be held; where, from some sudden quarrel, a bat-
tle arose, which was fought with various success, according as
assistance was brought to the one side or the other, from the
neighbourhood, and continued to hang in doubt, from mid-day
till night, when a bloody victory remained with the Scots, who
had lost a great number of their friends. Douglas was taken
prisoner, and sent by the king to the monastery of Lindores.
Alexander escaped on horseback to England, but did not long
remain there. Many incursions were made besides, more to
the loss of the English, than the advantage of the Scots.
Richard, uncertain of the issue of affairs at home, and afraid
of the threatening aspect from abroad—the earl of Richmond,
then an exile in France, being favoured by many of the Eng-
lish, and invited to assume the crown—was tortured with
anxiety, nor was he less tormented by a consciousness of guilt.
He therefore resolved, since he could not tranquillize his do-
mestic seditions so quickly as he hoped, that he would concil-
iate his foreign enemies upon any terms, that by their author-
ity and assistance, he might render himself safer, and more
terrible to his enemies at home. In pursuance of these reso-
lutions, ambassadors were sent to Scotland, to procure peace,
or at least a truce for some years, who found everything much
more easy than they had expected; for James, who, on ac-
count of similar crimes, was equally detested by his subjects,
listened willingly to the ambassadors of Richard, as he hoped,
that upon a peace being concluded with the English, he would
the more easily avenge his domestic wrongs, when a place of
refuge was cut off from his enemies.
* LIII. For these reasons chiefly, both kings sent some of their
most confidential friends to the borders, who, after many and
daily conferences about compensations, when they saw, that
on account of the multitude of the claims, and the weakness
of the proofs, a peace could not be effected, concluded a
truce for three years; and, because restoration could not be
made, on account of the difficulties I have mentioned, and the
shortness of the time, commissioners were appointed on both
sides, who, along with the wardens of the marches, were to
take care, that this was equitably and faithfully attended to.
One condition in this truce was dubiously expressed, respect-

ºlº ºr ººº-AND. 215
ing the restoration of Dunbar to the Scots, by which the
English understood they were to retain it, and the Scots, that
they were to besiege it, notwithstanding the truce. When the
Scots, after the six months which had been mentioned in the
treaty were expired, demanded by their ambassadors, the
delivery of the castle, Richard readily promised, in long
letters, to restore it, but from some cause or another, kept
possession till his death, which happened shortly after. But
when he was killed by his subjects, and Henry VII, not yet
securely seated on the throne, James invested it. during a very
hard winter, and the garrison, on account of the unsettled
state of England, expecting no assistance, surrendered.
Liv. Henry, distracted by many cares, in order to cut of
all occasion for foreign war, and extinguish the seeds of
ancient animosity, came to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, whence he
sent ambassadors to Scotland, to procure a perpetual treaty
of alliance, or at all events, a long truce; for, being a man of
uncommon wisdom, and having experienced many vicissitudes,
he thought peace with his neighbours, and especially with the
Scots, of the utmost importance, for establishing the stability
of his throne; because these two kingdoms were almost always
waiting to take advantage of each other's distresses, first en-
couraging rebels at home, and then receiving them when they
were banished; and seditions were thus cherished, either by the
hope of assistance or of refuge. James, who desired nothing
more than that, relieved from all fear of foreign interference,
he might be at liberty to inflict what punishment he thought
proper upon his disobedient subjects, received the ambassa-
dors courteously; he told them, that he indeed was anxious
for peace, but he thought he would not be able to obtain the
consent of his subjects, either to a perpetual peace, or to a
very long truce, partly because it was forbidden by an ancient
law, lest, being relieved from all fear, their minds should grow
languid, and their nerves get relaxed through idleness, and
partly, because their fierceness, contracted by being so long
accustomed to the use of arms, could not be instantly, and
altogether laid aside, but if he could possibly bring them to
a truce for six or seven years, it ought not to be rejected. As
for himself, as long as he lived, he would preserve peace with

216 HISTORY On ºn L.A.N.D.
Henry, sacred and inviolate, and he would also take care that
the truce should be renewed before the time expired; but he
entreated the ambassadors by every consideration, not to
divulge abroad what passed between them in secret, lest the
nobles should be less willing to agree to a peace, if they per-
ceived any wish on his part to procure it. This being report-
ed to Henry, as he knew in what a troubled state Scotland
was, and how convenient a peace would be to the king, think-
ing him sincere and hearty in his professions, he concluded a
truce for seven years, and returned to York.
Lv. In the meantime, the queen of the Scots died, a woman
of uncommon beauty and virtue, who was thought to have
moderated the unbridled rashness of her husband. Alex-
ander, the king's brother, also died in France, leaving two
sons, Alexander, by his first wife, a daughter of the earl of
Orkney, and by his second, John, who was afterward some
years regent of Scotland. James having secured peace abroad,
and being freed from two troublesome disturbers of his de-
signs at home, again gave himself up to the native bent of his
mind, and excluding from his presence almost all his nobility,
was surrounded entirely by upstarts, whom he preferred to
the honours of his court, and the offices of state, and deliver-
ing over to them the care of the government, and the levying
of taxes, he devoted himself wholly to his pleasures. The
chief of the court faction was John Ramsay, who, preserved
by the king's request, had escaped punishment at Lauder.
He was so excessively proud, that although created stewart of
the household, esteemed an high honour among the Scots,
and had had many valuable estates bestowed upon him, yet,
not satisfied with his fortune, he obtained an order, that no
one except himself and his companions, should carry arms in
those places where the king lodged, that by this means he
might protect himself and his faction against the nobility,
who held frequent meetings among themselves, and paraded
in armour, but this order procured for Ramsay more hatred
than respect, for now the appearance of downright slavery
struck every one.
Lv1. The king in the meantime, was eagerly bent upon
atiating his revenge by the blood of those whom he believed



















HISTOn sco TLAND. 217
to be the authors of the rebellion, which, when he could not
obtain by open force, he endeavoured to accomplish by art.
Pretending to be reconciled with several of the leaders, he
behaved to them courteously, and treated them with more
familiarity even than became a prince. The most powerful
he loaded with honours and rewards; he created David Lind-
say, earl of Crawford, duke of Montrose, wishing to attach to
himself so rich a nobleman; he had Archibald, earl of Angus,
frequently with him, and communicated to him his most secret
designs, as if he had received him wholly into his favour, yet
he could neither by gifts nor flattery, convince any one of his
sincerity; for those who knew his disposition, did not doubt
but he assumed this show of kindness, that he might separate
the nobility, and arrest them apart, or that he might set them
at variance among themselves, which appeared more plainly
when he had collected them at Edinburgh. Having invited
Douglas to come to him in the castle, he pointed out to him
what an admirable opportunity presented itself for executing
his revenge, for by apprehending the chiefs of the faction, and
bringing them to punishment, the rest would be overawed,
and if he neglected this opportunity, spontaneously afforded
him, he might never after hope to find one similar.
Lv11. Douglas, who knew that the king was not better
affected to himself than to the rest, discussed with him warily,
this cruel and hazardous design; he argued, that every person
would pronounce the action base and flagitious, if so many
noblemen, who had been promised pardon for their former
conduct, who were but lately reconciled, and were now secure
in the public faith, which they had accepted, should, without
a trial, be brought suddenly to punishment; that the fierce
minds of his enemies would not be broken by the destruction
of a few, but faith being once violated, all hope of agreement
would be at an end, and despairing of pardon, anger would be-
come madness, and thence greater stubbornness, and contempt
of the king's authority, and of their own lives would follow.
But if you trust me, he said, I will show you a method, by
which the royal dignity may be preserved, and your vengeance
satisfied. I will gather together my friends and vassals, and
in the face of day, and openly, seize whoever you wish, bring
WOL. II. 2 E.


ºit, HISTORY OF SCº. LAND.
them to trial, and punish them according to law—a method
not only more honourable, but safer than if they were put to
death secretly, and in the night, as if murdered by robbers.
The king, believing that the earl was sincere, for he knew he
could perform what he promised, returned him his thanks,
and dismissed him with many professions. Douglas, having
warned the nobles to withdraw from such imminent danger,
himself also immediately retired.
Lv1.11. From that day, his secret designs being exposed, the
king trusted no person; after remaining for some time in
Edinburgh castle, he crossed by sea to the districts beyond
the Forth, which still remained obedient, and there, in a short
time, raised a considerable army. The nobles, who formerly
had desired his reformation, and not his ruin, despairing now of
any reconciliation, turned all their endeavours to his destruc-
tion. The only difficulty which perplexed them, was what
general they should appoint, who, upon the defeat of the king,
might be a regent, not disagreeable to the people, and, at the
same time, by the lustre of his name, protect the party. After
many consultations, the king's son was unanimously fixed
upon. He was gained over by his guardians and tutors, who
threatened, if he refused, to transfer the government to the
English, the perpetual enemies of his family.
Lix. The king, having again crossed the Forth, had en-
camped at Blackness castle, and his son's army prepared for
battle, was not far distant, when, by the intervention of the
earl of Athol, the king's uncle, an accommodation was effect-
ed, * Athol, himself, being given to Adam Hepburn, earl of
Bothwell, as an hostage, with whom he remained till the
king's death; but the concord, as usual, when parties are sus-
picious of each other, did not last long. Several proposals
* A skirmish, from several documents, seems to have taken place at Black-
mess, but it must have been of a very partial and doubtful nature. Mr. Pink-
erton is inclined to believe that the prince was not in the hands of the rebels,
till after the affair at Blackness, because Athol was given as an hostage, which
they would not have required, if they had had the prince.—Hist, vol. i. p. 832.
It would indeed appear that the king did not know of Shaw's treason till he
went to Stirling, shortly before the battle, nor that his son was with the
nobles, till he took the field.


27
HISTOR. - O - sco TLAND. 219
having been mutually submitted, the nobles, at last, gave in
their final decision :-That as the king did not act with sin-
cerity, open war appeared to them better than an insidious
peace; that the only hope of adjustment now left, was for the
king to resign the crown in favour of his son; that nothing
else would be listened to ; and that it was in vain for him to
lengthen out the negotiation. The king communicated this
answer, by his ambassadors, to England and France, and
earnestly entreated them to assist him by their authority, or,
if necessary, by their arms, in repressing the madness of a few
rebels, and bringing them to their senses; for they ought to
consider this as a common cause, because it was an infection
which would easily spread to the neighbouring nations. He
sent also to pope Eugenius VIII, beseeching him, by his pa.
ternal love for Scotland, to send a legate to oblige his refrac-
tory subjects, under pain of ecclesiastical censures, to lay
down their arms, and obey their king. The pope, in conse-
quence, wrote to Hadrian of Castile, a man of uncommon
learning and wisdom, at that time his legate in England, to
use his endeavours for restoring tranquillity to Scotland.
Lx. These remedies, however, were too late. The nobles,
who were informed of his proceedings, and knew the implaca-
bility of the king towards themselves, determined to bring
their affairs to a decisive engagement, before any re-enforce-
ments could arrive to him. For although they had the prince
with them, both for ensuring the obedience of the common
people, and to show that they were not arrayed against their
country, but against a most pernicious king, yet, lest the ar-
rival of foreign ambassadors should shake the determination
of the lower orders, they anxiously exerted themselves to end
the contest by a final battle. Their urgency was opposed by
the timidity of the king, who, having sent for more troops
from the northern parts of the kingdom, kept himself within
Edinburgh castle, waiting for their arrival. From this reso-
lution, which appeared the safest for him, he was induced to
depart, either by the treachery or the unskilfulness of some of
his own counsellors, who, on account of the numerous friths
which might delay or endanger the arrival of his auxiliaries,
persuaded him, that he should retire to Stirling, the most


220 HISTORY OL sco L.A.N.D.
convenient place of the whole kingdom for receiving assistance
from every quarter; that he would be as safe there as in Edin-
burgh castle, as his enemies were wholly unprovided with
every article for undertaking a siege; besides, he might have
his fleet prepared for all accidents, and stationed near.
Lxi. This advice seemed faithful, and was safe enough, if
the governor of the castle, James Shaw, had not been bribed
by the opposite faction, and refused him admission on his ar-
rival. Wherefore, when the enemy pressed close upon him,
and he had no place to which he could retreat, he was forced
to risk an engagement with what force he had. At the com-
mencement, the battle was fiercely contested, and the first line
of the nobles began to give way, when the men of Annan-
dale, and their neighbours who inhabited the western coasts
of Scotland, advanced boldly, armed with longer spears than
their adversaries, and put the centre of the king's army to
flight. He, himself, weakened by a fall from a horse, took
refuge in some water mills, not far from the field of battle, in-
tending to get on board one of the vessels which lay near, but
being overtaken, he was slain there, with a few attendants. *
There were three who pursued him very closely in his flight
—Patrick Gray, the chief of his name, Sterling of Keir, and
a priest named Borthwick. It is not known by which of them
he was struck. The report of his death, although doubtful,
when divulged through both armies, stopped the pursuit and
slaughter of the fugitives; for the nobles wished it to appear,
that the war was undertaken against the king only, and not
against the people. Of the royal party, there fell Alexander
Cunninghame, earl of Glencairn, with a few of his vassals and
kinsfolk. Many were wounded on both sides.
LXII. Thus died James III., a prince not naturally of a bad
disposition, but corrupted by evil communication; for, when
*The king, when carried into the mill, it is said, called for a priest, and a
woman ran into the road calling for a priest to the king; on which, Borth-
wick turned aside to the hovel, and kneeling by his sovereign, inquired if he
thought he might survive by the help of surgery; to which James answered,
I believe I might, but let me have a priest to hearmy confession, and give me
the eucharist; on which, the wretch heard his confession, and then stabbed
him! ---


HISTORY OF SC-TLAND- 221
in childhood he had given some indications of an excellent
genius, and a mind truly royal, he was early, but gradually,
debauched by the Boyds. On their fall, he was hurried head-
long into every species of vice, by men of the very lowest de-
scription; even the degeneracy of the times, and the example
of the neighbouring kings, contributed to his destruction; for
Edward IV. in England, Charles in Burgundy, Louis XI. in
France, James II, in Portugal, laid the foundations of tyranny
in their different kingdoms, and Richard III. exercised it
most illimitedly in England. The death of James was brand-
ed with this ignominy, in the next convention of the estates,
it was voted that he was justly slain, and an act passed to
prevent all who had borne arms against him from being ever
personally, or in their posterity, disturbed on that account.
He died, A. D. 1488, in the 28th year of his reign, and the
35th year of his age.
- /


THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Book XIII.
1. James III. being killed near Stirling, on the 11th of June,
the chiefs of the opposite party, still uncertain as to his fate,
returned back to Linlithgow, where accounts were brought
them, that boats had passed from the fleet to the shore, and
carried off the wounded to the ships. From this circumstance,
a suspicion having arisen that the king had been received on
board the fleet, they removed to Leith, and THE PRINCE—
the title of the king's eldest son among the Scots—sent an in-
vitation to the admiral, to come on shore to him. The ad-
miral, Sir Andrew Wood, grateful for the honours he had
received from the king, and who cherished the most affection-
ate regard for his memory, refused to land, unless he obtain-
ed hostages for his safety; on which, Seton and Fleeming,
two noblemen of the highest rank, were given. When he
arrived, he was asked by the council if he knew where the
king was, and who they were who had been carried in boats
to his ships after the battle. He replied, that he knew noth-
ing about the king, but said, he and his brothers had landed
from the boats, in order that, along with other loyal subjects,
they might defend their king; and when they saw their en-
deavours to preserve his life were vain, they returned to the
fleet; if his majesty were alive, they would alone obey him,
or if dead, they were ready to avenge his death. He, besides,
threw out many reproaches against the rebels; but, notwith-
standing, lest the hostages should suffer, he was allowed to
return unhurt to the ships. When the hostages had arrived
safe, the citizens of Leith were called before the council, and



HISTO-º- ºr -COTLAND. 223
solicited, by great promises, to rig out vessels, and attack Sir
Andrew Wood. But they unanimously answered, that his
two vessels were so well equipped, and manned with such ex-
perienced seamen, and he himself, was so skilful a commander,
that no ten vessels in Scotland would venture to attack them.
The council then breaking up, proceeded to Edinburgh, where,
having ascertained the truth of the king's death, they caused
a magnificent funeral to be given him, at the abbey of Cambus-
kenneth, in the vicinity of Stirling, on the 25th of June.
CIV. JAMEs IV.
II. In the meantime, a parliament was summoned on a cer-
tain day, for installing the new king, but few obeyed, and al-
most all who came, were those who had been conspirators
against the former. Immediately after his ascension, James
IV. sent a herald to the governor of Edinburgh castle, to re-
quire him to surrender, which being complied with, he march-
ed straight to Stirling; that castle also was delivered up to
him by the garrison. On the rumour reaching England, of
the distracted state of affairs in Scotland, five picked vessels,
from the royal navy, entered the Frith of Forth, plundered the
merchantmen, obstructed the commerce, and making many
descents on both shores, infested exceedingly the maritime
places. Great apprehensions, too, were entertained from the
rival armies of the Scots themselves, for the force of the un-
successful party had been rather dispersed than destroyed in
the late battle; the whole had not been present, nor of those
who had, were there many killed. Therefore, a more violent
tempest appeared imminent, from men whose minds, still hos-
tile, were elated by a confidence in their own strength; whose
indignation was heightened at the idea of so many noblemen
having thus easily submitted, not to the crown, but to a cabal,
for although the name and title of king was borne by a youth
of fifteen, he did not govern, but was himself governed by the
murderers of his father; the whole power remained in the
hands of Angus, Hepburn, and Hume, and their insolence
was increased, because the coasts were infested with the two
fleets, the English and the Scots.
III. The new king, in order to lessen the difficulties with



224. HISTORY or sco II. AMD.
which he was surrounded, resolved first to reconcile the naval
forces to himself, lest they should occasion any disturbance,
while he was at the distan. parts of the kingdom, endeavour-
ing to restore order, or afford the English access to the in-
terior, for pillaging the midland counties. He, therefore,
after the death of the late king was publicly announced, invit.
ed Sir Andrew Wood on shore, upon a royal protection,
thinking he would now be less obstinate in his opposition,
and having stated to him, both the danger and disgrace the
whole nation incurred, by allowing a few ships thus haughtily
to insult them, he not only won over Sir Andrew, but likewise
roused him against the English. Several of the courtiers ad-
vised the admiral to take with him a greater number, and
larger vessels, or, at least, have an equal fleet to the enemy:
but he replied, that he was satisfied with his own two, and,
unmooring with the first favourable wind, he set sail against
the enemy, who were at anchor off the town of Dunbar, and,
after a desperate action, brought them all as prizes into
Leith, and presented their captains to the king.” Sir Andrew
was munificently rewarded, and his skill in naval warfare, and
the remarkable bravery of his men, was loudly applauded,
while the court flatterers, who always rapturously applaud
whatever is admired by kings, presaged that this victory was
a certain omen of others far more glorious.
Iv. Meanwhile, the adverse party of the nobles sent mes-
sengers every where, mutually exhorting each other:-Not to
endure the present state of affairs, nor allow so many brave
men to be abused by public parricides, who had killed one
king, and held another in bondage, and who, with intolerable
effrontery, accused the defenders of the late king of treason;
who, while they violated all law human and divine, styled
themselves protectors of order, and liberators of their country,
while they kept the present king captive, for he had been
forced to take arms against his father and his king; and after
* The English historians pass over in silence the naval glories of Sir An-
drew Wood. Actions so remarkable, could only be omitted by design; and
such an omission by no means justifies that superior veracity, which some of
our later Scottish writers are disposed to allow them over those of their own
Country-

HISTORY OF SCUTLAND. 225
his majesty was villanously murdered, he was obliged to pro-
secute an impious war against his father's friends, and the de-
fenders of his life. Many such speeches were spread among
the common people, and to raise still higher the general flame
of indignation, Alexander Forbes, the chief of a noble family,
carried the late king's shirt, stained with blood, and torn with
the marks of his wounds suspended upon a spear, through
Aberdeen, and the chief towns of the adjacent counties, and
by public proclamation, called upon all men to avenge the
horrid deed.
v. Matthew Stuart, earl of Lennox, a wealthy nobleman,
who, universally beloved for his affability, was not less active
in the districts on this side the Forth, raised the lords in
his vicinity, and, having collected a pretty large force, when
he could not proceed by Stirling bridge, as the royalists had
possession of the town, marched hastily to the fords near the
source of the river, at the foot of the Grampians, in order
to join himself to his associates. His design, however, was
discovered by Alexander Macalpin, one of his vassals who had
joined the enemy, and who informed Sir John Drummond,”
that the rebels were so secure and careless, that they straggled
about wherever they went, placed no watch, nor used any
military precaution. Drummond, on this, with the courtiers,
and a few volunteers who had joined him, attacked them when
they were asleep, and numbers slept the sleep of death, others
unarmed, fled in confusion back whence they had come, and
a great many were taken prisoners; but on being recognised,
the majority were dismissed to their friends, these only being
treated harshly who had written or spoken contumeliously.
v1. The joy occasioned by this victory, was increased by
the arrival, on the same day, of accounts of a naval triumph
gained by Sir Andrew Wood over Stephen Bull; for the king
of England, upon hearing that five of his vessels had been
beaten and captured by two Scottish ships of far inferior size,
desirous of wiping away the ignominy, yet not having any just
grounds for war, assembled his most experienced sea officers,
and offering them the choice of his navy, and every naval
* Sir John Drummond of Cargill, createdlord Drummond, 1488–Crawford.
WOL. I.1. 2 F

226 HISTORY OF SCº L.A. N. D.
equipment they could desire, exhorted them to remove the
stain from the English name, promising the highest honours
to whoever would bring Wood to him dead or alive. Those
who knew the bravery and uniform success of the enemy,
hesitating, Stephen Bull, a knight of approved valour, under-
took the expedition; and a favourable opportunity of success-
fully executing his design appeared to be offered, as he knew
that Sir Andrew was about to return from Flanders, and he
hoped to be able easily to surprise him unawares on his pass-
age. Wherefore, having selected three vessels from the royal
fleet, he fitted them out expeditiously, and sailing along the
English coast, he bore for the May, a desert island in the
Frith of Forth, a station which he chose for its convenient sit-
uation, because he had safe roadsteads on every side of the
island, where he could ride in safety from every wind, and the
sea there was so narrow, that the smallest vessel could not
pass unobserved. In the meantime, he detained the most
skilful of the fishermen, and kept them constantly upon the
outlook in their small skiffs, to point out to him the enemy's
vessels. He had not remained there long, when Wood's ships
were descried approaching with every sail set; on which,
weighing anchor, Bull, already confident of victory, prepared
for an engagement. Wood only waited till his men had arm-
ed, and then immediately stood for his enemy. These two
distinguished captains joined battle with all the spirit of great
armies, and strove so desperately, that darkness interrupted
the fight, while the victory remained doubtful. Next day,
early in the morning, the commanders having encouraged
their men, renewed the contest with fresh vigour, and having
fixed the hostile vessels together with grappling irons, they
fought hand to hand, as on firm ground, and struggled with
such keenness, that neither of them perceived the ebbing of
the tide, till they were carried upon the sand banks at the
mouth of the Tay, and there the English vessels, who, on
account of their size, became unmanageable in the shallows,
were forced to surrender. They were thence towed up against
the stream to Dundee, where they remained till their dead
were buried, and their wounded placed under the care of sur-
geons for cure. The battle was fought on the 10th of August,

27
-
T
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 227
A. D. 1490. A few days after, Wood went to the king, car-
rying with him Sir Stephen Bull, the other captains of the
vessels, and the most distinguished of the sailors; he was very
graciously received, and honourably rewarded for his bravery.
The young monarch munificently restored the captives, along
with their vessels, to the king of England, at the same time,
bestowing high encomiums on the valour of his warriors,
evincing that he respected courage in an enemy who contend-
ed not for plunder, but for honour. Henry, although severe-
ly mortified at the unfortunate issue of the battle, yet returned
thanks to the Scottish king, and readily acknowledged his
munificence and magnanimity.
v11. About this time, a strange kind of monster was born
in Scotland. In the lower part of the body it resembled a
male child, differing in nothing from the ordinary shape of
the human body, but above the navel, the trunk, and all the
other members became double, and were distinct, both in their
use and appearance. The king caused it be carefully brought
up, and educated, particularly in music, in which it wonder-
fully excelled. It also learned different languages, and in
their various inclinations, the two bodies appeared to disagree
between themselves, sometimes disputing, each preferring dif-
ferent objects, and sometimes consulting, as if for the common
pleasure of both; and what was remarkable, when the lower
limbs, or loins were struck, both felt the blow in common,
but when pricked, or otherwise hurt above, only one of the
bodies was sensible of pain, which distinction was most con-
spicuous in death; for, when the one body had died several
days before the other, that which remained, when the dead
half became putrescent, wasted away by degrees. I write
this the more confidently, because there are many persons
of undoubted veracity still alive, who saw the prodigy.
viii. The fame of Wood's naval victory being spread over
the north country, the insurgents gave up all intention of war,
and departed to their own homes. This tumult being so
easily repressed, the king bent his attention, not only to quell
all present seditions, but wholly to prevent them in future.
The first meeting of the estates which was convoked, he held
in Edinburgh, on the 6th of November. In it many salutary




















- 228 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
-
acts were passed for securing the public tranquility. First,
that the different parties might agree more readily to peace,
all blame was attached to a few, and the punishment in a great
degree alleviated, or altogether remitted. When the justice
of the war came to be discussed, John Lyon, lord of Glammis,
produced certain articles, which had been sent by the nobles
to the king for obtaining a pacification, which James III. had
often assented to, and even subscribed, and on which terms
he would have firmly agreed with his nobles, had not evil
counsellors alienated his mind, and even prevailed upon him
to introduce the ancient enemy into the kingdom, to oppose
his own subjects; that for this inconsistency, the earls of
Huntly, Errol, Marischal, Glammis himself, and several other
noblemen had deserted him, and had followed his son James,
on account of his regard for the public welfare, and his love
of peace. After a long debate, it was at last unanimously re-
solved:—That they who fell at the battle of Stirling, appeared
to have fallen through their own fault, but those who had
borne arms against the public enemies, who, under honour-
able pretexts concealed their secret treachery, were neither
worthy of blame nor guilty of treason, which resolutions being
passed, were subscribed by all present, as a declaration of the
sentiments of the estates, and a justification of the late pro-
ceedings, to be exhibited to the foreign ambassadors, whose
arrival was expected. Many other acts were passed, restoring
what had been taken away from the poor; to reduce the fines
of the rich; and to provide that none of those who had taken
arms, should themselves, or their children, suffer on that ac-
count.
Ix. This moderation, so lovely in a youth of fifteen years,
and a conqueror, invested with supreme power, was greatly
enhanced by his benignity, and condescension, his fidelity to
his word, and what chiefly captivates the vulgar, his graceful
form, and sprightly manners. Wherefore, when he exercised
his victory neither avariciously nor cruelly, and really, and
unreservedly pardoned the delinquents, in a short time the
greatest cordiality existed between the factions, and the parties
vied with each other in their loyalty and affection towards the
king. A few who were more obstinate, were moderately fined,

















HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 229
either of a sum of money, or a small part of their estates, none
were stripped of their whole fortunes, and the fines were not
carried to the exchequer, but expended upon useful works.
What rendered the clemency of the present monarch peculi-
arly grateful, was the recollection yet fresh, of the slight causes
for which the most illustrious men were, under the late reign,
stripped of their estates, and what worthless successors were
appointed in their room; besides, that he might render the
leaders of the adverse factions more faithful to him, he joined
them in affinity to himself. His aunt's two daughters, whom
she had by different husbands, he gave in marriage, Gracina
Boyd, to Llord] Alexander Forbes, and Margaret Hamilton,
to Matthew Stuart, [earl of Lennox.] Thus in a short time
all parties being reconciled, jocund peace, and universal tran-
quillity ensued, and, as if fortune had become handmaid to the
king's virtues, a plentiful harvest followed, and a golden season
seemed to have arisen after a more than iron age. The king,
however, when he had repressed public robberies by arms,
and other vices by the severity of the laws, lest he should be
thought to be a severe avenger to others, and too indulgent to
himself, in order to show openly, that his father was put to
death against his desire, bound an iron chain round his body,
to which he added a link every year during his life. This, al-
though it might be disagreeable to the authors of the murder,
yet, either trusting to the mildness of the king's disposition, or
the power of the party, they abstained from every commotion.
x. Amid this public and private rejoicing, in the seventh
year of the king's reign, Peter Warbec * came to Scotland,
but before I explain the cause of his coming, it is necessary
to go back a little—Margaret, the sister of Edward the IV.,
king of England, when she had married Charles, duke of
* There is no problem in Scottish history more involved, than the story of
Warbec in the English. It is foreign from the object of these notes to enter
into the dispute, whether Perkins was, or was not the prince he represented
himself, but to any person who wishes to see how plausibly a section of his-
tory, and that of no dark period, which has been received as authentic, and
considered as settled, may be undermined by a little ingenuity, and a little
scepticism, I would recommend Walpole's historical doubts on the reign of
Richard III.

230 HISTOI! - O - SCOTLAND.
Burgundy, resolved to harass, if she could not overturn
Henry VII, the leader of the opposite party. That she
might the more easily effect this, she raised up one Peter
Warbec, as a competitor for the crown. He was a young
man of low parentage, born at Tournay, a town of the Nervii,
but of such elegance of form, commanding stature, and dignity
of countenance, that he was easily believed to be of royal
origin. Having been constrained by his poverty to travel, he
lived so long abroad, that he could with difficulty be recog-
nised by a few of his own relations, and had acquired, together
with a number of languages, the most invincible intrepidity of
countenance and mind, Margaret, who eagerly watched every
opportunity for disturbing the affairs of England, having
discovered this youth, kept him concealed with her, until she
taught him by what factions England was torn, who there
were her friends, and who were her enemies, and made him
completely acquainted with the whole genealogy of the royal
family, and the prosperous, and adverse fortune of each in-
dividual.
xi. Having thus prepared him, when every thing appeared
ripe for trying fortune, she took care to have him sent first to
Portugal, and next to Ireland. He was received there by a
great concourse, and shouting of the common people, as the
son of king Edward, and, whether adapting himself to his own
natural genius, assisted by art, for carrying on the cheat, or
trusting to the credulity of the barbarians, he appeared likely
in a short time, to raise a grand commotion, when a war sud-
denly breaking out between France and England, he was
called from Ireland by the magnificent promises of Charles
VIII., and came to Paris. He was there received honourably,
and treated with all the marks of royalty, having a guard ap-
pointed to attend him, and by the English exiles, who in great
numbers frequented that court, assured of success in his at-
tempts upon the throne. But the quarrel having been adjust-
ed, he withdrew secretly from the French court, lest he should
have been given up, and retired to Flanders, where he was re-
ceived by Margaret with the greatest kindness, as if it had
been the first time she ever saw him, shown frequently to her
courtiers, and often ordered in the presence of great numbers,

HISTO1- or sco TLAND. 231
to repeat all the story of his adventures; then, as if she had
never heard them before, she so accommodated her simulated
feelings to his tale-to the prosperous and adverse events which
he related, that every one believed she gave full credit to what
she heard. After a few days, Peter was ordered to appear
abroad, in a royal habit, followed by thirty attendants bearing
the badge of the white rose—the emblem of the York faction
in England—and was declared the true, and indubitable heir
of the English throne. When these stories were divulged, first
in Flanders, and afterward in England, the minds of the peo-
ple were so much excited, that great multitudes flocked to
him, not only of those, who from terror of the laws, lurked in
asylums, and other places, but even noblemen, who were not
satisfied with their circumstances, or were desirous of a re-
volution. But when a longer delay, which Peter hoped would
increase his strength, threatened to diminish it, his fable by
degrees beginning to be discovered, he resolved to commit his
fate to the fortune of war. Wherefore, having collected a
small band, he disembarked a few followers in Kent, and
endeavoured without success, to excite an insurrection in his
favour. All who landed being cut off, he sailed for Ireland,
and there too, being disappointed, he bent his course to Scot-
land, knowing, that there seldom was peace, and never of any
long continuance, between the English and the Scots.
x11. Here, when he was admitted into the king's presence,
he deplored, in the most lamentable strains, the ruin of the
house of York, and his own misfortunes, and earnestly be-
sought his majesty to rescue a prince of the blood royal, from
such indignity. The king desired him not to lose hope, and
promised by his exertions, to convince him, that he had not
in vain applied to him for assistance in his adversity. A few
days after, a council being called, Peter was introduced, and
delivered a piteous tale of his misfortunes:–He was, he said,
the son of the most flourishing king of his age, and born to
the highest hopes, but left destitute by the death of his father,
he had nearly perished through the tyranny of his uncle,
Richard, before he was capable of knowing the calamity that
had befallen him. His elder brother being cruelly murdered,
he was carried away by his father's friends, and now, in that

232 HISTORY OL sco TLAND. -
kingdom of which he was the just heir, he dared not, though
reduced to the greatest poverty, seek even a precarious exist-
ence. He had spent such a life among foreign nations, that
he accounted the condition of his brother—who had been
taken away from these miseries by a sudden death—happy, |
in comparison of the wretchedness he had been doomed to
endure; for he had been preserved the sport of fortune, nor
was he even allowed to lament his disasters among strangers,
to awaken their pity, for after he began to declare who he
was, he was assailed by every ruthless weapon. To his for-
mer wretchedness, was added the hourly danger of treachery,
his most insidious enemy now endeavouring to obtain his
life, by bribing his hosts, and now privately enticing his sub-
jects, who, under the guise of friendship, pryed into his most
secret designs, corrupted his real friends, discovered his hid-
den partisans, and by false allegations, calumniated his de-
scent among the vulgar. They defamed by their reproaches,
his aunt Margaret, and the noble English, who had ac-
knowledged him; yet she, trusting to her uprightness, had
supported him against the malice of his enemies, and moved
with compassion for her own blood, had supplied his necessi-
ties by her wealth. But at last, when he perceived he could
not obtain efficient help from an aged woman, and a widow,
he had gone among the neighbouring kings, beseeching them
to respect their common cause, nor allow the blood royal,
oppressed by tyranny, to pine away in poverty, anxiety, and
grief. As for himself, although he had suffered such severe
misfortunes, he was not yet so broken in spirit, as to give up
his hopes of being restored by the help of his friends, who
were numerous both in England and Ireland, when he would
have it in his power to reward every one according to his
merit, especially, were the assistance of the Scots added to his
party, by whose aid, if he was restored to his kingdom, he
would soon show them, that they had procured the firmest of
friends, and that procured at a time when true friends are
acquired, for the remembrance of such kindness would ever
remain with himself and his posterity, who would always will-
ingly acknowledge, that the accession of their better fortune
was due to them alone. He added many things besides,


HISTORY OF sco TLAND. 233
in praise of their king, partly true, and partly such as the
present state of his fortune suggested.
km. After Peter had spoken, the king, calling him to him,
encouraged him, and promised to refer his demands to his
council, whose advice it was necessary to follow in weighty
affairs; yet, whatever they might determine, he assured him,
that he would never repent seeking refuge with him. Peter
having withdrawn, when the subject came to be debated, the
more prudent and experienced, were of opinion, that the
whole ought to be rejected, either because they thought that
the story they had been told was false, or, because they fore-
saw there would be more danger from the war, than advantage
from a victory, even if certain. But the majority, either from
inexperience, fickleness, or a wish to gratify the king, in
delivering their sentiments respecting Peter, considered his
pretensions as just, and commiserated his misfortunes, and
were, besides, anxious for seizing the opportunity of England
being in a state of confusion, and the people still unsettled,
after the civil dissensions, because the English always were
accustomed to do the same to them, and they ought to make
an attempt to turn the distresses of the enemy to their own
advantage; for they already promised themselves victory, be-
fore the trumpet was sounded, especially, as they anticipated
being joined by great numbers of the disaffected. But even
although fewer partisans should come in to them than they
expected, yet one of two things must naturally follow, either,
as conquerors, they would place on the throne a king bound
to them by such important services, that they would obtain
from him whatever they desired; or, were the dispute settled
without a battle, Henry, when his domestic commotions were
composed, not being firmly seated on the throne, would sub-
scribe to whatever conditions they chose, but should he refuse,
war once begun, many unforeseen advantages would spontane-
ously present themselves.
xiv. The majority agreeing in these sentiments, the king,
fond of novelty, inclined to the same opinion, and carried the
rest along with him. Immediately after, he treated Peter in
the most distinguished manner, and exhibited him to the
people as the duke of York. Not content with these favours,
WOL. II. 2 G. -

234 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
he gave him in marriage, Catherine Gordon, a daughter of
the earl of Huntly, who, besides the splendour of her family,
was celebrated for her beauty, by this alliance confirming his
hopes of better fortune. In the meantime, according to the
determination of the council, James levied an army, and
entered England, at first with caution, and prepared for
battle, in case of any sudden attack. Afterward, when he
understood, from the horsemen he had sent out to scour the
country, that no army, and not even any military parties of
the enemy were assembled, he dispersed his men to plunder,
and in a short time, he pillaged almost all Northumberland.
Having employed himself in this manner for some days, no
one of the English joining Peter, and being informed that an
army was raising in the neighbouring counties, thinking it
hazardous to expose his troops, laden with plunder, to a con-
test with the unincumbered, and fresh forces of the enemy, he
determined to return to Scotland, and having secured the
booty, to return upon a new expedition, as soon as the season
of the year would permit. Nor was he afraid of being followed
by the English, as he knew that an army suddenly raised, could
not be kept together long, nor could they pursue him through
a poor, and lately plundered country, without having previous-
ly prepared provisions. When Peter, contrary to his expecta-
tion, saw himself joined by none of the English, fearing, if he
remained longer in an enemy's country, his deceit would be
discovered, as if he approved of the king's resolution, came to
him, and with an appearance of much compassion, both in his
manner and countenance, entreated him :—That he would not
ravage so cruelly his kingdom, nor spill the blood of his sub-
i jects; for no power was so dear to him, as to purchase it by
the blood of his people, and the misery of his country. The
king, who perceived whither this excessive compassion tended,
replied:—He was afraid he was preserving a kingdom, in
which no one would acknowledge him as either king or coun-
tryman, for his most inveterate enemy. Thus, by common
consent they returned home, and the army was disbanded.
xv. The English king, being informed of the invasion, and
retreat of the Scots, determined to send an expedition against
them next year, and with this intent ordered a powerful army
--
27

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 235
to be raised. In the interim, not to be idle, he assembled his
parliament, which, having approved of his design, granted him
a small subsidy, to be levied by a capitation tax upon the peo-
ple. This, however, raised a more vexatious war at home, than
the one it was destined to repress from abroad; for the com-
mons complained, that by the many wars which had been
carried on within these few years, their youth had been ex-
hausted by draughts, and their incomes impaired by taxes;
that the nobles and counsellors of the king, wholly unaffected
by these calamities, during peace contrived new wars, in order
to exact new taxes from the poor, that those whom they could
not consume by the sword, they might waste by want and
misery. These complaints becoming general, the inhabitants
of Cornwall were much more highly incensed than the rest,
because, inhabiting a country the great part of which is barren,
war used to be to them rather a gain than an expense; there-
fore, that warlike population, whose wealth used to increase
by warfare, rather than be diminished by taxation, first put to
death the tax-gatherers, and ministers of the crown, then,
conscious that they could not expect pardon after such an
audacious action, and their numbers increasing daily, bent
their course towards London. But I have no inclination to
pursue the detail of this insurrection farther, it is sufficient for
our purpose to say, that the Cornish, during a whole year, so
completely occupied the king of England, that he was obliged
to turn against them the forces he had prepared for the Scot-
tish war.
xvi. In the meantime, the Scottish king, foreseeing that the
enemy would not allow the mischief of last year to pass un-
revenged, and also informed by his spies, that great prepara-
tions were making against him, on his part, assembled his
troops, with the intention of defending himself, if the English
should soon invade him; or, if not, by an expedition into the
enemy's country, to waste all the places in the vicinity of the
Scottish borders, that the country, not naturally fertile, should
be unable to supply the necessary subsistence for the culti-
vators, much less support an army; but hearing of the Cornish
insurrection, he immediately marched into England with a
large force, formed in two separate divisions—one of which he
236 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
-
sent to ravage the country round Durham, while he remained
with the other to besiege Norham, a strong castle, situate on
a high hill, upon the banks of the Tweed. But in neither of
his undertakings did he meet with much success, for Richard
Fox, bishop of Durham, a man of remarkable discernment,
suspecting, from the disturbed state of England, that the
Scots would not omit so favourable an opportunity for attack-
ing them, had strengthened several castles by strong garri-
sons, and carefully removed all the cattle, from places where
they could be either killed or carried off, to situations secured
by rivers or marshes; he likewise sent for the earl of Surry,
who had a strong force in Yorkshire, by which means, he
prevented much damage from being done to his country; and
Norham being bravely defended by the garrison, the Scots
returned home without effecting any thing of consequence.
The English quickly followed them, and demolished Ayton
castle, situate almost on the very limits of Scotland, after
which, they too retired without having performed any notable
exploit.
* xvii. In the midst of these external and civil com
Pedro Hialas, a man of uncommon sagacity and learning ac-
cording to the times, was sent by Ferdinand and Isabella,
sovereigns of Spain, to contract a treaty of marriage between.
their daughter Catherine, and Arthur, Henry's son, and, at
the same time, negotiate a new treaty of alliance. The Eng-
lish king, having cheerfully acceded to the proposal respecting,
the affinity, wished Hialas also to mediate a peace with Scot-
land, as he thought it beneath his dignity to solicit one.
Hialas cheerfully undertook the business, and went to Scot-
land. After various conversations with James, having at last.
induced him to listen to peaceful councils, he wrote to the
English king, that he thought it would not be difficult to effect
a peace, if he would send any able ambassador to arrange the
conditions. Henry, who had often experienced the incon-
stancy of fortune, and who knew that his subjects, exasperate
by the late disturbances, were rather irritated than subdued
by their defeat, ordered Richard Fox, who resided in his own -
castle of Norham, to join Hialas in the negotiation. These.
negotiators, after many discussions with the Scottish ambassa-

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 237
dors at Jedburgh for several days, respecting the conditions,
could come to no definite arrangement. What chiefly pre-
vented a treaty being concluded, was a demand of Henry,
who thought it just that Peter Warbec, an impostor, and the
author of so much disturbance, should be delivered up to him.
This James obstinately refused, as he did not think he could,
without dishonour, and a violation of public faith, deliver up
to his enemies, a man of royal extraction, who was first his
suppliant, and but lately allied to him by marriage. The
conferences were, in consequence, broken off, without a peace
being concluded; but all hope of an adjustment not being laid
aside, a truce was entered into for some months, till James
could with honour dismiss Warbec.
xviii. As the fable of Peter's extraction and fortune began
now to be apparent, both from the conference with the Eng-
lish, and other strong evidence, the king, having sent for him,
recapitulated the public favours he had bestowed upon him, and
his own individual kindness, to which he himself could bear
witness. First, on his account, he had undertaken a war with
a most powerful king, and for two years carried it on with
great loss to the enemy, and inconvenience to his own subjects;
next, he had refused to accept an honourable peace, in which
he was not included, and, in consequence, had almost equally
offended both his own people and his enemies; but now he
neither could nor would resist their inclinations longer, and,
therefore, requested that whatever were his future intentions,
he would seek out a more convenient place of exile, because
he was determined to make peace with the English, and to
preserve it religiously; of course, it was necessary to remove
whatever might tend to disturb it. Nor could he, Peter,
complain that he had been deserted by the Scots, until after
he had been forsaken by the English, trusting to whose assist-
ance, the Scots had undertaken the war; yet, notwithstand-
ing, he would amply provide him for his voyage, Warbec,
although grieved at being dismissed contrary to his expecta-
tion, relaxed nothing of his affected high spirit, and, in a few
days, set sail with his wife and family for Ireland, whence, in
a short time, he crossed to England, and joined the remains
of the Cornish rebels. After many unsuccessful attempts, he
- - *-


238 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
was at last taken prisoner, and having confessed his imposture,
he was hanged."
xix. The seeds of war between the English and Scots being
almost extinguished, and every thing assuming a peaceful ap-
pearance, a bitter war had nearly arisen, from a very trifling
quarrel suddenly arising among the irritable borderers. Sev-
eral Scottish young men went frequently, as was usual during
peace, to a town near the castle of Norham, to amuse them-
selves with games and other diversions, and mingled as famil-
iarly as at home with their neighbours, from whom they were
separated only by the river, not very broad at that place.
The garrison who were stationed in the castle, whose minds
rankled with the animosity of the late hostilities, being ruf-
fled by some recent provocation, accused the Scots as spies;
from words they proceeded to blows, and many being wound-
ed on both sides, the Scots, who were inferior in number, re-
turned home with some loss. This affair having been fre-
quently agitated in the meetings between the wardens, James,
violently enraged, sent a herald to Henry, to complain of this
violation of the truce, and of the insincerity of the English in
preserving the peace; threatening to declare war, unless re-
paration was made, according to the usages which, by the
consent of both people, were held sacred on such occasions.
The king of England, who had experienced the severity of
fortune almost from his cradle, and was anxious for peace,
replied:—Whatever had been done, was done against his in-
clination, and without his knowledge; if any of the garrison
had rashly offended, it was in opposition to his wishes to
preserve the treaty inviolate, and he would give orders for in-
stituting an inquiry, and punishing the guilty. But as steps
* The confession of Warbec, is alleged by Walpole to have been a fabri-
cation of Henry's. His wife, who was either his dupe or accomplice, faith-
fully accompanied him in all his dangers. After the capture of her husband,
Henry summoned her from St. Michael's mount in Cornwall, where she had
taken refuge, for he was anxious lest her pregnancy should occasion repeated
tumults, but his apprehensions were vain. Struck with her beauty and vir-
tue, he recommended her to the charge of his Queen, and assigned her a
pension, which she enjoyed many years after his death. The popular voice
applying to her elegant form, the title of the White Rose, the badge of her
husband's claim. Warbec is by other historians styled Perkin.
-
|

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 239
were very slowly taken for this purpose, the answer appeared
to be intended, by delaying the punishment, to allow his re-
sentment to evaporate, and, therefore, James was more en-
raged than soothed.
xx. Richard Fox, bishop of Durham, proprietor of the
castle, grieved that any cause for breaking the treaty should
have originated with his vassals, and wishing to prevent any
rupture, sent letters to James, breathing so much kindness
and humanity, that James, influenced by them, wrote him in
reply, that he would willingly confer with him, not only about
the recent injury, but about other business, which might be
for the advantage of both kingdoms; and he, upon acquaint-
ing his own king, and receiving his permission, came to Mel-
rose, where James then was. There, after a strong complaint
of the injury received at Norham, his majesty, soothed by the
conciliating and calm speech of Fox, for the sake of peace, of
which he showed himself very desirous, remitted the offence.
Several other arrangements were privately settled between
them, the chief of which, as afterwards appeared, was intro-
duced by the king, who observed, that he not only desired
peace, but, in order to secure it more firmly, wished a nearer
alliance with Henry; and if Henry would bestow his daughter
Margaret in marriage upon him, he hoped it would produce
advantages to both countries; and if he, Fox, whose influence
he knew was deservedly great at home, would lend his assist-
ance to procure this alliance, he did not doubt but every
thing would be easily effected. Fox cheerfully promised his
endeavours, and set out for the English court. After having
communicated the affair to the king, he encouraged the Scot-
tish ambassadors to hope that peace would be quickly estab-
lished between the two monarchs. Thus, at last, after three
years, A. D. 1500, at the same time, Margaret, Henry's eld-
est daughter, was betrothed to James IV., and Catherine, the
daughter of Ferdinand of Spain, to Henry's eldest son; the
nuptials were celebrated after another year with great splen-
dour.”
* This marriage, so important in its consequences, as it was in the third
generation, to unite the two crowns, being the favourite object of Henry,
and which had been in agitation from the time the princess was eight years



240 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
xxi. A general tranquility followed the marriage, and the
attention of the court being turned from the study of arms to
games and amusements, nothing was to be seen but pompous
spectacles, entertainments, and balls; and a constant succes-
sion of sports, gave every day the appearance of a holiday.
Tournaments, after the French manner, were frequently ex-
hibited; and duels, between men accustomed to live by rob-
old, and the king twenty-five, was consummated on the 8th of August, 1503,
when the bride was fourteen, and the husband thirty-one. The dower of the
queen was thirty-one thousand angel-nobles, a gold coin, value 6s. 8d., or
*10,000 Sterling, to be paid in three instalments. The queen's dowry was
fixed at £2000 Sterling, per annum, to secure which, she received legal seizen
of Ettrick-forest, with the tower of Newark, the lordships of Dunbar and
Cowbrands-path, the palace of Linlithgow, and lordship of the shire, the
castle of Stirling, and lordship of the shire, earldom of Monteith, lordship
and castle of Down, and palace and lordship of Methven, value £2000 Ster-
ling money, or £6000 Scottish currency, clear of all burdens and expenses.
Her majesty's private purse was £1000 Scottish, to be paid in equal sums at
the feasts of Easter and Michaelmas. The following accountis given of the
young queen's reception:—
“When Margaret arrived at Newbottle, James flying like a bird that seeks
its prey, entered her chamber, and found her playing at cards; he entertained
her by his own performance on the claricord and lute, and at his departure,
leaped on his horse, a fair courser, withoutputting his foot in the stirrup, and
spurred on at full gallop, follow who might; but hearing that Surry was be-
hind, the king returned, and saluted the earl bareheaded. At another visit,
the queen gave a specimen of her skill in music, while James listened with
bended knee, and on another, he was attended by forty horse, while he him-
self rode a mule. When she left Dalkeith, the king met her half way, mount-
ed on a bay horse, trapped with gold, he, and the gentlemen in his train,
riding as if after a hare, and an exhibition of chivalry took place between Sir
Patrick Hamilton, and another knight. A lady attending one of them, and
bearing his hunting horn, the other knight seized the damsel, and a conflict
ensued, till the king called peace. Of the pageants at Edinburgh, one repre-
sented a licorn, or unicorn, and a greyhound supporting a thistle, and a red
rose interlaced. At the nuptial dinner, the first course was aboar's head gilt.
The tapestry of the chamber was figured with the Trojan story, the windows
bore in various compartments, the arms of England and Scotland, and a
thistle and rose interlaced under a crown. After supper, and after dinner,
moralities were frequently acted by John Inglis and his company, and the
minstrels diversified the scene with music.”—Young. Somerset Herald's
Acet. Lel, Col. quoted by Pink. Hist. of Scot, vol. ii. p. 428.
Dunbar celebrated the nuptials in a beautiful allegory, The Thistle and the
Rose. - -
|

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 241.
bery, sometimes formed as it were tragical interludes, to
which the king did not appear very averse, as he reckoned
the death of such characters again to the community. The
fame of these festivities spreading among foreign nations,
many strangers, chiefly from France, arrived daily, desirous
of exhibiting their bravery, who were courteously received,
and honourably dismissed by the king. Nor did the generous
monarch confine his expenses to magnificent exhibitions; he
expended great sums in beautifying the palaces at Stirling,
Falkland, and other royal residences, besides erecting several
monasteries. His greatest extravagance, however, was ship-
building. He constructed three vessels of very large bulk,
besides others of smaller dimensions; but one far exceeded in
size, cost, and equipment, any ship that had ever been seen
upon the ocean.* Besides the descriptions of this vessel
given by our historians, and her dimensions preserved in
some places, this sufficiently indicates her magnitude :-That
when Francis, king of France, and Henry VIII, king of
England, stimulated by emulation, endeavoured to outvie her,
and built each a vessel a little larger, they, after being finish-
ed and fully equipped, when launched, were immoveable from
their magnitude, and unfit for any useful purpose.
xxii. In these works which we have mentioned, immense
sums were expended, and the treasury being exhausted, the
king was forced to employ new methods for raising money,
and among others, one proposed, it is generally believed, by
William Elphinstone, bishop of Aberdeen, which was very
oppressive to the whole nobility. Among the tenures of land
among the Scots, there is one by which the landlord holds an
* Pitscottie gives the dimensions of this huge vessel, which were in his day
preserved at Tullibardin, “planted in Hawthorn, the length and breadth by
the wright that helped to mak her.” She was two hundred and forty feet
long, and thirty six within the sides, which were ten feet thick. In building
her, all the oak wood of Fife except Falkland, was expended, besides what
was brought from Norway, and upwards of a year was employed by Scottish
and foreign carpenters in her construction, although the king in person
anxiously urged the work, her guns were only thirty-two, but she had anim-
mense number of small artillery, crossbows, serpents, falcons, hagbuts, &c.
The mariners were three hundred, gunners one hundred and twenty, and the
whole complement about one thousand men.
Wol. II. 2 h

242 HISTORY OF SCOTLANIº.
estate, obtained either by purchase or gift, that is, if the pos-
sessor dying, leaves an heir under age, his pupilage belongs
to the king, or some other lord superior, to whom belong all
the rents, till the pupil attain the age of twenty-one. There
are, besides, other servitudes annexed to this species of pro-
perty, if the possessor sell above the half of his estate, without
the consent of his superior, the whole reverts to the superior
lord. This law, which had lain long dormant, as unjust, and
enacted by court parasites, for readily filling the exchequer,
the king was advised to revive, as he would be able to raise
some money from those who had violated it, by a process they
called recognition. This method of exacting money, although
it did not deprive any person of their whole estate, being of
more general application, was more troublesome than his fa-
ther's avarice, for the injury extended to many and most hon-
ourable men, who—as under the two last kings, on account
of the external and civil wars in which they were engaged,
the very remembrance of such a law had nearly been lost—
were forced either to redeem their lands from the collectors of
the exchequer, or surrender some part of them. Yet such
was the love of those who suffered, and such their regard to
their prince for his other virtues, that their dissatisfaction
broke out into no sedition.
xxIII. But as the king would neither set bounds to his ex-
pense, nor wanted flatterers—the perpetual bane of a court—
who encouraged his profusion, under the plausible names of
splendour and magnificence, he determined to proceed to Syria,
that he might diminish, by his absence, the unbounded waste
which he could neither continue without ruin, nor retrench
without disgrace. He assigned, as the honourable pretext of
his journey, his desire to expiate the crime he had committed
by bearing arms against his father; and, of the repentance,
whether true or pretended, which he professed in all his con-
versations, he had given an evidence, already mentioned in the
commencement of his reign. With this intention, he had rig-
ged out a fleet, and nominated the chief officers of his retinue,
and announced his purpose, by his ambassadors, to the neigh-
bouring kings. Many of his subjects, too, as if they had
bound themselves by the same vow, allowed their beard and
2.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 243
hair to grow, and it was believed that they would have set sail
immediately, had not an impediment occurred at the moment
when the king was most intent on his object; for just as about
to proceed, there arose a suspicion of war between France and
England. The king of England, who beheld with jealousy
the success of the French in Italy, was solicited, by pope
Julius II, and Ferdinand, his father in law, to join in alliance
with them; to whom, the Venetians and Swiss being added,
and the emperor Maximilian acceding—although in general
his councils were directed by events—the combination against
France appeared so strong, that they threatened, by bursting
upon that country with numerous armies in every direction,
completely to overwhelm it. The king of England, exulting
in the flower of his youth, proud of the power of his kingdom,
and fond of warlike exercises, wished to join the allies, but
had no just cause of quarrel with France; however, having
communicated their plans to each other, as France would not
desist from carrying on war against the pope, then Henry's
ally, he at length sent heralds to the French king, to demand
the restitution of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Anjou, as old
possessions of England; but not being able, by these threats,
to prevent hostilities in Italy, he declared war, sent an army
to Biscay, to join his father-in-law, Ferdinand, and he, him-
self, prepared an expedition against France.
xxiv. James, king of Scotland, although he had determined
to remain neuter, yet being inclined to favour his ancient ally,
resolved to send the fleet, formerly mentioned, as a gift to the
French queen, Anne, that it might appear rather as a pledge
of friendship, than any assistance for carrying on the war.
The clergy, who had been accustomed to receive Gallic pen-
sions, wished to show their attachment to Louis; but when
they dared not do this openly, they sought out occasions for
alienating the mind of their own king from the king of Eng-
land. Andrew Foreman, bishop of Moray, was sent to Eng-
land, by the faction that favoured France, to demand a great
quantity of gold and silver jewellery, chiefly female ornaments,
said to have been bequeathed by Arthur, Henry's elder
brother, to Margaret his sister, married, as we have seen, to
244 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the king of Scotland;" but Henry, although it is probable he
considered the demand as a pretext for war, returned a mild
answer:-That he would not only pay whatever was due, but it
James needed more, he would refuse him nothing in his power.
Upon receiving this answer, James resolved to assist France
in any other way, but to abstain entirely from invading Eng-
land, and sent Foreman to France, to announce this to Louis,
xxv. In the meantime, having heard that great preparations
were making for a maritime war, James determined to send
the fleet, we have mentioned, to Anne immediately, that it
might, if possible, arrive there before the war broke out. He
appointed James Hamilton, earl of Arran, admiral, and or-
dered him to sail with the first fair wind; but Hamilton, a
simple kind of man, more acquainted with the arts of peace
than of war, either afraid of danger, or through his natural
indolence, having delayed to go to France, landed at Carrick-
Fergus, a town in Ireland, opposite Galloway, and after pil-
laging the place, burned it, and set sail for Ayr, a harbour of
Kyle in Scotland, as if he had performed a great exploit.
The king, on being informed of his return, was enraged be-
yond description, and could neither restrain his threatening,
* The legacy, here mentioned, was left by Henry VII. to his daughter,
queen Margaret, not by her brother Arthur. Henry VIII., whose fondness
for splendidpageantry and expensive show, was attended, as all foolish extrav-
agance usually is by numberless mean and pitiful shifts, in resisting this just
claim, made upon him for his sister's jewels, behaved in the most ungenerous
manner. The magnificent monarch cuts a very poor figure in the correspond-
ence of his sister on this subject: “We cannochtbeleve,” says she in a spirit-
ed letter from Linlithgow, “that of youre mynd, or be youre command, we
ar safeindly [probably misprinted for fremdly, delt with in oure faderis
legacy: quharof we wald nocht have spokyn, nor writing, had nocht the doc-
toure now spokynto us of the sammynin his credence. Our husband knawis
it is withalden for his saik, and will recompense wssa for as the doctoure
schew him. We ar eschamet thairwith, and wald God nevir word had bene
thairof: it is nocht worth sic estimacion, as is in your diverss lettres of the
sammyn. And we laknathing: oure husband is evir the langar the better to
ws, as knawis God.”—Appendix to Pinkerton’s History, vol. ii. No. 8. It was
not till after this letter, written on the 11th April, 1513, that Henry made
an offer to James to pay this legacy, upon condition of his breaking off with
France; but James then refused to accept as a bribe, what he had previously
and repeatedly demanded as a right.


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. - 245
nor his abuse; and his indignation was still more inflamed by
letters which he received from France, from Anne, the queen,
enticing him, by flattering compliments, to undertake a war
against England; and from Andrew Foreman, informing him,
that his promise of sending the fleet, was universally consider-
ed as vain ostentation. The king, therefore, to remedy the
mischief as much as possible, with the advice of his council,
deprived Hamilton of his command of the fleet, for having
departed from the course he was directed to steer, cruelly
wasting a city never inimical to Scotland, at that time in alli-
ance with the king, and attacking his friends without a declar-
ation of war; and ordered him to be brought to him. Archi-
bald, earl of Angus, was appointed his successor, and Sir
Andrew Wood sent along with him, to take charge of the
ships. But Hamilton, before their arrival, having heard from
his friends how the king stood affected towards him, hoisted
his sails, and stood out to sea, choosing rather to commit his
fate to the uncertain fortune of the deep, than trust himself in
the hands of an irritated king. Whilst he made for France,
after being long tossed by contrary winds and violent storms,
he arrived with his shattered fleet at Brittany, too late, after
all maritime preparations had been laid aside by the French;
and there that vessel, constructed with so much labour and
expense, being dismantled, was laid up to rot in the harbour
of Brest.*
* On this, Pinkerton remarks: “Buchanan fables that the fleet of Arran
was scattered by tempests, and that the Michael was suffered to rot in the
harbour of Brest He was an enemy of the Hamiltons.” From this, it would
naturally have been expected, that he had a well authenticated opposite tale
to tellus; but in his text, vol. ii. p. 91, he says: “The fate of the fleet was
obscure; a part sailed back and mouldered in neglect, while a part was sold
in France, in particular, the great Michael, which was purchased by Louis
XII, on the 2d April, 1514, for 40,000 livres, from the duke of Albany, in
the name of the Scottish government;" i.e. the whole vessel was bought by
Louis, for about one half the value her stores and artillery might amount to;
so that because Buchanan used a very common expression, “laid up to rot,”
to express the fate of a “sheer hulk,” instead of saying, “ sold for fire-wood,”
he fables, and he fables too from hatred to the Hamiltons, who, at any rate,
left the fleet in France, to moulder, or rot, or be sold, as might be; for Arran
returned to Scotland in September, 1513, and the Michael was not disposed
of till the April following.

246 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
xxvi. In the meantime, other causes of discord arose at
home, which almost wholly alienated the mind of the Scottish
king from the king of England. In the reign of Henry VII.,
Sir Robert Kerr, a noble knight, who was so highly esteemed
by James for his splendid virtues, that he made him at once
his chief cupbearer, the master of his ordnance, and warden
of the middle marches, incurred by his severity in punishing
robbers, as much hatred from the borderers, as he procured
favour from the king. On which account, both the English
and Scots, whose licentiousness was repressed by the necessary
strictness of his judicial proceedings, threatened his life. At
an annual meeting, which used to be held between the nations
for adjusting compensations, an altercation having arisen,
three audacious Englishmen, John Heron, Lilburn, and Star-
head, attacked him, one stabbed him with a lance in the
back, and the others, after he was wounded, despatched him.
When this circumstance appeared likely to originate a war,
Henry, who on ordinary occasions was not unjust, equally
displeased as James at the atrocious murder, ordered
Heron, lord of Ford, and warden of the English borders, the
brother of John Heron, along with Lilburn, to be deliver-
ed up to the Scots, for the other two had fled. They were,
accordingly, committed to Fast castle, where Lilburn died in
confinement, and it was also resolved, as an expiation of so
manifest a crime, that the future meetings—the English re-
ceiving a pledge of public faith—should be held upon the
Scottish territory, and that English commissioners should
solemnly declare, that their council was not privy to the per-
petration of the deed. The other two assassins lurked in the
interior of England, until the reign of Henry VIII., when,
perceiving the young king arrogant, and fond of displaying
his power, they came from their lurking places. Heron,
trusting to the influence of his relations, returned home, and
secretly suborning robbers in Scotland, disturbed the peace,
hoping, if war were once declared, he would obtain oblivion
for the past, and might inflict new injuries with impunity.
Starhead settled about ninety miles from the border, and
thought himself safe, from the distance to which he had re-
moved, but Andrew, the son of Robert Kerr, who saw the
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 24.7
seeds already sown of a new war, fearing, if once arms were
openly assumed, he would lose the opportunity of avenging
his father's death, employed two of his vassals, of the name of
'ait, to go in disguise, and put Starhead to death. They
accordingly, in the night entered his house, which he thought
perfectly secure, being so far from the borders, murdered the
lord of the mansion, and cutting off his head, brought it to
Andrew; and he, as a proof that he had obtained his wished
for vengeance, sent it to Edinburgh, and caused it be affixed
upon the most conspicuous place. Of Heron, we shall speak
afterward.
xxvii. A new outrage following this old offence, the anger
of the Scottish king, which was asleep rather than extinct,
revived. There was at that time a Scottish merchant, Andrew
Barton, whose father's vessel had been plundered, and himself
killed by the Portuguese. For this the son brought an action
in Flanders, the deed having been perpetrated there, in which
the Portuguese were condemned, but refused to pay the dam-
ages decreed against them, neither would their king, although
James demanded it, order his subjects to give any satisfaction
for the murder and robbery. In consequence, Andrew—the
son—obtained from his sovereign, letters of marque and re-
prisal against the Portuguese, and in a few months did them
a great deal of mischief. Now, when the French war was
raging against Julius II., and when it was understood that the
English king would join the party of Julius, Portuguese am-
bassadors came to Henry, and represented:—That Andrew,
a bold and daring fellow, who had done them, the ancientallies
of the English, immense damage, and would certainly, in the
event of a war with France, prove a formidable enemy to the
English, could at present be easily taken unawares, and de-
stroyed, and the odium of the action averted, by stigmatizing
him as a pirate; a proceeding by which Henry would provide
for the safety of his own subjects, and gratify their sovereign,
his friend and ally.
xxviii. The English king, persuaded by this representation
of the Portuguese, despatched Thomas Howard, his admiral,
to lie in wait for Barton, with two of the best ships of the
royal navy, at the Downs—sand banks which are seen at ebb




248 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
tide—and intercept him on his return from Flanders; nor was
it long before they espied him coming in a small vessel," at-
tended by a sloop, and made towards him. Howard, himself
attacked Andrew, with whom he had a sharp action, for
although greatly superior, it was with difficulty, and not until
the captain, and greater part of the crew were killed, that he
took the vessel. In this engagement, Barton displayed such
courage, that even when the fight seemed desperate, although
he was severely wounded, and had one of his legs broken by
a shot, he seized a drum, and beating a charge, encouraged
his men to fight bravely till he expired. The sloop, being so
unequal to the enemy, endeavoured to escape by flight, but
was captured after a much shorter contest. The survivors,
who were taken on board both vessels, were carried to Lon-
don, and thrown into prison, whence being brought before
the king, they humbly besought him for their lives, as they
had been instructed by the English, and he, with a haughty
show of clemency, dismissed the poor guiltless sailors unhurt.
Ambassadors being sent by the Scottish king to England, to
complain that his vessels were captured in time of peace, and
his sailors killed, received for answer, that the destruction of
pirates was no infringement of their treaty, nor any just cause
for war. This contemptuous reply, justifying the crime of
palpable murder, seemed as if they wished to provoke war,
and the English borderers, who, from the transactions which
were going forward, understood the inclination of their king,
and being accustomed in times of the greatest tranquillity, to
scatter the seeds of hostility, and fond of any disturbance,
began to drive away the cattle from the neighbouring Scots'
estates.
xxix. Alexander Hume, at that time sole governor of the
whole Scottish border—usually divided into three wardships—
a great favourite with the king, but of too fierce a disposition,
when he saw the king bent upon war, and anxious to wipe
away the ignominy sustained by these incursions, promised:
* The name of Andrew Barton's vessel was the Lion, and the small sloop,
the Jenny Pirwen. Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Edward Howard, sons
of the earl of Surrey, commanded the English. Sir Edward was in the fol-
lowing year, made lord high admiral of England.

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 249
—That he and his relations, with their vassals, should soon
turn the rejoicings of the enemy for their success, into lamen-
tations for their loss and disgrace. In order to perform his
promise, he collected about three thousand horse, and entering
England, he pillaged the seven nearest villages before any
assistance could be brought them, but on his return, laden
with immense booty of every description, his men, accustomed
to robbery, and impatient of delay, divided their plunder in
the enemy's territory, and each proceeded home with his
portion by the nearest route. Alexander, with a small band,
brought up the rear, to protect their retreat, but, seeing no
enemy, while marching incautiously, fell into an ambuscade of
three hundred English, who, having watched an opportunity,
surprised him, and put him to flight. In this skirmish, many
of the Scots were killed, and two hundred taken prisoners,
among whom was George Hume, a brother of Alexander's,
who was exchanged by the English for lord Heron, of Ford,
who had been many years kept prisoner in Scotland, for the
murder of Robert Kerr. All the plunder which had been
taken, having gone on before, arrived safe in Scotland.
xxx. The unfortunate issue of this inroad operating upon
the mind of the king, already irritated by the circumstances
before mentioned, drove him headlong into measures he had
been eagerly desiring, and he assembled a parliament, to
deliberate about war. In this assembly, the wiser part were
for avoiding hostilities, but La Motte, the French ambassador,
by his entreaties and promises, Andrew Foreman, by his urgent
letters, and the king by his declaration, urging a rupture, a
majority appeared desirous to gratify him, while the minority,
fearing to exasperate, withdrew a vain opposition, and war
was declared against the English, and a day appointed for
assembling an army, a resolution of which it would be difficult
to say whether it was more unwise, or fatal. A herald was
then despatched to Henry, at that time besieging Tournay, to
announce this determination. The reasons assigned for taking
arms were:—The compensations claimed for losses had not
been granted; John Heron, the murderer of Robert Kerr,
was allowed to be at large, and Andrew Barton, in violation
of the league between the nations, had been robbed and killed,
WOL. II. 2 I

250 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
by order of the king himself. But even passing over these
provocations, it was impossible to allow the territories of
Louis, king of France, the ancient ally of Scotland, and of
Charles, duke of Guelderland, the king's relation, to be in-
vaded, and therefore, if this were not stopped, he declared
war against England. Henry, exulting in the vigour of
youth and the strength of a flourishing kingdom, united
with almost all Europe in a league against France, desirous
of war, and ambitious of military glory, returned the herald
a more haughty answer than was seemly for his age:–That
he had heard nothing from him, which he had not long ex-
pected from a king regardless of all law, human and divine;
that he might act as he saw proper, but as for himself, he
would not desist from a war so prosperously commenced for
any threats of his, nor did he regard his friendship, having
already experienced his levity.
xxxi. This declaration of war being brought to Scotland;
one evening whilst the king, who was upon the point of set-
ting out for his army, attended the vesper service, as he was
wont, in the church at Linlithgow, an old, venerable looking
man entered the cathedral, bareheaded—his hair of a bright
golden lustre, flowing over his shoulders, but thinly scattered
on his smooth bald forehead—clothed in a long, azure colour-
ed robe, and girt about the middle with a linen girdle, who
pressing forward to the king, through the surrounding crowd,
when he reached him, bending over the chair in which he
sat, thus addressed him, with emphatic simplicity:-I am sent
to warn thee against proceeding in thy present undertak-
ing, which admonition, if thou neglectest, it will not fare well,
either with thee, or those who may accompany thee. I am,
besides, ordered to warn thee to beware of using any familiar-
ity in associating, or advising with women, but if thou dost
otherwise, it will occasion thy destruction and disgrace. Hav-
ing spoken thus, he mingled with the crowd, and after the
service was ended, when the king inquired for him, he could
nowhere be found. What rendered the occurrence more
astonishing, was, that all those who stood nearest him, and
who had observed him, and were desirous of putting many
questions to him, no one perceived how he disappeared.
27

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 251
Among these was Sir David Lindsay, of the Mount, a man
of unsuspected probity and veracity, attached to literature,
and during life, invariably opposed to falsehood, from whom
unless I had received the story, as narrated, vouched for
truth, I had omitted to hotice it, as one of the commonly
reported fables.”
xxxii. The king set out upon his intended expedition, and
having reviewed his army near Edinburgh, in a few days after,
he moved thence into England, where he took the castles of
Norham, Werk, Ettle, Ford, and several others near the
Scottish borders, by storm, and wasted all the adjoining part
of Northumberland. In the meantime, the king became
ensnared in an amour with a noble lady he had made prisoner,
the wife of Heron of Ford, neglected all military affairs, and
allowed his troops to remain idle, in a country not remarkably
fertile; provisions, therefore, soon began to grow scarce, nor
was it easy to bring them from a distance, and the greater
part of the army dispersing, left their banners but thinly
attended, the nobles alone with their relations, and a few
vassals remained in the camp, and even these were dissatisfied,
for the greater part were of opinion, that they ought not to
wait longer in a country wasted with war, and naturally
barren, but return and attack Berwick, which they had left
behind, in which alone they would find greater reward for
their labour, than in all the surrounding villages and castles;
* It is generally conjectured, that this was a device of the queen, and the
party averse to the war, to operate on the king's superstition, and divert him
from his rash projects; as was another equally unsuccessful warning, given at
the dead hour of night, at Edinburgh cross, when a voice was heard, summon-
ing the chief leaders of the army to appear before “Plotcock,” the infernal
ruler's tribunal.-Pitscottie, p. 176.
+ Lindsay, of Pitscottie says, p. 176, that the archbishop of St. Andrews,
James' natural son, the friend of Erasmus, and a youngman of great promise,
was captivated by a daughter of lady Ford's, at the same time his father was
ensnared by her mother. In the genealogical table of the house of Heron, no
daughter appears to have been born to Sir William Heron, who succeeded his
brother John, in 1498, at the age of twenty, and did not die till 1535.
Weber's Notes to the battle of Floddon Field, a poem, p. 187. It is certain,
however, that lady Ford not only delayed all the operations of the Scottish
monarch, but kept up a close correspondence with Surrey, to whom she coin-
municated the movements, and state of the Scottish army.

252 - HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
nor would the siege be difficult, because both the city and
castle were wholly unprepared for resistance. The king,
however, who thought nothing too difficult for his arms,
especially as the English were employed in the French war,
and his vanity being encouraged by sycophants, imagined he
could easily reduce it upon his return.
xxxiii. While he thus trifled at Ford, heralds were sent to
him by the English, desiring him to appoint a day and place
where he would fight. On which, having called a council of
war, the majority were of opinion :-That he should return,
nor hazard the fate of the kingdom in an engagement, with so
small a force, especially as he had already done all that was
requisite to satisfy his honour, his glory or friendship; nor
did there appear any sufficient reason, why he should with so
few, and they fatigued by besieging so many castles, attempt
to engage such a multitude of untired English, increased by
new re-enforcements, for it was reported, that Thomas Howard
had that very day arrived with six thousand of the bravest
soldiers, sent back from France; and besides, it would follow,
if he retreated, that the English army must of necessity dis-
band, nor could they again be collected that year, as the
soldiers must be drawn from a distance. But if he were ab-
solutely determined to try the chance of a battle, it would be
better to fight in his own country, where time, place, and
supplies would be more in his own power; yet when the
French anbassador, and certain French stipendiaries advised
otherwise, the king anxious to engage, was easily persuaded
that he should there wait for the enemy.
xxxiv. On the day named by the herald, when the English
did not arrive, the Scottish nobles seizing that opportunity,
again waited on the king, and represented to him;-That the
enemy designedly protracted the time from day to day, while
their own force was increasing, and that of the Scots diminish-
ing, and therefore he ought to use similar artifice with them;
for when they did not keep the day set by themselves, no dis-
grace could attach to the Scots, if they departed home with-
out fighting, or only fought when they could obtain the
vantage ground. The first plan was for many reasons the
safest, but if it was rejected, a convenient opportunity was

HISTORY OF 5COTLAND. 253
offered for practising the latter, for the river Till, whose
banks were very steep, was nowhere fordable, and had no
other passage, within some miles, except one bridge, where an
army could cross, and there a few could oppose a very great
number; and it was even possible, after part of the English
were passed, to plant their cannon advantageously and beat
down the bridge, so that those who had first passed over,
might be destroyed before assistance could arrive from the
opposite bank. The king, who approved of neither of these
advices, replied:—Although there were an hundred thousand
English against him, he would fight them.
xxxv. The whole nobility were offended at such a rash re-
ply. Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus, who far exceeded
the rest in years and authority, endeavoured to bend the
king's mind by a soothing speech, in which he endeavoured
to explain the reasons, and point out the advantages which
would arise from the two former propositions:—Your majesty
has, said he, sufficiently evinced your friendship for the French
king, by turning a great part of the enemy's army from
the French against yourself, and prevented them from over-
running France with their arms as they had hoped, while, at
the same time, they cannot materially hurt Scotland, because
they cannot long continue encamped in a cold country, al-
ready wasted by all the calamities of war, and naturally not
fertile; besides, the winter approaches, which in these north-
ern climates, commences early. As to the ambassador's urg-
ing us so strongly to fight, I think it ought neither to appear
new nor wonderful, if a stranger, who does not regard the
common advantage of the parties, but the private interest
of his own nation, should be so prodigal of foreign blood.
His demand is, besides, sufficiently impudent, for he asks
from the Scots, what the French king, an exceedingly wise
prince, would not himself think advisable to be done for his
own kingdom and dignity. Nor was the loss of this army to
be deemed trifling, because their number was small, for it
contained all who were eminent for valour, authority, or wis-
dom, in Scotland; and they being cut off, the remaining crowd
would be an easy prey to the victor. Besides, protracting
the war, is both more safe for the present, and more useful
254 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
for the main object; because, if Louis thinks the English
ought to be exhausted by expense, or worn out by delay,
what can be done, more adapted to the present state of affairs,
than that we compel the enemy to divide his forces; that we
keep one part of his army constantly employed in watching us,
lest we should invade them; and by the fear of this, through
our means, relieve France from a great part of the weight of
the war. Enough too, I think, has been done for glory and
show, under which I fear some men, braver in words than in
action, disguise their rashness; for what can occur more
splendid to the king, than to have demolished so many castles,
wasted the enemy's country, and from such an extensive dev-
astation, to have carried off so much plunder, that years of
peace will not restore the country so grievously wasted? And
what greater advantage can we expect from the war, than
that, after such an expedition, in which we have acquired so
much renown, and our enemy so much shame and disgrace,
we should refresh our soldiers, and enjoy quietly our glory
and wealth; besides, that victory which is obtained by wisdom,
rather than arms, is the most glorious for a general, as no
share can be claimed by the common soldier.
xxxvi. Although all who were present assented to what was
said, yet the king having solemnly sworn, that he would fight
the English, heard the discourse with impatience, and order-
ed Douglas to go home if he was afraid. Angus, who already
foresaw the end to which the rashness of the king would pre-
cipitate everything, burst into tears, and as soon as able to
speak, shortly replied:—If, said he, my past life does not free
me from any suspicion of cowardice, I do not know what can;
certainly, as long as my body was capable of exertion, I never
spared it, either for promoting the safety of my country, or
the honour of my king; but now, when my advice, by which
only I can be serviceable, is despised, I leave here my two
sons, who, next to my country, are most dear to me, and my
friends and relations, certainly the strongest pledges of my
affection for yourself and the commonwealth, and I pray God,
that my fears may prove groundless, for I would rather be
esteemed a false prophet, than that what I fear should come
-


HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 255
-
to pass. Having said this, he accepted his discharge, and
departed.
xxxvii. The other nobles, when they saw it impossible to
bring over the king to their opinion, adopted the next best
plan, and, as they were inferior in numbers to the enemy—
for they had discovered by their spies, that the English army
was twenty-six thousand men strong—took advantage of the
nature of the ground, and encamped on a hill in the neigh-
bourhood. It is situate where the Cheviot mountains gradu-
ally decline into the plain, is of moderate size, and accessible
by a narrow sloping pass; this approach they fortified with
their brass guns. In their rear were mountains, from whose
base arose a marsh, which, stretching to the left, covered that
flank; on the right, ran the river Till, whose banks are very
steep, across which there was a bridge not far from the camp.
The English, when they learned by their spies that they could
not approach the Scottish lines without certain ruin, directed
their course away from the river, and made a feint, as if they
intended to leave the enemy to march upon Berwick, and thus
proceed straight into the nearest Scottish county, by far the
most fertile, and retaliate, by inflicting a greater disaster than
they had received. These suspicions were increased by a re-
port, either rashly spread a few days before among the com-
mon soldiers, or intentionally raised by the English, in order
to draw their enemy from their commanding station into the
plain. The king, who could not endure the idea of his coun-
try being ravaged, set fire to his forage and huts, and remov-
ed his camp, while a cloud of smoke spreading wide over the
river, c ceaſed their movements from the English. Thus
the Scots marching through an open country, by the river
side, and the English by a circuitous and rougher road, both,
unknown to each other, arrived near Flodden, a very high
hill, at which place the ground becomes more level, stretch-
ing almost into a plain, and the river is passable by a bridge
at Twesel, and by a ford at Milford.” On their arrival, the
English ordered their advanced guard to pass the bridge with
their artillery, and the main body to cross at the ford, that
* Should be Milfield, but it is also styled Mylforde by Halle.
|-|

256 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the line of battle being formed according to the nature of the
ground, they might be placed in a situation to cut off the
enemy's retreat; superior in numbers, they arranged their
army into two divisions, either of which nearly equalled the
whole Scottish force.
xxxviii. In the first division, Thomas Howard, the ad-
miral, who had arrived a few days before with the sea forces
to his father's assistance, led the centre, Edmund Howard
the right wing, and Marmaduke Constable the left. The
other body, divided likewise into three, was placed in reserve;
the right commanded by Dacres, the left by Edward Stanley,
and the centre hy the earl of Surrey, generalissimo. The
Scots, who, from their smaller number, could not divide their
army into so many parts, without weakening their front, drew
up their forces in four battalia, at short distances from each
other, three of whom were to advance against the enemy, and
the fourth to remain in reserve; the king led the centre; Gor-
don, earl of Huntly, commanded the right wing, to which was
attached Alexander, lord Hume, and the March men; Matthew
Stuart, earl of Lennox, and Gillespie Campbell, earl of Ar-
gyll, the left. Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, and his vassals,
with the rest of the Lothian nobility, were in the reserve.
The Gordons began the battle briskly, and, in a short time,
put the left wing of the English to flight, but on their return
from pursuing the fugitives, found the other divisions of their
army almost all routed; for the left wing, in which Lennox
and Argyle were, excited by the success of their companions,
rashly rushed upon the enemy in a disorderly manner, leav-
ing their colours behind, notwithstanding the exertions of La
Motte, the French ambassador, who strove to Prevent. them
precipitating themselves upon their ruin; these were not only
received by their opponents in front in good order, but were
attacked in rear by another body of English, and almost whol-
ly annihilated. The king's division and Hepburn's, with the
men of Lothian, fought with great obstimacy, and immense
slaughter ensued on each side, while both, though fatigued,
continued the engagement till night. Many noblemen fell in
the king's division. They who reckon the number of the
slain, by the number of individuals taken from each parish,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 257
make the amount of the Scots, who were slain in this battle,
above five thousand; but almost all these consisted of the nob-
lest and the bravest, who chose rather to die than to survive
their friends. Of the English, nearly the same number were
killed, but they consisted chiefly of the common soldiery.”
xxxix. Such was the celebrated battle of Flodden, remark-
able, among the few overthrows of the Scots, not so much for
the number of the slain—for often double the number perish-
ed in their battles—as for the destruction of the king and the
principal nobility, which left few remaining capable of govern-
ing the multitude, naturally fierce and licentious when there
are any hopes of impunity. Two descriptions of men, how-
ever, derived an accession of wealth from the calamity of the
rest. The opulent churchmen, whose insolence was so much
increased by this disaster, that, not content with their own
function, they grasped at every high office in the kingdom;
and the mendicant friars, then the most strictly religious spe-
cies of monks, who had the money which those who fell in
battle had deposited for security in their hands; but having
received it without witnesses, they retained it, and becoming
* In the accounts of this unfortunate battle, the English and Scottish his-
torians differ in some of the particulars, especially in the disposition of the
troops. All agree in the arrangement of the English; but Buchanan appears
to have been misled in his arrangement of the Scots, by the left wing having
advanced first, and thence styled the van; whereas, in general, the right used
to be the van. The English right, under Sir Edmund Howard, was opposed
to Huntly and Hume, by whom he was defeated; of course they were on the
Scottish left; to the admiral, Crawford and Montrose were opposed, so that
they also must have been on the left; Lennox and Argyle were attacked in
flank by Sir Edward Stanley, which marks their situation on the right; the
king and Surrey encountered, each commanding the centre divisions. The
battle commenced at four o'clock in the afternoon; Dacre's cavalry support-
ed. Howard, and enabled him to rally after he was broken; Hepburn’s [Both-
well's] reserve re-enforced the king; where Sir Marmaduke Constable fought
is uncertain. James fought on foot at the head of his division, which, to-
wards the close of the engagement, was attacked in flank by the admiral, after
he had routed Crawford and Montrose, and in rear by Stanley, after he had
dispersed Lennox and Argyll. He fell amid heaps of his nobles, pierced by
an arrow, and mortally wounded on the head with a bill. Twelve earls, and
about fifty gentlemen of high rank, fell with the king, together with the arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, and a number of dignified clergymen.
VOL. II. 2 k

258 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
greatly enriched by this plunder, relaxed the severity of their
ancient discipline. Nor were there wanting among them,
wretches who approved of this species of gain, as a sacred and .
pious fraud, who contended that the money could not have
been expended to greater advantage, than by being given to
holy men, whose prayers would redeem the deceased from the
terrors of punishment. Such was the obstinacy of the combat-
ants, that, at night, both parties retired fatigued, and ignor-
ant of each other's condition, while the soldiers of Alexander
Hume, who had remained entire, gathered a great part of the
spoil at their ease. Next morning, Dacre, being sent with
the horse to reconnoitre, when he came to the field of battle,
and found the brass cannon of the Scots deserted, and the
greater part of the dead stripped, sent for Howard, who
leisurely collected the spoil, and celebrated the victory with
great rejoicings.
xt. There are two accounts of the fate of the Scottish king.
The English affirm that he was killed in battle; the Scots, on
the other hand, assert, that there were many that day clothed
in armour similar to what the king usually wore, partly lest
the enemy should chiefly aim at one alone, on whose life hung
victory, and the issue of the war; or if the king should chance
to be slain, that the troops might not be disheartened, or
think that they had lost him, so long as others, armed and
accoutred like him, were seen in the field, witnessing their
brave or cowardly conduct; that one of these, Alexander El-
phinstone, was very like the king in stature and appearance,
and he being clothed in royal insignia, was followed by the
flower of the nobility, who mistook him for the monarch, and
were killed bravely fighting around him, but that James him-
self repassed the Tweed, and was killed near the town of
Kelso, by the vassals of Hume; but it is not said, whether
by his orders, or by the rashness of the men, who wished to
please their master, a factious noble, who hoped, on the
king's death, to escape punishment, but feared, if he survived,
to be called to account for his inactivity in the battle. Other
conjectures are added. On the night following this unfortu-
nate battle, the abbey of Kelso was taken possession of by
Kerr, an intimate of Hume's, and the abbot ejected—which it


29

HISTORY OF SCOTLANT). 2.59
is not likely he durst have done, unless the king had been
killed—also David Galbreath, himself one of Hume's family,
at the time the regent John prosecuted the Humes, is said to
have strongly blamed the cowardice of his fellows, for allow-
ing a stranger to tyrannise over them, when he, with six pri-
vate companions, had checked the insolence of the king at
Kelso; but these reports are in general esteemed so doubtful,
that upon Hume's trial before James, earl of Moray, the
king's natural son, they never were brought against him."
xii. There is one thing, however, I must not conceal, which
I heard from Laurence Telfer, an honest and learned man,
* The various reports respecting the king, which Buchanan mentions, had
arisen from the unwillingness of the Scots to believe his death; for notwith-
standing all his faults, he appears to have been passionately loved by his sub-
jects. It is now ascertained, that his body was found in the field, and sent to
England. Dacre, in a letter to Surrey, informs him, that he found the body
of James, and that it was brought to Berwick. Now Dacre, from having
been frequently sent as an ambassador to the Scottish court, knew James
well: “At Berwick it was embowelled, embalmed, cered, and closed in lead,
and secretly, among other things, conveyed to Newcastle, thence it was car-
ried to London.”—Lambe's Notes to the battle of Floddon. Stow, in his
survey of London, says it was carried “to the monasterie of Sheyne, in Sur-
ry, where it remained for a time, in what order, I am not certaine; but since
the dissolution of that house, in the reygne of Edward the sixt, Henry Gray,
duke of Suffolke, being lodged, and keeping house there, I have been shewed
the same bodie, so lapped in lead, and other rubble. Since the which time,
workmen there, for their foolish pleasure, hewed off his head; and Lancelot
Young, master glazier to queen Elizabeth, feelinge a sweet savour to come
from thence, and seeing this same dried from all moisture, and yet the form
remaining, with the haire of the head and beard red, brought it to London
to his house, in Wood Street, where, for a time, he kept it for its sweetness,
but, in the end, caused the sexton of that church, St. Michaels, Wood Street,
to bury it among other bones taken out of their charnel.” This account co-
incides with a letter from Leo X. to Henry VIII., in which he mentions the
body being deposited in a respectable place, but not in sacred ground, and
exhorts him, on account of James' regal dignity, and his affinity to himself, to
cause him to be buried with due pomp in the cathedral of St. Pauls; which,
notwithstanding he had died under excommunication, his holiness authorized
him to do, “because he had been informed, that, in his last moments, he had
given some signs of repentance!” The inexorable tyrant refused to allow the
last honours to be paid to his relation, and the royal remains were exposed
to the contumely mentioned by Stow; but the disgrace attaches to the mem-
ory of Henry.
- -
-
260 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
then one of the king's pages, who was a spectator of the bat-
tle—he said, that after the day was lost, he saw the king cross
the Tweed upon horseback. Many other persons affirming
the same thing, a report was current for many years, that the
king was alive, and would appear afterwards, having gone to
Jerusalem to perform the religious vow which he had sworn.
A report equally vain with that spread by the Britons respect-
ing Arthur, and, a few years ago, by the Burgundians respect-
ing Charles. It is certain the English found a body either of
king James or Alexander Elphinstone," surrounded by an im-
mense number of the slain, which they carried to the interior
of England, and to show their inexpiable hatred for the dead,
whether more barbarously or foolishly, I shall not determine,
kept in a leaden coffin, unburied, on the pretence that he had
borne sacrilegious arms against pope Julius, who was then in
alliance with the English; or, as others say, because he was
a perjured man, who, against the stipulations of treaties, had
carried on war against Henry VIII, neither of which accusa-
tions ought to have been urged against him, either by a king,
who, while he lived, was not firm to the profession of any
Christian creed, nor by a people, who had so often carried
on war against the Romish church. Not to mention a num-
ber of English kings who were perjured, according to the tes-
timony of their own writers; take as a specimen, William
Rufus, mentioned by Polydore and Grafton; Henry I., by
Thomas Walsingham, in the Hypodigmate Normaniae; Ste-
phen, by Newburry, Grafton and Polydore; Henry II., by
Newburry, Grafton and Polydore; Richard I., Hypodigmate
Normaniae; Henry III., Hypodigmate Normaniae, Grafton,
Walsingham; Edward I., Walsingham. And these I have
selected, not from the first kings of the Saxon race, a great
many of whom might have been adduced, but from the Nor-
man family, whose posterity still fill the throne, and under
whom England has enjoyed the greatest prosperity, on pur-
pose to admonish those, who bear with so much patience the
perjury of their own monarchs, not to be so severe upon
those of strangers, especially when the blame of the crimes,
* First created lord Elphinstone, 1511, two years before the battle.



HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. - 261
which they allege, must rest with them who first violated the
truce.
xiii. But to return to the history. Thomas Howard would
have reaped great glory from this victory over the Scots, had
his moderation equalled his fortune, but intoxicated with
success, and forgetful of the instability of banan affairs, he
made his domestics wear upon the badges they carried on their
left arms, as is usual in England, a white lion, his own arms,
standing over a red lion rampant; yet, as if providence meant
to humble such insolent boasting, almost none of his posterity
of either sex, departed this life without some mark of ignominy
or misfortune. James, as he was greatly beloved while alive,
so when dead, his memory was cherished with an affection
beyond what I have ever read, or heard of being entertained
for any other king. This perhaps, was occasioned as much
by a comparison of the evils which preceded his reign, and an
anticipation of those which were about to follow, as by his
illustrious qualities, or even his popular vices, which attracted
the vulgar by their affinity to certain virtues. He was of an
athletic form, a proper height, and dignified countenance.
His genius was quick, but, by the vice of the times, uncultivat-
ed. One of the ancient customs of the nation he eagerly fol-
lowed; he was exceedingly skilful in the treatment of wounds,
a skill which in former days, was common to all the Scottish
nobility, who were constantly accustomed to the use of arms.
He was easy of access, condescending in his answers, just in
pronouncing judgment, and so moderate in inflicting punish-
ment, that all might easily perceive he was unwillingly forced
to award it. He bore the malevolent speeches of his enemies,
and the admonitions of his friends, with such greatness of
mind, produced by the tranquillity of a good conscience, and
the confidence in his own innocence, that he not only did not
resent them, but never even used any angry expressions.
Among these virtues, some vices obtruded, which arose from
his too great desire of popularity; for while he endeavoured
to avoid the reproach of avarice, incurred by his father, and
to attract the affection of the common people by sumptuous
buildings, by the exhibition of tournaments and spectacles,
and by immoderate gifts, he reduced himself to such poverty,

262 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
,
-
-
-
- - -
that if he had lived longer, he might have extinguished the
affection of former times, by the hatred he would have excited
by new taxes, so that perhaps upon the whole, his death may
be thought to have been for himself rather fortunate, than
premature.
CVI. JAMEs V.
xLIII. James IV. at his death, left Margaret his wife, with
two sons," the eldest of whom had not completed his second
year; on the 24th day of February, the parliament assembled
at Stirling, and declared him king, according to the custom
of the country. Then, directing their attention to arrange
the new government, they at length began to perceive the
extent of their calamity, for almost all the nobility who pos-
sessed either authority or experience being killed, the major-
ity of them who remained, were unfit, on account of their
youth, and incapacity for business, to undertake the man-
agement of public affairs in such troublous times. The most
powerful of the survivors who were possessed of any abili-
ties, were ambitious, avaricious, and averse to peace. Alex-
ander Hume, the governor of all the borders, who had obtain-
ed great reputation and wealth, during the life of the king,
upon his death became possessed of almost royal power,
in the counties bordering upon England; but actuated by a
criminal ambition, he encouraged outrage and robbery, be-
cause, by attaching to himself daring and desperate characters,
he hoped to open the road to greater power, a pernicious
design, and fatal in the issue. To him was committed the
government of the regions on this side of the Forth—those
lying beyond were intrusted to Alexander Gordon, + that they
might reduce the factious to order. The name of regent was
conferred upon the queen, for the king in the will which he
had made before setting out to the war, had appointed her,
in case of his death, to be at the head of the government as
long as she remained unmarried; and this, although in oppo-
-----
* This expression is scarcely accurate, Alexander, the second son, was not
born till 30th April, 1514, 7 months, and 21 days after his father's death.-
Ruddiman.
+ Earl of Huntly,

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 263
sition to the practice of the country, and the first example of
female government among the Scots, yet, from the scarcity of
noblemen, appeared tolerable, especially to such as were
desirous of peace.
xLiv. She did not, however, long exercise this office, for
before the end of spring, she married Archibald Douglas, earl
of Angus, the foremost of Scottish youth in descent, comeli-
ness, and every liberal accomplishment, and the seeds of
discord were sown before the end of the year. They sprung
up at first among the ecclesiastics; for, after the destruction of
the nobility, the clergy, possessed a majority in every parlia-
ment, a number of whom intent upon private advantage,
amassed such wealth in the midst of the public distress, that
nothing contributed more to their destruction, than the im-
moderate power which they afterward used with intolerable
arrogance. Alexander Stuart, archbishop of St. Andrews,
being killed at Flodden, three different competitors started
for the see with various pretensions. Gavin Douglas, trusting
to the splendour of his family, his own virtue and learning,
and his nomination by the queen, took possession of the castle.
John Hepburn, abbot of St. Andrews, who, before the arch-
bishop was appointed, collected the revenues as proctor, a
powerful, factious, and cunning priest, being chosen by his
monks, with whom he contended the right of election lay by
ancient custom, as successor to the deceased, drove the ser-
wants of Gavin from the castle, and fortified it with a strong
garrison. Andrew Foreman, who had ingratiated himself
highly by his former services with the courts, both of Rome
and of France, besides the bishopric of Moray, which he held
in Scotland, had received from Louis XII, king of France,
the archbishopric of Bourges, and Julius, the Roman pontiff,
on his departure, loaded him with honours, and ecclesiastical
preferment, bestowed on him the archbishopric of St. Andrews,
and the very rich abbacies of Dunfermline and Aberbrothick,
and likewise appointed him his legate, a latere. But so great
then was the power of Hepburn, the Humes being still in
alliance with him, that no person could be found, who dared
to publish the pope's bull for Foreman's election, until Alex-
ander Hume, by great promises, and besides other gifts, the


264 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
abbacy of Coldingham, for his youngest brother David, was
gained over to the apparently honourable cause—for the
Foremans being vassals to the Humes, the request did not
appear improper—and procured its promulgation at Edin-
burgh; which proceeding was the origin of the immense mis-
chiefs that followed, for Hepburn being a man of an imperious
disposition, from that time incessantly plotted the destruction
of the Humes.
xlv. The queen, while regent, performed one action worthy
of being remembered, she wrote to her brother to abstain
from hostility, in consideration of herself, and her young
children, requesting, that he would not disturb with foreign
war, his nephew's kingdom, divided into so many internal
factions, but rather respecting his age and relationship, defend
him against the injuries of others. Henry replied in a noble,
and truly royal spirit:-That he would maintain peace with
the Scots who were inclined for peace, and war with those
who wished for war.” When the queen by her marriage, lost
* Mr. Pinkerton, in his Hist, vol. ii. p. 117, quotes, from original letters of
lord Dacre, an account of some border incursions, which were made in obedi-
ence to the orders of Henry VIII., which he thinks completely overturns the
ridiculous praises bestowed on Henry's lenity at this crisis. As Henry appears
in common with his crowned brethren, to have entertained very little sympa-
thy for the sufferings of those whom the accident of birth made subjects, it
is not improbable that our historians may have misplaced their encomiums on
this occasion, but it is a wanton sporting with the credibility of all history, to
resort constantly to a charge of fable, upon the discovery of every little
discrepancy between history and official papers. The writers of official cor-
respondence have temptations to falsify, which can have little influence upon
a man who writes in his closet, and for posterity, and the official papers of one
nation or party, are very far from being safe guides for the historian of an
enemy. In our own day, state papers, manifestos, royal proclamations, and
other official et ceteras, are notorious for mis-statements, and false colouring;
nor were politicians of old, more remarkable for their love of truth than they
are now. English accounts must not therefore, be over-rated, especially as
they confessed themselves, of what they heard, “al's not gospel.” Here,
however, Mr. Pinkerton’s deduction bears, as several of his inferences do, the
marks of too great an anxiety to contradict established historians, upon the
authority of “original papers,” though, as a discoverer, he may perhaps, be
pardoned for prizing the invaluable treasure a little highly. The correspond-
ence of Dacre refers to border inroads, which although fierce and cruel, and
inconsistent with humanity, were comparatively little cared about by our his-



HISTORY OF SCOTLANL). 265
-
the regency, the nobility openly divided into two factions.
The Douglas party desired, that the sovereign power should
remain with her, and a peace, not only useful, but necessary,
be preserved with the English. The other party, of whom
Hume was the chief, pretended a show of regard for their
country, and the ancient mode of electing regents. They de-
clared they would preserve whatever honour belonged to the
queen, as far as the laws, and public advantage would allow,
of which they had already given proof, in obeying her govern-
ment, although contrary to the customs of their ancestors, to
which they were not obliged by statute, but induced by affec-
tion, and still, if any honourable or fair pretext could be shown,
would continue to obey. But, when she herself by marrying,
had of her own accord retired from the regency, there could
be no indignity in substituting another, to fill the situation she
had deserted, and which, indeed, the ancient laws refused her;
for they did not suffer women to administer the government,
even in times of tranquillity, much less in such turbulent times
as these, when men of the greatest wisdom and authority,
could scarcely apply remedies to so many pressing evils.
xLv1. While both factions disputed pertinaciously about
electing a regent, and either through improper ambition, or
private hatred, passed over those who were present, and turn-
ed to John, duke of Albany, then residing in France, where
he enjoyed a high reputation, William Elphinston, bishop of
Aberdeen, is said to have pathetically deplored the situation
of the country, and to have greatly affected the assembly, when
he eulogised the chiefs who had fallen in the late battle, and
lamented how inferior they were who remained, of whom not
one appeared worthy to be placed at the helm of affairs. He
torians; the lenity which they praise in Henry, was his abstaining in such
circumstances, from invasions similar to those of Edward I. or III. From the
same correspondence, Mr. P. vol. ii. p. 118, under the month November, has,
“Nor among the smaller events of this period, must it be omitted, that David
Kerr, of Fernihurst, entered by force upon the abbey of Kelso, and enjoyed
his intrusion;” and in a mote adds, “This intelligence, of November 1515,
shows the error of Buchanan and others, who date this event in September,
and build upon it an hypothesis concerning the death of James IV.” Now,
the truth is, Buchanan builds nothing upon it at all, he mentions it simply
as a very vague rumour, “addunt et alias conjecturas,” are his expressions.
WOL. II. 2 L
º

266 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
then proceeded to point out how exhausted the public revenue
was, and how greatly it had been reduced by the late king,
how much must be taken off for the support of the queen,
how much would be necessary for the education of the king,
and how small a part would remain for carrying on the gov-
ernment; and although at present no one seemed better a-
dapted for that situation than the queen, yet, as concord could
not be obtained upon any other terms, he would yield to the
opinion of those who wished to call John, duke of Albany, out
of France, although he thought this remedy more likely to
palliate than to heal the public disorders. Alexander Hume
was so violent on this side, that he dared to declare in the
assembly, that if all the rest should refuse, he alone would
bring over Albany to Scotland, to assume the government.
But he is generally believed to have acted thus, not from any
regard either to public or private advantage, but solely because,
being an ambitious man, who knew that he owed his rank to
his riches, and not to the love of his countrymen, he despaired
of obtaining the dignity himself, and feared if the government
remained with the queen, the power of the neighbouring
Douglases would increase too much, and his own be lessened,
as the inhabitants both of Liddisdale and Annandale, were
already gradually returning to their ancient vassalage; besides,
the queen, by the assistance of the English, would at all times
be ready to thwart his designs.
xLv11. When the majority had declared in favour of Albany,
an embassy was appointed, at the head of which was the cel-
ebrated Sir Andrew Wood, of Largo, to invite him to under-
take the government of Scotland, not only on account of his
own virtue, but also from his affinity to the king, for he was
the son of Alexander, brother of James III. Being called by
the Scots to assume the direction of their affairs, Francis, the
French king, thinking that his elevation would be advantage-
ous to him, furnished the new regent at his departure, both
with money and attendants. Before Albany's arrival, when
no one exercised the chief authority, murder and rapine were
committed everywhere, and while the nobles mustered their
private forces and factions, the common people, poor, and
unprotected, were afflicted with every species of misery.
29
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 267
Among the robbers of that time, was Macrobert Struan, who,
with eight hundred ruffians, and sometimes more, ravaged the
whole of Athol, and the neighbouring provinces at his pleas-
ure. At last, when he was at his uncle, John Crichton's, he
was surprised by stratagem, seized, and put to death.
xlviii. Greater danger, however, seemed to be threatened
by the dissension of Andrew Foreman and John Hepburn;
but the difference of their dispositions and manners, greater
even than their mutual aversion, deferred for a time the brood-
ing mischief. John was as profoundly avaricious, as An-
drew was careless of money, and profuse in his expenditure.
The one was frank and open in all his designs, nor was there
any necessity for concealment with him, whose vices were con-
sidered as virtues by the vulgar; and his simplicity procured
him not the less favour, when opposed to the hidden cunning,
malicious dissimulation, implacable unforgivingness, and ar-
dent revenge of Hepburn. Wherefore, Foreman, before the
arrival of the duke of Albany was certain, as he could not be
put in possession by Hume, and Hepburn kept a strong gar-
rison in both the castle and abbey, in a country where the
power of Hume could not reach, determined to attempt, by
means of his friends, if he could not altogether satisfy the
avarice of the man, whether he might not, at least in some
measure, effect a compromise. At last they agreed upon con-
dition, that Foreman should allow Hepburn to keep the rev-
enues of the former years, which he had collected as proctor,
give him the bishopric of Moray, and pay him annually three
thousand French crowns from his ecclesiastical revenues, to
be divided among his friends. Thus the hatred of the im-
placable abbot being a little soothed, affairs were settled in
that quarter

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1. Such was the state of Scotland, when John, duke of Al-
bany, landed at Dunbarton, on the 20th of May, A. D. 1515,
amid the universal congratulations of the people, who hoped
to enjoy more tranquil times, and a fair administration of jus-
tice under his government. At a full meeting of parliament,
called by him on his arrival, his paternal estates were restor-
ed, he was declared duke of Albany and earl of March, and
created regent till the king should come of age. At the same
time, James, a natural son of the late king—afterward earl of
Moray—a young man whose virtues exceeded the greatest
hopes which had been conceived of him, was invited to court.
The regent, now, strongly confirmed the expectations he had
previously excited, by the punishment of Peter Moffat, almost
in the hall of the assembly. Moffat was a notorious robber,
who, after many cruel and nefarious acts, perpetrated during
the license of the two preceding years, had reached such a
pitch of audacity, that he openly appeared in the royal palace;
but his unexpected punishment, so suddenly changed the face
of the court, that the guilty slunk to their lurking places,
while the virtuous were encouraged, and immediately the po-
litical atmosphere began to clear, and the stormy tempest to
be succeeded by profound tranquillity
II. In the meantime, John Hepburn, having secured the
regent's friends by private gifts, obtained the entire possession
of his ear, and by secret accusations, and a show of know-
ledge in the manners of his country, so insinuated himself
into the confidence of a prince ignorant of Scottish affairs,




History of Scotland. 269
that he was almost solely intrusted with the management of
the most, important transactions. He was sent by him with
a commission to travel, Öwer all Scotland, and inquire into
the misdemeanours of those who oppressed and enslaved the
common people; and he still farther insinuated himself into
his confidence, by the manner in which he exºcuted this
trust. He particularly pointed out, in the several districts,
what recent quarrels, or ancient animosities existed; likewise,
what factions there were, and who were their chiefs; and the
facts which were known to all, he narrated with sufficient
fidelity, but as often as an opportunity offered, he excited
informers to bring complaints against the tyranny of Hume,
and partly by true, and partly by false representations, com:
pletely prejudiced the duke against him. After he had sur-
veyed the whole kingdom, on his return, when he explained
to the regent, the relationships, connexions and leagues which
existed among the different families between themselves, he
persuaded him, that not one of the powerful noblemen could
be brought to punishment for his crimes, however flagrant,
without giving offence to a number; and that not so much
on account of the enmity and conspiracies, of the relations,
as because, although the punishment extended only to a few
guilty, yet the example would reach a great many, who, for-
merly enemies, from a similarity of crime, and a dread of pun-
ishment, would become friends; nor was it possible to chas-
tise such great and extensively spread factions by domestic
forces. He therefore advised him to request the king of France
to send a greater number of troops, to break down the contti-
macious race, which would equally promote the advantage of
Scotland, and the interest of Francê; but, in the meantime,
the chiefs of the factions ought to be humbled, or, if possible,
cut off, yet cautiously, that they might not perceive that a
number were aimed at. These, at present, were principally
three, of whom Archibald Douglas enjoyed the greatest pop-
ularity with the crowd, for the name of his family was fondly
cherished, on account of the many services they had rendered
the Scots, besides, being in the flower of youth, and support-
ed by his affinity with the king of England, he was too ambi-
tious for a private station; next, Hume, who, he said, was a
270 HISTORY OF SCOTLAN piº
man of great weight from the power he had enjoyed for such'
a length of time; *and more formidable; then, digressing, he
proceeded invidiously to relate all that had been done by the
Humes against the regent's father and uncle,” in which, al-
though the Bieśburs: were participators, he attributed the
whole blåmé to the Hünes; besides, he often repeated, with
many asseverations; the story of their standing aloof in the
late battle with the English; the malicious rumour respecting
the king's death; and the rebuilding of Norham castle through
their connivance; and lastly,” Foreman, who, though neither
formidable, on account of his relations, nor his noble descent;
yet would form a great acquisition to whatever side he should
incline; for all the wealth of the kingdom being gathered into
his one house, he could either relieve the present want of the
party by money, or by his promises—everything being in his
power—allure numbers to their common confederacy.
III. Hepburn’s representation of Foreman was rendered of
less weight, by the known enmity which existed between them;
besides, the archbishop created little envy, on account of that
wealth, which he delighted more in scattering profusely, than
in hoarding, and in the disposal of which, he was not more
munificent to any than to the French attendants of the regent;
neither did he so much endeavour to attach himself to one
party, as to extend his benevolence to the whole. But the
suspicions respecting the warden of the borders, sunk deeper
in the mind of the regent, which he soon betrayed by his
estrangement from Hume, and his coldness when they met.
Wherefore, in a few months, Alexander, not being treated as
he expected by Albany, began to hold secret meetings with
the queen and her husband, in which he greatly lamented
the situation of the country, because the infant king was in-
trusted to an exile, born and educated in a state of banish-
ment, whose father's ambition had nearly deprived fiis elder
brother of his kingdom, and who, himself, as next heir, it was
evident, only waited till every thing else was settled according
to his wishes, to remove the innocent child, assume the crown,
and complete what his father had impiously projected. One
only method of avoiding the danger remained, it was for the

HISTORY, OF SCOTLAND. 271
queen to depart to England with her son, and commit herself
and her interest to the protection of her brother. *
Iv. The regent, when informed of these proceedings, which
he easily credited, being naturally acute and active, trusting
only to the troops he had ready, anticipated, their attempts.
He seized the castle of Stirling, and with it the person of the
queen. He then openly took, the oath of allegiance to the
king, and having removed the queen and Douglas, by an act
of parliament, he appointed, besides John Erskine, governor
of the castle, three principal noblemen, of tried fidelity and
integrity, to superintend the education of the king; they were
to succeed-each other alternately, and he added a guard, to
protect them against violence or art. On this, Hume, and
his brother William, fled to England. Douglas and his wife,
who only remained till they knew Henry's pleasure, followed
them, and were ordered to remain at Harbottle, in Northum-
berland, and wait further instructions. Albany, in the mean-
time, greatly alarmed at their departure, immediately sent
ambassadors to England, to vindicate himself to Henry, and
to inform him, that he had done nothing which ought to
terrify the queen, or alienate her mind from him, neither had
he proceeded against the other companions of her flight in
any manner, so as to prevent them from enjoying their liberty
and estates in their native country. These things he wrote
X
* From the original correspondence of the parties, preserved in the Cotton-
ian library, it appears that Henry VIII. had tampered, through the medium
of one Williamson, a priest, with Margaret, his sister, and Gavin Douglas,
the celebrated bishop of Dunkeld, to obtain possession of the persons of the
young king and his brother, previously to Albany's arrival, but could not pre-
vail upon them to accede to his treacherous proposals. His agents were more
successful in their infamous employment of sowing dissension among the Scot-
tish nobles, or in perpetuating it. The intrigues of lord Dacre, warden of the
marches, were early used to instigate Hume against Albany, who, besides the
influence of Hepburn, was estranged from the regent, by being obliged to re-
store to him part of the estates of March, which he had held since the for-
feiture of Albany's father. Dacre, in his letter to the English council, 7th
August, 1515, takes credit to himself for having induced Hume to join the
queen's party, and very naturally declines lessening his own merit in his cor-
respondence with his superiors, by attributing any share of his success to
Hepburn's insinuations; a circumstance which Mr. Pinkerton is astonished at
his omitting !
272 Histony or scorianº.
faith, and making the most liberal
promises, he at length prevailed. They therefore returned,
but the queen, being very near the tims of her confinement,
remained, and was delivered of a daughtar, Margaret, of
whom I shall speak afterward; but as soon as she appeared
capable of enduring the fatigue of travelling, she had a royal
household, and retinue sent from court to her, with whºm she
went to London, where she was honourably and lovingly
received by her brother Henry, and her sister Mary, who had
returned from France, upon the death of her husband, Louis,
which had happened not long before. ,
v. But the suspicions lately raised in Scotland by the de-
parture of the queen, were not greatly allayed by the return
of her companions; for Gavin Douglas, uncle to the earl of
Angus, and Peter Panter, the late king's secretary, together
with John Drummond, the chief of his name, had been ban-
ished to different quarters. Alexander Hume was summoned
to stand trial before a parliament, on the 12th of July, 1516,
but not obeying he was condemned, and his goods confiscat-
ed. Exasperated by this affront, as he conceived it, in despair
he sent out, or permitted freebooters to commit great outrages
on the neighbouring counties, against whom the parliament
voted ten thousand horse and foot to the regent, with orders
either to take him, or expel him the kingdom. But before mat-
ters proceeded to an extremity, Hume, by the advice of his
friends was persuaded to surrender to the regent, and being
carried to Edinburgh, he was given in charge to James Ham-
ilton, earl of Arran, his sister's husband, under pain of being
considered a traitor, if he suffered him to escape. But the
event proved different from what was expected, for Hume
persuaded Hamilton to fly along with him, and form a con-
spiracy for seizing upon the administration, as being next heir
after the children of the late king, James III.'s sister's son, as
it was more equitable that he should exercise the regency
than John, who, though descended from a brother of the same
monarch, had been born in exile, and was in every respect a
foreigner, not even understanding the language of the coun-


HISTORY OF Scotland. 273
try. The regent, as soon as he heard of their flight, marched
against Hamilton's castle, which surrendered two days after he
had opened his batteries. Hume, in the meantime, making
excursions through March, pillaged the country, and burned
the greater part of the town of Dunbar. These were the
transactions of that year. *
VI. In the beginning of spring, John Stuart, earl of Len-
nox, Hamilton's sister's son, joined the party of the rebels,
with a great body of his friends and vassals, and having taken
Glasgow castle, waited there, along with Hamilton, the ap-
proach of the regent. Albany, by the advice of his nobles,
whom he assembled at Edinburgh, suddenly raised an army,
entered Glasgow unexpectedly, the enemy not having dream-
ed that he would dare to attack them, and recovered the
castle. One French gunner, a deserter, was the only person
who suffered punishment, the rest, upon the intercession of
Foreman, were pardoned. The earl of Lennox was received
into favour in a few days, and ever afterward, behaved with
the greatest fidelity and honour towards the regent, nor was
it long before, first Hamilton, and then Hume returned to
court. They too, were forgiven the past, but Hume, who
had often rebelled, obtained pardon with some difficulty, and
upon this condition, that if he ever rebelled again, his former
crimes would be brought against him.
VII. Peace being thus restored among all parties, the regent
retired to Falkland, where he remained for some months, but
Hume's conduct becoming again very suspicious, he returned
to Edinburgh, and held a parliament on the 24th, whither he
endeavoured, through the medium of friends, and by great
promises, to draw Hume. Against this the earl was strongly
dissuaded, by a number of his adherents. They advised him,
if he determined to go thither himself, that he should leave
his brother William, who, on account of his bravery and
munificence, possessed almost greater authority than himself,
alleging, that the regent would not proceed too harshly against
him while his brother was safe. He, however, as if compelled
by a fatal necessity, in opposition to the warning of his friends,
went to court with his brother, and Andrew Ker, of Farni-
hurst, where they were immediately thrown into separate
WOL. II. 2 M
274 Hisroax of scori,AND.
prisons, by the advice of the council, and a few days after,
brought to trial, according to the custom of the country, not
upon any new charge. Prince James, earl of Moray, accused
Alexander, earl of Hume, of the death of his father, who, he
understood.by many witnesses, escaped alive from the battle;
but this charge, although strongly expressed, being feebly
supported by proof, was withdrawn, and recourse had to
private crimes; the charge of former rebellions was revived,
in all of which, Alexander was accused of being either the
principal, or participator, and besides, he was charged with
not having faithfully performed his duty at the battle of Flod-
den. Being found guilty by the court, Alexander was be-
headed on the 11th of Oetober, and his brother on the day
after. Their heads were affixed in the most conspicuous
places, and their estates confiscated." .#
# Mr. Pinkerton, in his Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 159, says, “The new
crimes alleged against Hume, are unknown, and if he had not been pardoned
for former transgressions, he could not have sitten in the parliament of July,”
and adds in a note, “Redpath, p. 505, enumerates the supposed charges. The
chief are, Hume's assassination of James IV. after the battle of Flodden. 2d.
Some gross crime—perhaps the same-imputed by Albany to Hume, and over
which it was necessary to draw a veil. The first is from Buchanan, who, to
confirm his fable, adds that Moray, the natural son of James IV. appeared in
evidence; but that peer was only aged twenty in 1519, [Original, Dacre to
Wolsey, B. III. 16.] and was apparently now on his travels, for after a long
absence, he returned to Scotland, in 1519, ib. Perhaps James Hepburn,
bishop of Moray, may be meant. The second charge is from Drummond, and
is improbable in itself, as Albany, lately arrived in Scotland, could only
know what was known to others, and as regent, could hardly be admitted
as an accuser.” Mr. P. in his text, chooses to overlook the plain tale of
our historian, why he has not told us, and because the original gorrespond-
ence of the English spies says nothing, he very gravely informs his readers,
nothing is known about the crimes for which Hume was condemned, and
suggests, as a discovery, that he must have been pardoned for former trans-
gressions. Buchanan tells us he was pardoned, and he tells us more, that he
was only conditionally pardened, so long as he continued quiet. He did not
continue quiet, and was arraigned upon his old accusations. Mr. P. in order
to support his favourite charge of fable, first misrepresents the meaning of
Redpath, and then of Buchanan. Redpath distinctly enumerates the charges.
1. Jaimes, earl of Moray, charged him—Hume—with being guilty of the
death of his father—which was not proved. 2. He was charged with treach-
erous inactivity in the battle ef Flodden. 3. Criminal connivance at the
29
His roRY OF Scotlanb. ' 275
|
virt. Thus perished Alexander Hume, the most powerful
nobleman of all Scotland in his day, who, although during
Hife he had excited considerable hatred and envy, yet his
death, as the odium decreased, was variously regarded; and
the more so, because he was accused of no new crime, but
was believed tâ have fallen a victim to the calumnies of John
Hepburn, the abbot, a factious priest, inflamed with the
most implacable desire of revenge against Hume, by whose
means he had been excluded from the archbishopric of St.
Andrews, and who, though he had for a time concealed his
ancient resentment, was generally understood to be the insti-
gator of the severe measures pursued against the Humes by
the regent, by representing to him, already irritated and
suspicious, the imminent danger that threatened the king, if
he were to depart to France, and leave so fierce an enemy
| alive behind him; for what would he not dare, during his
absence, who had despised his authority so frequently when
he was present; the contumacy of such a man, who could
neither be won by rewards, honours, nor repeated pardons,
must be broken by the sword. By these, and similar argu-
rebuilding of the castle of Norham; and lastly, with being principal actor, and
contriver of the late treasons and insurrections against the governor.” He
then adds in a note, “Drummond relates there was another, with which the
governor acquainted the judges, so gross and heinous, that it was on that
account concealed from the public.” Redpath in all this, except the note
from Drummond, a thing noticed by the by, gives none as supposed charges,
but, as they appear on the face of history, as real accusations. Mr. P. asserts,
“ that Buchanafi says, Moray appeared in evidence,” now Buchaman only
states that he appeared as an accuser, which a very young man might do, but
he adduced evidence which was not sustained. Mr. P. further insinuates
that Moray could not have been present, because “he was then apparently
on his travels; for, after a long absence, he returned to Scotland in 1519.”
But he might have been in Scotland in October 1516, and in 1519, have
returned after a long absence. A twelvemonth might be a long absence, or
two years might be a long absence, the expression is arbitrary, and wholly
unfit, when unsupported, to bear out the irisinuation of Mr. P. The charge
against Buchanan by Mr. P. closes with as original a PERHAPs, as we could well
desire! How James Hepburn, bishop of Moray, could perhaps be meant by
prince James Stuart, natural son of James IV.; or how the bishop of Moray
could accuse Hume of murdering his father, is a puzzle Mr. P. may be able
to solve, but it will perhaps be as easy for plain readers, to take Buchanan’s
plain story.
276 History of scoTLAND, . .
ments, under a show of{regard for:the commonwealth, he
easily swayed a prinë, already sufficiently inclined to severity,
and his insinuations, it was thought, räther: than any new
accusation, occasioned the death of the Humes. After the
Humes were executed, Andrew Ker obtained a respite for one
night, that he might attend to his soul's salvation, but by
means of his friends, or rather, as was suspected, by bribing
a Frenchman, who had him in custody, he made his escape.
Alexander left three brothers, who were all equally unfortunate
about the same time. George, for murder, was an exile in Eng-
land, John, the abbot of Jedburgh, was banished beyond the
Tay, David, the youngest, who was prior of Coldingham, near-
ly two years after the execution of his brothers, inveigled by
James Hepburn, his sister's husband, under pretence of a
conference, fell into an ambush and was slain. He was much
lamented as an unoffending young man, of great promise,
shamefully betrayed by one from whom it was least to have
been expected. When punishment had in this manner visit-
ed almost the whole house of Hume, the tide of public hatred
turned toward their enemies, and chiefly John Hepburn, the
bitter exactor of such unjust revenge; but the calamities of a
family once so powerful, terrified others, and produced a tem-
porary tranquillity.
Ix. Next December, the regent brought the king from Stir-
ling to Edinburgh, and asked leave from the parliament to
return to France; but a great majority disapproving of his re-
quest, he remained some months, till the beginning of spring,
when, after promising to return, if any disturbance requiring
his presence should arise, he set sail, having left, the care of
the government, in his absence, to the earls of Angus, Ar-
ran, Argyle, and Huntly, with the archbishops of St. An-
drews and Glasgow, to whom he added Antony D’Arcy, a
Frenchman, governor of Dunbar, with instructions to inform
him of whatever might occur during that time. And to prevent
dissension among the noblemen, from their being all equal in
authority, he allotted to each his several province. With the
concurrence of the rest, he appointed the Frenchman presi-
dent, and intrusted him with March and Lothian. The other
provinces were distributed as suited mutual convenience. . In
HISTORY of Scotland. 277
the meantime, the queen, after she had been nearly a year in
England, returned, in the latter end of May, to Scotland, and
was conducted by her husband to Berwick, but they did not
live together with the same cordiality as before.
x. The regent, at his departure, to prevent any sedition in
his absence, under the appearance of doing them honour,
carried along with him, as hostages, the chiefs of the noblest
families, or their sons or relatives, sent many away to distant
parts of the kingdom as prisoners at large, and placed French
governors in the castles of Dunbar, Dunbarton, and Inch-Gar-
vy; yet, from a trifling circumstance, and in a quarter whence
it was least dreaded, a commotion arose. Antony D’Arcy dis-
played great justice and wisdom in his government, and chief-
ly in restraining robberies. The first tumult which assumed
the appearance of war, arose in his district. William Cock-
burn, uncle of the lord of Langton, having expelled the tutors
of the young man, took possession of the castle, which he kept,
relying chiefly upon the power of David Hume of Wedderburn,
whose sister Cockburn had married. Thither the Frenchman
proceeded with a sufficient force, but they who had possession
of the castle refused to give it up, and David Hume, accom-
panied by a few picked horsemen, rode up to him, and up-
braided him with the unjust death of his relation Alexander.
D’Arcy, having no confidence in his attendants, and trusting
to the fleetness of his horse, fled towards Dunbar; but his
horse falling under him, his enemies overtook him, put him
to death, and cutting off his head, affixed it upon a conspicu-
ous place on Hume castle. This murder took place on the
20th of September, 1517. The other governors, expecting
from this beginning some greater commotion, assembled, and
chose the earl of Arran president, committed George Douglas,
brother to the earl of Angus, a prisoner, to the castle of Inch-
Garvy, upon suspicion of being connected with the late mur-
der, and sent to France, to hasten the regent's return to
Scotland.
x1. Almost at the same time, a dispute arose, between the
earl of Angus and Andrew Ker of Farnihurst, respecting
the jurisdiction of certain lands belonging to the earl, but in
which Ker affirmed he possessed the right of holding courts;
278 HisreſtrºscertAND. .
the rest of the family of the Ké's favoured the claim of An-
drew, as did the Hamiltons, battmore from a hatred to the
Douglases, that from being convinced of the justice of Ker's
demand. Therefore, when the day for the meeting of parlia-
merit approgched, both parties:prepared themselves to contest
the point by arms, with greater keenness than the subject was
worth. John Somerville, a young and high spirited noble-
man of the Douglas’ faction, attacked James, the bastard son
of the earl of Arran,” upon the road, slew five of his attend-
ants, dispersed the rest, and took upwards of thirty horses.
x11. The parliament was summoned to be held in Edin-
burgh, April 29th, 1520, and the Hamiltons alleging that
they could not be safe in a city, of which Archibald Douglas
was provost, he, in order not to obstruct public business, vol-
untarily resigned his office, about the end of the month of
March, and was succeeded by Robert Logan, one of the citi-
zens. The noblemen of the west of Scotland, who had held
frequent meetings, being called together in the house of James
Beaton, the chancellor, to concert measures for apprehending
the earl of Angus, who was thought to be too powerful and
formidable to the public; for while he was at liberty, it was
alleged, there could be no freedom of debate, and a favourable
opportunity seemed now to be offered for accomplishing their
desires, because his relations were at a distance, and he, to-
gether with his few vassals, might easily be overcome, before
his friends could arrive to his assistance. The earl, when he
understood what was in agitation, sent his uncle, Gavin
Douglas, bishop of Dunkeld, to them, to sooth their unpro-
voked resentment, and to request, that they would reason with-
out appealing to force or arms; and if they had any just cause
of complaint, he was ready to give every fair and honourable
satisfaction. But this proposal was made to men, fierce on
account of their numbers, confident in their strength, and
eager for revenge; wherefore, Gavin, when he could effect
no accommodation, returned to Angus, and acquainting him
with the arrogance of his enemies, ordered his whole family to
* Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, founder of the house of Avendale.—
Crawford.
History of scorland. 279
attend the earl, but he, himself, as being a priest, and infirm
on account of his age, retired home, on purpose, as was
thought, to reprove, by his conduct, the unseasonable, bust-
ling interference of the chancellor, who, when he ought par-
ticularly to have been the promoter of peace, flew about arm-
ed as a torch of sedition, Douglas, when all hope of agree-
ment was broken off; having advised his adherents rather to
die, with credit, than remain like cowards in their houses,
whence they would soon be dragged to punishment—for the
enemy had already taken possession of every gate and avenue,
and precluded a retreat—and those who were present, assent-
ing, went armed, aceompanied by his attendants, and took
possession of the broadest street in the city. He had about
eighty in number, but all stout, determined men, of tried val-
our. These he distributed, according to the nature of the
place, and attacking the enemy as they came out of the many
narrow steep closses, slew the first, and drove the others back
headlong in confusion. The earl of Arran, the commander of
the multitude, with James his son, escaped by a ford through
the north loch; the rest of the chiefs, scattered through the
town, fled to the cenvent of the Dominicans for shelter.
While these transactions occasioned great confusion in the
eity, William, brother of the earl of Angus, entered with a
powerful band of his vassals. Emboldened by this accession,
Douglas, although the numbers of the enemy were vastly su-
perior to his, forbade, by proclamation, any person, except
his friends and retainers, from appearing armed. Those who
asked permission to depart, were allowed to retire without
molestation; and one band, eonsisting of eight hundred horse-
men—besides all who had precipitately fled—marched out
with greater ignominy than loss; for there were not killed
above seventy-two, but among these were the brother of the
earl of Arran, and Eglinton's son. This skirmish happened
on the 30th of April, A. D. 1520. To revenge this affront,
the Hamiltons laid siege to Kilmarnock, a castle in Cunning-
hame, kept by Robert Boyd, a client of the Douglases, but,
in a short time, gave up the attempt. Next year, Douglas
came to Edinburgh, on the 20th of July, bringing with him
the Humes, who had been exiled, and took down the heads
***
* •-
280 HISTORY or scotland.
of Alexander and William Hume, which had been publicly
exhibited.
XIII. In this manner, during the whole five years, from the
regent's departure till his return, the whole country was one
scene of confusion, rapine, and slaughter. He came back on
the 30th of October, A. D. 1521. That he might the more
easily settle the disorder which had arisen during his absence,
he determined to reduce the power of the Douglases. He
banished the earl of Angus, the chief of that illustrious family,
to France, and he caused his uncle, the bishop of Dunkeld,
to be summoned to Rome by the pope, to plead his cause,
who, next year, proceeding on his journey, was seized with
the plague, and died at London, regretted greatly by all good
men, on account of his worth; for besides the splendour of
his birth, and the dignity of his personal appearance, he was
distinguished for learning, exemplary conduct, and peculiar
moderation of spirit, and for his unshaken probity and au-
thority among adverse factions in turbulent times. He left
some admirable monuments of his learning and genius in his
native language."
xiv. Next year, after the return of the regent, a parliament
was held, and an army ordered to be ready on an appointed
day at Edinburgh. A considerable number, in consequence,
assembled, who were encamped in the fields near Roslin,
without knowing whither they were to be led. In this station
they received a route to proceed towards Annandale, and a
heavy punishment was denounced against those who should
absent themselves. They accordingly marched with tolerable
obedience, till they reached the Scottish border on the Solway;
only Alexander Gordon and his followers halted at three miles
distance from England, which when it was told the regent, he
went back to him next day, and brought him to his camp.
He then called a council of the chiefs, to whom he addressed
many and weighty reasons for the determination he had form-
ed to attack that most powerful quarter of England; but the
majority, induced by Gordon, who far surpassed the rest,
* A translation of Virgil's Eneid, and the Palace of Honour, an allegori-
cal poem, are his principal works.
THISTORY OF SCQFLANI), 281
both in power and º years, either from disaffection to the
regent, or because they thought it, as they declared, most
advantageous for Scotland, refused to enter England, and
their reasons, when published, were in general approved of.
For, they alleged, if these operations were intended to assist
France, by preventing the English from attacking them with
their whole force, it was sufficient for the purpose to have
made a show of war; and if the domestie state of Scotland
were considered, where all was unsettled, and the king still a
child, it was their duty to act only on the defensive, to pre-
serve the ancient boundaries, and protect the kingdom; but
if they went forward, they would incur the blame of an unau-
thorized attack, and might afterwards be called to account for
their misconduct. And if they ever so strongly desired it, if
they should overlook the danger from the common enemy,
and forget the state of affairs at home, they much feared they
had not sufficient influence to induce the Scots to enter the
hostile territory; and it was above all things to be avoided,
lest through envy, hatred, or their yet recent quarrels, they
might be exposed to disgrace.
xv. The regent, who saw that it would be in vain for him
to oppose the current, was constrained to yield. But that he
might not appear to have altogether failed in the object of his
great preparations, and his expedition to the Solway, he
secretly, by means of a merchant accustomed to transact busi-
ness in England, apprized Dacre, the warden of the English
borders, that some advantageous arrangements might be made
if they had a conference. Dacre, as he was wholly unpre-
pared—for he did not expect any invasion from the Scots,
and least of all, into his marches—listened readily to the sug-
gestion, and, upon sending a herald, obtained a passport to
come to the Scottish camp. Next day, attended with twenty
esquires, among whom the most distinguished were Thomas
Dacre and Thomas Musgrave, he came to the regent's head-
quarters, with whom he had a private interview, each only at-
tended by an interpreter. Dacre, being taken completely by
surprise, was desirous of peace, and the regent, from the mu-
tinous state of his army, was incapable of carrying on the
war; a truce was therefore concluded, and, in expectation of
WOL. II. --- 2 N
282 Histºfty of scotland.
a peace following, they separated. * Those among the Seots:
who had prevented the expedition; in order to shift the blame.
from themselves, insinuated that Dacre, for the purpose of
obtaining peace from the regent, had presented him with a
sum of money, and promised more, which was never paid;
and by spreading such reports among the vulgar, endeavoured
to vilify the conference. .
xvi. The regent, on the 25th of October, departed again
to France, having promised that he would return before the
1st of August; at which time, being prevented from under-
taking the voyage, as he knew that the English had fitted out
a large fleet to intercept him, he sent before him five hundred
French foot soldiers, in the month of June, with assurances
to his friends, among the Scots, of his speedy return. These
met with no enemy upon their passage, till they came near
the isle of May, in the Frith of Forth, where they fell in with
the English ships, who were watching them in the narrow
strait. A furious battle then ensued, in which the French,
attempting to board the enemy's vessels, lost several of their
captains, and on their being killed, when the sailors would
not obey the military, nor could the soldiers, from their ig-
norance of sea affairs, understand the orders of the naval offi-
cers, they were driven back into their vessels with immense
slaughter.
xv.11. During the absence of the regent, Thomas Howard,
earl of Surrey, being sent, by the king of England, to Scot-
land, with a thousand regular soldiers, and as many auxilia-
ries, finding the Scots at variance among themselves, without
a chief magistrate, or any settled state of government, over-
ran March and Teviotdale, and seized all the castles in the
* The account here given of the failure of the expedition, from the muti-
mous state of the army, is so completely satisfactory, that it would command
'our belief from its high probability alone, were even Buchanan not confirmed
by the original correspondence quoted by Mr. Pinkerton himself, vol. ii. p.
207..yet Mr. P. prefers a most improbable supposition, he narrates that
Albany, without any rational cause, at the simple request of lord Dacre, who
was wholly unprepared to use any other influence, consented to disband a fine
high spirited army A writer that can choose this alternative, may be excused
for believing Buchanan to be a fabulist.
29
., HISTORY-OF-3COTL.A.N.D., 283
twº countries, to the great loss both of the nobles and the
common people, who used these as defences, in which they
were accustomed, on sudden irruptions, to secure themselves
and their effects; and Scotland, at the same time, was so op-
pressed by intestine seditions, that all mutual sympathy, for
each other's calamity, was destroyed. The English, after
having wasted wherever they chose, for several months, with-
out opposition, disbanded their army. The Scottish border-
ers, then, that they might in some measure revenge the mis-
chief they had suffered, made incessant plundering incursions
into Nörthumberland, on which, Howard, being again sent
against them, took Jedburgh, which, although unwalled, ac-
cording to the Scottish custom, was not reduced without much
labour and considerable loss. During these transactions in
Teviotdale, a sudden terror, from some unknown cause, seiz-
ed the English horses one night, and nearly five hundred
having broken their bridles, rushed into the camp, overthrew
every thing that opposed them, trampled over a number of
the soldiers, then, madly galloping out again, dispersed them-
selves over the country, and were taken by the Scots. This
raised-a mighty trepidation in the camp, and crying to arms;
nor could the tumult be calmed till morning. In consequence,
the English, three days after, dismissed their army, without
attempting any thing else.
xvi.II. The duke of Albany, understanding that all the ports
on the French coast were blockaded by the English, who
were ordered to prevent his return to Scotland, being inferior
in strength, determined to elude them by art. He did not
collect his vessels in any one harbour, but kept them scattered
in various ports, and that there might be no appearance of
any warlike preparation, he so stationed his soldiers in inland
places, that he seemed to think of nothing less than embarka-
tion. The English admiral, who watched to intercept him,
and had kept at sea in vain till the 13th of August, being
informed by his scouts, that there was neither the appearance
of fleet nor army along the whole French coast, supposing
that no attempt would be made till the spring, withdrew his
ships. The duke of Albany, as soon as the departure of the
enemy was ascertained, suddenly assembled a fleet of fifty
284 History.orºrisºn.
sail, on board of which he embarked three thousand foot
soldiers, and one hundred cuirassiers, set sail from France,
after the autumnal equinox, and arrived at the Isle of Arran,
on the 24th September, by accident the same day on which
the English burned Jedburgh. -
xix. I have showed in what a wretched state Scotland was,
during the last summer, the nobles at variance with each
other, those places next to England, visited with all the hor-
rors of war, and so blockaded by sea, that every hope of aid
from abroad was cut off. The design of the enemy in all this,
was evidently to humble the fierce spirits of the Scots, and
force them to make peace, while the Scots, who were averse
to the French party, laboured strenuously at the same time,
to promote a perpetual league with them. At the head of
this party stood the queen, for after Hume was executed, and
Douglas banished, those who remained, being considered
as fit rather to follow than to lead, all who were opposed
to the French applied to her. She, that she might at once
gratify her brother, and obtain possession of the chief power,
dissembling her private ambition, advised her party, that as
her son was now almost of age, they ought to free him from
the hands of strangers, and from a foreign yoke. She like-
wise looked forward to a protection against her husband,
whom she had for some time past begun to dislike. The king
of England too, by frequent letters, and promises to the Scot-
tish nobles, promoted the design of his sister. He told them,
that there remained with him no obstacle why there should
not be continual peace between the neighbouring kingdoms;
that as he had formerly, so now he greatly desired it, not
from any wish for his own aggrandisement, but to show to the
world, that he wished to cherish, protect, and by every means
in his power, promote the advantage of his sister's son; and,
if the Scots would consent to break their alliance with France,
and join with England, they would soon be convinced that he
was influenced, neither by ambition, nor love of power, but
by a desire of concord alone, in uniting his only daughter
Mary, in marriage with James, by which alliance, the Scots
would not be reduced under the government of the English,
but the English under that of the Scots; adding, that hatred
285
asinºeterate between other' mations, had been subdued, and
extinguished by affinities, ‘commerce, and mutual kindnesses.
Others enumerated the advantages and disadvantages which
would arise from the friendship of the different nations. The
one were a people born in the same island, reared under the
same sky, the same in language, laws, customs, and manners,
so like, even in countenance and colour, that they appeared
rather one than separate nations. The other not more divid-
ed by climate and country, than by their whole manner of
living, could do the Scots little harm by their enmity, and
little service by their friendship. The English were at
hand, but the French were friends afar off, whose only com-
munication by sea might be obstructed by enemies or storms,
and it ought to be considered how inconvenient it must
be for the government, and how dangerous for the public
to have all hopes of assistance hanging on the wind, and the
safety of the state placed at the mercy of an inconstant ele-
ment. How much the aid of absent friends against present
danger was to be depended upon, they might perceive, for
they had felt it, during last summer, when the king of Eng-
land invaded them, and they were deserted by their allies,
while, on the one hand, with his whole force he threatened to
overwhelm them, and on the other, kept the assistance so
often promised, blocked up in the harbours of France, by his
fleet.
xx. These were the reasons urged, when the league with
England was discussed, and not a few, convinced by them,
favoured the alliance. But they were combated by a strong
opposition, for the majority in that parliament were previously
secured by French bribes, and others, who reaped private
advantage from the public distress, hated all idea of peace.
There were, likewise, some who suspected the sincerity of the
English promises, from the readiness with which they were
made, especially as the direction of the English government
was then chiefly committed to cardinal Thomas Wolsey, an
ambitious priest, whose whole measures tended to increase
his private power and dignity, and therefore, he accommodat-
ed them to every breath of fortune, all these, influenced by
different reasons, yet equally promoted the French alliance,

286 History of sGotland.
and denied that this sudden liberality of the enemy was gra-,
tuitous. It was not the first time, they said, that these arts
had been used by the English, for deceiving the unsuspicious
Scots, Edward I., after he was sworn and bound by every
legal tie to act honourably, on being chosen as arbiter by
the competitors for the throne, most unjustly created himself
king of Scotland; and even lately, Edward IV., after he had
betrothed his daughter Cecilia, to James III., when the prin-
cess arrived at the age of puberty, on the very eve of mar-
riage, took advantage of a war which arose from their domes-
tic dissensions, and forbade the nuptials. Nor did the Eng-
lish king intend any thing else now, than by flattering them
with the empty hope of dominion, to make them really slaves,
and when he had deprived them of all foreign assistance, to
overwhelm them unexpectedly with the whole weight of his
power. Nor was the assertion, which the others seemed to
exult in, true, that an alliance is more secure with a near,
than with a distant state, for causes of dissension are constant-
ly arising between neighbours, often from chance, and often
from very trifling incidents among the nobles; that the terms
of peace are always prescribed by the strongest, nor was there
ever yet any treaty of friendship so sacred between neighbour-
ing nations, but what opportunities offered, or occasions were
sought for violating it; nor could it be expected that the Eng-
lish would abstain from such violations, under a king of Scot-
tish descent, more than they did under so many kings of their
own blood. For the sanctity of leagues, the holiness of the
most solemn oaths, and the faith of treaties, which are the
firmest bonds among the good, are among the wicked only
convenient snares for deceiving; and these can be most suc-
cessfully laid among bordering nations, whose language is the
same, and whose customs and manners are alike. But setting
aside all these arguments, two things ought to be considered;
first, that we do not renounce rashly old friends, to whom we
are under many obligations, and next, that we do not waste
our time in fruitless altercation about a subject, which cannot
be determined except in a meeting of the estates. In this
manner did the favourers of the Gallic faction restrain their
opponents, and prevent any decision from being come to,
HºfsiºëRY.'6F SCOTLÄNäy. * 287
tilt they had feceived certain" iñtelligence of the arrival of
the French auxiliaries.
xxi. The news of the regent's arrival, diffused great joy
among his friends, confirmed the wavering, and deterred
many from joining the English alliance, who were inclined to
espouse it. Having sent his warlike stores by the Clyde to
Glasgow, he reviewed his army there, and issued a proclama--
tion for the nobility to meet him at Edinburgh, where, in a
flaming oration, he praised their constancy in adhering to
their ancient league, and their prudence in refusing the per-
fidious promises of the English, and expatiated on the affec-
tion, and liberality of the French king toward the Scottish
nation, and exhorted them to lay aside their private animosi-
ties, and now, that foreign assistance had arrived, avenge their
injuries, and check, by some signal blow, the insolence of the
enemy.
xxII. After refreshing his soldiers a few days, and being
joined by the Scottish forces, the regent, on the 22d October,
marched towards the borders, but when he was about to enter
England, and had already led the greater part of his troops
across the wooden bridge near Melrose, the Scots, pretending
the same excuses as in the former expedition to Solway,
refused to advance into England, and those who had crossed,
repassing the river, returned by the same way, on which,
he encamped a little farther down on the left bank of the
Tweed, and prepared to besiege Werk castle, situate on the
opposite side. In the meantime, a party of horse, sent across
the river, shut up all the passages, lest any relief should be
introduced, and wasted all the adjacent country. Werk
castle consists of a strongly fortified, and very high tower, in
the inner court, which is surrounded by a double wall. The
outer wall encloses a large space of ground, whither the coun-
try people in time of war, are accustomed to seek refuge,
together with their cattle, and the produce of their farms.
The inner encloses a much narrower space, but is surrounded
by a ditch, and better fortified with towers raised upon it.
The French took possession of the exterior court by assault,
but the English setting fire to the barns and straw, they were
forced by the flames and the smoke, to evacuate it. Then,
288 º History or spot.I.A.N.D.
the next two days they battered the inner wall with their
cannon, and when they had effected what they thought a
practicable breach, the French mounted with the greatest
ardour, but, being exposed to every missile weapon from the
tower, which still remained entire, after losing a few men,
they were beat back, and retired to the army, on the other
side of the river
xxIII. The regent, when he perceived the Scots averse to
the war, and at the same time receiving certain information
that the English were advancing with an army much more
numerous than his own, according to their own writers, fifty
thousand men, besides six thousand in garrison at Berwick,
in the vicinity, he decamped on the 11th November, and
marched to Eccles, a monastery about six miles distant, and
thence, at the third watch, by a nocturnal march, he retreated
to Lauder, during which, both men and horse were greatly
annoyed by a severe fall of snow; and the same storm caused
the English to disband their army, and return home without
effecting any thing. The rest of the winter was tolerably
quiet. In the spring, the regent, in an assembly of the nobles,
explained the reason why he was under the necessity of re-
turning to France, but he promised he would be back before
the 1st of September, and required of them, that during his
absence, the king should remain at Stirling, and that neither
peace nor truce should be concluded with England, nor any
innovation be made in the administration, till he came back;
all which they solemnly promised, and he, with his retinue,
set sail for France, on the 20th of May.
xxiv. On the departure of the regent, the country becoming
a scene of complete anarchy and confusion, the king, although
a child, was brought to Edinburgh by his mother, the earls of
Arran, Lennox, Crawford, and a number of the chief nobility,
and on the 29th of July, an assembly of the nobles being
convened in the palace of Holyroodhouse, he, by their advice,
was declared of age, and next day, they all renewed the oath
of allegiance to him. On occasion of his assuming the gov-
ernment, he, as a piece of form, dismissed all who exercised
any public office, and in a few days, reinstated them in their
places, and on the 20th of July, the king held a parliament,
HISTORY OF SC6TLANſ). 389
in order to abolish the office 6f regent. Having taken the
power into his own hands, he went in great pomp to the
Town Hall of the city, the bishops of St. Andrews and Aber-
deen alone dissenting, who thought that they ought to wait
till the 1st of September, and they were in consequence, com-
mitted to prison; in return they, that they might revenge
themselves by their own proper arms, excommunicated all
within their jurisdietion, but before another month, they were
reconciled to the king, and restored to favour.
xxv. About the same time, Archibald Douglas, who was
banished, as I mentioned, to France, sent Simon Penning, an
agent on whom he could depend, to procure for him from the
king of England, a safe passage through his kingdom, on his
return home. Henry, who desired to weaken the authority
of so active a man as the duke of Albany, listened willingly to
any change in the government of Scotland, received the earl
on his arrival, courteously, and dismissed him liberally. His
return home variously affected the leaders of the Scots. A
great part of the nobility, at the head of whom were John
Stuart, earl of Lennox, and Colin Campbell, earl of Argyle,
dissatisfied at seeing the whole government in the hands of
the queen, and the earl of Arran, and themselves admitted to
no share, received Douglas with every expression of joy, as
by his assistance, they hoped either to transfer the power of
the opposite party to themselves, or at Feast, humble their
pride. On the other hand, the queen, whose affections were
estranged from her husband, vexed at his arrival, determined
to oppose him by every means in her power; Hamilton, who
not only retained his old hatred, but feared being displaced
by Douglas, as he knew he would not rest satisfied with any
secondary station, directed his whole strength against him, in
order to retain his office. These remained in the castle of
Edinburgh, and though well aware that many of the nobility
desired a change, yet, trusting to the fortifications of the place,
and the feeble authority of the king, believed themselves safe
from violence. The other faction having assembled, a major-
ity of the nobility chose three of their number as guardians of
the king and the kingdom, Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus,
John Stuart, earl of Lennox, and Colin Campbell, earl of
WOL. II. 2 O
•º
290 . HISTORY OF SCQTLAND... .
Argyle, these without delay, crossed the Forth, and constrain-
ed James Beaton, a man of great ability, to join their party,
who seeing their power, did not dare, to refuse....Thence
they proceeded to Stirling, and, transferring all the public
offices and authority, to their own friends, they then marched
to Edinburgh, which being unfortified; they entered without
resistance. They surrounded the castle with an insignificant
trench, and those who were within, having made no prepara-
tion for a siege, surrendered. All the inmates, except the
king, being dismissed, the weight of government remained
with the three earls, who agreed to take charge of it by turns,
each of them attending four months on the king.,
xxvi. But this association was neither sincere, nor of long
duration. Douglas, who was employed to superintend the
royal court for the first four months, carried away the king to
the house of the archbishop of St. Andrews, and took posses-
sion of all his furniture, and household stuff, for he had al-
ready deserted the party, and that he might engage the affec-
tion of the king, he suffered him to indulge in every unlawful
enjoyment, but yet he did not gain his purpose, the king's
domestics being in the interest of the queen, and the Hamil-
ton party. The first animosities at court arose about the
division of ecclesiastical preferment, the Douglases grasping
at every thing for themselves. George Crichton having been
translated to the bishöpric of Dunkeld, Douglas gave the
abbey of Holyroodhouse, in the suburbs of Edinburgh, which
he resigned, to his brother William, who had forcibly held the
abbey of Coldingham, six miles from Berwick, for five years,
since the murder of Robert Blackadder, the last abbot; for
Patrick Blackadder, cousin-german of Robert, had received
that abbacy from the pope, with the consent of John, the
regent, and had also commenced a lawsuit against John
Hume, a friend of the earl of Angus, and married to his
sister's daughter, concerning the whole ancient patrimony of
the Blackadders. Patrick, unable to contend with his adver-
saries, aided by the power of the Douglases, patiently suffered
the injury, and withdrew to a distance from countries under
their dominion, to await more favourable times, among his
maternal relations. . The Douglases, although they disregard-
29
HISTORY of scorland.’ * 291
ed Patrick, yet when they came to exercise the government,
were desirous of effacing the stain of having violently obtained
the possessions of another, and through the medium of friends,
offered to make him some reparation. He, on the other hand,
showing himself not disinclined to reconciliation, and even
willing to relinquish a considerable part of his right, on re-
ceiving the public faith, sent in writing from Douglas, came
to Edinburgh with a few atténdants, and unarmed, but not
far from the gates of the city, he was waylaid by John Hume,
and killed.” When the report of this transaction reached
town, many persons mounted their horses, to apprehend the
assassins, but when they had pursued them some miles, per-
ceiving George, the earl of Douglas’ brother in their company,
besides a number of the relations, both of the Douglases and
the Humes, uncertain with what intention they came, whether
to take, or to defend the authors of the murder, they gave
over pursuing. Reports were on this every where raised
against Douglas. Already Argyle had withdrawn from the
triumvirate, and Lennox, although he followed the king, gave
many indications of his mind being alienated from the Doug-
lases, who seized for themselves every office of trust or emolu-
ment. But they, confiding in their own power, paid little
attention to the reports or disgusts of others.
xxvii. In the midst of these contentions, the king, although
he was treated with greater indulgence than was proper, that
his tender mind might be retained by such licentiousness, yet
began, by degrees, to be tired of the authority of the Doug-
lases; and his domestics, by vilifying their actions, sometimes
truly, sometimes falsely, and always by putting the worst con-
struction upon what was dubious, completed his dislike, and
he began to consult secretly with his intimate friends, about
asserting his liberty. Of all the nobles, John, earl of Lennox,
was the only one to whom he could unbosom himself freely
and without fear, who, besides his other mental and bodily
accomplishments, had a fine open countenance, and a suavity
of manners, peculiarly engaging. Him, therefore, he made
his confident, and whilst they were deliberating about the
time, place, and manner of effecting his design, Douglas, who
had made many unsuccessful expeditions for checking rob-
292 HISTORY OF Scotpanyi).
beries, at last, about the end of July, determined to carry the
king into Teviotdale, thinking that the terror of his presence
would have some influence, 'A mesting being held at Jed-
burgh, to which the chiefs of glk the neighbouring clans were
summoned, the king ordered them egch to apprehend the
most notorious criminals within their bounds, whose names he
produced; which order being strictly obeyed, many leaders
of the robbers were brought to punishment, and many receiv-
ed pardon, on their promises of amendment, While the court
were indulging in festivity" on the occasion, it appeared to
those who wished to rescue the king from the power of the
Douglases, a favourable opportunity for making the attempt.
Walter Scott," who lived not far from Jedburgh, had numer-
ous vassals in the adjoining vicinity, and the plan was, that
Walter should invite the king to his house, and detain him
thère by his own consent, till on the news spreading, a great-
er force should arrive. This design, whether accidentally or
otherwise, appears to have been discovered, and the king
was again carried back to Melrose; but, notwithstanding,
Walter proceeded straight on his journey to the king. When
not far distant, a messenger, in affright, brought intelligence
to Douglas, that Scott was advancing in arms, with a great
body of followers; nor was there any doubt but this factious
and quarrelsome man intended mischief, Douglas, therefore,
ran instantly to arms in great confusion, and though inferior
in numbers, yet as he had the picked men of his army with
him, besides several of the Humes and Kers, with their
chiefs, George Hume, and Andrew Ker, he determined to
try the chance of a battle. At that very moment, George
Hume had nearly defeated all his arrangements; for upon
Douglas ordering him to dismount, and take part in the bat-
tle, he replied:—He would alight if the king bade him. The
contest was fiercely maintained on both sides, as by men who
had the king both for the prize and the spectator of the en-
gagement. John Stuart, earl of Lennox, remained inactive
beside the king, as if arbiter of the fight. After a severe
struggle, Walter being wounded, his vassals gave way, but
* Walter Scott of Buccleugh.
*istory or scorland. 293
the joy of the Douglases for their victory was much diminish-
ed by the death of Andrew Ker of Cessford, who was greatly
lamented by both sides, on account of his virtues; his death
occasioned a long feud between the Kers and the Scots,
which was not ended without blood. From this time, Len-
nox, who had behaved ambiguously in the battle—having
been before suspected by the Douglases—was treated as an
open enemy, and retired # n/the court. This action took
place on the 23d of. July3. 2 º g
xxviii. The Douglases, geºiving themselves become ob-
noxious to a number of efiełmies, in order to increase their
party by a new accession of strength, composed their ancient
differences with the Hamiltons, a numerous, powerful, and
flourishing family, but who had long been absent from court,
and associated them with themselves in the government. On
the other side, Stuart, trusting to his popularity, and to let-
ters which he had secretly obtained from the king to the prin-
cipal nobility, whom he hoped would have kept the secret,
made great accessions to his party, Having ealled a meeting
of his principal partisans at Stirling, which James Beaton,
with some of the bishops, and many of the nobility, attended,
he openly laid before them his intention of procuring the lib-
erty of the king. His proposal being unanimously agreed to,
although the day appointed had not arrived, Lennox, upon
hearing that the Hamiltons had collected at Linlithgow to
prevent his march, determined to attack them before they
were joined by the Douglases. He, therefore, with the force
he had ready, marched thither direct; but the Hamiltons be-
ing informed of the day on which he would leave Stirling,
early in the morning, sent for the Douglases from Edinburgh;
but they, besides other impediments, were detained by the
king, who, having pretended illness, was later in rising than
usual, travelled slowly, and often turned aside upon the jour-
ney, endeavouring, by every means in his power, to delay
their progress, till at last George Douglas, when he found he
could not by flattery persuade him to quicken his motions,
told him :-Before the enemy shall take thee from us, if thy
body should be torn in pieces, we shall have a part.
XXIX. This saying sunk deeper in the king's mind than

294, 'HISTORY of scort AND.
could have been expected from his age; and when the Doug-
lases were exiles many years after, and he was not unwilling
to forgive the rest, no one durst mention to him the name of.
George. “The Hamiltons, threatened with the approach of
the énemy; and expecting the assistance of their friends, drew
up their forces in order of battle, at a bridge over the river
Evon, about a mile beyond Linlithgow, and having placed a
small guard upon the bridge, posted the rest along the tops
of the hills, which they knew the enemy must pass. , Lennox,
being prevented from crossing the bridge, ordered his troops
to ford the river at a shallower place, a little-farther up, near
Manual abbey, a small, nunnery, and, drive, the Hamiltons
from the hills, before the Douglases joined them. The Len-
nox men marched rapidly through a rugged road, annoyed
by the stones thrown from the heights, and had just reached
the enemy, when a shout announced the arrival of the Doug-
lases, who, rushing from the road into the midst of the battle,
quickly decided the fortune of the day. . The Lennox party.
were forced to fly with great loss. The Hamiltons, but par-
ticularly James the bastard, used the victory cruelly. Wil-
liam Cunninghame, the earl of Glencairn's son, was severely
wounded, but his life was spared by the Douglases, on ac-
count of his relationship. John Stuart was killed, greatly
lamented by the earl of Arran, his uncle, and even by Doug-
las, but above all by the king, who, when he heard by the
tumult and noise that the battle had commenced, sent Sir
Andrew Wood of Largo, his favourite, before, to endeavour
to save his life, but he unfortunately arrived too late.
xxx. After this victory, the faction of the Douglases, in
order to strike terror into their rivals, and humble them effec-
tually, determined to bring those to trial who had carried
arms against the king. In order to avoid which, several com-
pounded for money, while others put themselves under the
protection, some of the Hamiltons, and some of the Doug-
lases. The refractory were indicted. Among these, Gilbert,
earl of Cassillis, a high spirited nobleman, when urged by
James, the bastard, to put himself under the protection of the
Hamiltons, replied:—In the ancient league entered into by
their ancestors, his grandfather, as the most honourable, was
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 295
always named first, and he would not now so far forget the
dignity of his family, or so far degenerate from his forefathers,
as to voluntarily put himself under their patronage—the next
step to slavery—the chief of whose family, when entering into
a bond on equal terms, was content with the second place.
Wherefore, on the day of trial, when Gilbert was called,
Hugh Kennedy, his relation, answered for him :--That he
had not appeared in that battle against the king, but in obe-
dience to his commands; and on some of the Hamiltons ac-
cusing him of audacity, he offered, if necessary, to produce
the royal letters, for the king had written to him, along with
a number of other noblemen, on his retiring from court, to
join John Stuart; and he, in consequence, when he saw the
battle approaching, as he had not time to assemble his friends
and vassals, turned aside from his journey, and with the at-
tendants he had went to Stirling. The arrogance of the
Hamiltons being a little humbled by the issue of this trial,
James, the bastard, highly incensed against Cassillis, a few
days after procured him to be murdered, on his return home,
by Hugh Campbell, sheriff of Ayr. Hugh, to conceal his
participation in the deed of his vassals, on the day on which
the murder was perpetrated, paid a visit to John Erskine, *
Gilbert Kennedy's brother-in-law; but his lady, immediately
on hearing of the deed, bitterly accused him of the crime.
Thus the noble family of the Kennedys was nearly rendered
extinct. The son of the earl who was killed, being quite a
youth, fled to his relation, Archibald Douglas, then lord
treasurer, and put himself and his family under his protection.
He was kindly received by the treasurer, who, on account of
his excellent disposition, destined him for his son-in-law.
Hugh Campbell was summoned to stand trial, but his guilt
being too clear, he fled the kingdom. Nor did the Douglases
exercise less revenge towards James Beaton, but marching to
St. Andrews, they took and dismantled the bishop's castle,
whom they considered as the author of all the plans of the
earl of Lennox; and as nobody durst openly afford him an
* John, lord Erskine, father to the regent, earl of Marr, was married to a
daughter of the earl of Argyle. Gilbert Kennedy, earl of Cassillis, was married
to Isabel Campbell, her sister.
$
^,
296 History '6% Šćbiº Nà.
asylum, he himself escaped with difficulty, by often changing
his hurking places. The queen toº lest she should fall into
the hands of her husband, whom she hated, kept herself also
concealed in disguise. . . . .
xxxi. In the beginning of next spring, Douglas made an
expedition to Liddisdale, and destroyed many robbers, by
coming unexpectedly upon them in their huts, and before they
had time to assemble together for defence. Of the prisoners
whom he took, he hanged twelve, and kept as many as host-
ages, whom he also hanged a few months after, as their rela-
tions would not abstain from their depredations. At the
commencement of this expedition, a remarkable occurrenče
took place, which from its singularity, I think ought not to be
omitted. There was in the stables of John Stuart, a man of
very mean extraction, who was retained in the lowest situation
for taking care of the horses; after his master was killed by
the Hamiltons, he wandered about for some time in a loose
unsettled state, till his mind became roused to a determina-
tion of executing a deed far above his rank or station, and he
resolved to avenge the death of his master. With this in-
tention he set out for Edinburgh, where, by chance meeting
an acquaintance of the same rank, and who had belonged to
the same family, he asked him, whether he had seen James
Hamilton, the bastard, in the city? And when he comfessed
he had seen him:-Thou most ungrateful of men, said he, and
didst thou suffer the villain to live, who murdered our best of
masters, away, you deserve to be hanged; and having thus
spoken, he proceeded hastily on his journey, direct to court.
There were at that time in the palace yard, in front of Holy-
roodhouse, two thousand of the Douglas and Hamilton clans,
armed, and prepared for the expedition we have mentioned.
Here, the avenger of his master, overlooking all the rest, fixed
his eyes and his mind upon Hamilton alone, then coming out
of the area unarmed, and with only a short cloak, and having
seen him enter the dark archway, over the gate, he rushed
upon him, and stabbed him in six different places, some of the
wounds nearly reaching his vitals, and the others more or less
severe, having been warded off by the bend of his body, and
by the cloak, which having done, the assassin immediately
HISTORY OF scot LAND. 297
mixed with the crowd. A sudden tumult instantly arose, and
some of the, Hamiltons suspecting that this villanous action
had been perpetrated by the Douglases, who had not yet
forgotten their ancient feud, an engagement had very nearly
taken place between the factions. At last, the disturbance
being a little settled, all who were present were ordered to
draw up round the wall, in single file, when the assassin was
seized with his knife, yet bloody in his hand. Being asked
whence he came, and for what purpose, not being able to give
any satisfactory answer, he was carried to prison, and on being
put to the torture, immediately confessed that he had under-
taken the act, to revenge the murder of his master, and only
lamented that he must die without having accomplished such
a noble attempt. Although tormented a long time, he discover-
ed nothing. At last, being condemned, he was led round the
city naked, and every part of his body was pinched by red hot
iron instruments, yet he neither either changed countenance,
or uttered a groan, and when his right hand was torn off, he
said it was less punished than it deserved, because it had not
obeyed the dictates of a brave mind.
xxxii. In the same year, Patrick Hamilton, a son of the
sister of John, duke of Albany's, and a brother of the earl of
Arran's, a young man of the greatest genius, and most singu-
lar erudition, was condemned, by a conspiracy of the priest-
hood, and burned alive at St. Andrews, not long after whose
execution, the death of Alexander Campbell, attracted the
public attention. He belonged to the Dominican order, was
himself a young man of good ability, and esteemed the most
learned among the followers of the sect of Thomas Aquinas.
Patrick had often disputed with this man, concerning the in-
terpretation of the Holy Scriptures, and in their controversies
had brought him to confess, that almost all the points which
were then held heretical, were true. Notwithstanding, Alex-
ander, fonder of life than of truth, was persuaded by his
friends, to become Hamilton’s public accuser. Patrick, who
was naturally very vehement, could not remain silent at the
rhetorical declamation of this man, but exclaimed openly:—
I summon thee, thou most aggravated sinner, who knowest
the things which thou condemnest are true, and didst confess
WOL. II, 2 P { •4
298 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
so to me only a few days ago, to take thy trial before the
tribunal of the living God, which address so disturbed Alex-
ander, that he never from that hour enjoyed peace of mind,
and not long after died mad. ' ' ' ', --
xxx111. During all this time, and a great part of next year,
the Douglases were variously employed, and quite secure with
regard to the king, because they believed, by the allurements,
and improper pleasures, in which they had allowed him to
indulge, they had completely gained his affections, nor, even
if he were otherwise disposed towards them, was there any
faction sufficiently powerful to oppose them, nor any fortified
place to which he could retire, except Stirling castle alone,
which had been allotted to the queen for her residence, but
had been, at the time when the queen herself was under hiding,
from a dread of the Douglases, deserted by her servants, and,
on the disturbance subsiding, was fortified more for show
than defence. The king, now rather less strictly watched,
perceiving that this was the only place he could fly to, pri-
vately bargained with his mother, to exchange the castle,
and the lands adjoining, for lands equally convenient for
her. Then, having completed all his other arrangements as
secretly as he could, he took advantage of the negligence of
his guard, and withdrew in the night, with a few attendants,
from Falkland to Stirling, where having called hastily a num-
ber of the nobility to join him, and a number voluntarily
coming on the report of his escape, he was soon sufficiently
secured against violence. By their advice, the king issued a
proclamation, commanding the Douglases to resign all their
public employments, and likewise prohibiting their relations,
friends, or vassals, from approaching within twelve miles of the
court, on pain of death. This order reached the Douglases
on their march to Stirling, and many of their companions
were of opinion they should proceed, but the earl, with his
brother George, determined to obey, and therefore returned
to Linlithgow, to await more certain intelligence from the
COUlrt.
xxxiv. In the meantime, the king sent messengers to the
most distant parts of the kingdºm, to order every nobleman,
who had a right of voting, to attend the parliament in Edin-
29
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 299
&
burgh, summoned for the 3d of September, whilst he at Stir-
ling, and the Douglases at Edinburgh, assembled their forces,
both, however, more for protection than offence. At length,
on the 2d of July, the Douglases left Edinburgh, and the king
entered that city in martial order. By the mediation of friends,
conditions were offered the Douglases by the king:—That the
earl of Angus should be banished beyond the Spey, and
George, his brother, and Archibald, his uncle, be confined in
Edinburgh castle, which if they obeyed, they might entertain
hopes of the king's clemency. These terms being rejected,
they were ordered to attend the first meeting of parliament.
In the meantime, the public offices they held were taken from
them, and Gavin Dunbar, lately the king's preceptor, was
made chancellor, in room of the earl. He was upright and
learned, but rather deficient in political knowledge. Robert
Cairncross, more remarkable for his riches than his wisdom,
was made treasurer. The Douglases, now nearly reduced to
despair, sent Archibald with some troops of horse, and en-
deavoured to recover Edinburgh, after the king had left it,
intending to exclude the king, and dissolve the parliament;
but upon the 26th of August, [lord] Robert Maxwell, with his
friends and vassals, and a great, promiscuous multitude, by the
king's command prevented their advance, and by diligently
placing guards and watches, preserved the tranquillity of the
city till the time of the meeting of parliament. Douglas,
disappointed in this hope, retired to his castle of Tantallon,
about fourteen miles distant.
xxxv. The day on which the king left Stirling, the rain
fell in such torrents that his attendants, divided into many
parties, and, greatly retarded by the swelling of the brooks,
entered Edinburgh at midnight, so much fatigued by the
violence of the tempest, that a few horse might have occasien-
ed great mischief. In that parliament, the earl of Angus, his
brother George, his uncle Archibald, together with Alexander
Drummond of Carnock, their intimate friend, were outlawed,
had their estates confiscated, and all who should have any
communication with them, were subjected to the same punish-
ment. What was thought chiefly to have conduced to this
severity, was the king's declaring upon oath, that as long as
300 History of scori.AND.
he remained with the Douglases, he was in fear of his life, and
that fear had been increased after the violent threatenings of
George. Only one adherent of the Douglases, John Banna-
tyne, * was found in this assembly, who dared publicly to pro-
test against the proceedings, and to affirm, that no act ought
then to pass, to the disadvantage of the earl, who was prevent-
ed, by a reasonable fear for his safety, from attending at the
day appointed. A few days after, William, another brother
of the earl's, abbot of Holyrood monastery, died, being worn
out by sickness and anxiety of mind, on account of this sad
overturn. Robert Cairncross, a low born man, but rich,
bought his benefice from the king, then greatly in want of
money, both eluding the law against trafficking in church pre-
ferment, by a novel species of fraud. Robert wagered a large
sum of money, which he deposited with the king, that his
majesty would not bestow on him the next benefice which fell
vacant, but the king gave him Holyrood abbacy, and he lost
the wager. *
xxxvi. The Douglases, thus seeing themselves cut off from
all hope of obtaining pardon, had recourse to open violence,
and sought to gratify their revenge by the calamities of their
enemies, whose estates they visited with every species of out-
rage. They burned Cosland and Cranston, and kept riding
daily before the gates of Edinburgh, so that it appeared like a
city besieged, and the innocent citizens suffered for the crimes
of the nobility. In the midst of these distractions, on the
21st of November, the Martine, the noblest vessel of her time,
laden with a very valuable cargo, was driven on shore by a
storm, at Innerwick.f. Part of the cargo was carried off by
Douglas’ horsemen, who were scouring that quarter; the rest
was plundered by the countrymen, who were so ignorant of
its value, that they divided the cinnamon as common bark, for
firewood, but the odium of the whole fell on the Douglases.
Upon this change of circumstances, the robbers, who had
been long restrained by fear, ventured out from their holes,
* John Bannatyne, tutor of Corhouse, in Clydesdale, great grandfather to
Lord Newhall.
t On the eastern coast of Lothian, in the county of Haddington, not far
from Dunbar.
HISTory of Scotland.” 301
and renewed their depredations; and when crimes began again
to abound, every theft and murder was laid to the charge of
the Douglases by the courtiers, because they thought it would
gratify the king, that a name formerly so popular, now became
detested by the people. f
xxxvii. In the beginning of winter, the king, that he might
leave no receptacle for the earls, set out to besiege Tantallon,
Douglas’ castle, on the sea coast; and that he might carry
on the siege with the least labour and expense, he brought
brass cannon and powder from Dunbar castle, six miles dis-
tant from Tantallon, which was still held by a garrison of the
late regent, because it was part of his patrimony. After at-
tacking the place for several days in vain, when none of the
besieged were hurt, but several of the besiegers were killed,
wounded, and burned, by the explosion of a magazine, the
attempt was abandoned. On the retreat, David Falconer, *
who had been left, with a party of foot soldiers, to bring away
the cannon, was slain by some horsemen of the Douglases,
sent out to harass the rear, and cut off the stragglers; which
circumstance so enraged the young king, that, in a passion,
he solemnly swore, that while he lived, he would never allow
the return of the Douglases; and immediately on his arrival
at Edinburgh, in order to straiten them the more, he deter-
mined to station a force at Coldingham, rather active than
numerous, to protect the country from their depredations.
Bothwell, the chief person either for power or wealth in the
Lothians, was appointed by the king to this command, but
refused it, either fearing the power of the Douglases, to whom
all the rest of Scotland seemed lately unequal, or being un-
willing, by the destruction of a noble family, to inure to cru-
elty a youthful prince, who appeared naturally keen and vio-
lent; and the king not having much confidence in the Hamil-
tons, as friends of the enemy, and, besides, being incensed at
them for the murder of John Stuart, earl of Lennox, and
* A native of Borrowstowness, Linlithgowshire, one of the most experi-
enced naval officers in the Scottish service. He is mentioned along with the
Bartons, in lord Dacre's correspondence, as formidable to the English com-
merce, during the reign of James IV. At the siege of Tantallon, he acted
as captain of the king's guard of infantry.
302 HISTORY or scoTLAND.
none of the neighbouring nobility having either authority or
strength sufficient for the undertaking, he had, at last, re-
course to Colin'Campbell, earl of Argyle, inhabiting the most
distant part of the kingdom, but celebrated for his prudence
and tried valour in war, and universally beloved for his equity
by the people. To him the king resolved to commit the charge
of the operations against the rebels. The Douglases, being
deserted by the Hamiltons and their other friends, were re-
duced to the greatest straits by Argyle, and George, the chief
of the Humes, and forced to flee to exile in England.
xxxviii. In the month of October, two noble knights ar-
rived as ambassadors from England; but although both kings
anxiously desired peace, they could with difficulty arrange a
method by which it might be accomplished. Henry, who
was about to set out upon an expedition against the emperor
Charles, wished to leave every thing quiet behind him, and
by the same treaty, secure the return of the Douglases to their
own country. James strongly desired to have Tantallon castle
in his possession, but abhorred the idea of recalling the Doug-
lases. For these reasons the negotiations were protracted
some days, and, at last, when it appeared difficult to conclude
a peace, a truce was agreed upon for five years, on condition
that the castle of Tantallon should be delivered up to the king,
- who, in return, promised, under the great seal, that he would
settle the other demands separately. The castle was accord-
ingly surrendered, but the other conditions were not sincerely
observed, except that Alexander Drummond was pardoned,
as a boon to Robert Barton, who was then high in favour at
court, having, a few months before, been appointed to fill the
offices, from which James Colvill, * and Robert Cairncross,
were removed, on suspicion of favouring the Douglases.
... xxxix. After this, although tranquillity was not perfectly
restored abroad—for the English burned Arne, a village in
Teviotdale, before their ambassadors returned—yet the re-
mainder of the year was tolerably quiet; but the audacity of
the robbers not being altogether repressed, the king, to strike
* Sir James Colvil of Ochiltree, afterwards exchanged for Easter Weemys,
predecessor of lord Colvil.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 303
terror in the rest, apprehended William Cockburn of Hen-
derland, and Adam Scot of Tushilaw, notorious thieves, who
chanced to be at Edinburgh, and hanged them. Next year,
in the month of March, his majesty appointed James, earl
of Moray, deputy governor of the kingdom, and sent him to
the borders, to meet with the earl of Northumberland, in
order to preserve peace, and settle the mutual compensations.
A dispute, however, arising between them at the conference,
it was broken off, the one insisting that the meeting for ex-
piating the murder of Robert Ker, ought, according to the
laws, to be held in Scotland, and the other contending that
the place where it should be held must be in England. In
the meantime, messengers were sent by both to their respect-
ive kings for instructions. On the 15th day of April, in a
meeting of parliament, after a long debate, which continued
till the evening, the earl of Bothwell, Robert Maxwell, Wal-
ter Scot, and Mark Ker, were ordered to be committed as
prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh, and almost all the chief
men of March and Teviotdale were banished to different quar-
ters on suspicion of their secretly endeavouring to excite war
with England. In the month of July, the king, having col-
lected about eight thousand men, undertook an expedition,
on purpose to check depredations, and marching with great
celerity, encamped at the river Ewes, not far from which
John Armstrong lived, the chief of a freebooter's band, who
had inspired so much dread in his neighbourhood, that the
English, for many miles round, paid tribute to him; but
Maxwell, who dreaded his power, endeavoured by every
means to effect his destruction. John, enticed by the royal
servants, and having neglected to procure a safe conduct,
proceeded to meet the king with about fifty unarmed attend-
ants. On his journey, he fell in with a party of rangers, and
being brought by them as a captive before his majesty, was
by his order hanged, together with the greater part of his
company. The courtiers, who advised this execution, spread
a report, that Armstrong had promised to reduce that part of
Scotland, for several miles round, under the obedience of Eng-
land, if he were properly rewarded, while the English, on the
contrary, were delighted at his death, being freed by it from
304 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
*
a very troublesome enemy. Six of his retinue who were
spared and kept as hostages, were likewise, when the king
saw that fear for their safety produced no effect, in a few
months after, put to death, and new hostages exacted from
those who remained at home; for the men of Liddisdale plun-
dered England in bands, and infested the neighbouring coun-
tries by almost daily incursions. Not long after, the king lib-
erated the imprisoned noblemen, on receiving hostages. One
of them Walter Scot, in order to gratify the sovereign, slew
Robert Johnston, a robber, remarkable for his cruelty, whose
death gave rise to a deadly feud between the parties, which
occasioned great loss to both. *
XL. Next year, A. D. 1531, a circumstance occurred, re-
markable on account of its novelty; the astonishment at which,
is not lessened by the obscurity of the author, nor satisfied by
the inquiries which were instituted at the time. John Scot,
a man neither polished by learning, nor accustomed to busi-
iness, nor sufficiently shrewd for practising deceit, having
been unsuccessful in a lawsuit, and unable to pay the ex-
penses, took refuge in the asylum of Holyrood abbey, where
he continued a number of days without sustenance of any
kind. The story spreading, was at last told to the king; by
his order, his garments were changed, and after being rigidly
examined, he was shut up in an apartment in Edinburgh cas-
tle, entirely secluded from all communication with any person,
but having bread and water placed daily beside him, and dur-
ing thirty days, he voluntarily abstained from all human food.
Thence, when the fact had been sufficiently ascertained, he
was publicly exhibited naked. To the mob which assembled,
he made an incoherent harangue, containing nothing remark-
able, except that he said, trusting to the assistance of the
Virgin Mary, he could fast as long as he chose. Discovering
more folly than cunning, he was dismissed; on which, he set
out for Rome. On his arrival there, he was put in prison by
pope Clement, till he confirmed the truth of the miracle by
another fast; thence, clothed in a robe in which the priests
say mass, and which he received, together with a certificate
sealed with a leaden seal, a testimony of the greatest weight
among the Romanists, he came to Venice, and, having proved
* HISTORY OF Scotland. 305
his powers of fasting among them, when he said he wished to
perform a vow, he received fifty gold ducats, to pay the ex-
penses of his journey to Jerusalem. On his return, he brought
back some leaves of palm trees, and a bag full of stones, which
he represented as taken from the pillar to which Christ was
bound when he was scourged. . . . . . . . .
XLI. When he returned home, in passing through London,
he mounted a pulpit in St. Paul's church-yard, harangued to
great crowds about the king's divorce from his queen, and
separation from the Popish faith, in such strong language,
that if he had been found possessed of the smallest common
sense, he would have been in danger of his neck; but being
thrown into prison, and kept there for fifty days, during which
he abstained from food, he was dismissed unhurt. On his re-
turn to Scotland, he wished to join himself with Thomas
Doughty, who, about that time, had come back from Italy,
and built a church to the Virgin Mary, with the money he
had collected from the vulgar, and made great gain by his
fictitious miracles; but the flagitious life of Thomas had be-
come known, and the falsity of his miracles was beginning to
be understood, although nobody dared openly to expose them,
for fear of the bishops, who endeavoured, by this new Atlas,
to prop up their falling purgatory; and he, in return, when-
ever any of the richer bishops came to perform mass, had al-
ways some mendicant, who pretended to be either disordered
in mind or body, ready to be cured by their masses. John
Scot, being rejected by this Thomas, who would admit no
one to share his profit, hired an obscure garret in the suburbs
of Edinburgh, and having erected an altar, which he adorned
as well as he could, he placed upon it his daughter, a young
girl of the most exquisite beauty, surrounded with lighted
wax tapers, and ordered her to be adored for the Virgin
Mary. But when this method of acquiring a fortune did not
answer his expectation, he returned to his former way of life,
after having evinced, by this preposterous show of saintship,
that he did not want the will, but the genius for inventing
impiety. . . . .
XLII. In the beginning of the next year, A. D. 1532, the
earl of Bothwell was committed prisoner to Edinburgh castle,
WOL. II. . 2 Q - *
306 HISTORY QF, $COELAND;
January 16th, because he had gone privately to England, and
had held secret consultations with the earl of Nortbumberland,
Sir James Sandilands, on account of his wisdom, loyalty, and
the superior influence he possessed with all good men, was
sent to the hermitage, a castle in Jiddisdale, to restrain the
incursions of robbers.
xiiii. From the earliest period, there never had been in
Scotland any stated times or certain places for trying civil law.
suits, till John, duke of Albany, obtained from the pope, the
right of levying, from the clergy, an annual sum, by way of
income tax, sufficient to pay the salaries of a few judges.
Against this, Gavin Dunbar, bishop of Aberdeen, appealed,
in his own name, and that of the rest of the clergy, to the
pope; and this controversy lasted from the 11th of March to
the 24th of April, on which day, the College of Justice was
established at Edinburgh. At first, much utility was expect-
ed from the equal distribution of justice by these judges, but
the events which followed, did not answer the expectations
which had been formed; for in Scotland, as there are almost
no laws except acts of parliament, and these in general not
fixed, but temporary, and as the judges, as much as they can,
hinder the passing of statutes, all the property of the subject
is intrusted to the will of fifteen men, who evidently possess a
perpetual tyranny, because their will alone is law.” In grati-
* Ruddiman, in a long note on this chapter, accuses Buchanan of giving a
false and injurious character of the judges of the court of session, in the reign
of James V, because those in the reign of George II. were just and honour-
able men. A most logical conclusion Pinkerton represents the passage as
a “rancorous attack” upon “the new institution,” originating in “protestant
enmity to James;” and then adds with characteristic consistency “This
satire might have some justice when Buchanan wrote,” though circumstances
have concurred to lessen its force now ! This court was first erected by
James I, A. D. 1425, and consisted of the chancellor, and other persons
nominated from the three estates of parliament by the king, and was termed
session, because it was to sit thrice in the year, at such places as the king
should appoint. After several fluctuations in its constitution, it was new
modelled by James W. after the form of the parliament of Paris, dignified with
the name of College of Justice, and the members styled senators. Its jurisdic-
tion extended over all civil cases. The number of members was fifteen,
seven clergymen, and seven of the laity, with a president, who, by the first
institution of the court, was to be a churchman. After the reformation, sev-
29
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 307
tude to the pope, a severe inquisition was instituted against
the opinions of Luther, and the pope, in return, to testify to
the king his sense of his merit, granted him a tenth of the
ecclesiastical revenues for the next three years.
xLIV. This year the English perceiving the tranquillity of
Scotland daily increasing, and thinking they were stripped of
their foreign aid—as they themselves had joined the French
king against the emperor Charles—sought, on every side, a
pretext for a quarrel. In April, they sent out an expedition
from Berwick, and burned and plundered Coldingham and
Dunglas, and many of the neighbouring villages, without any
apparent provocation, or declaration of war. How desirous
the king of England was to commence hostilities, appeared
soon after, by the manifesto which he himself published, for
he says, the garrison of Berwick were irritated by licentious
expressions of the Scots, yet the words themselves, inserted
in that paper are not contumelious; but as this reason did
not appear sufficiently satisfactory, even to himself, he de-
manded the restoration of Canaby as his right, a wretched
village, with a poor monastery, situate on the border, which
had never before been a cause of dispute, and the restoration
of the exiled Douglases; for the king of England, who saw
his assistance absolutely necessary to the French king, and
had concluded a treaty with him, in which the Scottish inter-
est had been neglected, did not think it would be difficult to
force them to accept any conditions he chose; and, besides,
being alienated from the emperor by his peace with France,
and the divorce from his aunt, and the pope being engaged in
stirring up war among all the Christian kings, he thought he
might lose a grand opportunity of effecting a revolution at
eral parsons and rectors were admitted to seats in the court, till A. D. 1584,
when parochial ministers were declared incapable of exercising any office in
the College of Justice, under pain of deprivation, that they might not be
diverted from their proßer functions. By a posterior act, during Cromwell's
usurpation, 1640, all clergymen, without distinetion, were incapacitated, and
the court ordained to consist wholly of laymen; and although this act was
repealed, Charles II., 1661, c. 15. no clergyman has since that period been
admitted to the bench.-Erskine's Inst. vol. i. p. 40, &c. It is now separat-
ed into two divisions.
308 HISTORy of Scotland.
home; and the king of Scotland not to be altogether unpre-
pared, proclaimed his brother, the earl of Moray, his deputy
over the whole realm; and because the inhabitants of the bor-
ders were not able of themselves to resist the English, who
were re-enforced with a great number of regular troops, he
divided the kingdom into four parts, and ordered the noble-
men of each by turns, with their clans, to march to their sup-
port, and remain there for forty days. These forces succeed-
ing in rotation, made great havock among the villages and
castles in that quarter.
xLv. The king of England, disappointed by the war being
lengthened out beyond his expectation, and desirous of direct-
ing his attention to other affairs, was inclined to peace, but
desired it to be requested of him, not thinking it consistent
with his dignity, either to offer or to ask it. The most con-
venient manner, therefore, of effecting a reconciliation, ap-
peared to be through the mediation of the king of France,
their mutual ally. He accordingly sent Stephen D'Acques,
his ambassador, into Scotland, to inquire into the origin of
the war. The king of the Scots completely cleared himself of
having afforded any grounds for hostility, complained of his
ambassadors having been so long detained in France, without
receiving any answer, and gave Mons. D'Acques letters, at
his departure, requiring the French king to maintain the an-
cient league renewed at Rouen by the Regent John. He, at
the same time, sent David Beaton to France, to answer the
calumnies of the English, who was likewise instructed to treat
about preserving the old league, and conclude a new matri-
monial alliance. He, at the same time, gave him some severe
letters, addressed to the parliament at Paris, full of complaints
respecting the stipulations of the treaty of Rouen; of the an-
cient friendship, leagues, and agreements, having been ne-
glected, to gratify the inclinations of their former common
enemy. These letters, the ambassador was ordered, if unsuc-
cessful in his other negotiations, to deliver to the parliament,
and immediately depart for Flanders, with the intention, it is
probable, of entering into a league of alliance and affinity with
the emperor. In the mean time, the war was carried on in
Britain, and the discussions continued at Newcastle, where the
HISTORY of scot LAND. 309
ambassadors of the two nations not agreeing, Vido Floreus *
was sent by the king of France, to assist at the conference.
The king of Scotland informed him, that he would do what-
ever he could to gratify the French king, in this, as well as in
the matrimonial alliance, for transacting which, he had then
ambassadors in France. By the mediation of Floreus, the
garrisons were withdrawn from both the borders, and a truce
entered into, which was shortly after followed by a peace.
XLVI. James being freed by the peace from all other cares,
bent his attention to the conclusion of a matrimonial alliance,
which he had during the last year been attempting, by his
ambassadors, with the French king and the emperor; for;
besides the common reasons for strengthening himself by a
powerful alliance, and establishing the family, which now
depended upon one twig, the presumptuous hopes of the next
heirs distressed his naturally suspicious disposition. And many
things concurred to raise their expectation of the succession;
their family influence, the king being a bachelor, the rash-
ness of his youth, and his contempt of danger, a spirit which
led him not only bravely to meet, but even to court it, march-
ing often with a feeble band, against the most ferocious rob-
bers, and either taking them prisoners by surprise, or forcing
them to surrender by the terror of his royal name, continuing
in the pursuit days and nights together, upon horseback, with
only such refreshments as chance offered, and always using
these sparingly. Although these circumstances almost assured
the Hamiltons of the succession, it appeared long to wait the
chance of accident, or the course of nature, yet his death
might be hastened by treachery, for which his nocturnal
visits to his female friends, in which he was generally accom-
panied only by one or two companions, afforded an opportun-
ity. But, when none of all the contingencies which they
wished for occurred, they resolved to destroy the hope of
legitimate offspring, by doing every thing in their power to
prevent his marriage. This inconvenience, John, duke of
Albany, when regent, appeared to have anticipated, who,
when he renewed the ancient league between the French and
* Redpath supposes the name Fleury; Pinkerton calls him Beauvois.
310 HISTORY OF SCOTLANT),
Scots, at Rouen, provided, that the eldest daughter of the
French king, should be married to the king of the Scots. But
two obstacles, occurred, which almost destroyed this treaty.
The king of France having obtained his liberty from the
Spaniards, chiefly through the kindness and exertions of
Henry VIII. of England, made so comprehensive à treaty
with him, that the alliance with Scotland was gréatly infring-
ed; besides, the eldest daughter of Francis being lately dead,
James demanded Magdalene, the next eldest, but when he
sent his ambassadors to bring her away, her father refused to
send her, on account of her health, alleging that it was so
infirm, that not only could there be no hopes of children, but
not even of long life.
xLv11. At the same time, a matrimonial alliánce was in agita-
tion with the emperor Charles, and at last, on the 24th of April,
1580, the emperor sent Godeschalco Errigo, on a secret mis-
sion, from Toledo, through Ireland to Scotland. Godeschal-
co, after he had, according to his instructions from the em-
peror, given in a memorial, respecting the injuries done his
aunt and her daughter by Henry—the convocation of a uni-
versal council—the extirpation of the Lutheran heresy—and
contracting an affinity—delivered the effiperor's letters to the
king, offering him his choice of three Marys, his relations.
These were Mary, the sister of Charles, a widow, her husband
Louis having been killed by the Turks, Mary of Portugal, his
sister's daughter, or Mary of England, the daughter of his
aunt Catherine; and as Charles knew that the Scottish mon-
arch was more inclined to this last match, so he also was
desirous that she should be his choice, that by this means he
might break the alliance between Scotland and France, and
at the same time, involve James with the English king. James
replied to these proposals, that a matrimonial alliance with
England would be the most advantageous in many respects, if
it possibly could be brought about, but it was an affair of
more uncertainty, hazárd, and delay, than his situation, as the
last of his family would admit of, and therefore, the princess,
of all the emperor's relations who would best meet his views,
was the daughter of Christiern, king of Denmark, and of
Isabella, his—the emperor's sister. To this proposal, Charles
-HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 311
soon after, when he reached Madrid, answered, that she was
already promised to another; and, although the emperor, by
bringing forward conditions, seemed rather wishing to prolong
the negotiations with the king by his promises, than bring it
to a decided conclusion, yet the business was not wholly laid
\
aside.
xLVIII. During this state of tranquillity at home, the king
resolved to circumnavigate Scotland, and reduce the fierce
spirit of the Islanders to the obedience of the laws. He first
sailed to the Orkneys, where he quieted the disorders, by
apprehending, and imprisoning some of the nobility, and
placed garrisons in two castles, the king's castle, and the
bishop's. Then, visiting the other islands, he summoned the
chiefs to appear before him, and those who refused, he took
by force. Having imposed tribute, and obtained hostages, he
carried off with him the principal authors of the disturbances,
leaving garrisons from among his attendants in their castles.
Some of the leaders he sent to Edinburgh, and others to
Dunbar, for John, duke of Albany, about this time restored
to the king the castle of Dunbar, which he had hitherto kept
possession of by a garrison of Frenchmen. *
xLIx. Next August, a severe inquisition was made after
those suspected of Lutheranism. Some were forced publicly
to recant. Some, who when cited did not appear, were pro-
nounced exiles, and two were burned, of whom, one, David
Straiton, was perfectly clear of the crime alleged; but being
rather tardy in paying his tythes to the collectors, he was
accused of Lutheranism, and suffered for his supposed crime,
In an assembly which the king held at Jedburgh, for clearing
that neighbourhood of robbers, Walter Scot was condemned
for high treason, and sent to the castle of Edinburgh, where
he remained as long as the king lived. In this same month,
when the French king had refused his daughter to James, on
account of her health, but offered him any other princess of
* Buchanan has erred in the date of this voyage, which took place in the
year 1540, James carried with him a skilful pilot, Alexander Lindsay, td
attend him, and report his nautical observations, which were printed in Paris,
1583, reprinted in the Miscellanea Scotica, London, 1710, and in Edinburgh,
1819.
312 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
the blood royal, he sent as ambassadors to France, James,
earl of Moray, vicegerent of the kingdom, and William
Stuart, bishop of Aberdeen, to proceed by sea, and John
Erskine, was to go by land, as he carried a message to the
king of England, to whom he added a fourth, Robert-Reid,
an honourable, and a wise man. On their arrival, Mary of
Bourbon, a princess of the royal blood, daughter of Charles,
duke of Vendome, was offered to them as a bride for the king.
But although every thing else was easily arranged, the ambas-
sadors, being afraid that this marriage would not be agreeable
to his majesty, durst not agree to the espousals without con-
sulting him. *—
L. In the meantime, the king of England, that he might in-
terrupt this negotiation, so nearly concluded, sent into Scot-
land, in the month of November, the bishop of St. David's,
with books written in the English language, concerning the
doctrines of the Christian religion, which he presented to the
king, and requested him to peruse, and diligently weigh what
they contained. The king gave them to some of his courtiers,
most attached to the clerical order, to inspect, who had scarce-
ly looked into them, when they condemned them as heretical,
and congratulated the king upon not having contaminated his
eyes, by reading such pestiferous writings. This was the
common account of the embassy, but it was understood that
they had some secret instructions besides, for the king alone.
Afterward, the same bishop, with William Howard, brother
of the duke of Norfolk, came altogether so unexpectedly to
Stirling, that they arrived almost before the king had heard
of their coming. They brought a request from the king of
England to the Scottish king, for him to appoint a time, on
,which they might meet, and discuss affairs of the greatest
importance for the welfare of both nations, and giving him
great hopes, that if they agreed in other respects, he would
bestow his daughter in marriage upon him, and leave him the
whole kingdom of Britain after his death, and, that he might
the more firmly rely upon his promise, he engaged for the
present, to create him duke of York, and vicegerent of the
kingdom of England. -
LI. James readily acceded to such liberal promises and
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 3I3
appointed a day for meeting with Henry, but two parties
resolved to prevent his journey to England. The Hamiltons
secretly, as the next heirs, endeavoured to prevent the king
from marrying, that, he might not leave children, who would
exclude them from the succession. The priests more openly
opposed it, under very specious pretexts. First, the danger
of the king's putting himself in the power of his enemy, with
only a few attendants, where, whether he chose it or not, he
must be subservient to the will of another, and they enumer-
ated a great number of examples among his ancestors, who
either by their own credulity, or the perfidy of their enemy,
had been led into extreme danger, and had reaped, as the
fruit of the magnificent promises made to them, only loss and
ignominy. They instanced the fatal error of James I., who,
induced by an existing truce, landed, as he supposed, upon a
friendly coast, yet was detained a prisoner by the English
eighteen years, and was at last, avariciously sold to his sub-
jects, under conditions which he neither ought, nor could ac-
cept. They then adduced king Malcolm I., and next his
brother William, seduced to London by Henry II., and
afterward carried over to France, in order to appear as if
engaged in war against their ancient ally. But—continued
they—Henry VIII., it may be said, will not act in this man-
ner. To this we reply; first, what assurance have we of that,
then, what imprudence is it, while free, to commit our life,
fortune, and honour, into the power of another; and as a last
resource, the clergy, who believed that they contended for all
that was dear to them—their altars and their revenues—
brought to court James Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews,
and George Crichton, bishop of Dunkeld, infirm old men, to
weep over their religion, now about to be betrayed by that
conference. Protected so long by our ancestors, our relig-
ion, said they, always preserved its protectors, but its ruin
must soon be followed by the ruin of the kingdom. To desert
it on slight grounds, especially at a moment when the whole
world offer their vows, and put on their armour for its secur-
ity, would be attended not only with peril at present, and
infamy for ever, but would be inexpressibly impious, and
criminal. When they had by such arguments, made an im-
WOL. II, 2 R -.
314, HISTORY OF SCOTEAMD,
pression on the king, who was naturally prone to superstition,
they then bribed the courtiers who possessed the greatest in-
fluence over him, and promising him by them, a large sum of
money, completely dissuaded him from attending the inter-
view. The king of England was justly indignant at the
disappointment, and thus the seeds of dissension were again
sown between them.
LII. In the meantime, the king was sick of his protracted
celibacy, and tormented as much by the various solicitations
of foreign ambassadors, as by the dissensions of his courtiers,
who all pretended great regard for the common weal, while
the greater part looked only for their private advantage from
some public employment. But although the majority were of
opinion that an alliance with Charles would be of the greatest
utility, from the then flourishing situation of his affairs, yet
the king himself was more inclined to a leagne with France.
Wherefore, when he could not accomplish his object by his
ambassadors, he resolved himself to go to that country, and
having hastily rigged out a small fleet, he set sail from Leith,
on the 26th of July, without informing any person of his des-
tination. Many thought he intended to go to England, to
meet with his uncle, to ask pardon for not having kept the
appointed interview last year, but a storm arising, when the
pilots asked what course they should steer, land me, he replied,
on any coast except England, then his design was understood.
Wherefore, although he might have returned home, he chose
rather to sail round Scotland, and attempt a passage by the
Western Ocean. There too, the weather proving tempestu-
ous, the fleet, by the advice of some of his domestics—while
he was asleep—was put about, and sailed back again. On
awaking, when he understood what had been done, he was so
much displeased, that from that time, he prosecuted James
Hamilton, [earl of Arran, whom he already hated, on account
of the earl of Lennox's death, with implacable animosity; nor
was he ever completely reconciled to any of the authors of this
advice. Some too, increased the anger of the king, by insin-
uating, that Hamilton, under a pretence of serving him, had
in fact, followed him with the intention of frustrating his
object. He therefore resolved that he would again attempt
31
H13TORY OF SCOTLAND. 315
the voyage, and, embarking with a great train of nobles, he
reached Dieppe, a port in Normandy, in ten days. Thence,
before the news of his arrival should be spread, he instantly.
set out in disguise to the town of Vendome, where the duke
then was, but not being pleased with his daughter, after he
had seen her, he proceeded straight to the French court, and
although he arrived unexpectedly upon Francis I. and his
whole court, he was received in the most affectionate manner
by the king, who almost unwillingly gave him his daughter
Magdalene in marriage, [November 26th, for her father, as
I mentioned before, thought his eldest daughter, on account
of her sickness, incapable of bearing children, and offered
him, as a wife, his youngest daughter, or whatever other
princess he chose, among the daughters of the French nobil-
ity, but James and Magdalene, who had previously contracted
an affection for each other through the medium of their mes-
sengers, which was increased by their mutual appearance, and
confirmed by their conversation, would neither of them be
diverted from their inclination. Their marriage was celebrat-
ed January 1st, 1537, with great rejoicings, and on the 38th
of May, they landed in Scotland, having been attended on
their passage by a French fleet. Magdalene did not, how-
ever, long survive her arrival; wasted by a hectic fever, she
died on the 7th of July, to the inexpressible grief of all, except
the priests, who feared that had she lived—as they knew she
had been educated by her aunt, the queen of Nayarre—she
would have kept their luxury and licentiousness within bounds,
Her death occasioned such a general sorrow to the whole couns
try besides, that then first, I believe, mourning dresses were
worn by the Scots, which even now, after forty years, are not
very frequent, although public fashions have greatly increased
for the worse. ' *
1.III. Immediately upon the demise of the queen, cardinal
David Beaton, and Robert Maxwell, were sent ambassadors
to France, to bring over Mary, of the house of Guise, widow
of the duke of Longueville, for the king fearing what happen-
ed—the death of his wife—had previously fixed upon her,
This year, Bothwell, who had secretly withdrawn, without
leave, into England, and who had held secret conferences
316 HISTORY OF Scotland.
with the English in Scotland, was banished from Scotland,
England, and France. About the same time, many being
accused of high treason, John Forbes, a forward young man,
the chief of a powerful family and clan, was executed, it was
believed through the jealousy of the Gordons. There was one
Strachan, fit for any atrocity, who for many years had been
the chief companion of Forbes, and acquainted with all his
flagitious actions, either as accomplice, or instigator, who, not
thinking himself sufficiently rewarded, went to Huntly, his
enemy, and either lodged, or, as was suspected, invented
along with him a criminal information against Forbes, for
conspiring the king's death some years before. Upon this
charge, although it was neither sufficiently substantiated in
itself, nor were the witnesses adduced unexceptionable, and
although the design of his enemies in the trial was palpable,
Forbes was on the 3d day of July, condemned by judges,
chiefly bribed by Huntly, and suffered, capitally; but his pun-
ishment was less generally regretted, because, although he
was believed innocent of the crime for which he suffered, yet,
on account of his former conduct, he was not thought un-
worthy of death. Strachan, the informer, because he had
concealed the crime so long, was banished Scotland. He
afterward lived for some years in Paris, so vilely and iniqui-
fously, that nothing alledged against him was thought incredi-
le. The king therefore, not long after, as if to compensate
for this severity, took one brother of Forbes into his own
family, and having procured him a noble marriage, restored
him the forfeited estate. . . . - . "
LIv. A short time after, another trial followed, extremely
deplorable on account of the rank of the accused, the novelty
of the crime, and the enormity of the punishment. Joan
Douglas, sister of the earl of Angus, wife of John Lyon, lord
Glammis, likewise her son, and second husband, Gillespie
Campbell, John Lyon, a relation of her first husband, and an
old priest, were accused of attempting to poison the king.
All these, although they lived constantly in the country, at a
distance from court, and although nothing to their disadvan-
tage, could be extorted from their relatives and servants, even
when examined by torture, were yet condemned, and confined
*
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. e 317
in Edinburgh castle. Lady Glammis, on the fifth day after
Forbes was executed, was burned alive, greatly pitied by the
spectators; for her rank, and that of her husband, her bloom-
ing youth, uncommon beauty, and the masculine courage with
, which she suffered, interested every one, and more especially,
as it was generally believed that hatred toward her banished
brother, rather than the crime she was accused of, was the
cause of her punishment. Her husband, in endeavouring to
escape from Edinburgh castle, fell, the rope being too short,
and was dashed to pieces among the rocks. Her son, too
young to be suspected of any crime, was confined in the castle
till the king's death, when he was liberated, and received back
his confiscated estates. The accuser, William Lyon, a rela-
tion, when he saw the ruin in which his calumnious falsehood
had involved a noble family, repented, when too late, and
confessed his offence to the king, but could neither obtain
from him any alleviation of the punishment to the accused,
nor the restoration of any of the estates. 4-
Lv. Next year, [June 12th, Mary, of the house of Guise,
landed at Balcomy, a seat belonging to James Learmont,
thence, she proceeded by land to St. Andrews, where, in
presence of a great number of the nobility, she was married
to the king. In the beginning of the following year, A. D.
1539, many persons suspected of Lutheranism, were appre-
hended. At the end of February, five were burned; nine
recanted, and many were banished. Among these last, was
George Buchanan, who escaped by the window of his bed-
chamber, while his keepers were asleep. This year, the queen
bore a son, at St. Andrews, and the next year, another at the
same place.* -
* On this Mr. Pinkerton observes, Hist, of Scot, vol. ii. p. 852. “He,
[Buchanan] in his unchronological history, dates the event 1539, if not an
error in the press, in the first vitiated edition.” “In this part of his history at
least,” remarks Dr. Irving in reply, “Buchanan’s chronology seems unexception-
able, and it would indeed have been singular, if he had forgotten a year, which
to him was so eventful; nor is there the smallest room for suspecting an error
of the press.” Dr. I. then proceeds to notice the statement in the text, and
adds, “That this persecution occurred in 1539, is almost as certain as any
event in Scottish history, and Buchanan may safely be supposed to have known
what relation it bore to his own troubles.”—Life of Buchanan, p. 25, Note.
3.18 & HISTORY giF SCOTLAND,
Lv1. During this year and the preceding, the country had
been rather quiet, than contented, a leader, rather than rea-
sons for insurrection, being wanting, and many desired, but
no one dared to commence a disturbance. The king, being
now supplied with heirs, and feeling himself more secure,
began to despise the nobility; and thinking no one durst at-
tempt rebellion against a family, so well established by pro-
geny, he turned his attention to useless buildings. For this
purpose, money was necessary, and as the king was both
oovetous and needy, the priests and the nobles were equally
afraid, and each endeavoured to avert the tempest from them-
selves. In the meanwhile, as often as he complained among
his friends of the lowness of his exchequer, the different fac-
tions pointed out the riches of their opponents, as a booty
ready for him whenever he chose ; and he, by agreeing alter-
nately with either, kept both in a state of suspense between
fear and hope. Wherefore, when ambassadors from the king
of England, came at that time to court, desiring that he
would meet his uncle at York, and promising him great ad-
vantages if he would comply, enlarging much upon their
king's love, and regard for him, the party that opposed the
clergy, used every endeavour to persuade the king, to attend
at the time and place appointed for the conference. When
the priests understood this, they imagined their order would
be ruined, unless they could prevent the meeting of the sove-
reigns, disturb their harmony, and sow dissension between
the king and his nobles; and upon examining all the various
propositions, the readiest method of providing a remedy for
the present evil which presented itself, was, to operate upon
the king's fondness for money, by offering an immense sub-
sidy. Having therefore represented the magnitude of the
danger, aud the changeable, and uncertain nature of the
dependance he could place on the enemy's promises, and
showed him how a greater sum could more easily be procured
at home. They first promised they would themselves contri-
bute yearly, thirty thousand gold crowns, and even their whole
fortunes, if necessary, would always be ready. Besides, from
the confiscation of their estates who rebelled against the au-
thority of the pope, and the majesty of the king; who troubled
HISTORy of Scotland." 3.19.
the church, by new and execrable errors, thereby subverting
all piety, destroying the authority of magistrates, and over-
turning the institutions of so many ages, there might be rais-
ed upwards of one hundred thousand gold crowns more, an-
nually, if the king would only allow them to name a lord
chief justice, as they could not sit themselves in criminal
cases; and in managing the process, and procuring judgment,
there could be neither difficulty nor delay, since so many
thousand men did not hesitate to peruse the books of the
Old and New Testament, to discuss the power of the pope,
to despise the ancient rites of the church, and to deny all
obedience and reverence to the religious, who were set apart,
and consecrated to God.
LVII. When the clergy vehemently urged these considera-
tions upon the king, he gave them a judge, according to their
desire, James Hamilton, bastard brother of the earl of Ar-
ran, attached to them before by large gifts, and who was
desirous of being reconciled to the king, whom he had lately
incensed, by any office however cruel." There arrived in
Scotland, about the same time, James Hamilton, sheriff of
Linlithgow, cousin-german of the other James Hamilton,
who, after a long exile, had commenced a lawsuit against
James the bastard, and had obtained liberty to return home.
Understanding upon his return, the hazardous situation in
which he, along with the other favourers of the reformed re-
ligion, stood, he sent his son with a message to the king, who
was about to pass over to Fife. Having found him as he was
stepping into the boat, the youth filled his suspicious mind
with apprehension by a hurried message, which he said re-
* Mr. Pinkerton considers the nomination of Hamilton to preside in this
court, as of equal.veracity with the vision mentioned by Lindsay and Buchanan.
If he mean the dream, ch. lviii. the reader will observe, upon referring to the
passage, that Buchanan gives it merely as what was commonly reported, and
is not liable either for the truth or falsehood of the story. It is different with
regard to the historical fact of Hamilton’s appointment; for disbelieving
which, Mr. P. gives us only reasons that amount to this—he does not think it
probable; as if what he thought, was for a moment to be put in competition
with the direct testimony of a cotemporary historian. Dr. Cook, in a mote
to his history of the reformation, very satisfactorily answers Mr. P.'s doubts.
—Wol. i. p. 206—7.
320 HISTORY or 'scófi,AND.
garded an important subject, big with danger to the whole
kingdom, unless, his majesty could take precautions against
the conspirator. The king, who was then hastening to Fife,
sent back the young man to Edinburgh, to the court of ex-
chequer, where he ordered James Learmont, James Kirkaldy,
and Thomas Erskine, to assemble—the first was master of the
household, the other, first lord of the treasury, both friend-
ly to the reformed religion, the third, the king's secretary,
entirely devoted to the Papistical faction—and commanded
them to give equal credit to the messenger as to himself,
sending his ring as a token. These having consulted to-
gether, apprehended James at his own house, just after he
had dined, and committed him prisoner to the castle; but re-
ceiving intelligence, from their spies at court, that the king
was pacified, and that he would be released, afraid of their
own danger as well as that of the public, if so factious and
powerful a man, provoked by such an insult, should escape;
and, convinced that he would exercise a keen and cruel re-
venge, they hastened to court, and representing, in as sus-
picious a point of view as they could, the imminent danger,
the perverse disposition and power of Hamilton, they per-
suaded the king, that he could not liberate, without a trial,
one so bold and crafty, and irritated too by recent disgrace.
Wherefore, the king proceeded to Edinburgh, and thence to
Seton, where he ordered James to be brought to trial. Being
condemned by a court constituted according to the custom of
the country, he was beheaded and quartered, and the different
parts of his body affixed on the most public places of the city.
The crimes of which he was accused were, that he, on a cer-
tain day, had broken into the king's chamber, with an inten-
tion to kill the king, and that he carried on a seeret corre-
spondence with the Douglases, who were public enemies. His
death was little lamented, on account of the misconduct of his
past life, except by his relations, and the clergy, who placed
almost all their hopes upon his preservation.
LVIII. From that time forward, the king's suspicions against
the nobility increased, and his mind, tortured with anxiety,
was distracted by dreams, of which one, in particular, was
much talked of. He thought he saw James Hamilton rushing
| *
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 321
upon him with a drawn sword, who first cut off his right arm,
and then his left, and, after threatening that he would soon
return and take away his life, disappeared; on which, he
awoke in great trepidation, and when he wondered what the
dream could portend, he soon after received intelligence of
the death of his two sons, the one at St. Andrews, and the
other at Stirling, who both died almost at the same moment.
LIX. In the meantime, there was neither settled peace nor
decided hostility with the king of England. But although
there was no declaration of war, cattle were driven away from
the Scottish borders, and the English, when applied to for
restitution, would return no satisfactory answer, as it was well
known that Henry was indignant at the conference at York
being broken off. Yet the Scottish king, who considered a
rupture as certain, although he had ordered a levy, appointed
his brother, the earl of Moray, commander-in-chief, and made
every preparation for hostilities, yet sent ambassadors to the
enemy, to try if possible to effect an accommodation, without
coming to extremities: and, in the interim, despatched George
Gordon [Huntly] with a small force to the borders, to stop
the pillaging incursions of the enemy. The English despising
the petty troop of the Gordons, hastened to burn Jedburgh,
but George Hume, with four hundred horse, interposed, and a
sharp engagement ensued, during which the Gordons making
their appearance at a distance, the enemy were panic struck,
and fled. There were not many killed, but a considerable
number were taken prisoners. James Learmont, who was
treating about a peace at Newcastle, had scarcely received his
answer, when, in order to cover the preparations for war, he
was ordered to return with the English army; besides, John
Erskine and , ambassadors, proceeding from Scotland,
who met the same army at York, were also detained by
Howard, the commander; nor were they dismissed by him
till he reached Berwick. The Scottish king, having received
certain information of the approach of the English, before his
own ambassadors returned, encamped with his army at the
kirk of Fala, fourteen miles from the borders, and sent for-
ward George Gordon with ten thousand soldiers, to check the
vol. II. 2 S
322 HISTORY OF SCOTLANT),
roving bands of the English foragers, but he did nothing re-
markable, and had not even a slight skirmish with the enemy.
Lx. The king was exceedingly desirous to give battle, and
when he could not prevail upon his nobles to comply with his
desire, in a violent passion, he poured out reproaches against
them, abusing them as cowards, and unworthy of their ances-
tors; adding, since he was betrayed by them, he would at-
tempt with his own domestics, what they refused. Nor could
he be appeased, although frequently told, that he had done
enough for his glory, when he had not only prevented a great
army, which the English had been so long in collecting, and
had so vauntingly led against the unprepared Scots, from pil-
laging the country, but during the eight days they contin-
ued in Scotland, had so hemmed in and restrained them, that
they scarcely ever dared to depart above a mile from their
own border; for the English had marched from Berwick,
along the Bank of the river, to Kelso, and there, on being in-
formed of the approach of the Scottish army, crossed by a
, ford, avoiding any engagement, with so much precipitation,
that they rushed into the water without order, and deserting
their colours, every one hastened home as fast as possible.
Nor did Gordon, who beheld this from a distance, ever make
the smallest movement; on which account, the king conceived
the most implacable resentment against him. Maxwell, on
purpose to soften the king's rage, promised, if he would only
give him ten thousand men, he would enter England by Sol-
way, and perform some notable exploit; which he would have
executed, if James, incensed against his nobles, had not given
Oliver Sinclair, brother of lord Roslin, secret letters, which
he was to open at an appointed time. These contained an
order for the whole army to acknowledge Oliver as their com-
mander. He intended, by this, to deprive the nobility of all
honour, if the expedition succeeded. When the army had.
arrived at a little distance from the enemy's territory, and
about five hundred English horsemen appeared on the neigh-
bouring hills, Oliver was raised upon high by his faction, and,
supported by two spears, ordered the royal letters to be read;"
* Drummond, after narrating that Oliver Sinclair was proclaimed com-
mander, mentions a report, that he was only raised to read the commission
.#
31
} HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 323
at which, the whole army, and particularly Maxwell,” was so
much offended, that all command ceased, and the utmost con-
fusion prevailed. The enemy's force, which had collected,
not in expectation of ever attempting any thing great, when,
from the neighbouring height, they observed the universal
perturbation, rushed upon them, as their manner is, with a
great shout, attacked them while in a state of trepidation, un-
certain whether to fight or fly, and drove them, horse, foot,
and baggage, in confusion, into the neighbouring moss, where
numbers were taken by the English, but more by the Scottish
robbers, and sold to the English.
LXI. When the king, who was not far distant, was informed
of the loss of the army, he was incredibly affected by indigna-
tion, rage, and grief, now breathing vengeance against the
perfidy, as he termed it, of his nobles, and now, concerting
measures for renewing the war, and retrieving his affairs. But
in his almost desperate situation, it appeared most advisable
to make a truce with England, and to recal Archibald Doug-
las, the earl of Angus, on the best terms he could. Mean-
while, his bodily strength being worn out by want and watch-
ing, and his mind distracted by anxiety and care, he died on
the 30th of December, leaving a daughter, only five days old,
heiress of the throne. He was buried on the 14th of January,
in the abbey of Holyroodhouse, near the remains of Magda-
lene, his former wife.
LXII. James had a handsome countenance, and well shaped
limbs; he was of the ordinary size, but of more than ordinary
strength; his understanding was acute, but, through the fault
of the times, little cultivated; he was sparing in his diet, and
very rarely used wine; patient of fatigue, cold, heat, and hun-
ger. In the depth of winter, he continued day and night on
} horseback, that he might surprise the robbers in their homes,
*
but that lord Maxwell was really appointed the general. This report is no-
ticed by Ruddiman in his notes, and adopted by Mr. Pinkerton in his text, in
opposition to what Drummond himself appears to believe, the direct testi-
rmony of Buchanan, Pitscottie, &c. and the unlikelihood of the story; for it
cannot be supposed that Maxwell would first hear of his appointment, and
receive his instructions in the face of the army; yet he knew nothing more
about his commission, and with his fellow-nobles refused to act.
324 HISTORY - OF SCOTLANT),
and the rapidity of his motions struck them with such terror,
that they abstained from their depredations, as if he had been
always present. So great was the knowledge he possessed of
the customs and institutions of his country, that even, upon a
journey, he could decide the most important subjects with the
greatest equity. He was always easy of access to the poor;
but his great virtues were almost equalled by his vices, which
yet seemed rather those of the times, than of his nature; for
a universal licentiousness had so loosened the public discipline,
that it could not be restrained without great severity of pun-
ishment. His keenness for money arose from having, while
under tutorage, been educated with the utmost parsimony;”
and when he came of age, he entered into empty palaces,
stript of all their furniture, every room of which he had to
refurnish at once; and his guardians had squandered the
royal revenue, on objects of which he did not approve. They
who had the direction of his earlier years, encouraged his in-
clination for the sex, thinking, by this means, to retain him
longer under their own influence. A great part of the nobili-
ty rejoiced at his death, as he had banished some, imprisoned
others, and numbers, from the dread of his severity, now that
recent provocation was added to former contempt, chose
rather to surrender themselves to the English king, though
an enemy, than expose themselves to the vengeance of their
own sovereign.
* Gawin Douglas, in a memorial presented to the English court, 1522,
quoted Pink. Hist. vol. ii. p. 196, says: “ They kept the royal child in such
poverty, that he had hardly new doublets and hose, till his natural sister, the
countess of Morton, provided them; and when the queen or Albany sent
cloth of gold for the purpose, the covetous officers would not pay the tailor.”
!
THE
" HISTORY OF SCOTL AND.
Book XV.
1. JAMEs thus cut off in the flower of his age, by grief rather
than by disease, and the previous dissensions being, by this
unexpected event, only hushed for the time, the considerate
foresaw a tempest overhanging Scotland, dark and gloomy
beyond conception; for the king had not made a will, and
had left a girl scarcely eight days old as his heir. The chief
nobility, who possessed any authority, were either dead, in
exile, or captives; nor if they had been at home, was there
any probability of their acting wisely, considering their private
animosities, and their differences about religion, repressed by
fear during the king's life, but ready to break out, now that
that restraint had ceased. To this was added a foreign war,
against a most powerful king, and how he would use the vic-
tory he had obtained, every one conjectured according to his
hopes or his fears. The next heir to the crown, was general-
ly believed to be but poorly qualified, by the humbler virtues,
for conducting himself in private life, and as little fitted by
courage or capacity for directing the government of a king-
dom. The cardinal, thinking to aggrandize himself amidst
the public calamities, and to exhibit his importance both to
his own order and to the French faction, attempted an action
at once audacious and impudent. Having bribed Henry Bal-
four, a mercenary priest, he, with his assistance, forged a
false will for the king, in which he himself was nominated
head of the government, and three of the most powerful of
the nobility joined with him as assessors. He entertained the
greatest hopes that his design would succeed, from the simple,
* > *
*
* *
326 HISTORY OF SCOPLAND.
quiet disposition of his relation, the earl of Arran, his aunt's
son, whom he assumed as one of the assessors, and, as it
were, a partner of the regency. The opportunity for usurp-
ing the supreme power seemed to require expedition, that he
might accomplish his object before the return of the exiles
and captives from England, and leave nothing for their ap-
proval in the appointment, as he dreaded their power and
popularity, and knew their aversion to him, on account of
difference in religion; on which account, immediately after
the death of the king, he published an edict for electing four
governors of the kingdom, and increased his party among
the nobility by presents and promises; in particular, he gain-
ed over the queen, who was disgusted with the opposite fac-
tion. Hamilton, the unambitious chief of the other party,
appeared willing to remain quiet, if his relations, more anxious
for their own aggrandizement than his honour, would have
allowed him; but they incessantly stirred the hopes of the
young man, and urged him not to suffer an advantage, which
thus presented itself, to slip out of his hands, for they would
rather have had the whole kingdom in flames, than have been
compelled to lead an obscure life in a private station; besides,
hatred towards the cardinal, and the disgrace of bondage
under a priest, procured them many associates. To all which
was added a prospect—uncertain indeed, but not ineffectual
in procuring adherents—that as there was only a girl, a few
days old, between Hamilton, the next heir, and the crown,
she might be cut off during her minority, by some fortuitous
accident, or through the treachery of her guardians; and,
therefore, in present circumstances, the most promising meth- .
od of procuring lasting advantage, was to calculate upon the
increasing power of the Hamiltons; for if they should be de-
ceived, it would not be difficult afterward to procure pardon
from a young princess, desirous of popularity in the beginning
of her reign.”
* Buchanan has been accused of an over fondness for elective, in preference
to hereditary succession. As an abstract principle, there can be no dispute
upon the subject. A man in the full vigour of life, the wisest and the best
of his kindred, whose character is established, and his abilities known and
tried, elected by the suffrages of the people, presents us with the rational
JHISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 327
4
rt. While such was the situation of Scotland, the king of
England, greatly elated on account of the unexpected victory,
ordered the principal prisoners to be sent to him to London,
where, after being confined two days in the tower, they were
brought, on St. Thomas's day, [December 21st) through the
city by the longest road, and paraded as a public spectacle to
the royal palace, where the chancellor of England, after
sharply rebuking them as violators of the treaty, and praising
the goodness and clemency of his king, who relaxed in their
favour the rigours of justice, delivered them to several fami-
lies, with whom they were lodged as prisoners at large. There
were seven of the principal nobility, and twenty-four gentle-
º, }
idea of a first magistrate in a free state; while a babe in a cradle, who may
turn out incapable, or vicious, or both, exalted to the chief power and dig-
mity of a kingdom by the mere accident of birth, appears, at first sight, too
ridiculous to admit of comparison. But the beautiful in theory, is not always
the best in practice; and in settled, well regulated governments, 'the advan-
tage of hereditary succession, which excludes rivalry, and prevents any inter-
ruption in the administration of public affairs, is undoubtedly superior. In
Scotland, however, these advantages were unknown. Buchanam had witness-
ed three tempestuous minorities; and in a succession of infants, from the
time the Stuarts ascended the throne, the land had been doomed to suffer
the worst evils of anarchy, which hereditary succession is intended to avert,
now, as he could draw no inference from a suppositious state of felicity, aris-
ing from a happy series of virtuous and experienced adults, which his coun-
try, within his recollection, had never known, he may be excused, if he
doubted a principle which in practice he had seen so pernicious. He is now
entering upon the history of a period which has given birth to much contro-
versy. The parties that arose then, continued till almost the middle of last
century, and their prejudices have not yet completely left us. Were I to
enter the lists, it would require volumes instead of notes. My notes, there-
fore, in the books which follow, shall be chiefly elucidatory, as brief and as
free as possible from disputation. Considering, as I do, Buchanan himself an
authority for the times, of which the xv. Book to the end contains the his-
tory, it would be as superfluous as it would be improper, to load the page
with proofs to confirm what I see no reason to doubt. An unnecessary show
of evidence, sometimes has rendered suspicious, a veracity otherwise unim-
peachable. There are some small discrepancies, but these do not detract
from the general authenticity of the historian; for instance, ch. iv. he says,
Sir Ralph Saddler was present at the parliament in March, whereas he ar-
rived the day after it was prorogued; but the object of his embassy is correct-
ly stated, and it is evident from what follows, that his negotiations with the
nobles were with them individually,
328 1HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
i
men, among the captives; but when, within three days, intel-
ligence was received that the king of the Scots was dead, and
had left an only daughter as his heir, the opportunity appear-
ed, to the English king, exceedingly favourable for securing
the amity of the Scots and English, by the marriage of their
queen with his son. Wherefore, recalling the captives to
court, he sounded their inclinations by proper persons, and
having entertained them in the most friendly manner, after
obtaining their promise, that, as far as in their power, with-
out detriment to the public, or disgrace to themselves, they
would promote the alliance, he sent them back to Scotland,
January 1st, 1543; and when they came to Newcastle, and
had given hostages to Howard, duke of Newcastle, the others
were liberated, and permitted to return home. Along with
them, the earl of Angus, and his brother were restored to
their country, after an exile of fifteen years. All were re-
ceived, by the majority of the nation, with the greatest con-
gratulations.
III. The cardinal who saw the tempest threatening him,
and never doubted, but that both the prisoners and the exiles
would oppose him in parliament, caused himself be chosen
regent before their arrival. But he did not possess this hon-
our long; for in a short time, his fraud in forging the king's
will being discovered, he was deprived of his office, and James
Hamilton, earl of Arran, declared regent. Some wishing to
favour him, as next heir to the crown, others foreseeing even
then the cruelty of the cardinal, with regard to matters of
religion; and the fears of the latter were confirmed by an in-
strument, found among the king's papers after his decease,
containing the names of upwards of three hundred of the no-
bility, with his who was chosen regent, first on the list of the
proscribed. Wherefore, his election was peculiarly grateful
to a great number of the nobles, as it freed them from danger,
and humbled the power of the priests; and besides, Hamilton
himself, freely read the books respecting the controversy
about religion, and the obscurity of his former life, passed at
a distance from court ambition, raised great expectations of
his calmness and moderation, as the possession of office had
not yet discovered his torpor, and inactivity of mind.
HISTORY OF scot1..AND. 329
Iy. In a parliament which was held in the month of March,
Sir Ralph Saddler, who was present as ambassador from the
king of England, negotiated a treaty for the marriage, and for
a peace. He reminded some of the nobility of their promises,
and others he gained, according to report, by money'; but the
queen and the cardinal, with the whole faction...of the priests,
not only opposed this peaces, but by noise, and other rude
interruptions, would not suffer any act to pass. On which,
the cardinal, with the almost general consent, was shut up in
a separate chamber, while the question was put to the vote.
On his being removed, the marriage treaty, and all other
business was teadily agreed to, and hostages promised to be
sent to England, for the fulfilment of all stipulations. The
cardinal, on the intercession of the queen dowager, was com-
mitted, as a prisoner at large, to Seton, who, through the
influence of a little money, in a short time set him at liberty.
v. Immediately after the threatened terrors of war, when, to
the great advantage of both kingdoms, a lasting peace appear-
ed to have been settled, the merchants, who had for some
years been prevented from trading, sent a great number of
vessels to sea, laden with the most valuable merchandise.
Edinburgh fitted out twelve, and the other cities on that coast,
which is the richest in Scotland, in proportion to their wealth.
This fleet, trusting to the peace, sailed closer to the English
shore than was necessary, and during a calm, some cast
anchor, and others securely entered their harbours, affording
the English every opportunity of doing them an injury, in the
event of a war breaking out. Nearly at this time, John Ham-
ilton,” abbot of Paisley, and David Panter,t returned from
France, and throwing aside the mask they had worn for some
years, appeared in their true colours, and, as if they had been
educated, not in a school of piety, but of iniquity, they took
the pre-eminence in all the flagitious debaucheries of the court.
v1. On being unexpectedly restored to liberty, the cardinal,
whose haughty" disposition was incensed at his repulse, and
inflamed with the disgrace of detected fraud, strained every
nerve to destroy concord. First, he communicated with the
* Bastard brother of Arran's. t. Afterwards bishop of Ross,
WOL. II. 2 T
330 HISTORY OF SCOTLANT).
*
queen dowager. They were both indignant that the Douglases,
who, on account of their many obligations, were dependant
on the English king, should immediately, on their return from
exile, have been admitted to parliament; and they equally
feared all change in the established religion, which would of
consequence involve a rupture of the treaty with France. He
then in concert with her, convoked an assembly of priests,
from whom he extorted a large sum of money, to avert the
imminent ruin of the whole papal church. Part of this he
presented to several of the nobles of the adverse faction, and
by adding many magnificent promises, he persuaded them not
to deliver the hostages they had promised to the English ; and
those who had returned from banishment, he, at the same
time, entreated not to prefer their relations or children, whom
they had left with the enemy, before the laws, the common-
wealth, and the ancient religion, whose preservation hinged
upon this one point, unless they wished to precipitate them-
selves voluntarily into everlasting slavery. Besides, he pro-
cured, by the influence of the priests, that the king of Eng-
land's ambassador should be treated with supercilious haughti-
ness, his attendants insulted by the rabble, and a bad con-
struction put upon all his proceedings. But the ambassador,
in spite of every affront, determined to wait the day appointed
for the delivery of the hostages, that his conduct might not
afford any pretext for a quarrel. When that day arrived, he
went to the regent, and complained strongly of the affronts
offered, not to himself, but to his king, in contempt of the law
of nations, and demanded, that according to the late treaty,
the hostages should be delivered up, and the alliance lately
entered into, preserved sacred and inviolate, for the advantage
of both nations. The regent replied, that the affronts offered
the ambassador, were without his knowledge, and that he
would make strict inquiry into them, and by the speedy pun-
ishment of the offenders, evince his own respect and esteem
for the English nation; but with regard to the hostages, I,
said he, can neither obtain them from those who agreed, nor
force them from those who are unwilling to give them, for
such is the nature of the office which I exercise, that I receive
the law, rather than administer it, and, you see, so great a
31
YH1STORY OF SCOTLAND, * 331
sedition has been excited by the cardinal, that all my plans
are disturbed, and, assailed by public fury, I can scarcely
retain my situation.
v11. The new hostages being denied, another, and not less
important subject of discussion arose, respecting the nobility
who had been taken prisoners a few months before, and who
had given hostages, and solemnly engaged, that if the peace
which the king of England asked, should not be concluded
upon reasonable terms, they would return to captivity. With
them the cardinal's faction, and the rest of the clergy expos-
tulated, contending by argument and examples, that wealth,
relations, children, and all that was dear to man, ought to be
secondary to the love of country; and, besides threatening
them with their French auxiliaries, and the confederacy of all
Europe, leagued for supporting the religion of their ancestors, .
charged them with the crime of betraying their country, and
bringing down destruction on all ancient families, and entreat-
ed them not to desert their native land, in so perilous a time,
while the smallest hope remained, for if it were saved, they
might procure other children and relations, but if it were lost,
all was gone for ever. Much too, was said about the inex-
tinguishable hatred of the two nations, and of the cruelty of the
king into whose power they would be brought, mingling to-
gether a great deal of truth and falsehood. And besides, the
decree of the council of Constance was adduced, which ordain-
ed all compacts, contracts, promises, and oaths made to here-
tics, to be broken. The majority of those who were interested,
easily accepted of any excuse for their fault; but there was one,
GILBERT KENNEDY, EARL of CassiLLIs,” whom neither money
could seduce, nor threats shake from a steady adherence to
the faith he had pledged. He had left two brothers, hostages
in England, and he openly declared that he himself would
return into captivity, nor would any fear of danger induce him
to purchase his own life, at the expense of the blood of his
brothers; and, notwithstanding the opposition of many who
advised him against it, he set out directly for London. The
king praised the firmness of the young nobleman, and to evince
* Cassillis had been the pupil of Buchanan; he was also the friend of
Cranmer, with whom he lodged when prisoner in England.
332. HISTORY OF SCOTLANT1.
his admiration of his virtue, loaded him with gifts, and sent
him home free, together with his brothers. . . . . r
v1.II. Henry, however, was not more pleased with Kennedy
than he was exasperated at the rest of the Scots, and there-
fore, he laid an embargo on the Scottish vessels, of which, as
I said, there were a great number in the English harbours,
and roadsteads, and immediately declared war, loudly threat-
ening the violators of the treaty, and of the rights of nations.
Yet, although the kingdom of Scotland stood in this danger-
ous situation, there was so little regard for relationship, or
love to their common country, or attention to the public safety,
that the flames of dissension burned more fiercely than ever;
for the faction of the cardinal and the queen regent, who
were entirely devoted to France, sent ambassadors thither, to
represent, that unless assistance was now sent them, their state
was desperate, for Scotland and England would unite under,
one government, and the consequence of that to France, might
be estimated from the experience of some of the past ages ; but
what above all they requested from France was, that Matthew
Stuart, earl of Lennox, should be sent home, because he was
not only a rival, but an enemy to the Hamiltons, on account
of the death of his father, killed by them at Linlithgow. This
young nobleman, besides being in the very flower of youth,
remarkably handsome, and of a very dignified appearance,
interested every one by the recollection of his father's popu-
larity, his own bachelorship, and the danger of such a noble,
family, now reduced to a few, becoming extinct, his numerous
vassals at home, and the many great families with whom he
was connected, and above all, the declaration of the late king,
that he intended him for his heir and successor, if he died
without male descendant, which it was believed, if he had
lived, he would have got confirmed by a decree of the estates,
who possess the supreme authority in such cases. Nor were
there wanting sycophants, who excited in his generous and
aspiring, but unsuspicious mind, still greater expectations.
Besides the regency for nearly the next twenty years, and the
dominion over his enemies, they even promised him the queen
dowager in marriage, and if any thing fatal should occur to
the girl, who only had the name of queen, he would without
HISTORY OF SCO'ſ LAN fl. 2333
doubt be made king, and not king only, but legitimate heir to
the late James Hämilton, deceased, as the regent was a bas-
tard, and so far from succeeding to the throne, could not
legally hope to succeed to his own family inheritance.” To all
this they added the solicitations of Francis, king of the French,
the hopes he held out, and the assistance he promised to him;
by all which considerations, the guileless, unsuspecting youth,
was easily induced to prepare for returhing to Scotland.
Ix. Hamilton, who was not ignorant of these proceedings,
in order to strengthen his own party, resolved, by the advice
of his confidential friends, to remove the queen from Linlith-
gow, where she had been hitherto in her mother's power, for
by obtaining possession of her person, he would not only have
the shadow of the royal name, which is of great weight with
the multitude, on his side, but he would also have the direc-
tion of the princess’ marriage, and the transference of the
kingdom, which once accomplished, he would easily gain the
English king by promises, and if necessary, procure his as-
sistance. This design was highly approved of, but as in civil
commotions, nothing can be kept secret, the cardinal quickly
got information, and having collected those of the nobility
whom he had bribed, he came to Linlithgow, and remained
with great expense to the citizens, several days there, as a
guard to the queen. 4: *
x. In the meantime, Lennox arrived from France, and
being kindly received by the regent, each of them dissembling
their hatred, he proceeded to Linlithgow. There, having
met with the cardinal, he went to his own house, and in a
long discourse, to a number of his friends whom he had called
together, he explained by whom he had been sent for, what
were his expectations, and the conditions upon which he had
come; that not only the chief magistracy, but the marriage of
the queen dowager had been offered him by the lady herself,
* The earls of Lennox and Arran, were both grandsons of the princess
Mary, daughter of James II., who was married to James, earl of Hamilton–
Lennox by the female side, Arran by the male—but Arran's father having
divorced his first wife, and married Janet Beaton, his second, Arrah's mother,
the cardinal’s cousin-german, while the other was still alive, Lennox cöntend-
ed that Arran was illegitimate, and he the proper heir of his grandfather.
334 History of scotland.
*
and the chiefs of the party; for accomplishing which, he had
been assured by the king of France of his favour, and what-
ever assistance might be necessary. ... All who were present
having assented, and exhorted him, to improve the fortune
which presented itself, he proceeded to the queen, attended
by about four thousand men. Hamilton, who, had assem-
bled , all his friends around Edinburgh, had determined to
break through to the queen, but perceiving himself inferior
in strength, by the advice of his friends, and being himself
more inclined to conciliatory measures, he began to treat
about conditions of peace. Men of the most esteemed pru-
dence, were therefore sent by both parties to Kirkliston, a vil-
lage midway between Edinburgh and Linlithgow, who agreed
that the queen should be carried to Stirling, upon these con-
ditions; that four of the principal nobility, belonging to neither
faction, should be chosen to superintend her education, and
the following noblemen, and chiefs of their families were
nominated, William Graham, John Erskine, John Lindsay,
and William Livingstone.” These being confirmed by both
parties, and having received the queen, took the road to
Stirling, Lennox remaining under arms with his men, until
they had got beyond any danger from the adverse party.
Not long after, having received the insignia of power, with
the usual ceremonies, Mary entered upon her reign at Stir-
ling, August 21st.
.xi. When the regent perceived that he had lost the favour
of the fickle multitude, and that he was not equal in strength
to the adverse faction, he began to treat secretly with the
cardinal, and the cardinal, who was related to the regent on
the maternal side, wished rather to bring him over to his
party by terror, than to crush him altogether. Having weak-
ened him at home, by the seduction of a number of the nobles,
whom he had bribed, and lowered him in the estimation of
the English, and forced him to agree to a shameful treaty, the
* \
* Earl of Montrose, lords Erskine, Lindsay, and Livingstone."
Leslie says the queen was delivered to the lords Livingstone, Erskine,
Fleeming, and Ruthven. Saddler's letters, and Knox hint, that the royal
infant was carried to Stirling without the regent’s consent. Saddler dates
the coronation of Mary, 9th September, 1543.
HISTORY OF SCOTLANT). 335
cardinal, by means of the regent's confidential friends, who
preferred money to honour, brought him to Stirling, where
he recanted all his opinions on the controverted points of
religion, not openly, but in order to lessen the disgrace, in
the Franciscan church, before the queen dowager, and the
chief nobility, and afraid for his estates, from the threatened
lawsuit, he became so obsequious to the cardinal, that he
retained only thé shadow of authority.
XII. In this manner the cardinal obtained, by the cowardice
of the regent, and the avarice of his friends, what he intended
by the forged will—he enjoyed all the advantages of ruling,
without the odium—and there appeared to remain only one
thing wanting to establish his power—the removal of Lennox,
who was now an obstacle in the way of his and the queen's de-
signs. At length the queen regent, with the advice of the car-
dinal, adopted this method of managing the business:–She,
by encouraging the advances of Lennox, kept the young man
inactive, till the return of an answer from France, for they had
written honourably at first respecting Lennox to the French
king, as they could not deny that, next to God, they owed
their liberty to him; now, however, they wrote to him, en-
treating, that as Scotland had been restored to tranquillity by
his liberality and assistance, he would secure his own good
work, and preserve the peace which he had procured, by re-
calling Lennox, for otherwise it would not be lasting, without
the ruin of one of the parties. While they were thus secretly
endeavouring to supplant Lennox, the queen dowager and
the cardinal, in public, were amusing him by a variety of en-
tertainments. The court presented one scene of gayety and
pleasure, by a constant succession of games and festivals; the
day was employed in tournaments, and the night spent at
masquerades. In these festivities, of which Lennox was natu-
rally fond, and to which he had been accustomed in the
French court, he found a rival, who might have stimulated
him, even had he been disinclined—James Hepburn, earl of
Bothwell. He had been banished by James V., but returned
home immediately upon his decease, and endeavoured to ob-
tain the queen dowager in marriage by the same arts. They
were both remarkable for natural endowments, and in the
*º-
336 HiSTORY, OP, SCO’FLANº.
gifts of fortune were rather like than equal. Wherefore,
when Bothwell, who was upon an equality with him in every
other respect, found himself inferior at tilts, and in the sport-
ive strife of arms; he left the court and returned home.' f
XIII. Lennox, on the removal of his rival, imagining every
thing else plain and easy, when he vehemently urged the per-
formance of their promise upon the queen and the cardinal,
at last perceived that he had been fooled and circumvented by
their deceit, and that his enemy, Hamilton, had been pro-
moted to the supreme authority. The young nobleman, un-
accustomed to artifice, and who judged of the dispositions of
others from the openness of his own, was so exasperated, that
he could not refrain from keenly expressing his sentiments,
and solemnly swore, that he would endure want, exile, death,
or any extremity, rather than leave such an affront unre-
quited. Wholly bent upon revenge, but uncertain as to
his plan, he withdrew to Dunbarton. While there, thirty
thousand crowns were brought him, sent by the king of
France—who had not yet received any certain information
respecting the situation of Scotland—to be employed in in-
creasing the strength of his party. This circumstance tended
to raise his spirits, for he considered himself not forsaken by
the French king. Being ordered to consult the queen dowa-
ger and the cardinal in the distribution of the money, he
divided part among his friends, and sent part to the queen.
The cardinal, who had already, in expectation, devoured the
whole spoil, disappointed of the cash, and vexed at the dis-
credit, persuaded the regent immediately to raise an army,
and march to Glasgow, not doubting but that he would sur-
prise both Lennox and the money together. Their intention,
however, being discovered to Lennox, he collected above ten
thousand of his friends and vassals; and what greatly assisted
him in raising such a number, was the indignation of those
nobles, who, at first, on account of their regard for religion,
and hatred to the cardinal, had promoted the regent to that
high honour, but whose original affection was changed into
hatred, when, without consulting with his best friends, he be-
trayed both himself and them into the hands of their implaca-
ble enemy. This revolution of opinion produced a new and
º
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 337
almost incredible change in Scottish affairs, although the
strength of the parties remained nearly entire, and only the
leaders changed. Hamilton, with his relations, joined the
cardinal and the queen dowager, but his former friends, all
attached themselves to Lennox. With the forces thus sud-
denly collected, Lennox came to. Leith, and sent a message
to the cardinal at Edinburgh, informing him that there was
no necessity for his going to Glasgow to fight him, for he
would give him that opportunity any day in the fields between
Edinburgh and Leith.
XIV. The cardinal, who thought, when he had gained the
regent to his party, that he had broken the strength and spirit
of the opposite faction, and never imagined they would dare
to meet him in the field, finding himself unexpectedly inferior,
pretended to accept the challenge, but deferred coming to ac-
tion from day to day under various pretexts, knowing that
Lennox could not keep his army, which consisted chiefly of
volunteers, long together without pay and without magazines;
and, in the meantime, assiduously, by entreaties and promises,
endeavoured to seduce the soldiers to desert to his own party.
Lennox, when he saw that the enemy protracted the war, and
could not be induced to come to an engagement; and he him-
self was totally destitute of every thing necessary for under-
taking a siege, and, besides, some of his own partisans held
secret nocturnal meetings with the enemy; in order to deliver
himself from these difficulties as speedily as possible, at the
urgent entreaties of his allies, who had secretly provided for
themselves, he was forced to make a peace with the regent,
and then he proceeded to Edinburgh, where they two visited
each other, as if all ancient animosity had been forgotten.
When Lennox, however, came to Linlithgow, being advised
by his friends to prepare against treachery, he withdrew se-
cretly in the night to Glasgow, when, having fortified the
Bishop's castle, which he provisioned and garrisoned, he pro-
ceeded to Dunbarton. There he was more explicitly inform-
ed, that the Douglases had agreed with the Hamiltons, and as,
on account of their ancient feud, some suspicions still remain-
ed among the parties, George Douglas and Alexander Cun-
ninghame had been given as hostages, the one for the father,
VOI, II. e 2 U .
* -
338 History of Scotland.
---
the other for the brother. This, although, done apparently
under a pretext of being a more firm bond of union, and un-
der promise of their being released in a few days, yet they
were detained in custody till the approach of the English
army, the Hamiltons never thinking themselves secure until
all the nobles, who possessed any spirit or power, were re-
moved, that by their punishment the rest might be intimidat-
ed and kept quiet. At the same time, in addition, Lennox.
ascertained that the French king was, by the calumnies of his
enemies, alienated from him. Meanwhile, Archibald Douglas,
earl of Angus, and Robert Maxwell, the chief of that noble
family, came to Glasgow, to settle, if possible, the controversy
between the regent and Lennox; but the regent's counsellors
advised him to arrest the mediators themselves, who were
carried off by a by-path, lest it should occasion any tumult
in the town, and sent to Hamilton castle.
xv. In this state of affairs, when both the king of England,
and the principal nobility among the Scots, were exasperated
at the regent, it seemed to Henry a convenient opportunity.
for punishing not only the breach of the treaty, but also the
violation of the law of nations. Yet before he had recourse to
arms, he sent threatening letters to Edinburgh, stating his
just complaints, and demanding satisfaction, because they had.
so arrogantly rejected his proffered friendship, which they so
much needed, and not only rejected it, but repaid his kindness
by scattering the seeds of war, and had forced him unwillingly
to take arms. His letters proving of no avail, he ordered the
large naval armament, which he had prepared, and had in
readiness to send against the French coast, to proceed imme-
diately to Scotland, and visit Edinburgh, Leith, and the ad-
jacent country, with all the miseries of war, as these places
had principally insulted his ambassadors. The fleet, on their
arrival, [May 4thl disembarked ten thousand foot soldiers a
little above Leith, without molestation, and, took the city
without opposition, for the inhabitants were all chiefly ab-,
sent, prosecuting their business abroad. The regent and
Cardinal, who were then at Edinburgh, when they looked.
around, and saw themselves entirely unprepared, were so sud-
denly panic struck, that they released those four illustrious
*
3.1 i
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, . 339
noblemen, formerly mentioned, from their imprisonment, not
from any regard for the public welfare, but fearing lest their
relatives and vassals should refuse to fight, or join with the
enemy, and, at the same time, to regain the favour of the
people, dissatisfied with them on so many accounts; but they
themselves, equally afraid of the hatred of the citizens and of
the enemy, fled to Linlithgow. The English, having been
detained three days at Leith, landing their baggage and artil-
lery, marched in order of battle to Edinburgh, but meeting
no enemy, they spoiled the city, and burned it; then, dis-
persing themselves over the surrounding country, ravaging
every where, destroying a number of villages, and some cas-
tles and gentlemen's seats, after which they returned to Edin-
burgh, and then to Leith, when a favourable wind springing
up, after setting fire to the houses, they embarked and set sail.
xvi. Lennox now ascertained that the French king was
completely set against him, for the adverse faction, by their
frequent letters and ambassadors, had persuaded him, that it
was Lennox alone who, by keeping alive the ancient feuds
with his father's enemies, prevented public concord in Scot- .
land; that he was the head of the faction opposing the regent,
and friendly to the English; and that he indulged his private
animosities, rather than promoted the common cause; and
that if he would recall him, peace would easily be concluded
between the rest. When Lennox was informed by his friends
what his enemies had accused him of to the king of France,
he wrote to that monarch, informing him of the situation in
which he had found Scotland; by what great exertions, both
of himself and his friends, he had procured the liberty of the
two queens, and established their government, having broken
the power of the party who opposed them, and from the most
violent tempest, restored the realm to a state of the great-
est tranquillity. Nor would any thing, he added, be more
agreeable to him than to return to France, in which he had
lived much longer than in Scotland, to enjoy the delightful
society of those he loved most dearly ; that he had not come
into this country of his own accord, but been sent thither by
the king; nor had he done any action which he or the king
ought to regret; that if his majesty would not withdraw his
4. -
340 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
pristine favour, he would soon make it appear that he would
not only fulfil, but exceed the expectations which he had ex-
cited; but if he should now be recalled, in the middle of his
designs, he must not only leave his fair prospects unrealized,
but must deliver up his friends, relations, and vassals, whom
he had induced to undertake the cause of the public, and al-
most exhausted by toil and expense, to slavery and torture,
under a cruel and impious tyrant, who, as far as he could,
had sold the queen and the kingdom to the enemy; who ob-
served his agreements and promises with men no more sacred-
ly, than his religious obligations towards God, which he had
changed three times within a few years. Nor was that to be
wondered at in him, who did not think promises and oaths
bonds for securing good faith, but coverts for protecting secret
perfidy. But he greatly desired that his royal majesty, and
his advisers, would reflect who was most worthy of trust in
such an important matter. Him whose ancestors had devoted
their lives, fortunes, and honours, to increase his grandeur,
and who had been loaded and honoured with his kindness,
not so much in reward of their exertions, as in testimony of
their high deserts; or a man who, on the slightest breath,
changed his friends and his enemies, and who hung quivering
upon the chance of every accident. -
xv.11. Although numbers knew the truth of these assertions,
yet the French king was so much influenced by the Guises,
-
the queen dowager's father and uncle, who were anxious to
increase her power and authority in every manner, that he
refused to listen to the request of Lennox, and would not
suffer John Campbell, a nobleman of approved fidelity, to
have an audience, or even allow him to come into his pres-
ence, but kept him almost a prisoner, and ordered him to be
watched, lest he should communicate any of the designs in
agitation at the French court. Others, however, were found,
who discovered every thing. When Lennox was informed of
all these circumstances, his mind was distracted with the vari-
ous emotions of shame and anger. He was ashamed to desist
from his begun unfinished undertaking, and the more so, as
he imagined he could not satisfy his friends and relations,
whose fortunes he had brought into danger along with him-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND $43
self, unless by death alone. On the other hand, he was en-
raged with the queen dowager and the cardinal, by whose
perfidious guile he was brought into these difficulties; but
above all, he complained of the French king, who, having
led him into the contest, deserted him at the very moment of
success, and joined with his enemies.
xvi.II. While his thoughts fluctuated in this state of un-
certainty, intelligence was brought him that all the inhabit-
ants beyond the Grampian mountains, who were able to
bear arms, were ordered, by proclamation, to attend at Stir-
ling on a certain day, with ten days’ provisions, ready to
march wherever the regent should lead them. Nor was the
event long in following the report; for the army having as-
sembled on the day appointed, was carried by the regent to
Glasgow. There, after besieging the castle for ten days, and
having in vain battered it with his brass cannon, at last a
truce was concluded for a day, during which the garrison
were tampered with in a conference, and, upon a promise of
safety, surrendered the castle, but all except one or two were
put to death.
xix. In the meantime, Lennox, deserted by the French
king, and all hopes of assistance from any other quarter being
cut off, he, through the medium of friends, sounded the in-
clinations of the king of England. Every thing succeeding
according to his desires in England, when he had resolved to
go thither, he wished before his departure, to inflict some
signal disaster upon the Hamiltons. Having communicated
his design to William Cunninghame, earl of Glencairn, a day
was appointed, on which they should assemble with their
friends and vassals at Glasgow, and thence make an eruption
into Clydesdale, which all belonged to the Hamiltons alone.
The regent being informed of their design, determined to
seize Glasgow, and pre-occupy the enemy's place of rendez-
vous, but Glencairn, with a great part of his force, was
already within the town, and waited the arrival of Lennox,
when hearing of the approach of the Hamiltons, and of their
intention, he marched with his forces, into the adjoining plain,
and drew them up in battle array. They amounted to about
eight hundred, partly consisting of his own vassals, and partly
342 HISTORY OF 'SCOTLAND.
of the citizens, who favouring their cause, went along with
them. Immediately on approaching the enemy, he attacked
them: fiercely, with greater courage than strength, and having
taken, their, brass cannon from the first line, he drove it back
upon the second. In this state of the engagement, while they
fought around the regent, and the day, hung-in suspense,
Robert Boyd, an active nobleman, galloped, with a small band
of horsemen, into the thickest of the battle, and spread a
greater confusion and trepidation, than his numbers justified,
for both parties believed a great re-enforcement had arrived
to the Hamiltons. This error immediately changed the for-
tune of the field, as the one party perceived their own force,
and the other, their enemy's increased., There were slain
of both about three hundred—the greater part of the Cun-
ninghames, and among them two of the bravest, the earl’s
sons. Nor was it a bloodless victory to the Hamiltons, among
them too, several chiefs were killed, but the inhabitants of
Glasgow suffered most severely, for the enemy, not satiated
with the blood of the citizens who were slain, nor, with the ,
miseries of those who survived, and the destruction of their
household furniture, carried away their doors and window
shutters, and omitted no kind of calamity, except, that after
plundering and destroying their houses, they did not set fire
to them.
xx. The issue of this battle produced a great change in the
public mind, so much so, that Lennox' relations and friends,
refused to risk another engagement, not because the strength
of the enemy was increased, and their own diminished, nor
on account of the difficulties in procuring re-enforcements, but
because they were unwilling, by too great obstinacy, to offend
Hamilton—under whose government they perceived they must
shortly come—more bitterly, or afford him any new occasion
for exercising his cruelty. Lennox, deserted by the French
king, and the greater part of the Scots, gave the command of
Dunbarton castle to George Stirling, and set sail himself for
England, in opposition to the advice of his most confidential
friends, who thought he should remain some months in that
impregnable fortress, and wait a change, for they did not
doubt but a revolution would take place in a short time. He,
HISTORY of scot1..AND. . . , 343
however, was not to be diverted from his intention, and went
to England, where he was honourably received by the king,
who, besides treating him munificently in other respects, gave
him Margaret Douglas, to wife. She was the sister of James,
late king of the Scots, and son of the earl of Angus, by the
sister of Henry, king of England; a princess in the flower of
her age, celebrated for exquisite loveliness of shape, and ele-
gance of form. . . - t
xxi. In the meantime, the queen dowager, dreading lest
the faction, now left without a leader, by the departure of
Lennox, and who refused to acknowledge Hamilton, whose
levity they knew, and whose cruelty they feared, might, in
such a disturbed state of affairs, create some new disturbance,
if rendered desperate, received them under her protection.
Hamilton, delighted at the departure of so powerful an en-
emy, and not yet satiated with his punishment, used his ad-
vantages too intemperately. In the next parliament, held at
Linlithgow, which condemned Lennox and his friends, con-
fiscated their property, and forced them to go into exile, a
large sum of money was raised from these confiscations, and
the compositions for the forfeitures, but it gave great offence,
and oceasioned much enmity.
xxii. During these domestic seditions, the English, enter-
ing Scotland, burned Jedburgh and Kelso, and desolated the
circumjacent country. Thence they went to Coldingham,
where they fortified, by temporary works, the church, and the
tower of the church, and having left a garrison, departed.
The garrison, from a desire of plunder, and in order to leave
no provisions to a besieging enemy, laid waste the neighbour-
ing district to a wide extent. On which, the Scottish govern-
ment, at the head of which was the queen dowager, the car-
dinal, and the regent, having called a council, issued a pro-
clamation, ordering the nobles, and the most respectable of
the commons, to assemble armed, and with eight days’ pro-
visions, to attend the regent. In a short time, upwards of
eight thousand men appeared, and in the depth of winter,
proceeded against the church tower, which they battered with
their cannon, and, to the great fatigue of men and horse,
remained under arms a whole day, and the succeeding night.
º
344 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
Next day, the regent, either from incapacity of enduring mil-
itary fatigue, or fearing an incursion of the enemy—for he was
positively informed of the advance of the English, from the
neighbouring city of Berwick—without informing the nobles,
and attended only by a few, took horse, and set off at the
gallop, nor stopped till he reached Dunbar. They who en-
deavour to excuse this cowardly flight, say that he was afraid,
lest on account of the hatred he had excited by many offences,
he would have been betrayed by his army to the English.
His departure threw the troops into great perturbation, and
that the more, because the greater the obscurity in which the
reasons of his flight were involved, the greater did many
imagine the causes for terror to be. Wherefore, a number
were firmly of opinion, that it was the best method to leave
the cannon, and return home. Others, who wished to appear
more provident, and less terrified, proposed, that the artillery,
in order to be rendered useless to the enemy, should be over-
charged, and burst. Archibald, earl of Angus, alone opposed
both propositions, that they might not basely add criminal dis-
grace to shameful flight, and when he could neither by his au-
thority, nor his entreaties, induce any of the nobles to stay, he
exclaimed, so loud as to be heard by a great number of the
army:—For my own part, I rather prefer a soldier's death, to a
life however wealthy or secure, if stained with such dishonour.
You, my friends and fellow-soldiers, may do as seems proper
to yourselves, I will either bring away these cannon, or never
return home alive, my life and my glory shall end together.
When he had thus spoken, a few only, to whom reputation
was dearer than existence, were moved by his address, the
rest, dispirited by the ignominious flight of the regent, dis-
persed in disorder. Douglas having sent the artillery before,
followed with his own men in a compact body, and though
pressed by the enemy's horse, who, attracted by the tumult,
hung upon his rear, brought them in safety to Dunbar.
XXIII. This expedition, rashly undertaken, and contempti-
bly concluded, disheartened the Scots, while it raised the
spirits of the enemy to an intolerable pitch, as they ascribed
to their own conduct, what they owed to the cowardice of the
regent. Wherefore, Ralph Ivers, and Brian Latton, two
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 345
renowned English knights, over-ran, without opposition, al-
most all March, Teviotdale, and Lauderdale, forced the in-
habitants of these countries, either to submit, or if they resist-
ed, laid their fields waste, and this unobstructed tide of suc-
cess, so swelled the pride of the enemy, that they assigned the
Frith of Forth as the limit of their victories. Full of these
hopes, they proceeded to London, and demanded a reward
for what they had so bravely performed. When this subject
was agitated in the council, Thomas Howard, duke of Nor-
folk, who had made many expeditions against the Scots, and
knew well, from the troubled state of Scotland, that it was no
very difficult business to over-run, in a predatory manner, an
open country, protected by no garrisons, and to force the
common people, when they perceived they had no other
method of escaping present misfortunes, to swear allegiance,
and who, at the same time, was not ignorant of the firmness
of the Scots in preserving their territory, or their perseverance
in recovering what they had lost—is said to have advised the
king to give them all the conquests they could achieve, as
their reward, and allow them a moderate force to preserve
them, till they became accustomed to the English government.
This gift they cheerfully accepted, and the king as willingly
bestowed, recompensing their vain boasting with a grant as
vain, and they returned joyfully to the limits, with three thou-
sand regular soldiers, in addition to the borderers, who serve
without pay.
xxiv. Their return alarmed all the neighbouring countries,
for they had no hopes of assistance from the regent, whose
counsels were directed by priests, especially the cardinal, on
which, the earl of Angus, indignant at the public disgrace,
and his own private losses—for he had extensive estates, both
in March and Teviotdale—represented strongly to the regent,
the magnitude of the danger, and urged him to prevent it. To
whom, when the regent lamented his solitude, and complaincd
that he was deserted by the nobilty, Douglas replied, that that
was his own blame, and not the fault of the nobility, who were
ready, with their lives and fortunes, to protect the common-
wealth, but he despised their advice, and was directed by the
nod of priests, who, unwarlike abroad, were seditious at homes
WOJ II. 2 x
346 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, .
and, exempt from danger themselves, wasted the fruits of other
men's labours upon their own voluptuousness. From this
fountain, said he, proceeds the suspicions between you and
your nobles, which preventing mutual confidence, are the chief
hinderance to the public service; but if you will frankly consult
in important designs, those who would willingly risk their lives
in carrying them into effect, I do not despair of as illustrious .
deeds being performed by us as by our ancestors, in times •º
equally if not more turbulent than these. But if through in-
dolence, we allow the enemy to conquer us in detail, we shall
in a short time, be either forced to surrender, or go into exile,
ând which of the two is more wretched, or more infamous, I
cannot say. With regard to you and I, I know my enemies
accuse me of treachery, and you of cowardice, but if you will
do immediately, that which it is impossible eventually to avoid,
you will wipe away the accusation from both, not by fine
words, but in the field, and in the battle.
xxv. The regent, in reply promised Angus, that he would
be directed by him, and the rest of the nobility, on which, a
council was called, to concert measures for an expedition, and
a proclamation was issued through all the neighbouring coun-
tries, commanding the nobles to attend the regent, wherever
he should be, with the greatest possible despatch. They
themselves, the day after, with the forces which were ready—
not amounting to more than three hundred horse—marched
towards England—only a few men from Lothian and March,
joining them. When they came to Melrose upon Tweed,
they determined to wait there for the arrival of their re-en-
forcements. The English, who had already arrived at Jed-,
burgh, having ascertained, from their spies, the small force
of the enemy, left Jedburgh, with about five thousand men,
and proceeded straight for Melrose, never doubting but they
would overwhelm unawares, the few and fatigued troops who
were with the regent. But the Scots, on being informed by
their scouts; of the enemy's approach, withdrew to the neigh-
bouring hills, whence they might watch in safety their motions.
The English, finding themselves disappointed, wandered about
the town and the abbey which had been spoiled not long
before, till daybreak, endeavouring to procure a little plun- \
$1
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, - 34.7
der, and with the dawn, set out on their return to Jedburgh.
The Scots, in the interim, having received an addition of
nearly three hundred young men from Fife, under Norman
Lesly, son of the earl of Rothes—at that time, indisputably
the foremost of Scottish youth, for every excellence—became
more inspirited, and withdrew, by a slow march, to the hills
that rise above the village of Ancrum, at which place, Walter
Scott—frequently mentioned before—an active, and experi-
enced chief, joined them with a few attendants; excusing their
number, on account of the shortness of the notice, but assur-
ed them, that all his vassals would be with them soon. In the
meanwhile, Scott advised the horses to be sent to the next hill,
and the men dismounted—that all might run an equal risk—
and stationed in the hollow, to receive the enemy, for he had
no doubt but the servants going to the heights with the horses,
would present an appearance of flight to the English, and
induce them instantly to pursue. Accordingly, the enemy
afraid lest the Scots should escape during the night, without
fighting, and again occasion a great deal of fatigue in tracing
them out, formed their army in three lines, and marched
against them, anxious to put an end to the war, by one slight
skirmish as they hoped, and their hopes were so strong, that
although they had marched under heavy armour during the
night and day preceding, they animated each other to quicken
their pace, and by a short exertion, procure long repose,
riches, and glory. These exhortations raising their spirits,
enabled them to support the fatigue of the march, and their
first line rushing forward, fell into the snare. They were
received by the Scots in firm array. Trusting, however, to
their numbers, they stood to their arms, and fought bravely,
but two circumstances, wisely foreseen, assisted the Scots, the
rays of the declining sun struck right in the eyes of the enemy;
and a pretty strong breeze drove the sulphureous smoke back
upon their last lines, so that they could not see before them,
while the suffocating smell, grievously annoyed those who
were breathless with their march. The first line of the Eng-
lish, impeded by their own perturbation, and charged by the
Scots, were driven back upon the second, and the second
upon the third, and, impelled the one upon the other, their
f
348 HISTORY OF SCOTLANL),
{
ranks were broken, and such rout and "terror spread every-
where, that it was impossible to distinguish either banner or
leader, and, every one consulting his individual safety, no one
ever thought of the public danger- or disgrace. The Scots,
following close upon this rabble, there was no longer a battle,
but a slaughter. At night, when the Scots were recalled by
signal, and the number of the killed ascertained, their loss
only amounted to two. Of the English, besides their generals,
two hundred were found dead, and comprising many dis-
tinguished noblemen. The prisoners amounted to one thou-
sand, among whom were eighty persons of rank. This vic-
tory, the more joyful, as it was unexpected, was highly ad-
vantageous to the regent, but the Douglases reaped almost all
the glory. *
xxvi. About this time, a battle was fought, through the
deceitful art of George Gordon, earl of Huntly, it was believ-
ed, in which almost the whole family of the Frasers were cut
off. There was an ancient feud between them and the clan
Ronalds, which had often occasioned the loss of many of the
principal men of both parties, and Huntly indulged a secret
hatred against them, because of all the adjacent tribes,
they alone refused to acknowledge his superiority. Now,
when the neighbouring Islanders assembled with their whole
forces against the earl of Argyle, all the clans in that tract of
country, ranged on one side or other, but the dispute being
arranged without coming to an engagement, as the parties
were returning home, the Frasers separated from the rest,
and went by a different road; of which the Ronalds being in-
formed, they collected the whole of their forces, and attacked
them in a most furious manner. The Frasers being fewer in
number, were almost cut off to a man. Thus would have
perished one of the most numerous, and deserving of the
Scottish clans, unless by divine providence, as we may believe,
eighty of the principal men of the clan had left their wives
pregnant, who, in due time, brought forth males, all of whom
arrived safely at man's estate.
xxvii. About the same time that the king of England was
informed of the defeat of his army, the regent sent an am-
bassador to France, to carry tidings of the victory, and request
`. History of Scotland. 349
the aid of some fresh re-enforcements; also to calumniate
Lennox, and render his departure from Scotland infamous.
With difficulty he procured a little assistance, because it
was now fully ascertained, that Henry was about to invade
France with a powerful force. Five hundred horse, and
three thousand foot, however, were sent not so much to
protect the Scots from the incursions of the English, as to
distract the latter, and prevent their whole strength from
being exerted against France. The king of England did not
think it necessary that summer, to send more troops to the
Scottish border, because he thought the garrisons in the cas-
tles, sufficient to repress the inroads of the enemy, and from
the disturbed state of Scotland, he knew they could not raise
an army fit to attack any fortified place. The accusations
brought by the Scottish ambassador in France, against Ilen-
nox in his absence, were not worth answering; such as, that
he kept back the money which was sent to him; that on ac-
count of his dissensions with the cardinal, the public cause
was betrayed; but his departure into England, was what was
most invidiously enlarged upon.
xxviii. The king of France, who had conceived so strong
an aversion to Lennox, from the falsehoods which had been
propagated, that he refused to hear any defence, and had im-
prisoned his brother, a captain of his guards, without allow-
ing him to speak, on the truth beginning to break out, in
order to extenuate his conduct, or find some pretext for his
rashness, ordered an inquiry to be made into the accusations
brought against him. This inquiry was committed to James
Montgomery of Lorge, commander of the French auxiliaries,
a man acute enough and honest, but a keen enemy of Lennox;
and he was intrusted with it chiefly through the influence of
the Guises, who could not separate the cause of their sister
from the perfidy of the cardinal. Montgomery arrived with
the troops in Scotland, on the 3d of July, 1545. Having ex-
hibited his commission, and explained the desire of the French
king before the council, he induced them to consent that an
army should be levied of the better class, who were able to
bear the expense of a campaign, and ordered to muster on an
early day. At the time appointed, there assembled at Had-
*
350 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
dington fifteen thousand Scots, who marched directly to the
English border, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Werk
castle. From this station they made almost daily incursions,
with colours flying, and drove away great booty. The enemy
in vain endeavoured to prevent their fields from being plun-
dered, and had some skirmishes, but the Scots were generally
successful, and wasted the country for about six miles round.
These incursions continued for about ten days, nor had they
ever penetrated farther into the enemy's territory, than that
they could return again at night to their camp. Meanwhile,
Montgomery and George Hume sedulously, but in vain,
urged the regent to move his camp beyond the river Tweed,
that they might have a freer range in the neighbouring coun-
tries, and spread the terror farther. But the regent and his
council opposed the measure, as they were destitute of artil-
lery for besieging places, and disbanding the army, they re-
turned home. The other nobles withdrew to wherever they
found it most convenient for the winter. Montgomery went
to the court. On learning the calumnies of Lennox's enemies,
although himself inimical to him, yet he severely reproved the
cardinal, for having, unprovokedly, loaded an innocent noble-
man with false imputations, and forced him unwillingly to join
himself with the enemy. *
xxix. Almost about the same time, inroads were every-
where made on the different borders of the kingdom, with
various success. Robert Maxwell, a young man of uncommon
bravery, was taken by the English, but no other memor-
able transaction took place. In the beginning of the next
winter, Montgomery returned to France, and the cardinal
carried about the regent through the neighbouring countries,
under the pretext of healing the seditions into which they were
rent by the different parties. First they came to Perth.
There, four men were put to death for eating flesh on a for-
bidden day, and a woman, because she refused to implore the
aid of the Virgin Mary during the time of her delivery, suffer-
ed along with them. They then directed their attention to
crush the friends of reformation every where, and proceeded
to Dundee, as they themselves declared, in order to bring to
punishment all those who read the NEw TESTAMENT, for, in
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 35I
these days, that was numbered among the most heinous crimes,
and such was the general ignorance, that many of the priests,
offended at the term NEw, contended that it was a book lately
written by Martin Luther, and demanded the OLD Testament.
While in this town, they were informed that [lord] Patrick
Gray, the chief of a noble family in that country, was advanc-
ing with a great train accompanied by the earl of Rothes;
but the tumult being appeased by the intervention of friends,
the regent desired them both to attend him next day. The
cardinal, however, not thinking it safe to receive two factious
noblemen, well attended, into a town the most zealous in
Scotland for the reformation, persuaded the regent to return
to Perth. The noblemen in the morning, when they were
ready to set out, learning that the regent had gone to Perth,
followed him thither; but when they came in sight, the car-
dinal was so much afraid, that the regent ordered them to
enter separately and unattended into the city. Next day, both
were committed to prison. Rothes was almost immediately
dismissed, but Gray, whom they more keenly hated and fear-
ed, was longer in being liberated. ?
xxx. Before their departure, the cardinal thought it, expe-
dient to lessen the power of Ruthven, the provost of the city.
Wherefore, the regent took that office from him, and gave it
to the laird of Kinfauns, in the neighbourhood, a relation of
Gray. Ruthven was obnoxious to the cardinal, because he
favoured the reformed religion. Gray also was not altogether
averse to the cause of religion, and not very friendly to Beaton.
By this arrangement, therefore, if he could possibly produce
a quarrel, the cardinal anticipated, from the rank of the fami-
lies, that many of the neighbouring gentlemen would be in-
volved on the one side or the other, and, from among them,
whoever fell, he reckoned that so many of his enemies would
be destroyed. Thus the provostship of Perth, which for many
years had remained, as it were, hereditary in the Ruthven
family, was transferred to that of Kinfauns, to the great in-
dignation of the citizens, who were by this means deprived of
their right of voting. The new provost was, however, sent
with directions to reduce them by force, if they did not will-
ingly submit to him. The city was to be attacked on two sides;
352 N - HISTORY OF Scotland,
Gray, who undertook the direction of the whole, was to march
to the attack by the bridge over the Tay ; another band, with
cannon, were to advance against the stream, and approach it
on the open quarter; but as the tide did not answer, this
division did not arrive in time. Gray accordingly advanced
by the bridge—which Ruthven, having removed his garrison
into the neighbouring houses, wished to appear unprotected—
and perceiving no armed force to oppose him, penetrated
carelessly into the heart of the town; where, being briskly at-
tacked by Ruthven, who suddenly rushed from the adjoining
houses, his party was put to flight, but the crowd hurrying
into narrow closes, hindered each other, and the flight of the
first was prevented by the rush which the attempts of the last
occasioned. In this confusion, numbers were trodden to
death, and sixty fell by the sword. The cardinal, although
he regretted that Ruthven was victorious, was yet glad that
so many of his enemies were destroyed, for he counted that
gain, when the strength of those, whom he could not expect
to secure as friends, was wasted in mutual slaughter.
! xxxi. The cardinal, having gone over as much of Angus
as he thought expedient at the time, brought the regent, after
the winter solstice, to St. Andrews, that he might, if possible,
attach him more closely to himself; for although he had his
son, the earl of Arran, as an hostage, yet, as often as he re-
collected the boldness of the Scottish nobility, the strength of
the adverse faction, and the inconstancy of the regent, he was
afraid lest, through the persuasions of his enemies, he might,
with the same levity with which he had come to him, desert
to them. He therefore, during the Christmas holidays,
amused him for twenty days with sports and entertainments,
made him many presents, and promised him more afterwards;
and having conversed much with him on the state of the king-
dom, he set out, with his mind a little more secure, to Edin-
burgh.
xxxii. There, an assembly of the clergy was held, January
13th. In this meeting, when there was much discussion about
retaining the ancient liberty of the church, and punishing
certain open crimes of the priests, before they came to any
decision, information was brought to them, that George
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 353
Wishart,” an extremely popular preacher of the gospel, was
lodging with John Cockburn, a nobleman, about seven miles
distant from the city, and a troop of horse were sent to seize
the pestilent fellow; but while Cockburn endeavoured to
amuse them with various excuses, to create delay, and, if
possible, to get Wishart sent secretly away, the cardinal, be-
ing informed of this by his myrmidons, set out in the dead
of night, together with the regent, and blocked up every
avenue to the place; yet could he not, either by flattery, pro-
mises, or threats, accomplish his purpose, until the earl of
Bothwell, being sent for from his villa in the neighbourhood,
arrived. As he was the chief nobleman of the Lothians, he,
at length, obtained that George should be surrendered to him,
upon his solemnly pledging his faith, that he would defend
him from all harm. The priests, having found their principal
prey, carried him from Edinburgh to St. Andrews, and there,
in about a month after, assembled a great multitude of all de-
scriptions of clergy, to decide respecting his doctrine, rather
to make a show of a trial, than that any doubt was entertained
as to their determination. The cardinal, by general consent
—as by the pontifical law, he could neither sit in judgment,
nor pass sentence in capital cases—petitioned the regent, that
he would appoint a criminal judge to pronounce judgment
upon the accused, who had already been condemned for here-
sy, by the convention of priests.
xxxi.11. To these proceedings, it did not appear that there
would be any obstacle on the part of the regent, nor would
there have been any, had not his relation, David Hamilton
of Preston, restrained him, by admonishing, warning, entreat-
ing, and sometimes even upbraiding him. He is said to have
spoken nearly to the following purport:-That he was amaz-
ingly astonished at what could be the design of the regent in
permitting such an arbitrary proceeding against the servants
of God, accused of no crime except preaching the gospel of
Jesus Christ, and in delivering up innocent persons to be tor-
tured by men of the most flagitious turpitude of conduct, and
* Buchanan translates Wishart’s name Sophocardius, Wiseheart; but the
original was Guiscard, a name common in France, from which country the
family came, and was written in Scotland, Wischard, Witschart, or Wishart.
WOL, II, * .* * 2 Y
}
*
3.54 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
2
more than brutal ferocity of manners; persons, whose integ-
rity of life even their enemies unwillingly confessed; whose
doctrine he himself was not ignorant of, for he had lately been
strongly devoted to it; it was it that recommended him to the
supreme power; it was it to which he had publicly professed
his attachment by edicts, and which he had openly undertaken
to defend; to the reading, acknowledging, and exemplifying
of which, in their lives and conduct, he had exhorted all the
people in general and as individuals. Reflect therefore, said .
he, what men will think and say of you in future, reflect upon
the mercies bestowed upon you by providence. The king, an
active man and your enemy, was cut off in the midst of the
same career which you are now pursuing. They who precipi-
tated him by their councils, are endeavouring to drive you on
to your ruin. They opposed you at first, by the whole weight
of their power, and now they would beguile you into a snare
by their deceitful advice. Recall to your remembrance the .
victory obtained over your countrymen, without murder or
bloodshed, and over your enemies, trusting to their great
superiority of force, a deed redounding so much to your glory,
and their disgrace. Remember for whose favour you desert
your God, and oppose your friends; awake at last, and dissi-
pate the shades thrown by wicked men around you; place be-
fore your eyes Saul, the king of Israel, raised from the lowest
situation to the supreme power; mark how the favour of God
followed him while obedient to his law, and in how much
misery he was involved when he neglected his precepts; com-
pare your successes with his prosperity; and unless you
change your counsels, expect no better, but rather a much
worse end, for he only intended what you now are doing, and
that to conciliate the favour of wretches, who can neither hide
their vices, nor will they even attempt to conceal them.
xxxiv. The regent, influenced by his friend's admonition,
wrote back to the cardinal:—Not to hurry on the trial, but
allow the matter to lie over till his arrival; for he could not
consent to the destruction of that man, before he should dili-
gently inquire into the cause; but if the cardinal did other-
wise, his blood be upon his head, he would be free, as these
letters would testify. The cardinal, not a little surprised at
31
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ^ 355
this unexpected answer, as he believed, if any delay took
place, that the accused, who was so popular, would be re-
leased; besides, being unwilling to risk a disputation, be-
cause he had no hope of prevailing in fair debate, and also
averse to allow opinions, already condemned by the authority
of ecclesiastical councils, to be rejudged; enraged to madness,
persevered in the resolution he had formed, and replied:—
That he had not written to the regent thus, as if his authority
were of any consequence in the business, but, only for form's
sake, he wished his name added to the sentence. Upon
which, George being brought out of prison, John Winram, 8.
learned man, who was sincerely, but secretly, attached to the
cause of the reformation, was ordered to ascend a pulpit, and
deliver a sermon. He preached from the xiii. chapter of
Matthew, “The good seed is the word of God, but the evil
seed is heresy.” Heresy he explained to be a false opinion,
evidently opposed to the sacred Scriptures, and obstinately
defended, which was begotten and nourished by the ignorance
of the pastors of the church, who neither understood how to
overcome heretics with the sword of the Spirit, that is the
word of God, nor to bring back the wanderers into the right
way; then having explained the office of a bishop, from the
Epistle to Timothy, he showed there was only one way of
detecting heresy, and that was by bringing it to the word of
God, as to a touchstone. At length, when he had finished his
discourse, although what he had spoken bore chiefly against
the priests, who were assembled, not to refute heresies, but to
punish those who opposed their licentiousness and pride, yet
they, as if every thing had succeeded to their wish, dragged
George to a pulpit, which had been erected in the church,
in order to observe their usual form in judgment; and John
Lauder, a Romish priest, mounted another pulpit placed op-
posite; the rest sat around as if for judging; but there was
not even the shadow of justice or free disputation; for the ac-
cuser thundered out, with the greatest bitterness, a number of
abominable falsehoods, and a series of the most odious charges,
commonly invented against the teachers of the reformed re-
ligion; and after this farce had been continued for some hours,
George was carried back to the castle, and spent the night in
356 History of scoriand.
the governor's apartment, the greater part of which he passed
in prayer. . r
xxxv. Next morning the priest sent two Franciscans to
him, to acquaint him that the time of his execution drew near,
and to ask if he wished to confess his sins to them, as was
customary. He replied that he had nothing to do with friars,
nor would willingly converse with them, but if they would
gratify him so far, he wished to converse with the learned
man who had preached the day before. Winram, when he
had obtained permission of the bishops, came to the cas-
tle, and held a long conversation with George, intermingled
with many tears. At length, after he had ceased weeping,
from which he could not at first refrain, he kindly asked him :
—Whether he would not wish to partake of the sacrament of
the supper ? Most willingly, answered Wishart, if, accord-
ing to Christ's appointment, it be shown forth in both kinds,
namely, in both bread and wine. Winram, on this, returned
to the bishops, and having informed them that the prisoner
solemnly affirmed his innocence of the crimes with which he
was charged, and that he did not say so to deprecate his im
pending death, but only to leave a testimony to men, of that
innocence which was known to God, the cardinal, inflamed
with rage, replied;—As for you, we know very well already
what you are. Winram then asked whether he should be al-
lowed the communion of the holy body and blood of the Sa-
viour 2 When the other priests, after having consulted a little
together, gave it as their opinion, that it did not appear proper
that an obstinate heretic, condemned by the church, should
enjoy any church privilege.
xxxvi. This answer being returned to him, at nine o'clock,
when the friends and servants of the governor assembled to
breakfast, George was asked whether he would partake with
them. He answered: “Willingly, and with more pleasure
than I have done for some time past, for now I perceive that
you are good men, and fellow-members of the same body of
Christ with me, and because I know this will be the last meal
I shall partake of upon earth. And I beseech you,” address-
ing the governor, “ in the name of God, and by that love
which you bear towards our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,
*IISTORY OF Scotland. 857
to sit down at this table a little, and attend to me, while I
address an exhortation to you, and pray over the bread which
we are about to eat, as brethren in Christ, and then I shall
bid you farewell.” In the meantime, the table being covered,
as is the custom, with a linen cloth, and bread placed upon it,
George began a short and clear discourse upon the last sup-
per, and the sufferings and death of Christ, and spoke about
half an hour. He especially exhorted them to lay aside wrath,
envy, and malice, that their minds might be filled with love
one to another, and so become perfect members of Christ,
who daily intercedes with the Father, that we through him,
our sacrifice, may obtain eternal life. Having thus spoken,
when he had given God thanks, he brake the bread, and gave
a little to each, and in like manner he gave the wine, after he
himself had tasted, entreating them now to remember in this
sacrament, for the last time along with him, the memorial of
Christ's death, as for himself a more bitter portion was pre-
pared, for no other reason except preaching the gospel. After
which, having again returned thanks, he retired into his
chamber, and finished his devotions.
xxxvii. Not long after, two of the executioners were sent
by the cardinal, one of whom clothed him with a coarse black
linen shirt, and the other affixed many bags of gunpowder,
to different parts of his body. In this dress they brought him
to the governor’s chamber, and ordered him to remain there.
In the meanwhile, a scaffold was erected in the court before
the castle, and a pile of wood raised. Opposite the place of
execution, the windows, and battlements of the castle were
covered with tapestry and silk hangings, on which pillows
were placed, whence the cardinal, with his associates, might
enjoy the spectacle of an innocent man’s sufferings, and receive
the congratulations of the mob, as the authors of some illus-
trious exploit.* Besides, a numerous guard of soldiers was
* The historians who object to Buchanan’s passing over the account of the
cardinal’s assassination without remark, never themselves think it worth while
to notice, with the least disapprobation,this savage exultation of the cardinal;
and while Knox is held up to execration, for writing “merrily,” the account
of the death of this persecutor, as any French historian might innocently
have recorded with pleasure, the murder of Marat—the wretch who could
t
358 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
stationed, as if against any external violence, but in truth,
rather as an exhibition of power, and brass cannon were
planted over the whole castle, in the most convenient situa-
tions. In the midst of these, George, being brought forth at
the sound of trumpets, mounted the scaffold, and was bound
by ropes to the stake, and scarcely could he obtain liberty to
pray for the church, when, the executioners setting fire to the
pile, the powder which was bound about him blew up, and
he was envolved in flame and smoke. The governor of the
castle, who stood so near, that he was scorched by the flames,
briefly exhorted him to be of good courage, and ask pardon
of his offences of God; to whom he said:—These flames in-
deed bring pain to my body, yet do not disturb my mind; but
he who now so proudly looks down upon me, from his high
place, will, within a few days, be as ignominiously thrown
over, as he now arrogantly reclines.” When he had said this,
the cords were drawn more straitly round his throat, and his
speech stopped. In a few hours his body was reduced to
ashes, and the bishops, still filled with rage and hatred, for-
bade, under the severest penalties, any prayers to be said for
the deceased. The cardinal, on account of this deed, was
highly extolled by his own band, as one who, when all else
were stupified, in despite of the regent's authority, had accom-
plished so great an action, who had checked popular inso-
lence, and had so bravely undertaken, and so happily conduct-
ed the defence of the clergy; and if, said they, the church had
had such defenders of her dignity in former years, she would
not now have been dependant upon others, but by the strength
and weight of her own majesty, would have held all others
in subjection.
loll upon cushions and tapestry, and enjoy the protracted torture of an inno-
cent man, the friend of knowledge, and of his country, He must only be
mentioned with pity!
* That Wishart uttered this prediction, from any knowledge of an exist-
ing conspiracy against the cardinal, is a calumny not worth refuting, but
that he ever uttered it at all, appears questionable; and as Knox omits it, I
am inclined to believe, with Dr. Cook, that a false respect for the memory of
this martyr, had led his followers to represent some general declaration of
God’s vengeance against sinners, as an express denunciation against the car-
dinal.—Hist. of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 295, and note.
HISTORY OF SCOTLANL). º $59
A
xxxviii. The unbounded exultation of the priests, on ac-
count of their victory, inflamed, not only the common people,
but many noblemen of rank and influence, who, rather irri-
tated than terrified, felt indignant at themselves, for suffering,
by their own indolence, the country to have been reduced to
such a state, that some remedy instantly, and at whatever risk,
must be attempted, or the worst, and most ignominious tyran-
ny must be endured. Complaints at length became general
and open, and some of those who suffered most severely,
began to conspire against the cardinal, and to encourage each
other, either to regain their liberty, or sacrifice their lives.
For what honourable prospect can remain, said they, under
an arrogant priest, and cruel tyrant, who, waging war against
God and man, not only regards as his enemies, the pious and
the wealthy, but destroys every one who in the least offends
him, however mean or wretched; who in public, promotes
foreign and domestic hostilities, in private, unblushingly
unites meretricious loves in wedlock, and breaks legitimate
marriages at his pleasure; at home, revelling with prosti-
tutes, and abroad, rioting in innocent blood.
xxxix. The cardinal, although he did not suspect the sta-
bility of his power, yet he was not ignorant of the disposition
which was abroad, nor of the language which was commonly
held respecting him, and thought it advisable to strengthen
his influence by new ties. For this purpose he proceeded to
Angus, where he gave his eldest daughter, in marriage to the
earl of Crawford's son, and celebrated the nuptials with great
splendour, and almost royal magnificence. During these
rejoicings, being informed by his spies, that the king of Eng-
land had collected a great naval force, for annoying Scotland,
and chiefly threatened the coast of Fife, he returned to St.
Andrews, and appointed a day for the nobility, particularly
those whose estates were situated near the sea, to meet him,
and concert measures for repelling this danger. That he
might the more effectually provide against it, he determined,
together with the proprietors, to make a tour along the whole
coast, and fortify the most advantageous positions, and place
garrisons in them. &
XL. Among other young noblemen, Norman Leslie, son of
**
360, - HISTORY OF SCQTLAND.
the earl of Rothes, who has been frequently mentioned, came
to the cardinal. He had formerly, bravely, and faithfully
served him, but a dispute about some private business, had
for some time estranged them from each other. Norman,
however, induced by great promises, had yielded the subject
of contention, but after some months, when he came to de-
mand the fulfilment of these promises, their conversation
turned disputatious, at first not altogether decorous, and at
last completely abusive, on which they separated, highly in-
censed against each other. The cardinal, enraged, because
he had not been treated so respectfully as he wished, the
other, because he considered himself circumvented by fraud.
Norman, in consequence, returned to his friends, threatening
vengeance, and having depicted to them Beaton's intolerable
pride, they all readily conspired to put him to death. In
order to avoid suspicion, Norman proceeded to St. Andrews,
with only five companions, that their number might occasion
no surmise, and lodged as usual, at the inn. There were in
the town, ten other conspirators, who, in different quarters,
waited the signal for commencing the enterprise, and with
such a small band, did he dare to attempt this deed, in a town
filled with the cardinal’s relations and vassals. The days at
that season were very long, as they are in these countries in
the end of Spring, about May 7th, and the cardinal was for-
tifying his castle in such haste, that he urged the work almost
night and day. Norman therefore placed two of his domes-
tics in ambush, in a neighbouring house, who, at daybreak,
when the gate was opened to admit the workmen, were to
seize the porter, and after they had possession of the entrance,
give a signal, which had been agreed on, to the rest. By
this means, all the conspirators having entered without noise,
they sent four of their number to guard the cardinal's cham-
ber door, that no person might carry him intelligence, others,
acquainted with the house and the men, were sent to the bed-
rooms of the rest, to raise the servants by name. These
being awakened one by one, and threatened with instant
death, if they made the least noise, were led away safely, and
without any disturbance, were turned, half asleep, out of the
castle. When the conspirators had dismissed every other
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 361
person, and remained sole masters of the place, those who
guarded the cardinal's chamber, knocked at the door. On
being asked who they were, when they told their names, the
door was opened—having, according to some authors, prom-
ised that they would do no harm—and being admitted, they
put him to death, with various wounds.
xLI. In the meantime, the report of the capture of the cas-
tle, spread through the whole city, and the friends of the
cardinal, sleepy, headached, and languid, rose tardily from
their beds, and in a tumultuous manner, calling to arms, ran
to the castle. On their arrival, some demanded scaling lad-
ders, with violent threatenings and execrations, and others
brought the requisites for attempting a storm. Those who
were within, and beheld their proceedings, in order to allay a
little this sudden burst of passion, and recall the infuriated
mob to some consideration, cried out to them:—That all their
bustle was of no avail, they were too late to assist the dead.
And in confirmation of what they said, exhibited the carcass
to the multitude from that very place whence he had but
a short while before, so joyfully beheld the punishment of
George Wishart. This unexpected event, not only awoke
reflections on the inconstancy of all human affairs, but many
were also struck with the recollection of Wishart's prediction,
respecting his persecutor's death, and several other warnings
besides, which that holy man had uttered, not without the
influence of the divine spirit, as we have reason to believe, and
as the events justified. The cardinal's friends and relations,
astonished at this unexpected spectacle, quickly dispersed.
XLII. When the accounts of this murder were published
throughout the kingdom, every one pronounced, as he had
loved or hated the deceased, either that it was an admirable,
or an impious action. Numbers who, on account of their dif-
ference in religion, were in dread of their lives from his cruelty,
and numbers who were disgusted at his intolerable arrogance,
not only approved the act, but congratulated the authors, as
the restorers of public liberty, and some even hazarded their
lives and fortunes along with them. The court was violently
agitated at the intelligence, and, as if deprived of common
prudence by his loss, they who remained issued a proclama-
WOI., II, - 2 z -
362 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
tion, denouncing the perpetrators of the deed, and ordering
them, within six days, to appear and give surety, that on a day
to be appointed, they would stand trial. But they held a well
fortified castle, with all the cardinal's property and money,
and the regent's eldest son, given as an hostage to the cardin-
al, as formerly mentioned; and as they had no confidence in
the promises of the enemy, whose perfidy and levity they had
before experienced, they would hearken to no conditions, or
mention of peace. They were in consequence outlawed. In
this manner, negotiations were protracted by threats, and
empty promises, on the one side, and distrust on the other,
from the month of May till November.
XLIII. In that month, induced by the importunity of the
queen dowager, and the imprecations and reproaches of the
priests, the regent took arms, laid siege to the castle, and
battered it for three months with his cannon. In the fourth
month, however, at the end of winter, he disbanded his army,
without reducing it, and returned to Edinburgh, to hold the
parliament, summoned for February. They who kept the
castle, now freed from the dread of the enemy, not only
wasted the neighbouring places by frequent excursions, but,
as if their arms gave them a right, indulged in every species
of licentiousness, which idleness and abundance produce.
Nor could the exhortations of John Knox, who then had
come to them, restrain their iniquity, although he often ad-
monished them :—That God would not be mocked, but would
soon inflict severe punishment upon them, by those whom
they least feared, on account of the profanation of his laws.
XIIv. Besides this domestic evil, raging in the very bowels
of the land, a foreign war was added; for the English having
collected an army, passed the Solway, and spread terror far
and wide, as, besides plundering and burning the open coun-
try, they stormed some of the strongholds, and put garrisons
in them. Nor were the other borders more tranquil. Robert
Maxwell, on whom the severest rage of the storm had fallen,
eame to Edinburgh to ask assistance, almost in a state of des-
peration, for the fields, he said, were as so many vast solitudes,
the fortresses in the hands of the enemy, the cultivators of the
land expelled their paternal roofs, and reduced to beggary,
, Sl
HISTORY OF Scot1..AND. 363
lived on the compassion of their friends, all which they en-
dured, because they would not change their allegiance; but if
no steps were taken for their relief, they would soon be forced,
by their miseries, and their neighbours, by the fear of similar
misfortunes, to swear fealty to the king of England. The
regent having promised 1Maxwell assistance to recover his
possessions, marched with an army, and encamped at Meggat
river. There he was strongly importuned by the friends and
relations of the cardinal, to bring to trial George Leslie, the
father of Norman, who was with him, for carry as his com-
panion to the war, so powerful a nobleman, of doubtful fidel-
ity, or rather an open enemy. The earl, although both the
time and the place was unfavourable, consented, and the
judges being chosen in the manner formerly described, and
none of the names objected to by the accused, he was acquit-
ted by an unanimous verdict. -
XLV. Having marched thence to Langholm, whence the
English were expelled, the regent was preparing to attempt
some of the other garrisons, when the troops were suddenly
recalled by a messenger, who brought intelligence that the
French fleet was descried off St. Abb's head, consisting of
twenty-one sail of vessels of war. The regent, who expected
they were come to besiege the castle of St. Andrews—as was
the case—hastened joyfully home. After a conference with
Leon Strozzi, the admiral of the French navy, he joined
him with his forces, and commenced the siege of the castle
with so much celerity, that a number of the garrison were
shut out, and a number who had not engaged in the conspir-
acy, but were in the castle on business, were shut in. Imme-
diately cannon were planted on the steeples of the two churches
in the neighbourhood, which rendered the whole court of the
castle so unsafe for the besieged, that no one without evident
risk of his life, durst venture to appear out of doors. In a
short time, the wall between the two towers, where the new
building had not sufficiently cemented with the old, shaken by
the large cannon, fell with a great crash, and now, those who,
trusting to the fortifications, had formerly shown themselves
forward in every attack, began to be alarmed; and having
called a council of war, in this extremity, fearing the regent's

364 RIISTORY OF scoriaso.
cruelty—a vice usually strongest in cowards—in avenging
his relation's death, they surrendered to Leon Strozzi, stip-
ulating only for their safety. Strozzi then sent his men to
spoil the castle, in which, besides the greatest abundance of
provisions, and supplies of every kind, they found the cardin-
al’s money and furniture, the property of the garrison, and
the effects of many others, who had carried their valuables to
the castle, as to/ā place of safety; together with the regent's
son, given as an hostage to the cardinal, and after his death,
detained in the castle. The fortress was destroyed by order
of the council, and Strozzi in a few days, set sail with his
prisoners for France. The castle was surrendered, August,
1547. -
, , xlvi. The French fleet had scarcely departed, when in-
formation was brought, that the English had assembled a
great naval and military force, and were about to invade Scot-
land, and demand the fulfilment of the treaty, which had
been concluded four years before with the regent, for the
marriage of the queen of Scotland with the son of the English
king. This sudden rumour greatly alarmed the regent, other-
wise sufficiently imbecile, as he had no foreign auxiliaries, nor
could he much confide in his domestic forces, for he had dis-
gusted the popish faction by his levity, and the friends of the
exiled Lennox retained still the seeds of that hatred which
his cruelty and avarice had planted. Yet, upon his proclama-
tion, a considerable army assembled at Edinburgh, whence
marching to the mouth of the river Esk, which flows through
Lothian, he there awaited the approach of the English. In the
meantime, the Scottish horsemen riding up to the advancing
army, on all sides annoyed their march, and by their taunts
endeavoured to provoke them to battle. But the English com-
mander, who knew that the Scots far excelled his own troops
in skirmishing, forbade any one to leave the main body to
attack them. At last, at the entreaty of Gray, the command-
er of the horse, he permitted some troops of heavy armed
cavalry and cuirassiers, to rush upon them unexpectedly, and
when unprepared, by which sudden onset, the Scots, who
were unapprehensive of any enemy, were put to a confused
flight, and about eight hundred were either killed, or made
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 365
prisoners. Many of the English, from their over eagerness in
the pursuit, were taken captive, and among them some dis-
tinguished cavalry officers. From that day, the Scottish horse
were engaged in no memorable action. The English were
encamped at the village of Preston, little more than a mile
distant from them. Thence, from the high grounds, viewing
the Scottish forces, when they saw a much greater number
assembled than they had expected, they called a council, and
sent a message to the Scots, desiring, if equitable terms could
be obtained, rather to finish the war by treaty, than by arms.
The sum of these despatches was,
xLv11. They earnestly entreated the Scots first to remember
that both the armies were Christians, to whom, unless they
disregarded their professions, nothing ought to be more de-
sirable than peace and tranquillity, and nothing more detest-
able than war and unjust violence; and next, that the present
war had not arisen from ambition, hatred, or envy, but from
a desire of establishing perpetual peace, which could in no
way be more firmly cemented than by a matrimonial alliance,
which had already received the sanction and promise of par-
liament, and had been openly confirmed by a treaty, whose
stipulations were more favourable to the Scots than to the
English, who invited them not to slavery, but to a friendly
association and community of fortune. By so much would
these nuptials be advantageous to the Scots, rather than to the
English, in as far as the hope of advantage, and the fear or
injury, was greater to the weaker than to the more powerful.
In this case, in weighing the argument, it ought to be con-
sidered, first, the expedience to the Scots of having their
queen married; the necessity is inevitable, the management
difficult, the power of choosing a husband being left to par-
liament alone. Now, if a husband is to be chosen on ac-
count of his dignity and the public advantage, whom would
they prefer to a neighbouring king, born in the same island,
nearly related, educated in the same laws, institutions, man-
ners and language, and superior not in power only, but in
external dignity and wealth, and who brings, in addition,
perpetual amity, and an oblivion of all ancient animosity; but
if they proposed to bring a stranger, unacquainted with their
366 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
language, manners and institutions, into the kingdom, they
ought to reflect upon the many evils involved in such a resolu-
tion, and how many inconveniences he would bring with him,
which they might perceive from the example of other nations,
a mode of instruction preferable to learning by their own
experience. On their part, if the Scots discovered a spirit of
conciliation, they would abate something of their extreme
right, and would consent that the young queen should be
educated by themselves, till she was marriageable, and till
she herself was capable, with the advice of her nobles, of
choosing a husband; that, till that period, both nations should
-abstain from violence and arms; that the queen should not be
transported to any foreign country; and that no matrimonial
engagement should be made with France, or any other foreign
nation. If the Scots would solemnly promise to consent to
these conditions, they would withdraw in a peaceable manner,
and for whatever damage Scotland had suffered by their inva-
sion, they would make compensation according to the decision
of upright men. * ſº <s.
XLVIII. These letters were brought to the regent, who show-
ed them to his brother John, archbishop of St. Andrews,
whom he had assumed in the government in place of the car-
dinal, and to some few others. They, confident of victory,
advised him to suppress them, for they were afraid, if they
were made public, and the fairness of the propositions under-
stood, many would be inclined to peaceable counsels; but
they caused a report to be spread through the whole army,
that the English had come with the design of taking away the
queen by violence, and reducing the kingdom to their subjec-
tion by force of arms. The regent, naturally indolent, chose
four, none of whom understood military affairs any better
than himself, by whose directions he was completely guided.
Three of these were his relations, his brother John, arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, George Durie, abbot of Dunfermline,
and Archibald Beaton; the fourth was Hugh Riggs, a lawyer,
more remarkable for his huge body and personal strength,
than for any knowledge of military affairs. These men had
so elated the regent, with the vain hope of victory, that, al-
though naturally inconstant, and changeable in his purpose at
HISTORY OF SCOTL AND. 367,
every rumour, he turned a deaf ear to the advice of every
other person. *
xLIx. The regent's friends having circulated, through the
Scottish army, the reports they had themselves invented, the
soldiers immediately ran tumultuously to arms. Archibald
Douglas, earl of Angus, was appointed to lead the first line,
and George Gordon, earl of Huntly, the second; to both
were given each ten thousand brave soldiers, and the regent
had nearly the same number in the centre. A sudden rumour
now arose, that the English were flying; nor was it altogether
without foundation, for their provisions being exhausted, and
they durst neither forage at a distance, nor could obtain sup-
plies near, on account of the scarcity, the only method of
preserving themselves was, as they thought, to leave part of
their baggage, and by long marches, effect their retreat; but
as with their number of armed men, they durst not venture to
engage in the plain, and could not, by going round, deceive
the enemy, they resolved to await their approach on the
heights. On the other hand, the regent, impatient of delay,
by one of his aides-de-camp, advised Douglas to advance
with his division. Douglas, as he knew that the English
could not long remain where they were, on account of their
want of provisions, and waited to attack them in their retreat,
marched slowly, until ordered by the regent to quicken his
motion. Then, at last, he crossed the river, the centre and
rear divisions following at considerable distances.
L. The English, who were on the eve of departing, when
they saw Douglas approach, sent Gray, the commander of
the cavalry, with all the horse to oppose him, and delay his
progress, till their infantry took possession of the next hill,
or to break the Scottish ranks if an opportunity offered, for
the greater part of their troops being armed after the French
manner, they did not think it possible the Scots could sustain
their charge; but the Scottish phalanx, formed in close order,
their long spears projecting as a rampart, awaited their ad-
vance. The first rank of the English being received upon
their points, the next, as if taken in a snare, retreated back
to their main army, and affirmed, that it was as impossible to
break the Scottish ranks, as to break through a stone wall; on
368 IHISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
which, the English horse, having left the foot, were preparing
for flight, when, partly by their mutual exhortations, partly
restrained by their commanders, and hoping for a more ad-
vantageous position, order was restored. The Scots were
chiefly prevented from marching forward against those on the
opposite hill, by seeing Iamboa, a Spaniard, descending with
some troops of Spanish heavy dragoons, as if to take them
in flank. Wherefore, lest the phalanx should be forced, by
any sudden attack, to divide, or lest they should be surround-
ed on the flanks, they gradually obliqued from the direct as-
cent. The centre division, when they saw the first leave
their route, believing that they were put to flight, broke their
ranks and fled. The English, perceiving this from the high
ground, sent out their horse, and cut down great numbers of
the fugitives. During the whole of the march, from the Esk
to the English camp, the English fleet played upon the left
flank of the Scots, and did them much mischief. All the road
was strewed with arms and dead bodies, and numbers were
drowned in the river in their retreat. The English were most
inveterate against the priests and monks, for all of them, who
were fit to bear arms, came into the field; and many attribut-
ed the disasters of that day to them, who had so arrogantly
rejected an honourable peace, and who would have used a
victory, if they had obtained it, more cruelly against their
own countrymen than the English. There fell of the English
horsemen, in the first charge, about two hundred; but of the
Scots, almost all the young men of noble family fell, along
with their friends and vassals, who thought they could not
without infamy desert them, and many were taken in flight.
The Gael" formed into a circle in good order, and retreated
without loss, first through rugged roads impervious to cavalry,
nor when they were obliged to descend into the plain, durst
the English horse, who pursued the dispersed fugitives, dare
to attack them. This battle, among the few engagements
most fatal to the Scots, was fought on the 10th of September,
A. D. 1547.
LI. The English having obtained a victory, the more wek
*Scoti prisci, the Highlanders.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. # 369
come because unexpected, advanced above five miles with all
their forces, and remained eight days, ravaging the whole
country for six miles round by their foraging parties. They
attempted, however, nothing besides worthy of notice, except
that theft fortified the barren islands of Inchkeith and Inch-
colm, in the Frith of Forth, and took Broughty castle, in the
Frith of Tay. On their return, the army reduced the fort-
resses of Fastcastle and Hume, and established garrisons, one
at Lauder, and another on the ruins of Roxburgh castle.
Their sudden departure somewhat relieved the Scots, and af-
forded them an opportunity of assembling to consult about
the state of the country. Immediately after the battle, the
regent, attended by those who had survived the carnage, pro-
ceeded to Stirling, where the two queens were residing, with
several of the other nobility. He and his brother appeared
sincerely sad and dejected, on account of the calamity their
misconduct had brought upon the country. The queen dow-
ager too, in their presence, lamented the misfortune both by
her looks and her language, but when alone with her confi.
dential friends, she rejoiced at the pride of the Hamiltons be-
ing humbled. This disposition, howevº to rejoice in the
midst of public calamity, parasites, wh ally disguise the
vices of kings under honourable names, style, greatness of
soul! The queen dowager, besides, ever since the death of
the cardinal, had been anxious, on all occasions, to displace
the regent, and obtain possession of the whole power herself;
nor could she ever hope to effect this, while his party retained
their ascendance, and kept all the fortified places in their
hands. In almost all her discourses, she aggravated the ap-
prehensions entertained on account of the English, displayed
the weakness of the domestic troops, and exhibited the dan-
gers threatened by civil discord, and she communicated her
designs to those she knew to be inimical to the Hamiltons. *
LII. In a general meeting of the nobles, it was determined
to place the queen in Dunbarton, until the whole state of the
kingdom should be settled by parliament, and she was com-
mitted to the care of John Erskine, an open partisan of the
queen dowager's, to whom was added William Levingston,
an adherent of the Hamiltons. Ambassadors were likewise
VOL. II, 3 A

$70 1: ISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
sent to Henry, the French king, to demand assistance, ac-
cording to treaty, against the common enemy. Hopes were
even held out, that the queen would be sent to France, and
given in marriage to the dauphin. But while the French
were engaged in their own domestic troubles, and ºheir aux-
iliaries were more tardy than the pressing danger'Hequired,
the English entered Scotland on both the borders. The earl
of Lennox, as if invited by his friends, came to Dumfries
about the winter solstice, for his father-in-law, Angus, and
his old friend, Glencairn, had promised him two thousand
horse, besides the foot of the neighbouring countries, if he
would desert the English, but when he arrived at the place,
on the day appointed, scarcely three hundred assembled, and
they chiefly freebooters. These, and some other very sus-
picious circumstances of a similar nature, but chiefly the ver-
satile disposition of John Maxwell, who had given hostages
to the English, persuaded Lennox that he was betrayed. He,
therefore, determined to deceive his enemies by a similar strat-
agem. Taking with him Glencairn, Maxwell, and others of
the Scottish nobles, who had negotiated his return to his own
country, in the º of the night, he ordered six hundred
horse, partly En and partly Scots, who had joined him
to march to Drumlanrick. When he arrived at a station he
had previously fixed on, he sent about five hundred of his
followers to waste the country tumultuously, on purpose to
draw James Douglas into an ambush. But Douglas, suspect-
ing some design, waited with his people till day; then, freed
from the fear of snares, he issued forth against the straggling
plunderers, and passing the river Nith with his followers, at-
tacked them in rear as they were returning. They, on reach-
ing a situation where they had room, and opportunity to rally,
turned on their pursuers, charged them with impetuosity,
and having thrown them into confusion, at a narrow ford,
slew a few as they were crowded together, and took a great
number of gentlemen prisoners. This trifling expedition
struck such terror over a great part of Galloway, that they
strove who should first surrenderto the English, partly wish-
ing to gratify Lennox, and partly afraid, lest, being deserted
by their neighbours, they might be left to sustain the whole

33.
HISTORY OF Scotland. 371
weight of the enemy. The regent fearing, if he attempted
nothing, when such tumults were raging around him, that the
spirits of his party, already cast down, would be altogether
broken, besieged Broughty castle. After sitting before it three
months, during which he did nothing, he decamped with his
followers, leaving James Haliburton, an active young man,
to keep the neighbourhood on the alert, and prevent any pro-
visions being carried by land to Broughty, or any communica-
tion with a garrison which the English had placed on an ad-
jacent hill. These transactions took place about the end of
the year.
LIII. Next year, A. D. 1548, the English fortified Had-
dington, a town on the river Tyne, in Lothian, and burning
the villages, and destroying the farms, rendered the most
fertile districts in Scotland almost an entire wilderness; they
also formed another garrison at Lauder. Lennox, about the
end of February, having passed the western border, narrowly
escaped an ambush laid for him by some of those who had
surrendered, and, on returning to Carlisle, he put to death
several of the hostages, particularly John Maxwell, who he
understood, by letters from the king ºf England, was the
principal instigator of the plot. •.
# LIv. During these transactions, Henry, king of France,
who succeeded his father Francis, sent six thousand troops
by sea to Scotland, among whom were three thousand Ger-
man infantry, under the Rhinegrave, nearly two thousand
French, and about one thousand of different nations, all horse.
M. D’Essy, a Frenchman, who had served with reputation
some years in his own country, was their commander-in-chief.
This armament landed at Leith, and were ordered to be quar-
tered at Edinburgh, till they recovered from the sea-sickness.
The regent, in the meantime, marched with what forces he
had ready to Haddington, and taking possession of all the
avenues, blockaded the city. He was here joined in a few
days by about eight thousand Scottish soldiers, who assembled
in consequence of his proclamation. The debate being re-
sumed, among the nobility who were present, about sending
the queen to France, and marrying her to the Dauphin, a
parliament was held in the abbey, which is without Hadding-
372 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
ton, that is, in the camp itself. In this meeting there was a
violent dispute. Some contended, that a perpetual war with
England, and slavery to France, were to be dreaded from
removing the queen; others thought, from the āgreement in
religion, and the present aspect of the times, the offered
friendship of England ought to be embraced, especially as a
ten years' peace presented itself, without any new chains, or
more burdensome stipulations to the Scots; for if either the
king of England, or the queen of the Scots, should die within
ten years, every thing would remain as it was in both nations;
but although no fortuitous event might occur, yet the king-
dom, freed from the present miseries by which its strength
was broken and almost overwhelmed, the youth, whom the
last dreadful disaster had nearly annihilated, would increase
during a long peace, and, intestine dissensions being hushed,
the high concerns of the commonwealth could be more grave-
ly deliberated upon, than amid the sound of horns and trum-
pets; that, in such consultations, delay was often salutary,
while hasty precipitation was frequently followed by speedy
repentance.
Lv. All the papists favoured the French interest, besides
numbers who had previously won over by French gifts,
or who entertained great expectations of emolument, among
whom was the regent, who had an yearly revenue of twelve
thousand French livres allowed him, and the command of one
hundred cuirassiers; and thus the majority acceded to the
proposal for sending the queen to France; on which, the fleet
that had come to carry her away, and had in the meantime
remained at Leith, pretending to take their departure, sailed
round the whole of Scotland, and arrived at Dunbarton, where
the queen, who had waited there several months for their ar-
rival, went on board, attended by her brother James, John
Erskine, and William Levingston. After experiencing some
very severe weather, she landed at last in Brittany, a penin-
sula in France, whence, by easy journies, she was brought to
COurt.
£v1. While the war in Scotland paused at Haddington, the
common people improved the opportunities afforded for exert-
ing themselves in other places. The excursions of the enemy
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 373
from the castles of Fastcastle and Hume, had produced much
mischief in the neighbouring countries. At last, the Scots per-
ceiving that the watches in Hume castle were more careless
in going their rounds, they one night clambered up the rock,
on that side where, from its precipitous situation, they knew it
would be least carefully guarded, and killing the sentinel,
took possession of the castle. Not long after, when the gov-
ernor of Fastcastle had ordered the neighbouring countrymen
to bring a great quantity of provisions, on an appointed day,
the youth in the vicinity seizing this opportunity, came in
great numbers at the set time, and having unloaded their
waggons, carried the burthens on their shoulders along the
bridge, which stretched between two rocks. As soon as they
entered the place, they threw down their loads in the gateway,
and on a given signal, slew the guards, and before the rest of
the English could assemble, having seized their arms, and
taken possession of the approaches, they let in their associates
at the gates, and obtained the castle.
Lv11. Nor was the English maritime force idle, during these
proceedings. The whole weight of the war by land, being
directed towards Haddington, the leaders of the enemy, think-
ing that the neighbouring countries must 0 defenceless, deter-
mined to make a descent on the coast of Fife. Wherefore,
having sailed past several well inhabited maritime villages,
they landed at the populous village of St. Minians, whence
they might march by land to larger, but less fortified places,
of which the spoil would better reward their exertions. James
Stuart, the queen's brother, on the first alarm hastened thither
with the people of St. Andrews, and a number of the country-
men who had been left at home, and was joined in his progress
by many in the vicinity. The English, who were already
landed, about twelve hundred strong, stood drawn up in order
of battle, and by the terror of their cannon, which they brought
from the vessels, easily dispersed a crowd of rustics. James,
however, having rallied the fugitives, rushed upon the enemy
with such impetuosity, that although the greater part of his
followers were a hastily collected crowd, he instantly attacked,
routed, and chased them to $, the sea, with great slaughter.
Many fell in the fight, and not a few were drowned in the
374, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
hurry of re-embarking. One boat, with all on board, sunk,
in the confusion of putting off to the vessels. On that day,
six hundred were said to be killed, and one hundred taken
prisoners.
Lv111. Thence the fleet sailed to the Mearns, a less populous
district, with the intention of surprising Montrose, a town
situate not far from the mouth of the river Esk. They re-
solved to make their descent during the night, and remained
at anchor without sight of land, till the light departed, but
when they approached the shore in the dark, they betrayed
their secret design to the enemy, by their own imprudence in
hoisting lights in all their boats. John Erskine, of Dun, the
provost of the town, ordered all the inhabitants to take arms
without noise, and divided them into three bands. Some he
placed at the back of a sand bank, raised to prevent the land-
ing of the enemy. He himself led the dart-men, and other light
armed troops, against the invader. The third band, consisting
of servants, and a promiscuous crowd of the common people,
with a few military men'ſ to direct them, he ordered to wait
behind the nearest sand hill. Having thus arranged his pre-
parations, he proceeded with his party, and briskly attacked
the enemy as they ºre landing, and in an irregular skirmish,
drew them towards the sand hill. There, forming a junction
with the other party who were drawn up in order of battle,
they all attacked the enemy, who notwithstanding, did not
give way, till the others on the neighbouring hill, showed
themselves with their banners; then, at last, they ran with
such haste to the sea, and to their ships, that of about eight
hundred who landed, scarcely a third part escaped.
* LIx. Meanwhile, several brisk sallies took place at Had-
dington, with considerable loss to both parties, but chiefly
upon the side of the English. The garrison, however, being
straitened for provisions, and as the promised assistance would
apparently arrive too late, Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Thomas
Palmer, were ordered to proceed thither hastily from Berwick,
with one thousand foot, and two hundred horse, but, having
fallen into an ambush, they were entirely defeated. On which,
the English endeavoured to send another expedition, when
their intention being discovered, the French commander took
HISTORY OF Scotlan D. 375
possession of the narrow road through which they were to
come, but being deceived by one of their scouts whom he had
taken, who informed him that the English were yet at a dis-
tance, and intended to penetrate to their friends by another
route, D'Essy left the pass, and marched to that quarter,
and the English, without any opposition, reached the town
with the supplies, consisting of three hundred soldiers, with
ammunition and provisions, of which the besieged were greatly
in want.
Lx. Whilst these transactions were going forward at Had-
dington, with various success, and without promoting the
object of the war, certain intelligence was brought, that the
English had levied an army to raise the siege. D'Essy, who
knew himself inferior to the approaching force, removed to
some distance from the town, and sent all his brass cannon,
except six small fieldpieces, to Edinburgh. At last, the
arrival of the English army raised the siege; and, as the com-
manders of the Scots were not inclined to risk the fate of the
kingdom upon a single battle, those who were nearest their
habitations, returned home. The French, though hardly
pressed by the English, retired without damage. In their
retreat, they slew the provost of Edinburgh, and his son, to-
gether with some citizens, who opposed their entrance into
the town with all their forces, as they knew they could not be
restrained from licentious plundering.
H. LXI. D’Essy, to prevent the sedition from increasing, and
thinking the enemy would have become negligent by their
success, determined to attempt, if it were possible, to take
Haddington by surprise. Having marched during almost
the whole night, he arrived at daybreak before the walls,
killed the sentinels, and then stormed an outwork that covered
the entrance; after which, he with one party, attempted to
force the gates, while another attacked the nearest English
granaries. The noise of the attempt upon the gates, and the
hurry of the French soldiers in calling out victory, at last,
with difficulty, aroused the English from sleep. In the midst
of this trepidation, a soldier discharged one of the largest
cannon, which accidentally stood opposite the gate, that in
the present emergency, he might try even a doubtful remedy,
376 - HISTORY of Scotland,
*
and the ball shivering the gate, did such execution among the
crowded ranks of the French, that the cries of the soldiers
exclaiming victory, and the crash of the broken gates, carried
a discordant noise to the rear, who, ignorant of the cause,
took to flight, and carried the rest along with them. The
French being thus repulsed with loss, marched into Teviot-
dale, where the English had been committing great ravages,
and under the command of D'Essy, drove them from Jedburgh,
and made many successful incursions into the enemy's terri-
tories. At length, having wasted all the borders, besides
being fatigued with their daily labour, they began to be in
want of provisions, but their situation excited little pity, on
account of the sedition at Edinburgh, which was looked upon
as an attempt to introduce tyranny. After this, the French
did nothing of importance.
LXII. The king of France, informed by despatches from the
regent and queen dowager, that D’Essy incurred great ex-
pense by trifling, and almost useless expeditions, more oppres-
sive to his friends than to his enemies, and that the insolence
of the French soldiers, particularly since the sedition at Edin-
burgh, had so much increased, that immediate ruin was
threatened by intestine discord, recalled him, and sent Paul
Termes, an experienced soldier, and able politician, into
Scotland, with some additional forces. D'Essy, who thought,
it would be honourable, before he was superseded, to retake
the island of Inchkeith, which the English had seized a few,
days before, and were beginning to fortify, collected a fleet at
Leith, and embarked with a chosen band of Scottish and
French forces, the queen dowager, who was a spectator, en-
couraging them now individually, and now in a body. At his
landing, he drove the English to the highest nooks of the
island, and when almost their whole officers were killed, forced
them to surrender, but not without suffering considerably
himself. After performing this last brave exploit in Britain,
he delivered up the army to Termes.
LXIII. The new commander having led his army out of
winter quarters, ordered them to march to the north, and
after the departure of D'Essy, immediately followed himself.
Proceeding against Broughty castle, he took it, and soon after,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 377
the adjoining fort, from the English, the garrisons of both
being almost entirely destroyed. When he returned to Lo-
thian, and had distributed his whole force, so as to prevent
provisions from being carried to Haddington, a large army of
English and Germans, suddenly presented itself in battle
array, on which he drew off his army with great celerity,
and in good order, to a more secure station. Meanwhile, the
Scottish horse, who skirmished with the enemy in every direc-
tion to protect the retreat, having perceived that the baggage
of the Germans was left unguarded, seized, and carried it off
in a moment. Provisions in the interim, were carried into
Haddington without opposition. During these movements, s
Juliano Romero, who lay at Coldingham with a Spanish regi-
ment, as carelessly as if it had been peace, was attacked, him-
self taken, and nearly the whole of the party put to the sword.
Lxiv. Termes, on the departure of the English forces, re-
solved to return to the siege of Haddington. The defenders
were brave, but all the country round about was laid waste,
and provisions could only be brought with difficulty and dan-
ger from a great distance, in small quantities, seldom, and
never without loss; besides, the English were distracted with
a serious insurrection at home, and distressed with the French
war abroad. The garrison, therefore, despairing of any as-
sistance, after setting fire to the town, departed for England,
1st of October, 1549. The garrison at Lauder too, was re-
duced so much by the want of every thing, that it was upon
the point of surrendering, when intelligence was unexpectedly
received, of peace having been concluded between the English
and French, which was proclaimed in Scotland on the 1st of
April, 1550, and in the following month of May, the French
soldiers, together with the fleet, were sent home. External
peace lasted for about three years, but it was not less torment-
ing and pernicious than the severest war, on account of the
rapacity and cruelty of those at the head of the government—
the regent, and his brother the archbishop of St. Andrews,
particularly the archbishop, who indulged in every species of
licentiousness. #
Lxv. The first presage of future tyranny, was in allowing
the murder of William Crichton, a person of eminence, to go
VOL. II. . 3 B **
378 History or scotland.
unpunished. He was killed in the very palace of the regent,
and almost in his presence, by Robert Semple, yet Semple
was screened from punishment, at the entreaty of his daughter,
who was the archbishop's concubine.” The archbishop, who,
during the life of the king, was one of his confidential advisers,
and professed a love for the reformed religion, upon his death,
plunged headlong into all manner of debauchery. Among his
numerous mistresses, he kept, almost as his proper wife, this
Semple—whom he had carried off from her husband, his own
neighbour and relation—a woman, remarkable neither for
beauty, character, nor any thing but lasciviousness. Next
followed the death of John Melville, a nobleman of Fife, who
was one of the most familiar friends of the late king. On him
were found some letters to a certain Englishman, to whom he
recommended a friend, who was a prisoner, and although there
was not the most distant appearance of treason in them, the
writer was brought to trial, and lost his head; and what made
his punishment the more shameful, his inheritance was be-
stowed on David, the regent's youngest son. † The suffering
in these cases, touched indeed only a few, but the hatred they
excited, extended to many, and the examples they afforded,
reached all. The regent, who, on account of his unskilful
government, and his absolute indolence, had already disgusted
the common people, now for other reasons became daily more
vile,f especially after the execution of George Wishart, as
numbers attributed the calamities which followed, to the death
of that holy man, those particularly, who not only knew the
purity of his actions, but the unblamable tenor of his whole
life, and who were persuaded from his many, and most ver-
* William Crichton, lord Sanquhar, he was killed by Robert, lord Semple.
Semple's daughter, better known as lady Gilton, bore a son to the archbishop,
John Hamilton, of Blair, near Culross.
+ Knox styles him Laird of Raith, and mentions that the letter was ad-
dressed to his son, then in England.—Hist, Book i. p. 82.
it In the end of this year, Adam Wallace, a plain simple man, was burned
upon the castle hill, Edinburgh, but so fast were the principles of the reforma-
tion extending, that the earl of Glencairn, who was one of the judges, pro-
tested openly in court, when he was condemned, that he did not consent to
the death.
33 $ *
HISTORY of Scotland. 379
*
acious predictions, that he had received the gift of prophecy
by divine communication.
Lxvi. While the authority of the regent was on these ac-
counts declining, another and more extensive evil followed,
which occasioned loud and universal complaints. Courts be-
ing appointed throughout the whole kingdom, ostensibly to
check robberies, but, in fact, for no other purpose than plun-
dering the public under plausible pretexts. Money was ex-
torted from all who were cited, and as much exacted from
honest men as from thieves, in both cases the fine being
measured not by the nature of the accusation, but the wealth
of the accused. Nor were the professors of the reformed re-
ligion exempted from his cruelty and avarice, although he
himself had formerly been attached to that party, and had not
now the cardinal to use as a cover for his vices. But what
completed the exasperation of the people was, that the money,
thus basely extorted in the name of the regent, was more fla-
gitiously spent by the lust of his brother.
* THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Book XVI.
1. Having arranged matters at home, the queen dowager
determined to go to France, partly to visit her country, her
relations, and her daughter, and partly to embrace the op-
portunity which appeared to offer itself for securing the chief
power of the state, and to take with her, in her train, those
noblemen who favoured her design;* for this ambitious and
intriguing woman, hoped easily to drive from his situation
the regent, who was becoming daily more despicable by his
misconduct, and substitute herself in his room. She remained
in France above a year, and made the court acquainted with
the state of Scotland, who heard her with the utmost atten-
tion, and was easily persuaded by her brothers to accede to
her wishes. The French king, in order to accomplish his
designs upon Scotland without disturbance, advanced the no-
bility, who accompanied the queen dowager from Scotland,
to various honourable employments, according to their rank
and situation, and heaped honour upon all who were connect-
ed with the regent. He promoted his son Jamesh to the
command of all the Scottish soldiers in the pay of France,
and promised him besides, an annuity of twelve thousand
French livres. He created Huntly, whose son was married
* These were the earls Huntly, Glencairn, Cassillis, Marischal, lord Max-
well, Fleeming, and a long train of inferior barons.
+ The earl of Arran, of whom afterward much mention is made. He be-
came deranged, as was generally supposed, from being disappointed in obtain-
ing queen Mary in marriage
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 38]
to the regent's daughter, earl of Moray." He made the
youngest of Rothes' sons, by different mothers, who were dis-
puting about their succession, earl, because he was allied to /?? %
Hamilton. By the advice of the queen dowager, he sent for /ſ.fº/
Robert Carnegie,f a friend of the regent, lately arrived in ~7. A
France, to thank him for his assistance against the English, 2 Ž #
also David Painter, for several years ambassador in France, .
and Gavin, abbot of Kilwinning, all staunch adherents of
the Hamilton faction, to whom he mentioned what he had
discussed with the Guises some days before, and of which
the scope was:–That they would represent to the regent
how gratifying it would be to the king, if he would yield up,
to the queen dowager, the short time that remained to him
for exercising the magistracy; which request, as it was fair
and equitable, and agreeable to the laws, so he would take
care that his compliance should not be prejudicial to his in-
terest, as it would secure the steady friendship of a munificent
king. They were likewise desired to inform him of the fa-
vours he had spontaneously bestowed upon them and their
friends, whence the regent could judge what he might expect.
The French king sent Carnegie home, loaded with magnifi-
cent promises, and, a short time after, ordered Painter, the
Scottish ambassador, bishop of Ross, to follow him, who,
being eloquent and possessed of great influence, was instruct-
ed to manage the negotiation with the regent and his friends,
for transferring the government into the hands of the queen
dowager, which he at length with considerable difficulty effect-
ed. For his fidelity and diligence in transacting this business,
* The earldom of Moray had fallen to the crown, by the demise of earl
James, the illegitimate son of James IV. It did not, however, long remain
in the Gordon family, and was afterward given by queen Mary to James, her
illegitimaté brother, regent Moray. * w
i + Norman Leslie, the earl of Rothes’ eldest son, having been forfeited for
cardinal Beaton's murder, his brothers-german could not succeed as heirs to
him. Therefore, his half brother, by the father's side, who was married to
the daughter of Sir James Hamilton of Avendale, cousin to the regent, was,
by the French king's interest, created earl of Rothes.
£ Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird, afterward knighted and made a lord of
session, grandfather to David, earl of Southesk.
383 HISTORY OF SCOTT.A.N.D.,
he was rewarded by the French king with an abbacy in Poic-
tou. The queen, now certain of success in Scotland, where
every thing seemied ready for depriving the Scots of their an-
cient liberty, and reducing them under the yoke of the French,
accompanied by M. D’Osel, an able politician, as plenipo-
tentiary, to aid her with his advice, returned home through
England. *
II. The year after she arrived, she followed the regent, on
a judicial circuit, through almost every part of the country,
and, . by degrees, conciliated the affections of the nobility to
herself. In this whole journey, few of the notoriously guilty
suffered capitally, the generality being punished by fines.
The queen could not approve of this conduct, yet was she not
sorry at it, for in as much as the regent lost the favour of the
public, so far did she calculate upon the whole concentrating
in herself. In the mean time, having won over the nobility
to her party, she endeavoured, through the medium of his
friends, to induce the regent voluntarily to abdicate the helm.
His relations, when they surveyed his resources, and saw his
want of money, and his few adherents, and what a heavy bal-
ance there was against him in the accounts of his tutorage—
king James V. having left, at his death, a great quantity of
money, arms, ships, horses, and cannon, and an extensive
and precious wardrobe, which he [the regent] had squandered
among his friends in a few years—and perceived that the day
of settlement could not long be deferred, as the queen would
soon be of age, they thought, if he could free himself from
these embarrassments, by abdicating the government, it would
not be a great loss; he would only apparently give up to the
* She made application to Edward VI. for a safe conduct, which was read-
ily granted; it is dated, Westminster, 12th May, 1551. She landed at Ports-
mouth, and having intimated a wish to see the young king, to whom her
daughter had been betrothed, he ordered her to be treated, on her arrival,
with the greatest respect, and conducted by some of the chief mobility to
London, where he entertained her with magnificent hospitality. On her de-
parture, she was escorted by persons of rank in all the English counties
through which she passed, till she arrived in Scotland. This interview with
the young monarch left a very favourable impression upon her, and often
afterward she spoke of him in terms of high admiration.
HISTORY OF sco.TLAND. 383
French, what had long been managed by their direction, and,
laying aside the invidious title of a regent, which he could not
long retain, would purchase the safety and security of himself
and friends. Satisfied with this represehtation, an agreement
was entered into, upon condition, that the king of France
should be accountable for all the effects of the late king which
Hamilton had seized upon, and free him from all responsi-
bility, with regard to the intromissions during his guardian-
ship, upon his restoring, upon oath, whatever remained un-
appropriated. But the oath was of little avail, for, twelve
years after, when Hamilton castle was taken, after the battle
of Langside, many articles were found there which discovered
his perjury.
III. Large presents were made to the regent, and he re-
ceived the title of duke of Chatellerault, a town of Poictou,
situate on the river Vienne, with an annuity of twelve thousand
French livres, of which the half was paid for some years, to
which was added, by universal consent, that if the queen died
without children, Hamilton should be deemed the next heir.
These conditions, being agreed upon, were sent over to France
to be confirmed by the queen and her guardians. Her guard-
ians, chosen by the advice of her mother, were Henry II.,
king of France, Francis, duke of Guise, and Charles the car-
dinal, his brother. The regent, however, although, by the
advice of Painter, he had promised to retire from the public
administration, yet, upon the time approaching, that was to
terminate his government, when he thought how great the de-
scent would be from the chief magistracy to a private station,
and how much he would be exposed to those whom he had
so greatly offended, his usual inconstancy of disposition began
to render every thing uncertain. He then openly endeavour-
ed, by framing excuses, to recede from his engagements, al-
leging, that the queen was not quite twelve years of age. Al-
though this excuse might have been easily answered, yet the
queen dowager chose rather to withdraw to Stirling, and wait
the time when the guardianship would expire by law, than to
quarret about so small a matter, however certain. In this re-
treat, when the greater part of the nobility resorted to her—
fortune seeming to incline that way—she never ceased, by
384 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.-
every method, to allure the wavering to her party, or to
confirm those who were attached to her, by buoying up the
hopes of all with great expectations and many promises, both
in general and to individuals, of what she would perform
when she succeeded to the government, which they all knew
must be soon. By these arts she was so successful, that only
two of the chief nobility adhered to the regent; the rest came
over to the side of the queen. Those who remained with him,
were John, his bastard brother, * and Levingston, his near
relation. This solitude in the regent's court, and, as it were,
public notice of the displeasure of all ranks, and the numerous
attendance of the nobles upon the queen, forced him to revert
to the agreement which he had rejected, on condition, that
the queen dowager should procure a ratification of the deed
by the estates at their first meeting, and by the guardians in
France. -
Iv. About this time, England was thrown into confusion by
the death of Edward VI., a young prince of the greatest ex-
pectations, whose excellent natural dispositions had been ad-
mirably cultivated by education. In the beginning of next
spring, the nobles assembled at Stirling, and in a full meet-
ing, expressed their approbation of all that had been transact-
ed with the regent, and which the queen, together with her
guardians, had subscribed. This condition was added, that
the regent should be the governor of Dunbarton, and, on
purpose to complete the arrangement, a parliament was sum-
moned to be held at Edinburgh, on the 10th of April next,
where all the agreements, formerly mentioned, approved of
by the guardians, were produced; which being read, the re-
gent rising up, publicly vacated his office, and delivered over
the insignia of government to M. D’Osel, who received them
in the name of the absent queen, and, according to her man-
date, delivered them to the queen dowager, who received
them with the general approbation of the estates, and being
substituted in the room of the regent, was conducted with
great pomp through the city, to the palace in the suburbs;
while the regent, who had gone to parliament, attended by a
* Archbishop of St. Andrews, and lord Levingston his cousin.
HISTORY OF scori,AN.B. 385
af
great number of nobility, having the crown, sword, and scep,
tre, carried in state before him according to custom, reduced
to a private station, mingled in the crowd, A. D. 1555. * This
was a new and hitherto unheard of spectacle in Scotland, for
then first, by act of parliament, was a woman promoted to the
government of the kingdom. Notwithstanding this inclination
towards the French, the Scots never could be induced to
commit the castle of Edinburgh to a foreign garrison, fearing,
lest if the queen should die without children, it might become
the seat of French tyranny. It was therefore intrusted to
John t Erskine, as a mediator between the parties, to be sur-
rendered to no one except by order of the estates.
v. After this, when the government appeared settled, the
queen regent—so they were pleased to style her—sent George
Gordon, earl of Huntly, to apprehend John Murderac, f the
chief of the clan Ronald, a notorious robber, and infamous
for the most atrocious crimes. Gordon was believed to have
conducted this expedition treacherously, and, therefore, on
his returning without having accomplished his object, he was
committed to prison to stand trial. In the meantime, his re-
lations, to excuse his want of success, and shift the odium
from him, spread abroad false reports respecting the clan
Chattan, attributing the blame of the miscarriage to them,
who, they falsely said, had ruined the undertaking, on ac-
count of their inveterate hatred to the Gordons. The quar-
rel originated thus:–When the queen prepared to go to
France, Gordon, who had kept William, the chief of the
clan Chattan, a young man, liberally educated by the earl of
Moray, confined in his own house, threw him into the com-
mon jail, although he could allege no crime against him, ex-
cept that he had refused to acknowledge his superiority; his
relationship to Moray, whose nephew he was, also militated
against him. Having incensed him by this affront, Gordon
did not think it would be safe to leave him at liberty in his
absence, yet could find no valid reason for putting him to
* Should be 1554, as is evident from the preceding paragraph. Edward
VI, died in 1553, and next spring the regent resigned, of course the year was
1554.
† Lord Erskine. f Laird of Moidart,
WOL. II. 3 C
$86 History of scotLAND.'
death. Wherefore, by the medium of friends, he persuaded
the unsuspicious young man to throw himself entirely upon
his mercy, as the only method by which his honour, and the
other's safety would be secured. Gordon, thus become sole
arbiter of his enemy's life, dissembled himself, and required
his wife to put this innocent youth to death in his absence,
thinking to transfer the odium of the crime to her. But this
scheme had an opposite effect.
v1. The crafty disposition of Gordon was well known, as
was the exemplary character of his wife, and her uniform
submission to his orders; it was therefore easily and generally
believed, that he was the instigator of all her plans. Gordon
being detained in prison, the sentiments of the queen regent's
council were divided with regard to his punishment. Some
proposed banishing him to France for a number of years, and
others advised that he should be put to death; both of which
opinions were rejected by Gilbert, earl of Cassillis, his prin-
cipal enemy. He opposed his banishment to France, because
he foresaw, from the present aspect of affairs, that there would
not be long peace between the Scots and their ally; and he
did not wish that a man of his cunning, and inflamed with a
desire of revenge, should, in the war which he certainly ex-
pected would soon arise from Gallic insolence, be sent as a
firebrand and a leader to the enemy, much less did he think
he ought to be put to death; for he did not conceive that any
domestic crime whatever ought to be punished in such a man-
ner, as to accustom the French to shed the blood of Scottish
nobles. It was at last settled, that the affair should be com-
pounded for money, and Gordon detained a prisoner, until
he gave up the jurisdiction which he claimed over Moray,
and that he should be deprived of the governorship of the
Orkney and Shetland islands; of the county of Marr, and all
the royal patrimony whatever, situate in these quarters; that
he should likewise surrender the sheriffdoms of some coun-
ties, from which he derived great advantage, and permit all
the revenues of these places to be freely collected by such
officers as the queen regent should appoint. Upon these
conditions he was dismissed; but having conciliated the queen
regent, and some of those who had influence with her, he
33
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND... " . 387
was, not long after, admitted to her confidence. In the mean
time, all the offices about court, which were profitable, or
which were objects of ambition, were given to foreigners, by
the advice of Gordon, on purpose to commit the queen regent
with the Scottish nobility, from whose mutual dissensions he
would enjoy a desirable, if not an honourable, pleasure.
The earl of Cassillis, however, who had predicted the tem-
pest, began to be esteemed almost as a prophet. From this
time the country remained in a state of tranquillity, until the
month of July, A. D. 1555; . . -
v11. The regent having ºffs found a respite from war, bent
her attention to correct the disorders of the state. She pro-
ceeded to Inverness, and assembled public courts, in all places
where they were usually held, and punished with great sever-
ity, many of the disturbers of the public peace. She sent
John, earl of Athol, against Moidart, to repair the failure of
Gordon in the former expedition. He, not more by bravery
and perseverance, virtues natural to him, than by policy, and
good fortune, reduced the rebel to submission, along with his
children, and brought them to the queen regent. Moidart,
however, whether impatient of inactivity, or stimulated, by a
mind distressed with a consciousness of guilt, escaped from
his keepers, and again filled the country with murder and
bloodshed, on hearing of which, the regent was forced to
proceed against him and other malefactors, more rapidly than
she had intended, to bring them to justice. On her return
from that excursion, she restored, in a meeting of the estates,
the most popular of those who had been driven into exile, on
account of the murder of cardinal Beaton, yet she did not
acquire so much approbation for this act, as she gave offence
by the proposal for a new tax. This method of raising money
was generally believed to have been devised by D'Osel, Rubay,
and the few Frenchmen who were around the regent. It was
—that a survey should be made, and schedules framed, in
which the estates of all were to be written down, and each, ac-
cording to an annual assessment, ordered to pay a small per
centage into the public treasury, for defraying the expense
of war. From this peculiar fund, mercenary soldiers were to
be hired to guard the borders, while the nobility should re-

J47/
wº
ſ' . . f
4 º' &
.# *
- */
a
383 HISTORY OF Scotland.
main at home quietly, except in case of an invasion by a greater
force than the ordinary guards could resist. . . .
vıII. Gentlemen of moderate fortune were highly dissatisfied
with this new tax, and openly and bitterly attacked it, but the
greater part of the nobility grumbled in secret, every one fear-
ing, lest if he first opposed the cupidity of the queen regent,
he should incur the chief odium of the refusal. The others,
who were not less incensed at the nobles, for betraying, by
their silence, the public liberty, than at the queen regent—.
assembled, to the number of about three hundred, at Edin-
burgh, and deputed two of their body, James Sandilands, * of
Calder, and John. Weemyss, to wait upon the queen regent,
to avert the ignominy of paying tribute, and deprecate the
confession of public and private poverty, which making a sur-
vey implied; for their ancestors, they said, had not only de-
fended themselves and their country against the English, when
far more powerful than now, but had often invaded their
territories; nor had they so far degenerated, as to be afraid
of hazarding their lives and fortunes, if necessity required
them. As to hiring mercenaries, it was a project big with
danger, to commit the safety of Scotland to men, who had
neither property nor stake in the land, and who would do any
thing for money, whose insatiable avarice, if opportunity offer-
ed, would be ripe for mutiny, and whose fidelity depended
upon fortune. But 'supposing them true in other respects,
that love to this country outweighed their regard for their
own circumstances, is it credible that mercenaries would fight
more bravely for the estates of others, than the proprietors
themselves would do for their own, and that a small hire,
which would cease during peace, would prove a greater stim-
ulus to ignoble minds, than family and fortune, religion and
Hiberty, would to the nobility. But, besides, this proposal
respected the vital interest of Scotland, and was by far too
important to be agitated at that time, and during the tender
age of the princess; for although it could be accomplished
without any sedition, yet this new mode of carrying on a war,
suspected and feared as it was by the majority in the country,
** Predecessors of the lord Torphichen, and the earl of Weemyss.
HISTORY or scorland. 889
would be useless, especially, as from the tribute of the Scots,
not the richest of nations, it would be difficult to procure
money, sufficient to protect the borders by mercenary soldiers,
and it was much to be dreaded, if this design were carried
into effect, whether it might not rather lay the frontiers open
to the enemy, than shut them against him; for if the English,
possessing a more opulent kingdom, should set apart a fund
for a similar purpose, who could doubt, but that with much
less burden to their people, they could maintain double the
number of forces, and these not simply for observing the
frontiers, but with which they might break into the very
bowels of the kingdom. - $.
Ix. The remainder of the oration, I do not know whether
it be better to publish, or suppress. I hear many murmur-
ing, who shall collect this tax? How much of it will it be
necessary to give in salaries, as wages to the surveyors and
collectors P. Who will be answerable that it will not be wast-
ed in luxury, but applied to the use of the state? The prob-
ity and moderation of the illustrious princess, now at the head
of the government, inspire us with the confidence, that no such
dangers will arise to us, but when we recollect what has hap-
pened to others, and what even has occurred among ourselves,
we cannot help fearing, lest what we have often seen done,
may perhaps in future be attempted, But passing over, what
perhaps, are vain fears, let us come to that in which our an-
cestors placed their greatest confidence, for defending their
liberty against the arms of their most powerful enemies.
Robert, I. of that name, king of the Scots, than whom perhaps
there never was a wiser, certainly never a braver, he, as he
had often when alive, so even when dead, that he might be of
some advantage to his countrymen dying, have them this
advice:—That the Scots should never conclude a perpetual
peace, nor even make long truces with the English; for that
sagacious, and experienced prince knew in the spirits are
broken, and the body debilitated, by indulging in voluptuous
enjoyments, and severe discipline, and parsimony become
extinct, luxury and avarice increase, as in an uncultivated
soil, and impatience of labour, and sloth, and dislike to mili-
tary service, arise from peace, by which evils, the strength,
390 HISTORY or scorland. .
both of body and mind being weakened, virtue, gives up the
contest, and a shortlived pleasure, produced by indolence, is
destroyed by some signal calamity. . . .
x. When this speech was finished, the queen, fearing a
tumult if she persevered, gave up the tax, and acknowledging
her error, is reported to have often said, that the design did
not originate with herself, but that one of the chief Scottish
noblemen was the author of the measure. These words were
by many understood to mean Huntly, naturally acute, and
lately released from custody, but more affected, as it appeared,
by the injury of his detention, than by the kindness of his
liberation; who, when he saw the queen intent upon this one
object, to accustom the Scots to pay tribute, afraid, if her
authority too much increased, she would weaken the strength,
and diminish the authority of the nobles, and the whole ef-
ficient power of government being subjected to the will of a
foreign female, she would reduce this country to a province of
her own. He therefore, it is thought, gave her this advice
with regard to raising the tax, which she was then so much
engaged about, in a manner agreeably to her inclination,
but with no friendly intention, for he knew the Scots would
not pay tribute, nor would they ever afterward obey so cheer-
fully as they had done before. There are some who believe
this plan for raising money, was suggested by David Painter,
bishop of Ross, for he was the most able and learned person
of the Hamilton party, from whom he had received many
favours, and to whose family and pretensions he was entirely
devoted. . - - . . . . -
xi. Next year, A. D. 1557, while the Scottish ambassadors
were treating about peace at Carlisle, the king of France re-
quired the queen regent, according to the treaty, to declare.
war against the English. The cause assigned was, that the
queen of England had sentauxiliaries to Philip, king of Spain,
who was then keenly engaged in war against the French in
the Netherlands. The ambassadors having returned from
England, without either concluding a peace, or declaring war,
the regent assembled the nobility at Newbottle abbey, re-
counted the various incursions the English had made, into
Scotland, the plunder they had driven away, and the restitu-
HISTORY OF Scotland. 39T
tions required, but not received, and demanded that the Scots
should proclaim war against the English, at once to wipe
away their own ignominy, and assist the French king. The
nobility could not, however, be persuaded to begin the war,
but she effected the object in another way, chiefly by the
advice, as was believed, of D’Osel. She ordered a fortress
to be built at Eyemouth, as a protection against the sudden
attacks of the English, and a magazine, in which cannon, and
military stores might be kept, whence they could be procured
when occasion required, without the delay, and labour, and
expense of bringing them from distant parts of the kingdom,
advantages sufficiently obvious, but she had another end in
view in this undertaking. She did not doubt but the English
would hinder the work, and endeavour, by every means in
their power, to prevent a garrison being erected so near Ber-
wick. Hence would arise the seeds of war which she desired,
and the blame of taking arms could be thrown upon the ene-
my. Nor was she disappointed in her expectation."
xII. For the Scots, provoked by the attacks of the enemy,
while they were forced to defend themselves, easily consented
to a declaration of war. The ambassadors, who had been
sent to England to conclude a peace, were recalled, a procla-
mation issued, appointing a day for assembling, and in conse-
quence, a large army collected in the neighbourhood of Edin-
burgh. When they had advanced to Maxwell-heugh, and
no plan for carrying on the campaign had been determined
upon in the council, they who wished to gratify the regent,
and show their zeal for the interest of France, made plunder-
ing excursions about Werk castle, situated within the English
borders. Thither D'Osel brought some soldiers, and as many
cannon as he thought would be necessary to besiege the cas-
tle, and without waiting for the determination of the council,
he sent these across the Tweed. At this proceeding, the
Scottish nobles were incredibly offended, for by it, D'Osel
seemed to aim at assuming to himself, with the king of France,
t l y -
* By the last treaty it had been agreed, that the castle of Eyemouth should
be demolished, and no fort constructed there for the future. This then as an
infringement of the treaty, warranted the English to prevent the operations of
the Scots. . N
392 * History of scori.AND.
whatever glory might arise from the expedition, and also by
degrees, to accustom the Scots to obedience, in order to ren-
ider them more subservient to his command. . But the Scots
were indignant at seeing themselves used so contemptuously,
and driven about, without any public deliberation as was the
custom of their ancestors, by a private individual, and he
too a stranger, one, who, without consulting the nobility,
had arrogated more to himself, than any king had ever at-
tempted. On the subject being debated, they unanimously
resolved, that they would not march the force of the king-
dom against an enemy, at the nod of any single individual,
especially as they had never been accustomed to obey their
lawful sovereigns in that manner, nor to commence any un-
dertaking, until it had been explained and deliberated on in
council, and as they considered this licentiousness of com-
mand, only a trial of how far they would patiently endure
tyranny. They, therefore, ordered D'Osel to bring back the
cannon, under pain of suffering the punishment due to a
traitor in case of disobedience. At this, both the queen re-
gent, and D'Osel were highly displeased, the one considering
her own majesty, and the other that of the king's, whose am-
bassador he was, despised, but as they were inferior in strength,
they were forced to submit. Nor did any remedy present
itself, except that the queen of the Scots, who was now mar-
riageable, should be united as speedily as possible, to the
Dauphin, and then, when the wife was in the power of her
husband, the authority of the council would be diminished.
xIII. During the winter, various excursions were under-
taken with various success. One in particular, deserves notice
on account of a battle fought at the foot of the Teviot mount-
ains, between the duke of Norfolk, and Andrew Kerr, which
was long and keenly contested, but victory at last declared for
the English. Kerr was taken prisoner, and a great many
brave men wounded. In the month of December, a parlia-
ment was held at Edinburgh, to take into consideration some
despatches from the king of France. In these, after a long
preamble, respecting the ancient leagues, and the interchange,
of good services between the nations, he desired the Scottish.
parliament to choose from the three estates, proper persons,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 893
whom, as his son would about the end of December, be of
legal age to enter into the state of matrimony, they might
send as ambassadors, with full powers to conclude the pro-
posed nuptials, for which the queen of Scots had been sent to
France, and thus the nations, already confederated together,
would be united as one body, and the ancient friendship be-
tween both people, connected by this chain, would become
indissoluble; with which request, if they would comply, he
liberally promised, on the part of himself and his subjects, to
do any thing, and every thing they could hope or desire. …,
xiv. Although the Scots knew whither all this haste of the
French king tended, and perceived that a struggle would im-
mediately arise with him about their liberty, yet they all
obediently attended the parliament, in which eight ambassa-
dors were chosen to proceed to France, to complete the mar-
riage.—Three of the nobles, Gilbert Kennedy, earl of Cassillis,
George Leslie, earl of Rothes, and James, lord Cumbernauld,
the chief of the Fleemings—three of the clergy, James Beaton,
archbishop of Glasgow, Robert Reid, bishop of Orkney, and
James Stuart, prior of St. Andrews, the queen's brother——
and two of the lower estate, George Seton, provost of Edin-
burgh, and John Erskine, provost of Montrose, of the rank
of a gentleman, but, in respectability, equal to any of the
nobility. The embassy had scarcely sailed, when they en-
countered a severe gale on the Scottish coast; which increas-
ing as they proceeded, the vessels were so shattered with the
storm, that two foundered not far from Boulogne, and the earl
of Rothes and the bishop of Orkney, who were picked up and
carried on shore by a fishing boat, alone escaped of all the
passengers. The rest of the fleet, after being driven about by
the tempest, reached other inferior sea-ports on the French,
coast. * . • ‘
* The voyage was reckoned ominous; the whole bridal furniture for the
queen was on board the vessel that perished. But the most portentous cir-
cumstances for Scotland were kept secret. While the court of France was, to
appearance, ratifying every measure, which the wisdom of the Scottish parlia-
ment could devise, for the security and independence of the crown and coun-
try, the Guises, taking advantage of the youth and inexperience of Mary,
persuaded her to sign some previous deeds, by which, in default of heirs of
VOL. I.L. 3 D
394 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
xv. The ambassadors, after they were again assembled,
immediately hastened to court, and proceeded to arrange the
treaty respecting the marriage, to which they all gave their
assent, and which the Guises were particularly anxious to
have concluded, because they thought the alliance would
bring them a great accession of power, and, likewise, because
the opportunity was favourable to their designs, as Annas,
duke of Montmorency, who was esteemed the wisest of the
French nobles, and the most likely to oppose the match, was
then a prisoner. Besides many other apparently convincing
reasons, that nobleman was unwilling the treaty should be
precipitated at that time, lest the power of the Guises, already
Intolerable, as was foreseen, should increase beyond what was
eonsistent with the safety of the royal prerogative; for of the
five brothers of that family, the eldest was commander-in-chief
of all the forces in France; the next was appointed to succeed
Charles Cosseus, in Lombardy; the third was sent over to
Scotland, with some supplies, to command-the army there:
the fourth had the charge of the galleys at Marseilles; and
Charles, the cardinal, had the management of the revenue;
so that neither a soldier, nor a sous, could stir in all the king-
dom of France, except as they chose. Those of the nobility
who lamented the situation of the king, recalled to their re-
membrance the times when the kings of France were shut up
in monasteries, as a milder species of banishment. :
xvi. The court, having spent several days in nuptial festivi-
ties, when the revels ceased, called the Scottish ambassadors
her own body, she conveyed her kingdom and right of succession to the king
of France, and declared that all promises, which the necessity of her situation,
or the solicitations of her subjects might extort, were null and void. Thus
early was this princess made a party to the most solemn mockery of every
right principle, and her ready compliance with such a palpable violation of
truth, honour, and sincerity, at the age of fifteen, exhibits, in one view, the
character of the court where she was educated, the nature of the tuition she
received, and the proficiency she had already acquired in the art of dissimu-
lation-Robertson, book ii. Keith, p. 70. The deliberate villany of this
transaction, on the part of the duke of Guise, and the cardinal his brother,
gives verisimilitude to the general suspicions and current report of the times,
that the intractable commissioners received an “Italian posset” at their
parting. * Å
33 \ ,' '
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 395
before the council, where the chancellor of France desired
them to procure the crown and the other insignia of royalty,
that the husband of the queen might be created king, after
the manner of the Scots. To this requisition, the ambassa-
dors briefly answered, that they had no instructions upon
that subject; and the chancellor replied, we do not demand
from you, at present, any thing which is not in your power,
we only ask, that when this subject is discussed in the Scottish
parliament, you will support, by your votes, the honour which
we now so justly require, and that you would sign, with your
own hands, an obligation to this effect. This demand appear-
ing to them exceedingly shameless, they deemed it necessary
to reject it with more firmness and spirit. They therefore re-
joined, that their embassage was bounded by certain limits
prescribed to them, which they neither could nor would ex-
ceed; but had they been even intrusted with unlimited powers,'
yet sincere friends ought not to require what they could not
grant without incurring the certain infamy of traitors, although
they might run no hazard of their lives; that they would grat-
ify the French, with whom they were united by so many ties,
in every thing which could be honourably conceded by friends,
and they besought them to confine their requests within the
same modest bounds. -
XVII. The ambassadors, upon this, were dismissed from
court; and although they hastened to return home, yet before
they could embark, four of the principal members, Gilbert
Kennedy, George Leslie, Robert Reid, and James Fleeming,
distinguished for their integrity and love to their country, to-
gether with many of their attendants, died, not without strong
suspicions of having been poisoned. James, the brother of
the queen, too, was believed to have partaken of the same
potion; for although, by the strength of his constitution and
his youth, he escaped death, yet he laboured under a constant
and dangerous weakness of stomach as long as he lived.
xv.111. During that summer, the state of Britain was a state
rather not of peace, than one of absolute war. On both sides
booty was driven away and villages burned, and occasionally
bloody incursions took place. Two noblemen were taken
prisoners by the English, William Keith, son of earl Mare-
396 History of Scotland.
schal, and Patrick Gray, the chief of that family among the
Scots. The other calamities of war fell chiefly on the lower
orders. Nearly about the same time, an English fleet, under
Sir John Clare, was despatched to harass the coasts of Scot-
land. He sailed to the Orkneys, to burn Kirkwall, an epis-
copal see, and the only town in that country; but, when he.
had landed a considerable part of his force, a violent tempest
suddenly arose, and drove the fleet to sea, where, after con-
tending for a long while with the storm, he returned to Eng-
land. All the men he disembarked on the island were slain
by the natives. . . . . . . . #
... xix. The cause of religion, during this and the former year,
appeared rather to stand still; for the one party, somewhat
checked by the death of George Wishart, was satisfied with
being allowed quietly to worship God in their native tongue,
and reason soberly about divinity; the other being deprived
of a leader, by the death of the cardinal, showed that they
wanted the power, rather than the inclination, to persecute;
for his successor thirsted more after the money than the blood
of his adversaries, nor almost ever behaved with cruelty, un-
less when the plunder afforded him the means of enjoying his
licentious pleasures.” . In the month of April, Walter Mill, a
priest of no great learning, yet being suspected by the clergy,
because he had desisted from saying mass, was dragged before
their synod. Although a weak old man, oppressed by years
and poverty, yet when brought from his loathsome dungeon,
and taunted with the most bitter reproaches, he answered not
only with firmness, but so acutely, that such strength of mind,
and such heroic confidence, in so emaciated a body, seemed,
even to his keenest enemies, to be the effect of divine power.
The inhabitants of St. Andrews were so much displeased at
his apprehension, that there could not be found one among
them who would sit as judge upon him; and having shut their
* During these years, the progress of the reformation, though silent, was
progressive. Knox, Harlaw, Willox, Paul Methven, and other preachers,
were disseminating with success the doctrines which were to overturn the es-
tablished superstition, and the leading men among the nobles were listening
to them with avidity. In 1557, the first bond of agreement, or covenant, for
defence of religion, was entered into.
§
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. i 397
shops, not one of them would sell any article which could be
employed in the execution. By this means his life was pro-
longed one day. Next day, however, the priests procured
one of the archbishop's acquaintances, a profligate wretch,
Alexander Sommerville, who undertook to sit as judge. The
people were so deeply affected at Mill's death, that, lest the
memory of his sufferings should pass away along with his life,
they raised, on the place where he was burned, a large heap
of stones, which the priests for some days caused to be re-
moved; but still, as on one day they were thrown down, the
people always re-collected them on the next, until at last the
papists got the whole carried away to erect buildings through-
out the town. . . ae - . . . . .
xx. July 20th was the day appointed for the trial of Paul
Methven, a preacher of the gospel; on which day, when a
great number of the nobility assembled to assist upon the oc-
casion, a tumult being dreaded, his trial was deferred, but a
number who were absent were condemned; and that the se-
verity of the punishment might not terrify them, they were
ordered to attend on the 1st of September, and promised par-
don on recanting their errors. On the same 1st of September
happened the holyday of St. Giles, whom the inhabitants of
Edinburgh venerate as their tutelary saint, and which they
were accustomed to celebrate by copious libations and luxuri-
ous entertainments. The queen regent fearing, lest in such a
disorderly crowd, some tumult might arise, expressed her
wish to be present at the ceremony. The papists, who were
extremely glad at her arrival, entreated her to walk in the
procession, in which St. Giles had usually been carried with
much pomp through the city. The saint, however, did not
appear, having secretly been stolen from his church. But that
the procession might not want a saint, nor the good town a
procession, on so celebrated a day, there was another, a little
St. Gilie, substituted in place of the fugitive. When the
queen regent had accompanied him through the greatest part
of the town, and there being no appearance of any riot, she
withdrew fatigued to dinner. Immediately on her departure,
the youth belonging to the city, pulled the young St. Giles
from the shoulders of those who carried him, rolled him in
398 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
the dirt, and destroyed the whole glory of the pageant. The
priests and friars, flying with great trepidation in every direc.
tion, produced the appearance of a serious disturbance; but
when it was understood that there was more fear than danger
in the commotion, and that the whole had been transacted
without murder or bloodshed, they came forth from their
lurking places, and assembled to consult about the grand ob-
ject. In this situation, although the hope of regaining their
ancient dignity was almost wholly prostrate, yet, as if an
assumed confidence could have healed their wretched cause,
they endeavoured by an appearance of their former strength,
to strike terror into their enemies, and appointed a convoca-
tion to be held at Edinburgh, November 8th. When the day
arrived, the clergy assembled in the church of the Domini-
cans, and cited Paul Methven by name, whom they had in
the former meeting ordered to attend. He not appearing,
they condemned him in his absence to banishment, and for-
bade any person to shelter or aid him, under most severe
penalties. This threatening did not, however, in the least de-
ter the inhabitants of Dundee from supplying him with the
necessaries of life, and receiving him into their different dwell-
ings; they likewise, through the medium of some court fa-
vourites, endeavoured to procure a remission of his sentence
of banishment from the queen regent, but as the priests op-
posed it, and, besides, offered a large sum of money, nothing
could be effected. - - -
xxi. In the midst of these proceedings, several noblemen,
especially from Fife and Angus, and some of the chief burgh-
ers of the towns, travelled through all the counties of Scot-
land, exhorting the people to love the sincere preaching of the
divine word, and not to allow themselves, their friends, and
their brethren professing the same religion, to be destroyed
by a small and weak faction, asserting, that if their enemies
were inclined to act ccording to law, the reformed had jus-
tice on their side, and by far the advantage; or, if they had
recourse to force, they were not inferior in strength. To
those who agreed with them in sentiment, they presented
bonds for their subscription. These first assumed the name
of “THE CoNGREGATION,” which those who followed after-
| HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 399
ward, rendered more celebrated, The professors of the re-
formed religion, when they now perceived that their cause
must soon come to the last resort, determined in common, to
present certain demands to the queen regent, which unless
obtained, they would neither preserve the appearance of a
church, nor could the people be prevented from insurrection.
For carrying their request to the queen regent, they chose Sir
James Sandilands, of Calder, an accomplished knight, vener-
able for his age, and for his purity of conduct through life,
who, after explaining at length, in the name of all who desired
the restoration of the church of Christ, the necessity of the
errand upon which he was sent, summed up the whole in these
demands:—That in the public prayers, and in the administra-
tion of the sacraments, the ministers should use the language
of the people, which could be understood by all. That the
election of ministers should, according to the ancient custom
of the church, be with the people. That inquiry should be
diligently made into the lives and doctrine of those who were
already elected, and if, by the negligence of former times, any
unlearned, or flagitious characters had obtruded themselves
into ecclesiastical dignities, that such should be removed from
the ministry, and fit persons appointed in their room. .
xxII. The priests indignantly raged at these propositions,
and at whoever should dare openly to own himself, the author
of so impudent a paper, but cooling a little, they afterward
answered they would, without hesitation, commit the whole to
a public disputation; and whenee could any danger arise,
when they themselves would be the judges in their own cause!
On the other hand, the reformers contended, that the dispute
ought to be decided, not according to the opinion of men, but
the clear dictates of the Holy Scriptures. The priests pro-
posed other terms of agreement, but so ridiculous, that they
are unworthy of any reply, viz. If the reformers would retain
mass in its pristine honour; if they would acknowledge pur-
gatory after this life; if they would allow supplications to the
saints, and prayers for the dead, they would in return, perm?t
the vulgar tongue to be used in prayer to God, in baptism,
and in the Lord’s supper. The reformers persisted, as be-
fore, in requesting the queen regent to regulate her answer in
'400 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
\
so just a cause, agreeably to equity and reason. The regent,
however, secretly favoured the cause of the priests, and pri-
vately promised that she would assist them as far as lay in her
power. She ordered the opposite party to use the vulgar
tongue in prayer to God, in the sacraments, and in the other
parts of worship, but without tumult, and so that their preach-
ers should not preach openly to the people in Edinburgh
and Leith. t
xxIII. Yet, although they carefully observed these condi-
tions, many indications betrayed that they did not possess.
the favour of the queen regent. The papistical synod at
Edinburgh, returned nearly the same answer to similar de-
mands, presented to them by the nobility, with this addition
to that part which regarded the election of ministers:—That
in questions of such a nature, the canon law, or the decrees of
the council of Trent, must be the rule, but they determined
upon nothing in this assembly respecting their own business,
except, that they ordered the bishops, to send secret spies
through every parish of their diocese, who should give them
information of all those who disobeyed the papistical laws, and
although they now saw their threatenings openly disregarded,
yet, trusting to the public authority which was on their side,
and relying on the arms of the French, they lorded it as im-
periously over their inferiors, as before. On purpose to sooth
their minds in some measure, and deprecate the severity of
their sentence against the preachers of the gospel, John
Erskine, laird of Dun, a learned, pious, and amiable gentle-
man, was sent to them, who entreated them, for the sake of
that piety, which we ought all to cultivate toward God, and
that love, which we ought to exercise toward man, that at least
they would not refuse to allow the people, when assembled for
prayer, to worship God in their native tongue, according to
the divine law. They were, however, so far from granting
his request, that they replied in more keen and haughty lan-
guage, than they had ever used before, adding even severer
threatenings, and greater abuse than usual, and lest it should
be thought that they had done nothing in this assembly, they
ordered some despicable popish legends to be printed, and
affixed to all the church doors, which, as they were sold to
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 401
the public for twopence, were vulgarly called the twopenny,
and sometimes, the three farthing faith.
xxiv. During these transactions, a parliament was held, at
which the ambassadors who had gone to France last year,
attended, and easily procured an approval of their proceed-
ings. After which, the French ambassador being introduced,
he, in a long oration, expatiated on the ancient, and contin-
ued kindness of the French kings to the Scottish people, and
vehemently contended, that the crown, which he, by a new
and monstrous name, called matrimonial, should adorn the
husband of their queen, although, said he, he can neither
gain power, nor emolument, nor any thing by the name, ex-
cept the use of an empty title. Many flattering expressions
were added, unnecessary to repeat here, but their excessive
anxiety about a trifle, excited strong suspicion that some
secret fraud lurked underneath. The ambassador, however,
partly by extravagant promises, partly by importunate en-
treaty, and also by the interest of those who already courted
the future monarch, succeeded in obtaining that the crown
should be decreed to the dauphin; and Gillespic Campbell,”
earl of Argyle, and James, the queen's brother, were chosen
to carry it over to him. These noblemen, when they perceiv-
ed that they were sent upon this errand to their ruin–for
they saw the impending storm, which the ambition of France
threatened—determined to prepare but slowly for their jour-
mey, and to delay it till they could calculate, with some de-
gree of certainty, on the future, especially as a greater, and
more splendid title now presented itself; for Mary, the queen
of England, being dead, the queen of the Scots, immediately
declared herself her heir, and caused the insignia and arms of
England, to be engraven on all her furniture and plate, and
although France was at that time wretchedly harassed, in
asserting her dominion over Milan, Naples, and Flanders, yet
she added to her perplexities, this ridiculous assumption of
the title of England. Nor were the more intelligent French
politicians insensible to its absurdity, but they were forced to
* Gillespic, or Killespick, the proper name was Archibald. He is in some
of the preceding pages, by mistake printed Gillespie.
WOL. II. 3 E
402 HISTORY of Scotland.
comply with the follies of the Guises, who then exercised the
supreme power, and wished to appear, chiefly by this kind of
vanity, as adding to the splendour of the French name. The
regent too, having procured the decree, respecting the crown
matrimonial, seemed to have obtained, likewise a new disposi-
tion. By degrees she exchanged her former affability, for
imperious arrogance, and instead of the mild answers with
which she used to excuse herself to both factions, that she
could not do as she wished, that the state of the times would
not allow her to promise so largely as she desired, not having
yet received that act; now, when she thought every thing
settled, adopted another tone, and assumed a very different
demeanour. t
xxv. A parliament was summoned to be held at Stirling,
May 10th, and as the queen had been often heard to say, that
now, being free from other cares, she would not suffer the
majesty of the government to be degraded, but would restore
it by some noble example, many warned by these indications
of the future tempest, attempted to avert it. Among others,
in order that the dignity of the petitioners might render their
application more successful, Alexander Cunningham, earl of
Glencairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell,” sheriff of Ayr, an illus-
trious knight, were sent by the congregation to wait upon
her in public, to whom she was unable to contain her indigna-
tion, but broke forth into this impious exclamation:—In spite
of you and your ministers both, although they preached as
sincerely as Paul, yet they shall be banished. When they in
an humble manner, requested her to remember what she had
so often promised, she replied, that promises exacted from
princes, were only to be kept by them as far as they found it
convenient for themselves. On which they rejoined:—They
then renounced all subjection and obedience to her, and ad-
vised her to consider what inconvenience must arise from
this proceeding. Struck with so unexpected an answer, she
said, she would think of it. - f
xxvi. When this burst of passion had somewhat subsided,
a new spark kindled it much more violently—she received in-
# Of Loudon.
33
3
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 403
telligence that Perth had publicly embraced the reformed re-
ligion, on which she turned to Patrick Ruthven," the provost
of the town, who happened to be accidentally with her at the
time, and ordered him to suppress all these innovations in re-
ligion. To this he answered, that he held the command over
the bodies and estates of the inhabitants, these, as within his
power, he would carefully attend to, but he had no control
over their mind; in a rage she replied, no one need be aston-
ished, if in a short time he were made to repent his stubborn
audacity. She also commanded James Halyburton, the pro-
vost of Dundee, to apprehend Paul Methven, and send him
to her, but he being warned by the provost, that he should
yield a little to the times, retired from the town. Besides, she
wrote to all the neighbouring countries, to celebrate the fol-
lowing Easter in the Romish manner, which when no person
obeyed, she summoned all the ministers of the whole churches
of the kingdom, to appear at Stirling, to stand trial on the
10th day of May next. - *
xxvii. The news of this circumstance spreading abroad, the
professors of the reformed religion exhorted each other mu-
tually to attend, along with their ministers, to confess their
faith, and such was the multitude of those who were crowding
thither, that although they came unarmed, the regent began
to be terrified that her plan would not succeed, and sent for
John Erskine, f who happened by chance to be in the town,
to come to her, and required him to send the unnecessary
multitude home again, which she said would not be very
difficult for him to do, as he had so much influence with his
party, and she in the meantime, would not proceed against
any of that persuasion. Numbers, on being informed of the
promise of the queen regent, gave up the design of proceed-
ing, and returned back. She, however, on the day appoint-
ed for the trial, ordered the summonses to be called, and
* Patrick, lord Ruthven, father to the first earl of Gowrie.
+ Knox, Hist. p. 127, says, that the laird of Dun was sent by the congre-
gation, to prevent the regent's being alarmed at the approach of such a mul-
titude, which is the more probable statement, and coincides with their re-
spectful, and generally conciliatory behaviour towards her.
404 History of scotland.
all who did not answer were outlawed as contumacious.
The laird of Dun, when he saw what little reliance could be
placed upon her promises, and fearing that violence might
now be used even to himself, withdrew, and found the lords
Strathearn, Angus, and Mearns, still remaining together, and
somewhat dubious respecting the faith of the regent, who,
when they understood from him, what they had before suspect-
ed, that her hatred was implacable, and that it was not pos-
sible longer to disguise it, prepared themselves openly to
oppose force by force.
xxy111. In this critical state of affairs, Knox having found
a multitude collected at Perth, addressed them in an animated
discourse, and completely inflamed their already irritated
minds. After sermon, the greater part of the people dispersed,
and went to dinner; a few, and these of the lowest order,
boiling with rage and indignation, remained in the church.
In their presence, a priest, wishing to try their temper, prepar-
ed to say mass, and uncovered a rich altarpiece, or rather case
of idols, in which the history of many of the saints was mag-
nificently carved. A young man who was standing by, ex-
claimed that such a proceeding was intolerable, on which, the
priest struck him a blow on the ear; he, in return, lifted a
stone, intending to hit the priest, but struck the case, and
broke one of the statues. The rest of the multitude, then, in
a rage fell, part of them upon the priest and the picture case,
and part of them upon the other altars, and in an instant,
destroyed every monument of superstitious worship. These
were the operations of the very lowest of the populace, while
the more respectable were gone to dine. With the same im-
petuous fury, several ran to the monastery of the friars, the
rest of the common people continually flocking to them, and
although the friars had prepared a guard, to provide against
any such accident, no force could resist the headstrong fury of
the multitude. The first attack was made upon the idols and
the holy apparel, and next, the poorer sort ran upon the plun-
der. There was found in the Franciscan convent, not only
plenty, but a superabundance of splendid household furniture,
sufficient to have supplied ten times their number. The
Dominicans, although not quite so opulent, were yet sufficient-
History of scotLAND. * 405
ly so to expose the falsehood of their mendicant professions to
derision, which occasioned a wit aptly to remark, that they
were not begging, but bagging brethren." All this property
was left as booty to the poor, while the rich, to avoid even the
suspicion of avarice, suffered some of the monks, particularly
the prior of the Carthusians, to depart, loaded with gold and
silver plate. Nor was the abstinence of the soldiers from
plundering, more remarkable than their celerity in demolish-
ing so many buildings; for the extensive monastery of the
Carthusians was so quickly laid in ruins, not only demolished,
but even the stones taken away so completely, that within two
days, scarcely a vestige of their foundations remained.
| xxix. An account of these proceedings being related, perhaps
with a few exaggerations, to the queen regent, inflamed her
haughty spirit to such a degree, that she swore solemnly she
would expiate the sacrilege in the blood of the citizens, and
the flames of the town. The inhabitants of Cupar in Fife, on
hearing of the transactions at Perth, with the greatest una-
nimity, either broke the images, or threw them away, and
thus purified their church; at which, the parish priest was so
much grieved, that the night following he killed himself. The
queen regent, amazed at the intelligence of these overturns,
sent for the earls of Hamilton, Argyle, and Athole, with their
friends and vassals, to come to her; but although she endeav-
oured, with the greatest celerity, to anticipate the attempts of
the enemy, yet the transport of the ordnance caused it to be
nearly the 18th of May before they could arrive in the vicinity
of the place. When the nobles, who were at Perth, learned
the preparations of the regent, they also quickly sent messen-
gers every where to their friends, and the professors of the
same religion, entreating them not to desert them in this last
extremity of life and fortune. Almost all the population of
the neighbouring counties, with the greatest zeal and despatch,
assembled around them, and some even hastened from Lo-
thian, that they might not appear lukewarm in a time of com-
mon danger; but Alexander, earl of Glencairn, exceeded the
whole in his exertions and speed. On hearing of the state of
*Non fratres mendicantes, sed manducantes eos appelaret; the pun is not
easily translatable. - - -
406 HISTORY or scotland.
affairs, he collected two thousand five hundred, horse and
foot, and marching night and day through rough and uncul-
tivated districts, avoiding the queen regent's camp, arrived at
Perth. ? *
xxx. James Stuart, natural son of the late king, and Gil-
lespic Campbell, earl of Argyle, were still in the queen re-
gent's army. These, although they were the principal leaders.
of the reformation, yet, because all prospect of amicable ad-
justment was not entirely destroyed, replained with the ene-
my, that, if it were possible to restore peace upon honourable
terms, they might be at hand to act for their friends; but
with the intention, if the papists proved entirely averse to an
accommodation, to join the lords at Perth, and run all hazards
along with them. The queen regent having ascertained by
her spies, that the congregation was above seven thousand
men strong, in high spirits, and ready for action, although
she had with her nearly an equal number of Scots in arms,
besides the French auxiliaries, yet, afraid of committing all
to the chance of a battle, she sent the two noblemen we have
mentioned, James Stuart and Gillespic Campbell, to the lead-
ing lords, who, on the other side, chose Alexander Cunning-
ham, and John Erskine of Dun, to treat respecting an agree-
ment. The queen regent becoming more inclined to peace,
when she knew that the forces of Glencairn had joined the
rest of the opposers of idolatry, the four commissioners con-
cluded an agreement:—That the Scottish soldiers being dis-
missed by both parties, the town should be left open to the
queen, where she might stay with her attendants a few days,
'to rest and refresh themselves after the fatigue of the journey.
In the meantime, none of the townsfolk should suffer either
loss or damage; that no Frenchman should enter the town,
nor come within three miles of it; all the other subjects of
difference to be referred to the next parliament.
xxxi. Thus the present commotion being settled without
blood, the professors of the reformed religion, as they did not
desire to have recourse to arms, but only to defend themselves,
departed joyfully, praising God who had given this bloodless
termination to the war. The earl of Argyle, and James Stu-
art, having left the queen regent at Perth, departed thence for
#
HISTORY OF Scotland. 407
St. Andrews, to relax themselves after their fatigue. The
queen regent, when the voluntary soldiers on both sides were
disbanded, entered the town with a few attendants, and was
honourably received by the citizens. In passing through the
streets, when opposite the house of Patrick Murray, a re-
spectable citizen, six of the French mercenaries levelled their
pieces, and shot into a wooden balcony, whence his family
were viewing the procession, by which Patrick's only son, a
youth of about thirteen years of age, was killed. The body
being brought to the queen regent, on learning to what family
he belonged, she said it was indeed an unhappy occurrence,
and the rather to be regretted, because the son, and not the
father, had been struck, but she was not accountable for ac-
cidents. From this speech, it was easy to perceive that the
stipulations of the treaty would only be preserved until the
queen regent acquired such strength as would enable her to
break them, and her conduct was in consonance with that
speech; for in less than three days, she began to throw every
thing into confusion, she fined some of the citizens, banished
others, and without any form of law, changed the magistrates;
then departing for Stirling, left the Scottish troops, who were
in the pay of France, as a garrison in the town; which she
did, in order that she might appear not to depart from her
agreement, by which she promised to leave the city free, and
no Frenchmen in it. When it was objected to her, that, in
the treaty, all were considered as Frenchmen who owed obe-
dience to the king of France, she recurred to the common
papal subterfuge, that promises made to heretics are not bind-
ing. But she might with equal honesty have urged the ex-
cuse, that she thought it no crime to take away the property
or the lives of these wretches 1 or, that the performance of
their promises ought not too rigidly to be exacted from princes.
xxxii. While this conduct sufficiently indicated that the
peace would be of no long duration, what immediately follow-
ed, more strongly confirmed the opinion formed of the queen
regent’s deceit. She sent menacing letters and mandates to
James Stuart and Gillespic Campbell, threatening them with
the extreme rigour of the law, unless they returned to her.
As for the army of the opposite faction, she despised it, for
408 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
she knew it was composed of volunteers, who served without
pay, and when disbanded, could neither be easily nor quickly
re-assembled. -Mass having been restored, and other matters
arranged as well as she could, after fortifying the town with a
garrison, she departed, as I have mentioned, for Stirling.
She was for many reasons desirous to retain possession of,
Perth. That town was situate almost in the heart of the king-
dom, and was the only one surrounded with walls, had war-
like citizens, and almost all the nobility in the vicinity were
alienated from popery, to curb whom, she wished to keep this
citadel. It possessed, besides, many advantages, particularly
as a rendezvous for land and sea forces; for by means of the
river Tay, the tide washes its walls, and affords an easy inter-
course with foreign nations, and it is almost the only town in
the kingdom which has a communication by land with every
extremity of the country. To other towns, the roads are in-
terrupted by great arms of the sea, intersecting them in vari-
ous quarters, which renders the journey more tedious, because
nowhere are there a sufficient number of small craft to ferry
over a great company at one time; and even by contrary
winds, or violent storms, travellers are detained many days.
For these reasons Perth is esteemed the most convenient place
for holding parliaments, and collecting forces from all quarters
of the kingdom. But at that time the queen regent did not
receive so much advantage from the convenient situation of
the place, as she incurred odium from the violated faith of the
treaty. It was the last day of her prosperity, and the first of
her being publicly treated with contempt; for the circumstance
being divulged, gave rise to great commotions in all parts of
the kingdom.
xxxiII. The earl of Argyle, and lord James Stuart, now,
conceiving their obligations dissolved by the violation of the
treaty, of which they were the authors, assembled the nobility
of the neighbourhood at St. Andrews, and joined the reform-
ers. They also wrote to the adherents of that profession, in-
forming them, that the queen regent lay at Falkland with the
French forces, and threatened destruction to Cupar and St.
Andrews, and unless supported by immediate assistance, all
the churches in Fife would be placed in a state of the utmost
.#IISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 409
hazard, on which, a great multitude from the places adjacent
suddenly joined them, exceedingly incensed against the queen
regent and her forces, for they were, as they said, about to
go to war with a fickle and a fierce race, among whom justice,
a sense of right and wrong, the obligation of a promise, or
the sanctity of an oath, were deemed of such little moment,
that, at every whisper of hope, and any uncertain breath of
prosperity, all their declarations were recalled, and all their
treaties broken. In future, therefore, no terms of accommo-
dation could be listened to, and no prospect of peace remain-
ed, unless one of the parties were exterminated, or, at least,
the strangers expelled the kingdom; thenceforward they must
prepare to conquer or die. By these and such like speeches,
the minds of the people were so much inflamed, that they at-
tacked first Crail, a town situate at the extremity of Fife,
overturned the altars, broke the images, and destroyed all the .
apparatus of superstition; and what was almost incredible,
the abhorrence of the common people overcame their avarice.*
Thence they proceeded to St. Andrews, where they spoiled
several churches, and levelled the monasteries of the Francis-
can and Dominican friars with the ground. These things
were done before the very eyes of the archbishop, although
he had a strong body of horse with him, such as a little before
he thought sufficient to have protected the town, but when he
saw the zeal of the people, and the crowd of volunteers, he
withdrew with his troops from the fury of the multitude, and
went to his clans and relatives at Falkland.
xxxiv. The queen regent, on hearing of these proceedings,
was so much enraged, that, without farther deliberation, she
issued orders to march next day, and immediately sent for-
ward officers to prepare quarters for the French in Cupar;
she also dispersed proclamations everywhere, commanding
* The best answer to all the invective which has been thrown out against
the promoters of the reformation in Scotland, as uncultivated barbarians, for
their conduct on this and similar occasions, is the strong indisputable fact,
that in the height of their power, during the whole struggle for liberty, few
were banished on account of religion, fewer still imprisoned, and none put to
death; and this is the testimony not of their friends, but of their enemies.-
Wide Leslie, De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, lib, x. &
voL. II. . . 3 F
*
*
410 History or scotland.
all who were capable of bearing arms to follow her thither,
and, at the same time, directed the Frenchmen and the
Hamiltonians who were with her, to hold themselves in readi-
ness, to take arms at the first sound of the trumpet. When
the reformers learned by their spies the plans of the queen re-
gent, those who were at hand instantly collected their rela-
tions and friends, and marched immediately to Cupar, to an-
ticipate her design, and almost at the same moment, as if by
signal, the citizens of Dundee, and the neighbouring nobility,
joined them with a thousand men. Having halted there dur-
ing the night, they next morning marched out of the town,
and stood drawn up in order of battle in the neighbouring
fields, waiting for the army of the papists, and collecting their
own auxiliaries as they came gradually forward. There were
in the queen regent's army two thousand French, commanded
by M. D’Osel, and one thousand Scots, under James Hamil-
ton, now created duke of Chatellerault. These, having sent
their artillery before, followed at the second wateh, and about
daybreak came within sight of the enemy, and were perceived
by them. A small river flowed between the armies, * on the
bank of which their cannon were planted at convenient sta-
tions. Five hundred horsemen, who were sent forward to try
the spirit of the enemy in slight skirmishes, and, at the same
time, prevent their passing across the river if they should at-
tempt it, opposed, by their activity, a barrier to the advance
of the French, which was strengthened by the arrival of Pat-
rick Lermoth, + provost of St. Andrews, with five hundred
armed citizens, whose line—as the custom is upon a march—
being widely extended, gave them the appearance of a greater
number than in reality they were. These circumstances pre-
vented the others from perceiving—what they greatly wished to
learn—the order and number of their opponents, and the chief
men in the neighbourhood who were their leaders, that they
might report them, as they were commanded, to their own
officers. Wherefore, some Frenchmen, that they might obtain
as complete a view of the hostile line as possible, ascended a
pretty high hill; thence, when they saw numerous bodies of
* The water of Eden. + Laird of Dairsie.
33
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4 HR
horse and foot, with small spaces between them and behind
them, a great number of servants and baggage drivers, who
made a long appearance on the edge of a valley, thinking this
multitude were placed there in reserve, they reported the
whole with many exaggerations to their friends.
xxxv. The commanders, by the advice of the council, sent
to the queen regent, who had remained at Falkland, to inform
her of the state of the parties. The Scots opposed to them,
they reported, were much more numerous than they had ex-
pected, and more eager for engaging. On the other hand,
they who fought with them murmured, and some of them even
openly expressed their indignation at being led against their
friends, relatives, and countrymen, to gratify a few foreigners.
In consequence of these representations, the queen regent
agreed to three commissioners being sent by Hamilton, from
among those of the nobility who had relations or sons in the
army of the adverse party. This deputation, however, could
not effect a peace, because the congregation having been de-
ceived so often with vain promises, had no confidence in her
engagements, and the queen regent then could give no securer
pledge, nor would she have thought it consistent with her
dignity, if she had had any, to have given it; besides, there
was another difficulty, the congregation particularly insisted
that the foreign troops should leave the kingdom, and this she
could not order without acquainting the French king. The
delays interposed by truces did not produce any desire for
peace, but were employed, as they had often been before,
merely to afford time to send for foreign assistance. This
only was agreed upon, that the French soldiers should be
sent to Lothian, and a truce concluded for eight days, during
which the queen regent should send negotiators to St. An-
drews, to conclude a peace, upon conditions equitable to both.
xxxvi. The reformers saw clearly, that the queen regent,
because she could not settle the dispute on terms advantageous
to herself, only sought to prolong the discussions till she could
pass over the adjacent Frith with her troops; the earl of
Argyle, and James Stuart, therefore, despatched letters to
her, requiring her to withdraw the garrison, and leave Perth
free, to be governed by its own laws, agreeably to her pro-
º
412 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
mise upon receiving the town, as the violation of that agree-
ment produced discontent towards them who were the agents
in conducting it. When they received no answer from the
queen regent, they directed their march towards Perth, whence
petitions and complaints were daily brought to them; for the
neighbouring laird of Kinfauns,” whom the regent, when she
left the town, had made provost, that he might show his ob-
sequiousness by harassing the inhabitants, indulged his pri-
vate resentments, and revenged his old quarrels with the citi-
zens, most cruelly banishing some, and pillaging others, on
account of their religion, and permitting the soldiers to exer-
cise a similar license. When those who were at Cupar un-
derstood the injuries their friends and fellow professors en-
dured, an order was issued for marching thither without de-
lay. The city, after being besieged for a few days, surrender-
ed, and Kinfauns, the provost, being driven from the place,
Patrick Ruthven, the legal magistrate, was restored. They
afterwards burned Scoon, an old and uninhabited town, be-
cause one of their men had been treacherously killed there,
after he had received quarter.
xxxvii. Information being obtained that the queen regent
was about to send a French garrison to Stirling, to cut off the
communication of those who were beyond the river Forth
with the other parts of the country, the earl of Argyle, and
lord James Stuart, in order to prevent this design, set out in
the middle of the night, with the greatest silence, from Perth;
and having taken possession of Stirling, immediately destroy-
ed the monasteries of the friars, and cleansed the other
churches about the city from the detested worship of idols.
On the third day they set out for Edinburgh, and on their
march freed Linlithgow, situate midway, from all superstitious
bondage; and although their numbers were few, for, think-
ing the war finished, the common soldiers had withdrawn to
attend their domestic affairs, yet, besides having humbled the
haughtiness of the papists in so many towns, they struck the
Scottish and French mercenaries with such terror, that they
fled to Dunbar with all the baggage they could carry away.
* Chartres, a family long since gone to decay.
, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. '413
A
The lords of the congregation remained in Edinburgh several
days to organize their plans; and, besides purifying the
churches from all the trappings of popery, they appointed
preachers for declaring the sincere word of God.
xxxvii.I. In the meantime, accounts were received from
France, of the death of king Henry II. This intelligence, as
it increased the joy, so it diminished the industry of the Scots,
for the greater part, as if all their danger had died with him,
returned to their private occupations. The queen regent, on
the other hand, fearing lest she herself, together with the
whole French, should be expelled Scotland, watched every
opportunity with the utmost vigilance. In particular, she
sent spies to Edinburgh, to get information of the designs of
the enemy, and being informed by them of the departure of
the common soldiers, and that the few who remained were so
secure, that they attended to no military duty, she instantly
set out for the city, with what force she had. On her march
she was met by James Hamilton, [duke of Chatellerault, and
James, [earl of Morton, who respectfully, but in vain, at-
tempted to effect a reconciliation. They prevailed, however,
in preventing a battle on that day, and at length a truce was
entered into, on the 24th of July, 1559, to last till the 10th
of January succeeding, on conditions, of which the following
were the principal:—That no person should be constrained in
matters of religion; that no military garrison should be placed
in Edinburgh; that no impediment should be thrown in the
way of the priests collecting freely their tithes, stipends, or
any other revenue; that the reformed should not destroy any
church, monastery, or other place, built for the use of the
priests, or change them to any other use; likewise, that next
day, the mint, and the palace royal, with the whole of its
furniture, should be restored to the queen regent, in the same
manner as they had received it.
XXXIX. The regent was the more anxious that this truce
should not be violated, either by herself or her people, because
her former levity in observing her engagements, was univer-
sally reprobated, but she caused the satellites of her own fac-
tion to irritate the Scots, who are by nature rather irascible,
that they might afford her an opportunity for exercising her
414 HISTORY of scoTLAND.
cruelty upon the wretched common people, but when she
could obtain no pretext, by which, under colour of law, she
might disguise her persecution, she disseminated false reports,
that beneath the mask of religion, rebellion was concealed,
but that the true cause of taking arms, was to destroy the
legitimate line, in order that James, the late king's bastard,
might transfer the crown to himself. By these, and similar
falsehoods, when she perceived that public opinion began to
waver, she caused repeated letters to be sent to James, which
she wished to appear as coming from the French king and
queen, Francis and Mary. These contained unfounded re-
proaches for fictitious favours, and severe threatenings, unless
he desisted from his rebellious designs, and returned to his
duty. To which James replied, that he was unconscious of
having done any thing against either his sovereigns, or the
laws; but with regard to the nobility's having supported those
who wished to restore a corrupted religion to its original
purity, or rather having themselves undertaken the same cause,
if any blame attached to his acting along with them, he could
easily endure it, for they sought nothing but the extension of
the glory of God—a design of which it was not lawful to
repent—a design which had Christ for its author, supporter,
and defender, whom unless they willingly denied, they dared
not desist from their undertaking; but excepting this cause
alone, their majesties would find him, and those to whom the
insidious name of rebels had been applied, in everything else,
the most obedient of subjects. This answer being given to
the queen regent, to transmit to France, it appeared to her
contumacious and haughty; to others, however, it appeared
not only modest, but even too moderate, especially in reply to
the taunts for favours of which he had received none, exeept
in common with other strangers.
XL. During these proceedings, a thousand French soldiers
Janded at Leith, and the earl of Arran, son of James Hamil-
ton, [duke of Chatellerault, late governor, who came to attend
the meeting of the nobles, then held at Stirling. The regent,
upon the arrival of the French, as if all her hopes had been
realized, began openly to attempt the subjugation of the Scots.
The reason of the earl of Arran's return was—having defend-
1HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 415
ed the cause of the reformers more vehemently than was safe
in these times, the Guises, who, during the minority of Fran-
eis, tyrannized over France, to the great terror of the lower
erders, had destined him for death, and the cardinal of Lor-
raine, when inveighing against the cause of the reformation in
the parliament of Paris, had not hesitated to tell them, that
they would at an early period, be spectators of the punishment
of a man, equal in dignity to a prince. The earl, on learning
this, and remembering too, that the duke of Guise had of late
become cold in his behaviour towards him, by the advice of
his friends, consulted his safety by a secret flight, and sudden-
ly, tunexpectedly arrived in the midst of the domestic
commotions, and joined himself to the party of the reformed.
He also induced his father to join them, and reconciled many
to him, who had been his enemies on account of ancient
offences. s .
XLI. The lords of the congregation who were present, when
they received certain information that the auxiliaries were
partly landed, and the rest would be sent as fast as they could
be levied; that Leith was to be strongly fortified, as a depot
for provisions and warlike stores, to afford a retreat to the
French in adverse circumstances, and a harbour to receive
their friends, if they proved prosperous, collected their whole
forces to besiege Leith, and attempt to shut them up, but in
vain, for almost all the cannon in Scotland, was either in the
regent's possession, or in the castle of Edinburgh, the gover-
nor of which had not yet declared for the reformers, neither.
had they sufficient strength to blockade a town, one side of
which was defended by the sea, and through the middle of
which a river flowed. The king of France, in the meantime,
being informed of the situation of Scotland, sent thither La
Brosse, knight of the order of the cockle,” with two thousand
foot soldiers, to assist the queen regent in supporting the pop-
ish superstition. Along with them was sent [Pellevel bishop
of Amiens, and three doctors of the Sorbonne, to manage
disputations if necessary. Their arrival so raised the droop-
* Of St. Michael, the archangel, the chief erder of knighthood in France.
416 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ing spirits of the regent, that she vowed she would inflict
speedy punishment on the enemies of saints and kings.
XLII. There were then twelve of the principal nobility pre-
sent in Edinburgh, to whom La Brosse and the bishop an-
nounced themselves as ambassadors, and desired them to
appoint a day on which they would state their demands. The
nobles in reply, stated, that they did not seek peace as they
pretended, but threatened war, for otherwise, why bring
armed bands to a disputation? As for themselves, they were
, not so inexperienced, as to risk themselves in a disputation,
where they might be forced to accept terms at the discretion
of their enemies, and if an armed conference was preferred,
they also would take care that it should noi appear as if they
were more compelled by force, than convinced by reason, but
they, if they really desired what they pretended, should, as a
preliminary'send back the foreign soldiers, and meet, as they
had often done before, unarmed, as men intending to adjust
their differences equitably, and not decide them by the sword.
After these observations as to the quality of the ambassadors,
they remarked upon the fortification of Leith, that they were
wonderfully astonished at the regent's so quickly, and without
any provocation, receding from her agreement, as that, expel-
ling the ancient inhabitants of Leith, she should place there a
colony of strangers, and build a citadel for them, to the de-
struction of all law and liberty. They earnestly entreated her
to desist from so pernicious a design, rashly undertaken in
opposition to the faith of her promises, the advantage of the
public, and the laws and liberties of the realm, and not to
force them to appeal to the fidelity of the whole people. In
about a month after, they again wrote to the regent, to the
same purport, adding this to their former petitions:—That
the new fortifications should be demolished, and that she
would order the foreign, and other hired troops, to depart
from the town, and leave it free for all, to carry on their com-
merce, and exercise their trade; if she refused this, they
would consider it as a sure indication that she wished to re-
duce the kingdom to slavery, for which evil they would en-
deavour, by every means within their power, to find a remedy.
XLIII. The regent, three days after, sent Robert Forman,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 417
principal herald, commonly styled Lyon King at Arms, to re-
ply, with the following instructions:—First, you are to show
that I cannot understand how any one can possess power in
this realm, except my son-in-law, and daughter, from whom I
derive all my authority. The former deeds of the nobles, and
their present request, or rather command, sufficiently declares
they they acknowledge no superior authority, neither does their
petition, or rather threat, however plausibly expressed, sur-
prise me. You will require the duke of Chatellerault to re-
member what he promised to me verbally, and to the king by,
letter, not only that he would himself continue loyal to the
king, but would prevent his son, the earl of Arran, from at all
interfering in the troubles of the country, and ask him how
his present conduct corresponds with these promises. To the
addresses you will reply, that I am ready to do, and hereby'
promise to do, whatever the public tranquillity requires, and is
not repugnant to religion, and my duty to the sovereigns; nor
did I ever so much as think of overturning either liberty or,
the laws, much less of conquering the kingdom by force; for.
why should I wish to conquer that, which without dispute,
belongs to my daughter by hereditary right? Respecting the
fortifications at Leith, you will ask whether I ever attempted
any thing of that kind, until they by many meetings, and at
last by a conspiracy, openly entered into, declared that they
had rejected all legitimate authority, and would manage the
commonwealth at their own pleasure, without consulting me,
who held the rank and authority of chief magistrate; until
they had strengthened their party by taking towns; by enter-
ing into a negotiation with the ancient enemy for ratifying a
league, and especially now had many of the English in their
own houses; and besides, what reasons can they offer why
they should be allowed to keep an army at Edinburgh, for at-
tacking the governors of the realm, and I not suffered to have
some forces at Leith, as a protection for my person, and the
support of my authority? Undoubtedly they wish to deprive
me of any settled place of residence, and force me to change
my situation daily, as I have hitherto done, to avoid their
fury. Besides, where is there any mention made in their
letters, of any obedience to lawful magistrates? Where do
WOL. II. 3 G
4, 18 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
they point out any way to restore concord? Where do they
show any desire to allay these commotions, and bring back
the commonwealth to its former situation? They may talk as
they choose, about the welfare of the public, it is evident that
there is nothing about which they think less; for if that be
the only obstacle to concord, I have often shown how it might
be removed. Nor are they ignorant that the French would
have long ago been ordered out of Scotland by their king, if
they themselves, by their own conduct, had not occasioned the
delay. Wherefore, if they would now offer any honourable
conditions, which would afford a hope that the majesty of the
government would be preserved, and that they would modest-
ly and obediently submit to their superiors, I will reject no
plan for restoring concord. Nor am I only thus inclined, but
their sovereigns also discover the same disposition, who had
sent an illustrious knight, of the order of St. Michael, and
one of the highest dignitaries of the church, with letters and
mandates for that purpose, whom they had treated with so
much contempt, that they not only returned them no answer,
but would not even grant them a conference; for which reas-
ons, you will require and command, both the duke, nobles,
and all others of whatever rank, to separate from the army,
on pain of being proclaimed traitors.
xLIv. To these communications, the nobles next day, 23d
October, returned the following reply:-We plainly perceive,
by the letters and mandates sent us by your herald, your per-
severing aversion to the true worship of God, the public
welfare of the nation, and our common liberty. In order,
therefore, to preserve them, we, in the name of our king and
queen, suspend, and prohibit you from exercising the govern-
ment in their name, as regent, or under whatever title you
may assume, as we are assured that your proceedings are in
entire opposition to their wishes for the welfare of this king-
dom; and inasmuch as you do not employ us, the lawful
counsellors of this kingdom, and native subjects of our sove-
reigns, as your parliament and council, so neither do we ac-
knowledge you as regent, or exercising the Supreme functions
of government, particularly, because your power of whatever
kind, intrusted to you by our sovereigns, is for the most
33
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 419
weighty and just causes, inhibited by us, and that in the name
of these sovereigns, whose natural advisers we are, especially.
in affairs respecting the safety of the commonwealth. But
although we have determined to hazard our lives in freeing
that town, in which you have collected foreign troops against
us, yet for the respect and regard we have for you as our
queen's mother, we earnestly entreat you to withdraw, ere.the
public service forces us to reduce that city by arms, which we
have so often before endeavoured to liberate by our petitions.
Besides, we request that you would take along with you, with-
in twenty-four hours, all those who lay claim to the name of
ambassadors, for deciding or managing the public affairs; also,
all the hired soldiers of every description who are in the town,
as we would willingly spare their lives, and preserve them
unhurt, on account of the friendship which has for so many
ages existed between the Scots and the French, and which the
marriage of our queen with their king, ought rather to increase
than diminish.
XLV. On his return, the herald related, that the day before
that on which the answer was written, in a full meeting of the
nobles and others, it had been voted, that all the declarations,
actions, and attempts of the regent, tended to pure tyranny,
and therefore, in consequence, the act depriving her of the
magistracy had been subscribed by the whole as most just.
They also prohibited her from exercising the trust, deputed
to her by her son-in-law and daughter, and forbade her exer-
cising any authority, until a parliament, summoned by them-
selves, could be conveniently assembled. On the 25th, the
nobles sent a herald to Leith, to order all the Scots to depart
from that town, within the space of twenty-four hours, and
separate themselves from the destroyers of public liberty.
After the publication of these threatenings, the horse on both
sides began skirmishing, and the war commenced, yet without
any great loss on either side. In the beginning of their enter-
prise, so great a panic suddenly struck the reformers, as
grievously distressed them for the present, and greatly dimin-
ished all hope of future success; for the regent, partly by
threats, and partly by promises, seduced from the party of the
nobles, a number of those who had subscribed the bond of
420 History of scotland.
the congregation, and filled their tamp with spies, who in-
formed her not only of their words and actions, but even of
their most secret councils, which they thought, and wished to
keep entirely secret, and a servant of Sir James Balfour, being
taken carrying letters to Leith, many became suspected, and
a general distrust spread over the whole. The mercenaries
also, mutinied for their arrears of pay, and outrageously
threatened all who endeavoured to recall them to their duty.
But this sedition, in men strangers to piety and honour, did
not occasion so much surprise, as the imbecility, and almost
despair of the duke of Chatellerault, who had been so terrified
by his relations, that his alarm proved very widely infectious.
XLVI. When they who continued firm wished to remedy the
evils with which they were assailed, the first inquiry that pre-
sented itself was, how to allay the discontents of the soldiers.
Among the nobles who remained, some declining through
, avarice, and others incapable through poverty, it was found
impossible to raise as much money as would satisfy the mer-
cenaries. Some individual then proposed to melt down their
silver plate, but when the master of the mint was ready, the
dies were discovered to have been carried off by some secret
fraud. There remained now only one hope, and that a slen-
der one, of assistance from the English, they therefore deter-
mined privately to try the attachment of their friends, and
sent John Cockburn, of Ormiston, to Sir Ralph Saddler, and
Sir James Crofts, two knights of approved virtue, to obtain a
small supply in their present exigence. This design, although
taken with the utmost secrecy, was discovered to the queen
regent, who ordered the earl of Bothwell to watch his return.
He, notwithstanding he had only a few days before solemnly
sworn, that he would do nothing to oppose the cause of the
nobles, and had even led them to expect that he would sub-
scribe the bond of agreement, yet waylaid the laird of Ormis-
ton, attacked him unawares, wounded him, and carried off
the money.
XLVII. When the report of this deed reached Edinburgh,
the earl of Arran, and lord James Stuart, set out with almost
the whole horsemen, not so much from a desire of revenge,
as to rescue Ormiston, if yet alive, and, at least, prevent the
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. , 423
money from being carried to the queen regent; but Bothwell
being informed of their approach by his spies, avoided them
by flight. The same day the provost of Dundee, with the
citizens and a few volunteers, marched towards Leith, and
placed their artillery on an adjoining hill. The French, who
knew that almost all the horse were absent, sent out several
regiments to attack the foot, who were only a few in number.
The citizens of Dundee resisted for some time, in expectation
of assistance; but almost instantly on the first assault, the
mercenaries—a few of whom had followed them—fled, and
they, after a little, leaving their cannon, followed, slowly at
first, until a clamour was raised in the rear, that the French
having gone by a shorter way, had taken possession of the
city gates behind them, in order to shut them out. At this
report such a perturbation arose, that every one endeavoured
to shift for himself; in the crowd the weak were trode down by
the strong, and as each consulted only his own, no one thought
of the public safety. The papists, in consequence, came out
from their skulking holes, and openly abused the fugitives,
while those who had previously professed great attachment for
the reformers, began some to withdraw themselves privately,
and others to consult about abjuring the whole cause.
XLVIII. On the 5th of November, when it was reported that
the French had marched on purpose to intercept the supply
of provisions coming to Edinburgh, and as the mercenaries,
on account of the dissensions among the reformed, could
scarcely be forced out of the city, the earl of Arran, and
James Stuart, went with a few of their friends at first against
the enemy, but on being joined by many honourable and zeal-
ous companions, they attacked them with more spirit than
prudence, and very nearly suffered the punishment of their
rashness, by having their retreat to Edinburgh cut off; for
the marshes upon the one side, and the wall on the other,
having left them only a narrow path, wholly exposed to the
French musquetry, they were here trodden down, partly by
themselves, and partly by their horse, and, in this confusion,
were threatened with certain destruction, had not their leaders
dismounted, and, by sharing the danger equally with all, re-
tained a number around them by shame. Among these was
*
422 History of scorland.
captain Alexander Halyburton, an active young man, stren-
uous in the cause of the reformation, who, being severely
wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy, and died of his
wounds in a short time after. y
XLIx. After this conflict, in which about twenty-five were
killed, many having withdrawn, and the rest desponding, the
earl of Arran, and lord James, offered to continue the siege,
if only a few would continue along with them; but almost the
whole refusing, they held a council about leaving the city,
and when it was determined upon by the nobles, they set out
upon their march next day at the second watch, and came to
Stirling, where John Knox preached a most animated dis-
course to them, and inspired the minds of many with an as-
sured confidence of soon emerging from these misfortunes.
In this meeting it was determined, that as the French were
daily increasing by new supplies, that they also should
strengthen their party by foreign aid; and William Maitland,
a young man of consummate ability and great learning, was
sent to inform the queen of England of the imminent danger
which threatened that country, if the French were suffered to
fortify towns and place garrisons in Scotland, as they sought
not the destruction of religion only, but likewise of their lib-
erty and laws; for if the Scots were overcome either by force
or fraud, and reduced to slavery by an unequal alliance, they
would have easier access to break the power of the English.
The English, after long discussing the matter among them-
selves, at length gave some hopes of assistance.
L. The noblemen of the reformed party separated them-
selves into two divisions. The one remained at Glasgow, to
take charge of the neighbouring countries, and protect the
brethren from injury. The other went to Fife. The French,
who omitted no opportunity of annoying their enemies, anx-
iously endeavoured, before the arrival of their English auxil-
iaries, to destroy the remains of the opposite faction; and first
they proceeded against that party who had gone to Fife. On
their march they spoiled Linlithgow and the estates of the
Hamiltons; thence they continued their route to Stirling, and
halting there only till they plundered the citizens, passed the
bridge, and following the windings of the river, they directed
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 423
their course through a country abounding in towns and villa-
ges, and spoiling wherever they went, came at last to Ring-
horn. The Scots, in order to stop their progress, garrisoned
the small town of Dysart with a few men. Here, for twenty
days, they were engaged.in skirmishing, and the French, when
they found they could not wreak their vengeance on the pro-
prietors, poured out their fury on their houses. They razed
the Grange, a seat of William Kircaldy, from the foundation.
He, knowing that the French made many incursions to plun-
der the rustics, placed himself in ambush a little before day-
break, and when he perceived captain L’Abbas, a Piedmon-
tese, pass with his company, he remained in his hiding place
till they had gone a mile distant from the French garrison,
then, sending forward his horse, he cut them off from their
friends. The enemy, in such a contest, had only one chance;
they passed into a country village which was near, and endeav-
oured to defend themselves behind the walls and hedges.
The Scots, enraged by the former cruelty of the French, re-
gardless of their own safety, provided they injured the enemy,
although they had no other weapon than horsemen's lances,
rushed within the place, and overturned all before them.
The captain refusing to surrender, was slain with fifty sol-
diers, the rest were sent prisoners to Dundee.
1. The nobles, who were stationed at Dysart, having met
at Cupar, from among them, and the others who were at
Glasgow, ambassadors were chosen to proceed to Berwick, to
conclude a treaty with the English, of which the following
were the principal conditions:—That if any foreigner should
land in Britain to make war, the two nations should mutually
send assistance to each other; that the queen of England
should pay the Scottish auxiliaries when fighting in England,
and the English auxiliaries when fighting in Scotland; that
all the plunder taken from the enemy should belong to the
English, the towns and cities excepted, which should imme-
diately be restored to their ancient masters; that the Scots
should give hostages, who should remain in England during
the continuance of the marriage of the French king with the
queen of the Scots, and one year after the dissolution thereof.
This league was entered into at Berwick, 27th February,
424, HISTORY of Scotland.
1560. On the conclusion of the treaty, the English strongly
advised the Scots not to fight the enemy before the arrival of
their auxiliaries, nor put their all to hazard upon one engage-
ment; for the English nobles greatly feared lest the too fer-
vid disposition of the Scots, should precipitate the whole into
irremediable confusion. •
LII. In the meantime, the French having wasted Dysart
and Weemyss, began to dispute among themselves, whether
they should advance at once against the enemy, or march
along the shore to St. Andrews, and thence to Cupar. The
latter opinion prevailed, because, on account of the great fall
of snow having obliterated the vestiges of the roads, the horses
could not, without great inconvenience, be led through the
inland districts. ‘Wherefore, when they had marched a little
along the sea-coast, and had reached the promontory of Kin-
craig–as the head or end of the rock is called—some of them
ascending to where there was an extensive prospect towards
the sea, cried out with the greatest joy, that they beheld eight
sail of large vessels. The whole French army immediately
concluded for certain, that these were the long expected fleet
bringing them assistance, and saluted them, as is customary,
with a great number of cannon, which being returned, they
congratulated each other, and determined to pass the day
there with the greatest rejoicings. Not long after, first one
boat, and then another, arrived from the opposite shore of
Lothian, from whom—as in passing they had spoken with
those on board the foreign vessels—they learned that it was
the English fleet, and that the land forces were at no great
distance from the Scottish borders. This intelligence pro-
duced a sudden change of spirit, and turned their premature
rejoicing into fear and consternation. -
LIII. Immediately striking their colours, they hastened back,
some to Kinghorn, and some to Dunfermline, the greater
part without waiting dinner, for they feared lest the garrison
they had left at Leith being cut off, they themselves surround-
ed on all sides, might be overpowered before they could col-
lect their whole forces together. In this march, they carried
off more plunder from the papists, who joined them in great
numbers, than from their enemies; for almost all the more
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 425
opulent of the latter had removed their property to distant
places, out of the risk of danger; or, if any of them had not
carried away their property, the French officers, elated with
their present success, and trusting to the assistance they daily
expected from France, believed that they would be the per-
petual lords of that country, and preserved from spoliation
the richer villas, abounding in all kinds of provisions, as their
own peculiar prey. But they exhausted the papists, either
by the frequent visits they paid them, under the honourable
pretext of friendship, or by the secret pilfering of the soldiery,
or, when in great want of provisions in their retreat, by open
plundering,” accompanied with scorn, the French bitterly re-
proaching them for their cowardice in not assisting them in
battle, and their avarice in not relieving them in want; which
conduct, how far it differs from perfidy, they themselves are
desired to judge. This contumelious pride, joined with ra-
pacity, cooled the affection of numbers towards the French
faction, and, not long after, many of the gentlemen of Fife,
partly constrained by dread of the enemy, and partly by the
injuries of their own associates, joined the congregation of the
reformers, and, at length, the distant counties unanimously
revolted from the foreigners, and evinced themselves no less
active in repressing French tyranny, than the rest of the Scots
had been in asserting their religion.
Liv. Spring now approached, and both parties hastened to
collect their auxiliaries. The earl of Martigas, an active
* This statement is confirmed by Knox, who adds the following anecdote
in his own characteristic style, and which paints the miseries of a country the
seat of war: “As the Frenche spullyed the cuntrey in thair returning, ane
captane or souldiour, we cannot tell, bot he had a reid clocke and a gilt
murriow, enterit upon a pure woman, that dwelt in the Quhytsyid, and be-
gan to spoille. The pure woman offerit unto him sick breid as sche had redy
prepaired, bot he, in na wayis tharewith content, wald have the meill and a
litill salt beif, quhilk the pure woman had to sustein hir awm lyif, and the
lyves of hir pure childrein; mouther could teirs nor pitifull words mitigate
the merciles man, bot he wald have quhatsoevir he micht cary. The pure
woman perceaving him so bent, and that he stoupit down in hir tub, for the
taiking furth of sick stuffe as was within it, first coupit up his heilles, so that
his heid went down: and thaireſter, quhidder be hirself, or if ony uther
cumpanie came to helpe hir, bot thare he endit his unhapie lyif.”
VOL. II. 3 H
*. c.”
426 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
young nobleman, arrived with a thousand foot, and a few
horse, from France. He immediately landed with the troops,
and the vessels during the night were taken by the Scots.
Nearly about the same time, the marquis D'Elboeuf, the re-
gent's brother, who with eight vessels was bringing money
and auxiliaries, partly induced by fear—the sea being covered
with English ships—and partly excusing himself on account
of the unfavourable weather, returned to the port whence he
had sailed. A fresh squadron having been sent to re-enforce
the English fleet, they scoured the whole Frith, kept the
island of Inchkeith besieged, and prevented all maritime in-
tercourse with Leith. In the meantime, the leaders of the re-
formed, who commanded in Fife, proceeded to Perth, and,
after a conference there with Huntly, which lasted, three days,
easily persuaded the whole northern coast of Scotland to join
them, and, shortly after, orders were sent to them to assemble
at the end of March. *
Lv. At that time, almost all the chiefs of the congregation
met at Linlithgow; thence they went to Haddington, on the
lst of April, and joined the English. The English army con-
sisted of upwards of six thousand foot, and two thousand
horse. Next night they encamped at Preston. The same
day, the regent, to be removed from the approaching danger,
and at a distance from the uncertain chances of war, retired
with a few domestics into the castle of Edinburgh, the gov-
ernor of which was [lord] John Erskine, a man of approved
integrity and circumspection. He had received it in charge,
as before mentioned, by an order of the estates, on condition,
that he should surrender it to no person without their com-
mand. The French, who perceived that the possession of
this fortress would be of great advantage to their interest, had
made many attempts to gain it by stratagem. The governor,
although not ignorant of their designs, and who had fortified
the castle against both force and fraud, and taken, besides,
every other proper precaution, was yet unwilling to exclude
the regent at such a time; but in receiving her, he carefully
provided that both she and the castle should remain in his
power. Nor did the nobles, the leaders of the reformed, al-
though they had offen tefore perceived how hostile the regent
35
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 427
sº
was to their cause, think the present opportunity should be
neglected, if perhaps either the nearer approach of war, or
the uncertain hope of distant assistance, might induce her to
hearken to more peaceful councils. Wherefore, the chiefs of
the party having assembled at Dalkeith, thus wrote to her:
Lv1. We have often before this, by letters and messengers,
earnestly entreated your highness, that the French soldiers,
who still, during another year, oppress the poor country peo-
ple with the most intolerable miseries, and spread the dread
of a wretched slavery over the whole population, might be
ordered by you to depart, and free us from this apprehension;
but as our just petitions had no influence with your highness,
we were forced to deplore our situation to the queen of Eng-
land, our nearest neighbour, and to entreat her assistance in
expelling, by force of arms, the foreigners who attempt to re-
duce us to subjection, if we cannot otherwise accomplish it;
but although affected by our calamities, she has undertaken
our cause; yet, that we may perform our duty to the mother
of our queen, and prevent as much as we can the effusion of
Christian blood, and only have recourse to arms when we can
obtain our right in no other way, we yet think it proper
again humbly to request that you would command the French
forces, with their officers and generals, immediately to depart
out of this country; in order to do which more conveniently,
the queen of England will not only grant a safe passage through
her kingdom, but will also assist with her fleet to transport
them. Which proposition if you reject, we call God and man
to witness, that we resort to arms through no hatred or mal-
ice, but unwillingly, and forced by pure necessity to attempt
this last remedy, lest we should plunge the commonwealth,
ourselves, our fortunes, and our posterity, into utter ruin.
Nevertheless, although we suffer the most severe deprivation,
and are threatened with greater, no danger shall constrain us
to depart from our allegiance to our queen, or to the king,
her husband, in any thing which does not involve the destruc-
tion of our ancient liberty, or the ruin of ourselves or our
posterity. But we beseech thee, most benign princess, again
and again, that considering the equity of our just demands,
and what evils may follow war, and how necessary quiet is to
428 "HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
your daughter's distressed kingdom, that you would lend a
favourable ear to our prayers; which if you do, you will leave
a pleasant remembrance of your moderation among all nations,
and consult the tranquillity of the greatest part of Christen-
dom. Farewell. Dalkeith, 4th April, 1560.
LVII. On the sixth of April, as the English approached by
the sea side, about thirteen hundred of the French came out
of Leith, and took possession of a gently rising hill, at the
end of the plain, where they thought the English intended to
encamp. The possession of this spot was keenly disputed for
upwards of five hours, and a number of men fell. At length
the Scottish horse rushing with great impetuosity upon the
thickest part of the French line, drove them back in great dis-
order upon the town, and had the English horse not been
later in arriving than was agreed upon, the whole of them
must have been cut off from their friends, and destroyed.
After this, several fruitless conferences took place, for the
English refused all truce, and were frequently engaged in
slight, but not bloodless skirmishes, not worth relating.
LVIII. On the 21st of April, John Montue, bishop of Wal-
ence in Savoy, arrived first in the English camp, whence he
proceeded to the castle of Edinburgh to the queen regent,
with whom, after he had held a conference for two days, he
returned to the Scottish nobles, but could conclude no terms
of amity with them, because the Scots persisted in demanding
that all the foreign troops should return home. After this,
the English, because the distance between their camp and the
town prevented their artillery from taking effect, removed
their camp beyond the Water of Leith, where their shot would
strike with more certain execution, and they could more fre-
.Quently engage in skirmishing with the enemy. On the last
day of the month, about two hours before sunset, a fire acci-
dentally broke out in that part of the town next the English
camp, and the wind being high, it burned with great fury till
next morning, occasioning very extensive devastation; and
the flames reaching part of the public granaries, a quantity of
the provisions was destroyed. In the midst of this confusion,
the English were not inactive; but pointing their largest can-
non towards that quarter, they prevented the common people
,”
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 429
from extinguishing the conflagration, and entering the ditches,
measured the height of the walls in various places, so that
unless the French, who dreaded treachery, had run at the
very first alarm to the walls in great numbers, that day, in all
probability, would have finished the war. On the 4th of
May, the English set fire to the water mills near the town;
the one they burned in the morning before-light, and next
day they burned the other, notwithstanding the attempts of
the French to extinguish the flames. On the 7th the besiegers
made a general attempt to scale the walls, but the ladders
proving too short, they were repulsed with a number wound-
ed, and lost one hundred and sixty slain. The next three
days the French spent with great labour and danger in repair-
ing the walls, the English always pointing their artillery
wherever they saw any number assembled.
Lix. The Papists, immoderately elated by this success, al-
ready flattered themselves with the departure of the English,
the raising of the siege, and the end of the war. The allies,
however, not disheartened by their defeat, exhorted each other
to perseverance, and the English promised to remain until
they learned from court what was the intention of their queen ;
but, in the meantime, letters from the duke of Norfolk greatly
encouraged them, for he wrote to lord Gray, the commander-
in-chief, and ordered him to continue the siege, and that sol-
diers would not be wanting, as long as there remained in his
province—which was very extensive, comprehending all be-
tween the Tweed and the Trent—a man capable of bearing
arms, and, if necessary, promised that he would come in per-
son to the camp. Meanwhile, as a proof of his sincerity, he
sent his pavilion thither, which he ordered to be erected in
the camp, and within two days, sent a re-enforcement of two
thousand soldiers. Thus all remembrance of the loss which
had been sustained was obliterated, and the war recommenced,
as it were, with renovated vigour. The French, although
they made frequent sallies, were almost never afterwards suc-
cessful. -
Lx. In the meantime, the queen of England sent to Scot-
land William Cecil, a learned and prudent man, at that time
prime minister, and Nicolas Wotton, dean of York, to treat
430 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
for peace, who were ordered to confer with M. Randan, and
the bishop of Valence, on the part of the French, respecting
the conditions; for the sovereigns of France did not think it
consistent with their dignity, to treat with their subjects on a
footing of equality. It was reported, that all matters of dis-
pute were nearly adjusted at this conference, and that a par-
liament was to be held in the month of July.
LXI. The queen dowager, however, ere that time, worn out
by sickness and grief, died in the castle of Edinburgh, on the
10th of June. Her death affected the public very variously;
and some, even of those who had borne arms against her,
greatly lamented her, for she possessed an uncommon genius,
and a mind strongly inclined to justice, and had pacified the
fiercest clans and most distant islanders by her courage and
wisdom. Some were of opinion, that had she been allowed to
follow her own disposition, there would have been no war
with the Scots, for she accommodated herself so well to their
manners, that all would have been easily settled without force;
because, although she had the name of the chief ruler, and
possessed abilities not unworthy that elevated situation, she
seemed only to yield a precarious sway, and, in her decisions
upon affairs of importance, depended upon directions from
France, as from an oracle; for the Guises, whose power was
then unbounded in the French court, marked out Scotland as
the private property of their family, and were the occasion of
their sister supporting with more severity the cause of popery,
than was either suited to her own nature, or that of the times,
which she herself often confessed; for she affirmed, if she had
had her own will in the government, she would not have de-
spaired of composing all differences upon equitable terms.
Some others thought she rather sported these speeches for the
sake of popularity, than spoke them as her real sentiments;
neither did they believe that she uttered them with the inten-
tion only of averting the odium and blame of male-administra-
tion from herself, but that, under the pretence of asking ad-
vice, she might interpose delays until she could procure for-
eign assistance, blunt the fierce impetuosity of the Scots by
yielding to it, and gain time for allowing their anger to cool;
while, at the same time, she thought that their voluntary
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ' 431
association being repeatedly broken up, it would not be easy
to assemble them again in a camp, as they were men who
served without pay, and were not under any strict military
discipline; and they considered as a certain indication of the
queen regent's hypocrisy, her unfaithfulness to her promises,
for she would not wait the end of a truce, as prescribed by
the terms she had signed, but whenever any appearance of
advantage offered itself, she resumed the war at her pleas-
ure. There were others who imputed the blame, of what-
ever was avaricious or cruel, or had been attempted by fraud
and falsehood, to the counsellors she employed in managing
the government; for from the time she was first in power,
she had constantly had French counsellors associated with her.
In the commencement of her rule, all her measures were
directed by M. D’Osel, the French king's ambassador, of a
quick and fiery temper, but otherwise an honourable man,
well skilled in the arts of peace and war, and more inclined
to justice, than devoted to the Guises, to whom was joined a
M. Rubly, a Parisian lawyer, whose business it was to decide
legal disputes, should any occur. He, wishing to assimilate
every thing in the public administration, as much as possible,
to the manners and customs of France, as if that had been the
only method of governing a people, incurred the suspicion of
innovation, and although, perhaps, the accusation was common
to him with others, yet he bore the hatred alone. These two,
however, committed no irremediable error. Towards the end
of the war, three leaders in their different departments, super,
intended the military operations—the earl Martigas, of the
Luxemburgh family, who was afterwards duke D'Estamps;
La Brosse, whose father was a knight, and he himself an
experienced officer; and the bishop of Amiens, attended by
some doctors of the Sorbonne, as if words, not arms, were to
decide the contest. The counsels of all these three tended to
open tyranny. Martigas advised, that all the district in the
vicinity of Leith, should be destroyed by fire and sword, that
the desolation of the country, and the want of necessary sup-
plies, might force the Scots to discontinue the siege, a measure
by which many peaceable inhabitants, and poor people, chiefly
papists, would have been ruined, and no advantage have
4.32 - HISTORY, OF SCOTLAND, .
accrued to the besieged, for the intercourse by sea being open
to the English, abundance could have been procured from all
the maritime places of Scotland, for the supply of the besieg-
ers, while from the devastation of the farms, as much mischief
would have been done the papists, as the reformed. La
Brosse thought all the Scottish nobility should be cut off
without distinction, and a thousand French cuirassiers quar-
tered upon their estates, to keep their vassals in subjection.
This project being divulged by some intercepted letters, won-
derfully increased the hatred already entertained against the
French on other accounts. The bishop of Amiens proposed,
that all should be seized, and without any trial, put to death,
who were unfriendly to the Romish cause, or whom he did
not think cordially attached to the French, and he severely
blamed the French soldiers, for allowing those to appear
openly, and with impunity, who were enemies to their king,
particularly one whom he named William Maitland, a young
learned nobleman, whom the bishop, because he could not
refute by the arguments of the Sorbonne, was determined to
silence by the edge of the sword. Him he upbraided the
French soldiers for suffering to live, and advised them to put
him to death, which, when Maitland came to understand, he
seized the first opportunity of withdrawing himself from the
French, and joining the Scottish army. -
THE
History OF SCOTL AND.
Book XVII.
1. IN a few days after the death of the regent, a truce being
concluded for a short time, the nobles assembled to give au-
dience, to ambassadors who had arrived from France, and
England to negotiate a peace. They, however, could effect
nothing, because the French, who, in the preceding winter,
had acquired a great deal of plunder from the places in the
vicinity, refused to depart, unless they were allowed to carry
their baggage along with them untouched. When they could
not obtain this, they recommenced their sallies more fiercely
than before, but not with equal success. At last, when all
parties were tired of the war, and could no longer dissemble
their desire for peace, the ambassadors on each side had
another conference. What chiefly inclined them to peace
was:—The French, all hope of assistance being cut off, be-
came daily more straitened for provisions, and as their pre-
sent supply could not hold out long, they were nearly reduced
to the last extremity. The English, tired of the long contin-
uance of the siege, were equally in want of provisions with
the French, and as desirous to finish the war; and the Scots,
who served without pay, being with difficulty kept together,
willingly listened to proposals for peace. Thus, with the
unanimous consent of the whole, on the 8th of July, A. D.
1560, peace was proclaimed on these conditions:—That the
French should embark within twenty days with all their bag-
gage, and, as at present they had not a sufficient number of
ships to carry away their whole multitude, that they should
Hire as many as were necessary from the English, leaving
WOL. II, 3 I
434 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
hostages till the return of the vessels; that Leith should be
restored to the Scots, and its walls destroyed; that the fortifi-
cations lately erected by the French at Dunbar should be
razed; that, on these conditions being fulfilled as agreed upon,
the English should immediately withdraw their forces; that
Mary, queen of the Scots, with the concurrence of her hus-
band Francis, should grant an act of indemnity for all the
Scottish nobles had done or attempted, from the 10th of
March, A. D. 1559, until the 1st of August, 1560; which act
to be ratified in the next Scottish parliament, summoned for
the month of August, and that Francis and Mary should give
their consent to its being then holden; that sixty Frenchmen
should keep possession of the island of Inchkeith and the
castle of Dunbar, that the queen might not appear to be
wholly dispossessed of her kingdom.
II. After the departure of the foreign soldiers, there was
the greatest tranquillity till the return of the queen. A meet-
ing of the estates was held at Edinburgh, which was chiefly
occupied in providing for the promotion of the reformed re-
ligion; and the acts passed for this purpose were sent to
France, to be subscribed by the queen; rather, however, to
discover her inclination, than from any expectation of obtain-
ing her consent. Ambassadors were also sent to England, to
thank Elizabeth for the assistance so opportunely afforded.
Not long after, Sir James Sandilands, a knight of Rhodes, and
hitherto free from the discords of the factions, went to the
French court, to excuse the preceding transactions to the
sovereigns, sooth any irritation remaining on account of the
war, and endeavour, by every method possible, to secure the
peace; but he arrived in very turbulent times, for the Guises,
who were then all powerful in France, after they perceived
that flatteries and threats were of little avail, endeavoured by
violence and arms to subdue the adverse faction; and as they
could not discover any crime in those of the opposite religion,
they accused them of having betrayed the kingdom. Already
the king of Navarre had been condemned to perpetual im-
prisonment, and his brother, the prince of Conde, sentenced
to death. Annas, duke of Montmorency, and his sister's two
tons, Gaspar and Francis Coligny, and their relation, the
35
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 435
lord lieutenant of Chartres, were destined for destruction;
and, besides these, above ten thousand were marked down on
the roll of criminals, and every method of terrifying the prot-
estants resorted to. The city of Orleans was filled with foot
soldiers, in the country parties of horse were stationed every
where, and all the public roads obstructed by their patroles,
In the courts, sentence was passed by a few, on the lives, for,
tunes, and characters of the most honourable men. All the
steeples of the churches, and the towers around the walls, had
their windows built up, and their doors fortified, ready to be
used as prisons. The criminal judges were assembled from
all quarters of the kingdom, and the manner of inflicting the
punishment was thus arranged:—As soon as the river Loire
became navigable, by the breaking up of the ice, the king
should withdraw himself to Chinon, at the mouth of the river
Vienne, in Poictou ; the Guises, with a few of the royal CORIIl-
sellors, of whom they themselves were the chief, should order
the execution.
III. While these preparations were in progress, Sandilands
arrived at court, not so much humbly to entreat pardon for
the past transactions, as to exculpate his countrymen, by at-
tributing the causes of the late disturbances to the French.
The Guises haughtily received the knight, and reproved him
with great harshness, because he, a man devoted to a holy
military order, should have undertaken to carry the messages
of rebels, in favour of an execrable heresy, which, with the
universal approbation of all nations, had lately been condemn-
ed by the council of Trent. Nor could they sufficiently ad-
mire, not the folly, but the madness of the Scots, who, few
in number, and at variance among themselves, destitute of
warlike stores, and especially of money, should voluntarily
affront so powerful a king, at rest from all external hostilities.
Iv. In the midst of all the noise, and threatenings of their
fury, the king suddenly fell sick, and the ambassador was
dismissed without an answer. A messenger, however, over-
took him at Paris, with accounts of the king's death, whence
he hastened to return home, with higher expectations than
he had entertained at the commencement of his journey.
The intelligence of the king's death, enlivened the spirits of
436 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
the Scots, who had been depressed with anxiety respecting
their own perilous situation, as much as, it filled: all France
with factions, and spread the poison of domestic, seditions.
James, the queen's brother, now that Scotland was wholly
freed from French domination by the death of Francis, hast-
ened with the utmost speed to the queen, who, upon, the less
of her husband, had gone to Lorraine with her uncle, either
seeking to indulge her grief in secret, or, from a spirit of
female envy, that she might be at a distance from her motherr
in-law, who, through the indolence of Anthony Bourbon, king
of Navarre, had by degrees, assumed the administration of the
whole kingdom herself. There her brother James, who had
made a temporary arrangement of affairs in Scotland, found
her, and after many conversations respecting the subject, the
queen informed him that she intended to return to Scotland,
and fixed the day on which she desired her subjects to expect
her. Her uncles, likewise, were very urgent for this measure.
Before James' arrival, the future conduct of the queen had
been the subject of much discussion, many urged the danger
of the voyage, especially as the queen of England was not
friendly, then the barbarous and turbulent race among whom
she would arrive, who did not obey even the government of
men willingly—the recent examples which she had of her
father, and her mother, whom, when they dared not, or could
not openly overturn, they by various methods reduced to
despair—and represented the constant danger to which, by
going among such a people, she would expose her honour or
her life. On the other hand, it was contended by those ac,
quainted with Scottish affairs, that the blame of seditions more
frequently belonged to the kings than to the people, and
originated from this—they endeavoured to reduce a kingdom,
which from the earliest times had always been governed ac-
cording to laws, to an unlimited, and lawless despotism, and
that a nation more warlike than rich could not endure; but
all their kings who had not attempted to infringe the rights of
the people, were not only safe from private feuds, and popular
tumults, but happy in the affections of their subjects, had
reigned unconquered by their enemies, and renowned among
foreign nations; but at present, the most effectual, and indeed
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 437
the only way to compose the country, was to attempt no
change in the state of religion, as then established. i -
Av. These were the public debates, but among their confi-
dential friends, there were other more powerful causes. The
Queen's uncles, who, in the present disturbed, state of France,
cherished great rather than honourable hopes, thought that
princess would be more in their power when absent, than if
she remained in France, and that the hope of a marriage with
her being held out to the neighbouring kings, would procure
them many allies, whose assistance would be of service. In
the meantime, one of their own faction would preside over the
administration of affairs in Scotland. With these, the wishes
of the queen agreed, who had determined at all events, to
return to her own country; for her husband being dead, and
her mother-in-law, who managed the government, estranged,
she perceived she would be neglected at court, and although
she had not been long accustomed to reign, yet a high spirited
princess, in the bloom of youth, could not brook being reduced
to privacy, and she preferred dominion in a moderate kingdom,
rather than rank in one more powerful without it. Nor could
she expect that her situation would be much more honourable,
the power of the Guises being weakened by the first attack of
the adverse party. The exhortations and promises too, of her
brother James, who assured her she would find all tranquil at
home, had no small influence upon her decision, especially as
he was one on whose fidelity she could with the utmost confi-
dence rely, her brother by nature, and who from his youth
had managed the greatest affairs with the utmost fortitude
and success, and had procured for himself both glory and
power. . • - * f :
VI. While the queen was occupied in these matters, Noail,
a senator of Bourdeaux, who had been sent as ambassador to
Scotland, arrived there a little after the dissolution of the
parliament, but his recognition was referred to the next meet-
ing, appointed to be held on the 21st of May, which, however,
did not sit on that day—although a great number of the
nobles assembled—because the pleasure of the queen was yet
..unknown. In the meantime, James Stuart returned from
France, and brought a commission from the queen, for hold-
438 HISTORY OF SCGTLAND.
iiig the pârliamefit; and passing what acts might be for the
benefit of the public. Thea thés French ambassador was
adiñittéâté à audieńee. The objects of his embassy were:—
That the aficient league with France should be renewed, and
the new one with England dissolved; that the priests should
be replaced in their situations, and their reventies restored,
which had been sequestered. To these demands it was re-
plied:—That with regard to the ancient league with France
they were not conscious of having violated it; on the contrary,
it had been many times negleeted by the French, especially
very lately, by their fighting against the liberty, and endeavour-
ing to reduce to humiliating slavery, their unoffending ancient
ally. The treaty with England they could not dissolve, with-
out being considered as the most ungrateful wretches, who
repaid the greatest favour by the most grievous injustice, and
who conspired against the welfare of the preservers of their
own liberty. And with regard to the restoration of the priest-
hood, they neither acknowledged the order, nor the use of
those whom he called priests. In the same parliament an act
was passed, for demolishing all the monasteries, and proper
persons were sent immediately into all parts of the country,
to carry the enactment into execution.
v11. Every thing being prepared in France for the queen's
departure, those whom she most confidentially consulted, ad-
vised her to dissemble for the present, in whatever regarded
religion, although there were some whose rash counsels urged
instant extremity, in particular, Dury, abbot of Dunferm-
line, and John Sinclair, lately appointed bishop of Brechin, to
which she was both naturally, and by the persuasions of her
relations, so much inclined, that threatenings sometimes un-
wittingly escaped her, which being noticed at court, were cir-
culated among the people: she even boasted openly among
her familiar attendants, that she would imitate the example
of her cousin, Mary of England. Indeed, the whole of her
designs tended to encourage for the present, the partisans of
her own faction, and gradually depress the adherents of the
opposite, till her power was established, and then she might
safely declare her own sentiments; and this scheme did not
seem so very difficult, as the council of Trent having lately
dº.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ' 439
begun their deliberations, under the pretence, indeed, of re-
storing the degenerate manners of the church, but in fact,
for exterminating the professors of the gospel, which was
afterward declared by the decree of the more secret council.”
Besides, her uncles strongly animated the queen, by showing
her the strength of the papal faction, whose chief, Francis,
the eldest brother of the Guises, was appointed to be, by the
decree of the council. In the meanwhile, Charles, the car-
dinal, who, amid se many public cares, was not inattentive to
private advantage, advised the queen to leave with him her
royal furniture, and costly wardrobe, as she was about të
pass, as it were, into another world, until she ascertained the
issue of her voyage. Mary, who well knew the disposition of
the man, understood the hint, and replied, when she ventured
upon danger, she did not see why she should take greater care
of her wealth, than of her person. 3.
v1.11. When the previous arrangements were all settled,
B’Osel was despatched to England, to sound the disposition of
Elizabeth, and, having been honourably received by the Eng-
lish sovereign, was instantly sent back to the queen of the
Scots, to inform her, if she wished to pass through England,
she would experience every kindness she could expect from a
relation, or an ally, who would esteem her visit as the greatest
favour, and would consider her declining an interview, as an
affront. The queen of England besides, fitted out a large
fleet, under pretence of pursuing the pirates, which some
supposed was intended to intercept the queen of the Scots, if
she endeavoured to pass in opposition to her will. They took
one vessel, in which the earl of Eglington sailed, whom they
brought to London, but soon liberated. But whatever was
* The council of Trent was assembled by Paul III, in 1545, and continued
by twenty-five sessions till the year 1593, under Julius III. and Pius IV, in
order to correct, illustrate, and fix with perspicuity, the doctrine of the church,
to restore the vigour of its discipline, and to reform the lives of its ministers.
The decrees of this council, together with the creed of Pope Pius IV. contain
a summary of the doctrines of the Roman Catholics. These decrees were
subscribed by 255 clergymen, consisting of 4 legates, 2 other cardinals, 3 pa-
triarchs, 25 archbishops, 168 bishops, besides inferior clergy.” Of these 150
j from Italy; of course the council was entirely under the influence of
e pope.
440 HISTORY OF SCOTI,AND;
the design in preparing the fleet, if hostile, it was fortunately
prevented, for the French gallies, after they sailed, were for
some days enveloped in a fog, which concealed their motions
till they reached Scotland, on the 21st day of August. A
‘Iz. At the news of the queen's arrival, the nobility flocked
from every quarter of the kingdom, partly to see the show,
and-partly to congratulate her majesty on her return—some
to represent their services to her during her absence, and
claim her favour, or to prevent the calumnies of their enemies,
and not a few, that from the commencement of the new reign,
they might judge of their future prospects. Animated by
these various motives, all equally desired to see their queen,
who had come so unexpectedly among them, after such vicis-
situde of prosperous and adverse fortune. Born amid the
storms of war, and deprived of her father within six days after
her birth—she was educated, indeed, carefully, by her mother,
an accomplished princess, but left amid domestic seditions,
and foreign wars, a prey to the strongest, and before she
could be sensible of her misfortune, exposed to the most im-
minent hazards of chance; next, leaving her country as if
sent into banishment, and preserved with difficulty from the
arms of enemies, and the fury of the waves. There fortune
smiled upon her for a little, exalted by an illustrious marriage,
but it was only a transient glimpse of joy, for her mother and
husband cut off, she was now left to sorrow and widowhood,
her new kingdom gone, and her ancient inheritance uncertain.
But, beside the interest excited by the varied perils of her lot,
she was recommended by her exquisite loveliness of form, her
blooming vigour of youth, and her elegant genius, which a
courtly education had either increased, or at least rendered
more engaging, by a specious colouring of virtue. This indeed
was not real, but presenting a certain semblance of courtesy,
which produced a studied anxiety to please, that weakened
the effect of her native affability, and which deadening the seeds
of virtue by the witchery of pleasure, prevented the fruit
from ever carriving at perfection. These accomplishments,
though they were agreeable to the vulgar, did not deceive the
discerning, but she being of an age yet tender and pliable,
they thought experience would easily correct her failings.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 441
x. Amid the rejoicings on the queen's return, there occurs
red an incident, trifling in itself, but which deeply affected the
minds of both factions. The queen had agreed with the no-
bility, that she would change nothing in the then state of
religion, only she and her own family should be permitted
mass privately. While the preparations for celebrating the
ceremony were carrying through , the court to the chapel,
some one of the crowd which had collected, seized, and broke
the wax candles, and had not some of the more moderate
interferred, the whole of the apparatus would have been cast
down, and destroyed. This affray soon became the general
topic of conversation, some blaming the outrage as too auda-
cious, others pronouncing the conduct of the servants, an
attempt to try how much the patience of the people would
bear, and some even exclaiming, that the punishment de-
nounced in the sacred writings against idolators, ought to be.
inflicted on the priests, but this commotion was crushed in the
beginning, by James, the queen's brother, to the great, but
secret vexation of George Gordon, [earl of Huntly,l, who
seized every opportunity of creating disturbance. Thinking
on this occasion to display his loyalty, he went to the queen's.
uncles, who were still in the country, and promised them that
he would bring back to the ancient religion, the whole of
Scotland north of Dunkeld, but as they doubted his ability,
having heard many disadvantageous reports respecting him,
and being afraid he would only excite a fresh disturbance,
without producing any advantage, they communicated his
proposal to James, the queen's brother. -
xi. The remainder of the year was spent in sending the
French honourably away, who had courteously accompanied
the queen, and in balls and entertainments. One of her
uncles, the marquis D’Elboeuf, only remained. During this
period, William Maitland, the younger, was sent ambassador
to England, to compliment, as is the custom, the queen of
that country, in the name of his own sovereign, and to inform
her how highly his royal mistress regarded her majesty, and
how greatly she desired to preserve terms of peace and, con-
cord with her sister. He also carried with him despatches.
from the Scottish nobility, to Elizabeth, filled with expressions
WOL. II, 3 K
,2
442 HISTORY or scot1.AND.
of affection, and gratitude for her former good offices. But
they particularly requested her to show kindness and courtesy,
both in, public and private towards their queen, that the
friendship so frankly begun, might not only be preserved by
good offices, but if possible, be daily knit closer, and they on
their part, would omit no opportunity of evincing their zeal
and anxiety for the preservation of perpetual amity between
the neighbouring kingdoms. There was one certain way to
bury in oblivion all ancient animosity, and destroy the source
of discord for the future, if the queen of England would pro-
cure an act of parliament, and confirm it by her own author-
ity, declaring the queen of Scots the lawful heir to the Eng-
lish crown, next to herself and her children, if she should bear
any. After the ambassador had advanced many arguments to
show how equitable such an act would be, and of how much
advantage to all Britain, he added, that no one ought to show
greater diligence and anxiety than herself, in settling this
point, as she was her nearest relation, and such a declaration
the Scottish queen expected from her affection and kindness.
XII. To which the English queen replied:—I expected a
very different embassy from your queen, and I wonder that
she has forgotten what, after a long contention, she promised
before her departure from France—to ratify the treaty entered
into at Leith, which she positively promised to do, as soon as
she arrived in her own country. I have been long enough
satisfied with words, it is now time, if she have any sense of
her own dignity, that her actions correspond with her kind
professions.
xIII. In answer, Maitland said, that he had been sent by
his queen on this mission, a few days after her arrival, before
she had attended to any public business: that she had been
so much occupied in receiving her nobles, the most of whom
she had never seen before, and who came then for the first
time, to pay her obeisance; that she was, above all, engaged
in endeavouring to settle the state of religion, and how diffi-
cult and troublesome that was, she herself well knew ; from
all which, he added, your majesty will easily perceive that,
before my departure, the queen of Scots had not a spare
moment, nor had she yet called to her council men qualified
35
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. #43
to advise her in these important subjects, because those noble-
men, who dwelt in the northern extremities of the kingdom,
had not arrived at the court before my departure, without
whose opinion, she neither could nor ought to finish a busi-
ness of such public concern. Elizabeth then asked with some
warmth :—What necessity has your queen for consulting about
whether she shall ratify that which she has bound herself by
her signature and seal to ratify 2 I cannot answer that ques-
tion, said Maitland, having received no instructions on the
subject, nor did our queen expect that any would now be de-
manded of me; and your majesty may easily conceive what
justifiable reasons she has for a delay at present. *
xiv. After some other desultory conversation on the subject,
the queen returned to the most important point of the whole
business. I have particularly noticed, said she, what you
have declared verbally in the name of your queen, and urged
in seconding the request of the nobles, you have reminded me
that she being sprung from the blood of the kings of England,
I am naturally bound by that tie to love her as my nearest
relation, a fact which I neither wish nor can deny. I have
shown openly to the whole world, in all my actions, that I
never attempted any thing against her safety, or the tranquil-
lity of her kingdom; and they who are acquainted with my
most intimate thoughts and feelings, are sensible that, even
when your queen gave me the most justifiable cause of offence,
by usurping my arms, and laying claim to my kingdom, noth-
ing could ever induce me to believe but that these grounds of
animosity originated with others, and not with her. But, how-
ever these things may be, I hope she would not deprive me
of my sceptre while I live, nor prevent my children, if I should
happen to have any, from succeeding; and if, in the mean-
time, any casualty should happen to me, she will not find that
I have done any thing which can either hurt or weaken in the
least whatever right she may choose to assert to the English
throne. What that right is, I have never thought it necessary
strictly to inquire, nor am I inclined very rigidly to call it in
question, I leave it to those who are concerned to get this
subject decided by the judges; but if your queen's claim be
just, this she may assuredly expect from me, that I shall do
y
444 History of scotland.
nothing to injure it, and God is my witness, that I know no
one, next to myself, that I would prefer before her, or if the
succession were disputed, could possibly exclude her. You
know who are the competitors. With what wealth, or trust-
ing to what forces, could such wretches attempt so great an
enterprise 2 Then, after some short observations upon these
persons, this at last was the conclusion:—That respecting so
grave and weighty a subject, now for the first time seriously
agitated, it was necessary she should have longer time to con-
sider it. A few days after, having again sent for the ambassa-
dor, she said, she wondered exceedingly what the nobles in-
tended by making such a demand immediately upon the ar-
rival of their queen, especially when they knew the cause of
the former offence was not removed. But what did they de-
mand 2 That I, after being so seriously injured, should gratify
her without any satisfaction having been given me. How
little different is this demand from a threat? If they persist
in it, I desire them to know that I am not more destitute than
they of strength at home, and allies abroad, who will defend
my right. 1
xv. To this he replied:—He, from the beginning, had
shown clearly that the nobles had opened up this way to pub-
lic concord, partly induced by the duty they owed their queen,
to provide for preserving her security, and increasing her
dignity, and partly by anxiety to establish the public peace,
and strengthen the friendship between the two nations; and
they have treated more openly with your majesty than with
any other prince, not only because they have experienced
your remarkable kindness towards them, but even on consid-
eration of their own safety, for they knew their lives and for-
tunes must be put to hazard, if any one should oppose the
right of their queen, or if any warlike commotion should arise
in these kingdoms on that account. Wherefore, they ought
not to appear: as if they entertained any design injurious to
your majesty who desire, that all grounds of discord being
removed, a firm and solid peace may be established.
xvi. Had I ever, answered she, attempted any thing which
would have lessened the claim of your queen, then there might
have been just cause to require that what was wrong should
tº
ſ
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 445
be corrected; but this demand that, while alive, I should
place my grave-clothes constantly before my eyes, is unex-
ampled, nothing like it was ever asked of any prince before;
yet I take in good part the design of your nobles in asking it,
and the more so, because I perceive in this their desire to
honour their queen, and promote her dignity. Nor do I less
commend their prudence, which would provide for their own
security, and spare the effusion of Christian blood, which I
confess could not be avoided, should any faction arise to lay
claim to the kingdom. But what such faction can there be, or
to what strength could they trust? However, passing this,
suppose I were of my own accord inclined to grant what they
require, do they think I would do it sooner to satisfy the
wishes of the nobles, than to gratify the inclinations of their
queen? There are, beside, many other considerations which
disincline me to this transaction. First, I am aware how dan-
gerous it is to touch this string, and it has always appeared
proper to me to abstain from whatever could tend to bring the
right of succession into dispute; for there has already been so
much controversy and debate about legal marriage, about bas-
tards and legitimate children, each, according to his inclina-
tion, flattering, some one party, and some another, that, on
account of these disputations, I have myself hitherto delayed
entering into the matrimonial state. Once, when I publicly
accepted the crown, I married myself to this kingdom, as a
pledge of which, behold the ring I constantly wear; with re-
gard to any other marriage, however, that may be, I am de-
termined, as long as I live, I shall be queen of England.
When I am dead, let whoever has the best right succeed me;
and if that belong to your queen, I shall in the meantime do
nothing to obstruct it; but if any other have a superior claim,
it is unjust to demand that I should openly injure it. If there
be any law against your queen's succession, I am ignorant of
it, nor shall I willingly inquire too strictly into the matter;
but if any such exist, I, when I ascended the throne, swore
to my subjects, that I would not change their laws; now with
regard to your second assumption, that a declaration, with
regard to the succession, would bind our friendship more
closely, I am afraid it would rather sow the seeds of discord.
, ºt
4:46 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
Can you believe that I would willingly have my funeral robes
constantly before my eyes? Kings have frequently this pecu-
liarity, that they dislike even their children who are to suc-
ceed them by right. What distaste had Charles VII. of
France towards Louis XI. P. And he again to Charles VIII.”
Of late how did Francis hate Henry? It is therefore likely
I might become averse to my relation, if she were once de-
| clared my heir, in the same manner that Charles VII. became
disgusted with Louis XI. To this is added, and what pos-
sesses the greatest weight with me,
xv.11. I know the inconstancy of this people. I have known
how tired they are of a present government, and how keenly,
they would turn their eyes towards next successors. I know
it is natural for many, as they say, to adore the rising, rather
than the setting sun. But, to pass over other examples, I have
learned this from my own times:—When my sister Mary
reigned, how ardently did many desire to see me seated upon.
her throne, how solicitous in advancing my interest; nor am.
I ignorant what perils some men would have encountered to
have accomplished their design, if my will had kept pace with
their desires; but now perhaps the same persons have not the
same affection for me; like the boy who, when asleep, rejoices
over an apple that he has had offered him in a dream, but in
the morning when he awakes, and perceives his disappoint-
ment, his joy is turned into tears; so it was with those; when
I was plain Elizabeth, they attended me with the greater af.
fection, and if by chance I looked pleasantly upon any of
them, immediataly he thought with himself, as soon as I as-
cended the throne, I would reward him, rather according to
his desire, than the services he had done me; but now when
the event has not answered his expectation, there are many
who would desire a change, on the chance of bettering
their fortune, for no wealth of a prince, however great, is
capable of satisfying the insatiable avarice of men; but if the
affections of my subjects have grown weaker, and their inclin-
ations changed, because I am moderate in bestowing largesses,
or from any other trivial cause, what might I not expect of
these discontented subjects, were a certain successor to the
throne appointed, to whom, upon every disgust, they might
^,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 447
resort, and to whom, when irritated, they might carry their
every complaint? To what danger would I then expose my-
self, do you think, with so powerful and near a prince for my
successor, to whom, inasmuch as, I added to her strength, by
confirming her succession, in so far would I take away from
my own security? And this danger can neither be averted
by any degree of caution or restraint of law; nor is it easy for
princes, to whom the hopes of a crown are presented, to con-
fine themselves within the bounds of law or equity. I, indeed,
if my successor were once publicly declared, would never
after consider my situation secure.
xvi.II. The above is a summary of what passed at that con-
ſerence. A few days after, the ambassador asked the queen
what answer she would return to the letters of the nobles. I
have not, she replied, any answer at present to return, except
that I approve of their affection and devotion to their queen;
for their request is a matter-of such great moment, that I can-
not suddenly return any plain or explicit answer to it. But
when your queen shall have done her duty in ratifying the
treaty, to which she has already bound herself, it will then be
time to prove my affection towards her. In the meanwhile, I
cannot, without degrading my dignity, think of doing any
thing to gratify her. The ambassador denied that he had
any instructions upon the subject, or had ever held any con-
versation with his own queen about it, nor had he then ex-
pressed her opinion, but his own, concerning the right of suc-
cession, and had adduced his reasons for confirming it; and
with regard to the approbation of the treaty, it was forced
from the queen of Scots by her husband, without the consent
of those to whom it chiefly belonged to confirm or annul it,
and it was not an affair of such great consequence, as that she
and all her posterity should be excluded from her hereditary
right to the kingdom on account of it. I shall not inquire,
continued he, by whom, when, how, by what authority, or
for what reason that treaty was made, as I am not ordered
at present to discuss any of these questions, this, however, I.
dare assert, that, although in compliance with the will of her
husband, she had confirmed that treaty, yet, now that so
much is made to depend upon it, our queen, in proper time,
4.48 HISTORY OF SCOTLAN ID
will be able to assign satisfactory reasons why it may, and
ought to be dissolved. I do not speak this in the name of the
queen; I only mean to show, that our nobles do not labour,
without some reason, to remove the foundation of all contro-
versy, that a firm and perpetual peace may be established be-
tWeen us.
xix. At last, after a long debate respecting the treaty, the
queen was induced to consent that commissioners should be
chosen on both sides to review it, and correct it according to .
this form—that the queen of the Scots should abstain from
using the royal arms of England, and also from using the
titles of queen of England and Ireland, as long as the queen
of England, or any of her children remained. On the other
hand, the queen of England engaged, that neither she, nor
any children whom she might have, would do any thing to
prejudice the queen of Scots, or impair her title to the suc-
cession. *
xx. These were almost all the subjects which were discuss-
ed during this embassy; but while negotiations were going
forward to establish peace abroad, affairs at home began
gradually to assume a turbulent aspect. I mentioned before,
that mass was allowed only to the queen and her family; and,
when the decree respecting this was published, one only of
the whole nobility, the earl of Arran, was found to oppose it;
at which, although she dissembled, the queen was highly dis-
pleased. The next offence she took was against the inhabit-
ants of Edinburgh. They were accustomed to choose their
magistrates upon the 29th of September, when Archibald
Douglas, the provost, proclaimed, according to custom, that
no adulterer, fornicator, drunkard, mass-Sayer, or obstinate
papist, should remain in the town after the 1st of October,
denouncing heavy penalties against all such as should be found
contumacious. The queen, on receiving information of this,
committed the magistrates instantly, and without trial, pris-
oners to the castle, and ordered the citizens to choose new
magistrates; and, besides, issued a proclamation, that the city
should be open to all faithful subjects; which was received
with a mixture of contempt and indignation, because the most
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 449
abandoned characters were acknowledged as the most faithful
Servants. - *.
xxi. When the queen found the patience of the citizens, in
this instance, greater than she had expected, she began, by
degrees, to attempt greater encroachments. On the 1st of
November, she celebrated her mass, which had hitherto been
observed without show, with all the pomp of popish ceremony.
This, the preachers of the Reformed were highly offended at,
and inveighed strongly against it in their public assemblies.
Having warned the nobility of their duty, a disputation was
held in a private house, at which it was discussed, whether it
was proper to repress idolatry, already spreading to an alarm-
ing height, and whether the chief magistrate, when he pre-
scribes no bounds to himself, ought to be compelled by force
to observe the public law. The ministers of the reformed
church persisted in the opinion which had been approved of
in former times, that a supreme magistrate ought by force to
be compelled to submit to the laws. The nobles, either to
gain the favour of the queen, or in the hope of honour and
reward, were less firm, but being superior in rank and num-
ber, the decision was according to their wish. *
4 xxII. The court, in the meanwhile, immersed in their vices,
and indulging in every description of luxury, could scarcely
be roused from their slumbers by the robbers from the Eng-
lish borders, who ravaged the neighbouring districts, as if
they had received permission to plunder, and filled every place
with blood and slaughter. At last, James, the queen's brother,
was sent with a commission of lieutenancy to repress them,
not so much, as many believed, that he might reap honour,
as that he might be exposed to danger, for his power was dis-
agreeable to the queen, and his purity of manners, which re-
proved the impropriety of hers, and retarded her progress to
tyranny, still more ungrateful. But God prospered his exer-
tions beyond expectation; he hanged twenty-eight of the
fiercest of the robbers, and of the rest, some he reduced to
submission by taking hostages, and others solely by the terror
of his name. * *
xxiII. During his absence, the queen seemed to have ob-
tained some license; for she was not at all pleased with the
WOL. II, • 3 L
450 HIST6Ry of scot1..AND.
present state of things, either with regard to the controversies
about religion, or the government, which was administered
with greater strictness, than a young woman, educated in the
most corrupt of all courts, could endure—the restraint of a
lawful government was considered unworthy of kings, and the
slavery of others their own liberty—and frequently, in her
conversation, she expressed her discontent. Thus, by degrees,
the foundations of tyranny seemed to be laid; for while the
preceding kings intrusted their safety to the fidelity of their
nobility, she determined to establish a body-guard; but she
could not find a pretext for accomplishing it, nor could she
assign any other reason for her desire, except a vain show of
courtly magnificence, and the custom of foreign kings. Her
brother's sanctity of conduct occasioned her much uneasiness,
because it afforded her no opportunity for exciting suspicion,
or forging accusations against him, and made her licentious
life appear intolerable. The people, too, seemed so suspicious,
that they would consider a body-guard as no obscure indica-
tion of tyranny. But determined to accomplish, by any means,
what she had once designed, her restless spirit devised the
following stratagem:—She had a brother named John, an
ambitious man, but of a milder disposition than James, and
who could be easily induced to comply with every inclination
of the queen, and was therefore more beloved by her, and
more fitted to accomplish her desires; to him, therefore, dur-
ing the absence of James, she communicated her design of
procuring a guard. This was her plan:—The report of a
tumult in the night was to be spread, as if James Hamilton,
earl of Arran, had secretly attacked the queen, who had but
a slender guard, and endeavoured to carry her off to his castle,
which was about fourteen miles distant. This story, it seemed
to them, would appear likely, on account of the dislike which
the queen had towards, the earl, as well as the immoderate
affection he entertained for her, neither of which were un-
known to the public. This tumult being raised, as had been
agreed upon, the horsemen scoured the neighbouring fields
during a great part of the night, and next day, guards were
posted at the gates of the palace, some indignant, and some
smiling at the business. The authors of this plan, although
35
• * *
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 45]
they knew they were not believed, behaved as if regardless of
public opinion, as nobody present durst openly oppose them.
xxiv. From this commencement, the court plunged head-
long into luxury and lasciviousness, yet justice was still im-
partially administered, and crimes punished, for the chief rule
remained with James, the queen's brother, who, on account
of his fortitude and equity, was dear to all. He employed, as
his chief counsellor, William Maitland, a young man of the
greatest ability, who had already given illustrious proofs of
his brilliant talents, and raised the highest expectations of his
future excellence.—By their bravery and wisdom, the greatest
tranquillity was preserved both at home and abroad, and this
state of affairs, so agreeable to all good men, was the more
disagreeable to the factious, because it afforded no room for
complaint.
xxv. During these proceedings, a subject of discussion
arose in the palace, which, for three months, engaged the at-
tention of the whole court. The preceding kings and regents
had reduced the public patrimony, which was never ample in
Scotland, almost to nothing, and the profusion of the young
queen was extreme. The estates of the nobles, and of the
common people, had been greatly exhausted during the late
troubles, and nothing remained whence any supply for the
expenses of the court could be scraped, except the church
property. ... The church dignitaries were in consequence sent
for to court, and some of the principal nobility were added to
them, who might either persuade them to compliance by their
ingenuity, or force them by their authority. At last, after a
long disputation, the priests yielding, rather from a conscious-
ness of weakness, than convinced by strength of argument, it
was decided, that a third part should be taken from the eccle-
siastical revenues, out of which the queen should maintain the
reformed ministers, and reserve the remainder for her own
use. This arrangement was, however, pleasing to no party.
The rich priests were dissatisfied that any part of their ancient
revenues should be taken from them; the ministers of the
gospel distrusted the queen; while the queen herself, notwith-
standing the splendid expectations held out to her, received
but very little of the proceeds; for of the thirds, may were
e
© … O
© e 3 T ~ -
452 HISTORY OF Scotland.
forgiven to the ancient possessors, much was bestowed as pre-
miums to male and female servants, whose wages for many
years had been unpaid, and much of it went in pensions.
xxvi. That winter the queen, with universal approbation,
created her brother James, earl of Marr, for all were delighted
at her paying honour to virtue, nor were they displeased at
her favouring a relation, and not a few thought the public
advantage consulted, in conferring the honour upon a noble-
man who had deserved so well of his country, in order that it
might stamp greater authority upon his public functions.
Some, however, believed that the kindness of the queen was
intended to reconcile herself with James, who they knew was
offended with the conduct of the court during his absence. A
wife." too, was given him at the same time, Agnes Keith,
daughter of the earl Mareschal. At his nuptials, the magni-
ficence of the banquets, or rather their immoderate luxury,
greatly offended his friends, and afforded an occasion to the
envious slanders of the malevolent, which was the more eager-
ly seized, because in all his former conduct, he had been so
exemplary. Not long after, the earldom of Moray was given
him, instead of that of Marr, which was discovered to have
- belonged by ancient right, to John Erskine. -
xxvii. Gordon having thus had first Marr taken from him,
and then Moray, over which country he had long presided,
considered himself spoiled of his patrimony, and began to
bend his whole attention to overturn his rival, to which many
other motives incited him. By the gifts which his ancestors
had received from the crown, he was become by far the most
opulent of all the Scottish noblemen, and the power which he
had received from his ancestors, he daily increased by the
most sinister methods; first, he circumvented John Forbes by
false witnesses, as already related; then, upon the death of
James Stuart, brother to James V, without children, having
received the Stewardship of Moray, from those who were then
at the head of the government, he took possession as heir, by
which means his riches increased to such an extent, that all
rivalry ceased, and his neighbours in that country acquiesced
in his authority, and almost universally acknowledged him as
their sºperior. : :
• 2.5 °
e X G gº
• ‘e’ s * e o 'º'
ºr e e e G
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 453
f xxvii.I. But whilst others obeyed, from a fear of danger, or
a spirit of servility, the independence, which Huntly chose to
term the haughtiness, of one man, exceedingly tormented him.
This was Mackintosh, the chief of a great clan among the
ancient Scots. He was born indeed, and reared amid a fierce
race, accustomed to plunder, yet, either from some hidden
instinct of nature, or the enjoyment of proper instructors, he
vied in politeness, modesty, and every liberal accomplishment,
with those who had been educated with the greatest care by
their parents and masters, in the exercise of every virtue.
Gordon being suspicious of this young chieftain's power, and
unable to render his upright soul subservient to his iniquitous
designs, seized him unawares, and threw him into prison; but
when no capital accusation could be brought against him, his
friends persuaded him to submit himself and his cause to
Gordon, for this, they told him, was the only way of escaping
out of prison with a good grace, and securing the friendship
of so powerful a man. The simple, unsuspecting youth was
thus betrayed to his ruin. Yet Gordon, desirous of avoiding
the odium of putting him to death, prevailed upon his wife to
bear the blame, which the sternhearted woman readily under-
took, and during the absence of her husband, beheaded the
unfortunate, innocent, and betrayed suppliant.” After this .
execution, all his neighbours were either so stupified by ter-
ror, or conciliated by bribes, that all the country beyond the
Caledonians, obeyed him alone. On this account, Gordon,
who was exceedingly ambitious of splendour and power, could
not brook James, earl of Moray, opposed to him as a rival,
and, impatient of the present state of affairs, was eager to seize
every opportunity for disturbing them. With this intention,
he constantly, and openly calumniated all his actions, and
laid before the queen a book, written with his own hand, in
which he accused him violently, but on trifling grounds, of
aspiring to the crown.
XXIX. In an opposite quarter of the country, and almost at
the same time, James Hepburn, earl of Bothwell, overwhelmed
* This crime of Huntly’s was formerly mentioned, Book XVI. cap. iv. It
is here repeated, to account for his hostility to lord James Stuart, who, from
this forfeiture, received first the earldom of Marr, and then of Moray.
454 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
in debt and debauchery, was induced to lay snares for the
earl of Moray. Having spent his youth in licentious pleasures,
he was reduced to the necessity either of raising a civil com-
motion, or having recourse to some daring project, to extricate
himself from the danger of extreme want. Having weighed
all circumstances, the most convenient attempt for disturbing
public tranquillity which presented itself, appeared to him to
be to embroil the earl of Moray with the Hamiltons, it seemed
certain of success, and his expectations hung equally upon the
destruction of either. He went first to Moray, and endeav-
oured to persuade him to cut off the Hamiltons, as dangerous
to the queen, the kingdom, and to himself in particular, and
offered him his assistance to accomplish it. He, at the same
time, alleged that this would not be dissagreeable to the queen,
who, beside the common hatred of all kings for their neal
relatives, as if they were conspirators, she had particular, and
not unreasonable causes of dislike to them, either with regard
to the Evangelical religion, of which Arran was the chief
assertor, on account of which he had even incurred the hatred
of the Guises in France, or on account of the quarrel which
he had lately had in Scotland, with another of the queen's
uncles, the marquis D’Elboeuf. But when the upright Moray
turned with disgust from so infamous a proposal, Hepburn
then addressed himself to the Hamiltons, and offered his
services for the destruction of Moray, whose power they en-
vied. He represented him as the sole obstacle to their hopes
and interests, and that on his being removed, the queen would
be constrained, whether she would or not, to throw herself
into their arms. The plan seemed short and easy. The queen
was then at Falkland, a castle, with a village of the same name,
situate near a small wood, in which a broad horned species
of stags—commonly, but improperly, called fallow deer—were
kept. As the queen went thither, or to some place in the
neighbourhood, almost daily, attended only by a small retinue,
it would not be difficult to surprise her, while Moray, unarm-
ed, and off his guard, could, at the same time, be easily de-
spatched, and she would in consequence, fall into their power.
The Hamiltons were easily persuaded, and the time for per-
petrating the deed appointed.
f
History of scotland. 455
xxx. The earl of Arran alone detested the villany, and w
secretly sent information of the conspiracy to the earl of Moray,
who returned an answer by the same messenger, but Arran
being accidentally absent, the letters were delivered to his
father. On which, a consultation was held, and Arran com-
mitted to close confinement by his father, from which, having
escaped during the night, he proceeded to Falkland. As soon
as his flight was publicly known, horsemen were despatched
in all directions after him, to apprehend and bring him back,
but having gone into a wood, he eluded them in the night,
and in the morning arriving at Falkland, he discovered the
whole arrangement of the plot. Not long after, Bothwell and
Gavin Hamilton, who had undertaken the direction of its
execution, followed him into the castle of Falkland, where
they were detained by order of the queen, and a guard set
over them. When the whole design was thus made manifest,
and the leaders had arrived at the spot, and at the time men-
tioned by Arran, and the spies reported that horsemen had
appeared in many places, Arran, when interrogated respecting
the details of the conspiracy, became a little disturbed in his
mind—deeply. enamoured of the queen, and united in the
strictest friendship with Moray, he greatly desired to be of
service to them, yet, at the same time, he wished to free his
father—a harmless man, but too easily induced to engage in
hazardous enterprises—from any concern in the conspiracy,
and his mind, tortured during the solitude of the night, be-
tween filial affection and love, became so unhinged, that his
distraction appeared evident, both in his countenance and
conversation. There were other previous causes, which might
likewise affect the young man, having been educated liberally,
and living in a style agreeably to the splendour of his family,
till now, that his father, a man of penurious habits, by the advice
of some who encouraged his avarice, had reduced his numer-
ous retinue, to one servant only. Those who had undertaken
to perpetrate the deed, were committed to custody, Bothwell
to the castle of Edinburgh, and Gavin to Stirling, till the
matter should be inquired into. Arran was sent to St. An-
drews, whither the queen was proceeding, and ordered to be
taken care of in the archbishop's castle. While confined
456 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, .
there, during his lucid intervals, he wrote such rational and
collected letters, respecting himself and others, that he became
suspected of having feigned madness, to free his father from
the conspiracy of the murder. The rest he accused constantly
and keenly, and being often brought before the council, when,
from the design having been so secretly managed, that it was
impossible to confirm his testimony by other witnesses, he
offered to determine the affair with Bothwell by arms. About
that time, James Hamilton, father of the earl of Arran, wrote
to the queen, and afterward came himself to St. Andrews, and
earnestly entreated her that she would accept surety from him
for his son, Bothwell, and Gavin Hamilton, and commit them
to his care, but he could obtain no indulgence for them. At
the same time, the queen took from him Dunbarton, by far
the best fortified castle in Scotland, and which Hamilton had
held ever since he was regent.
xxxi. George Gordon, being, as I have said, inimical to
Moray, was rendered far more furious by Hamilton, his son's
father-in-law being implicated, and almost convicted of mani-
fest treason, and thought he had found an opportunity of
cutting off his enemy with impunity, as two illustrious families
were added to his cause. First, he caused a tumult to be
raised in the town, then but thinly inhabited, by some of his
friends, hoping Moray would come out from the court, to
quell it by his authority, when he could easily be murdered in
the crowd, while unsuspicious, and unarmed. This not suc-
ceeding according to his wish, he ordered some of his men
armed, to come into the palace to perpetrate the deed, by
murdering Moray as he returned from the queen, who was
accustomed to detain him till late at night, for that seemed
the best time for effecting their purpose, and escaping after it
was effected. Moray, when informed of this new plot, refused
to believe it, unless he had ocular demonstration, he therefore
went, attended by a few of his most faithful friends, that he
might not seem to have suspected any thing, and apprehend-
ed several of the Gordons, armed, hastening through the passage
of the court. On the circumstance being told the queen,
Gordon was sent for, who pretended that some of his servants
being about to return home, had armed themselves, but after-
*
HISTORY OF SCOTHAND, 457
ward had, for what reason I know not, been detained; and
this excuse being at that time rather accepted than credited,
he was dismissed. *
xxxii. That summer, ambassadors were sent from both
courts, to arrange a meeting between the queens of Scotland
and England at York, at which to settle their numerous con-
troversies, but when every thing was prepared for their jour-
ney, the interview was postponed to a future time. The
reason commonly assigned for putting off the conference was,
that the duke D'Amauli, one of the brothers of the Guises,
had broken open the letters of the English ambassador, who
was then resident at the French court, and likewise, chiefly
by his means, the vessel which carried another ambassador,
had been seized, on which account it was believed, a war with
France was not improbable. The queen, returning from St.
Andrews to Edinburgh, sent Arran thither, and confined him
in the castle. --
xxxiii. In the meantime, her brother James went to Ha-
wick, a great market town in these districts, where, arriving
unexpectedly, he surprised, and executed fifty of the principal
robbers, who had convened there, and struck such terror into
the surrounding districts, that that whole tract was rendered
quiet for a long time. But this service, which procured for
him the gratitude and affection of the good, inflamed the
malevolent more ardently for his destruction. To the three
powerful families eagerly bent upon his ruin, was now added
the influence of the Guises, who wished to restore the ancient
Romish superstition, and knowing it would be impossible to
accomplish it as long as Moray existed, exerted their ut-
most ingenuity to get him removed by any means; and many
circumstances concurred to encourage their hopes of easily
perpetrating their villany. In particular, the French who had
accompanied the queen, on their return home, expatiated on
the extensive power of Gordon, his unquiet spirit, the assist-
ance he had promised for re-establishing the mass, exceeding
the truth a little in their descriptions; and the subject being
much agitated in the French court among the papists, this
method of accomplishing it was at last adopted. They wrote .
to the queen, to encourage the dotage of Gordon by promises,
WOL. II. 3 M
458 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
to raise in his son "John hopes of obtaining her in marriage,
without coming under any engagement, that blinded by his
expectations, he might be impelled as they chose. At the
same time, they sent her a list of those whom they wished put
to death. Letters of the same tenor were sent likewise from
the pope and the cardinal; for the queen having found her
revenue inadequate to support the expensive luxury to which
she had been accustomed, she had required money from the
Roman pontiff, as if to support a war against those who had
revolted from the church of Rome. To this the pope replied
rather obscurely; but the cardinal openly assured her, money
would not be a wanting for the war, only those must first be
slain, a list.of whose names had been sent her. These letters
the queen showed to Moray, and the others who were destined
for the slaughter, either because she believed they would pro-
cure information through some other channel, or to convince
them of her sincerity, and of her wish to conceal nothing
from them. § *
xxxiv. Every other thing being prepared for making the
attempt, the queen pretended a great desire to visit the north-
ern parts of Scotland, and Gordon encouraged her desire by
his pressing invitations. At length, having arrived at Aber-
'deen, on the 13th of August, Gordon's wife, a woman of a
masculine spirit and understanding, studied by every art, to
penetrate the intention of the queen, to discover her most
secret inclinations, and then direct them to the quarter she
desired, for she knew by what trifles the councils of princes
are influenced. Nor was she ignorant how the queen stood
affected, but lately, both to Moray and Gordon; for she hated
them both, and sometimes used to debate with herself, which
of the two she would wish first destroyed. She could not en-
dure the purity of Moray's conduct, as a constant reproof
of her own licentiousness, and she detested the perfidy Gor-
don had displayed towards her father and her mother in many
instances, while at the same time she dreaded his power, but
the letters of her uncles and the pope; urged the death of
Moray. Gordon, who wished to put an end to this dubiety,
with which he was well acquainted, again repeated by his wife,
his promise of restoring the Romish religion. The queen
S5
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. : 459
willingly listened to their proposals; there was only one imped-
iment, and that of no great importance, which prevented her
acceding to them, she thought she could not, without com-
promising her dignity, be reconciled to their son John, who
had broken his ward, into which he had been put a short
time before on account of the tumult at Edinburgh, unless he
delivered himself up, and remained at least for a few days, a
prisoner at large, in Stirling. This the queen required, not
so much for the reason she assigned, as that upon the death
of Moray, she might be left entirely free, , and not obliged to
marry, as the proposed husband would be thus absent. . Gor-
don likewise desired to oblige the queen, but he hesitated
about giving his son into the hands of John, earl of Marr,
Moray's uncle, governor of Stirling castle, the greatest oppon-
ent of his designs, especially as he was uncertain how the
queen might behave after the murder was perpetrated. .
xxxv. While they thus endeavoured to deceive each other,
being mutually suspicious, and the queen denied that any de-
lay existed on her part, though she took no steps to forward
it, John Gordon, to display his zeal and determination to run.
all hazards, brought about a thousand of his relations and
vassals, armed and ready to strike any blow, and posted them
in places in the vicinity of the town. Moray, although he
was but slenderly attended, and saw all these preparations for
his destruction, as he had been forewarned by his friends,
both at the French and English courts, nor was altogether
satisfied with respect to the queen, yet he performed his duty
as usual at court in the day, ordering one or two of his do-
mestics to watch in his chamber during the night; and being
informed accurately of the stratagems of his enemies, trusting .
to the protection of his friends, he eluded all their attempts
without noise.
xxxvi. About the same time, Bothwell, being let down by
a rope from a window, escaped out of the castle of Edinburgh.
The project at Aberdeen still continuing to hang in suspense,
by the mutual dissimulation of the parties, the queen resolved
to proceed, and being invited by John Leslie, a nobleman,
and client of the Gordons, to visit his house, about twelve
miles distant from the town, that place being lonely, appeared
#60 HISTORY OF SCOTLANE),
to the Gordons well adapted for committing the murder, but
Leslie, who was acquainted with their secret designs, earnest-
ly entreated thern, that they would not load him or his family
with the infamy of appearing to betray the life of the chief
man in the kingdom, the queen's brother, against whom he
had no quarrel. Next night the court rested at Rothmay, a
village of the Abernethys, where every thing passed quietly,
because the day after they had resolved to lodge at Strath-
bogie, a castle of the Gordons, to which time the project of
the murder was deferred, as then all would be in their own
power. As they proceeded on their journey, Gordon entered
into a long conversation with the queen, and at last explicitly
required that she should pardon his son John, whose youth
and inexperience had led him into an error, and that a venial
one, of simply escaping from confinement, into which he had
been cast for no treason, but only for a tumult of which he
was not the cause. The queen replied, that her authority
would be lessened, unless his son returned into ward, however
large, for some days, that his former fault being, as it were,
expiated, he might be more honourably discharged. Gordon,
who was unwilling to let slip the opportunity of executing the
deed he had determined on, although the injunctions of the
queen were but trifling, obstinately refused to comply with
them; for he intended, if the queen should disapprove of the
murder after it was committed, to throw the blame upon his
son; but if the murder was committed during his son's ab-
sence, though she should even approve of it, yet his son would
be looked upon as an hostage. The queen was so highly of
fended at the stubbornness of Gordon, that, when almost with-
in sight of his mansion, she turned aside in another direction.
Thus the whole plan which they had laid so wisely, as they
thought, was defeated, and their design delayed, till the court
should reach Inverness, where, besides being sheriff, Gordon
also was governor of the royal castle, which is built upon a
high hill, and commands the town; besides, the whole region
round was filled with his vassals. The queen, who had re-
solved to lodge in the castle, being refused admission by the
garrison, began to be alarmed at passing the night in an un-
fortified place, while Huntly's son had more than a thousand
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 461
chosen horsemen, besides a promiscuous multitude from the
neighbouring countries in arms. In these circumstances, she
placed watches at all the avenues leading to the town, and
ordered the vessels, which had followed her with provisions, to
remain ready in the stream of the river, that, if attacked by a
superior force, she might find refuge on shipboard. In the
middle of the night, the spies sent out by Huntly, were in-
tentionally allowed to pass the first watches, until they ap-
proached to a narrow pass, when they were all surrounded
and taken, and the clan Chattan, from the mountains, as soon
as they understood they were to be led against the queen, de-
serted Huntly, and next day came to her quarters.
xxxvii. Upon hearing of the danger of their princess, a
great number of the ancient Scots, partly by persuasion, and
partly of their own accord, flocked around her, particularly
the Frasers and the Monros, the bravest of these tribes.
When the queen found herself sufficiently strong, she laid
siege to the castle, which having neither a sufficient garrison,
nor being properly fortified for sustaining an attack, surren-
dered, when the commanders were executed, and the men
dismissed. The nobility then collected about her from all
quarters in such numbers, that those who came from the
greatest distance were permitted to return home, while she
herself, on the fourth day, set out for Aberdeen, accompanied
by a sufficiently strong guard. Being now relieved from her
terror, she became violently incensed against Gordon, and,
eager for revenge, again bestowed upon her brother every
mark of favour, pretending that her whole reliance was upon
him, and endeavoured to persuade all who approached her,
that she placed her hopes of safety entirely upon his preserva-
tion.
xxxvii.I. Gordon, who perceived that the whole appearance
of the court scenery was shifted, the earl of Moray, but lately
destined for death, being now in the greatest favour, and he
himself fallen from the highest expectations of honour and
dignity, become an object of the most implacable hatred,
imagining that he had proceeded too far to expect pardon, had
recourse to the most desperate measures, and perceived no
other remedy for the present dangers, than to get the queen's
462 HISTORY OF • SCOTLAND,
person into his power, in whatever manner; for although he
knew, at first, she would be highly offended, yet he did not
despair of being able to bend her womanish mind through time,
by assiduity, flattery, and the marriage with his son, of which
he believed her uncles to be the authors. Wherefore, having
communicated his intention to his friends, it was determined
to cut off Moray by any possible means; for on his removal,
there was no one, to whom the queen could intrust the govern-
ment, or who was able to manage it, if she did. His spies
gave him hopes of accomplishing his purpose; among others,
George [John] Gordon, earl of Sutherland, who, by assidu-
ous attendance at court, and great professions of affection to-
wards the queen, obtained possession of her private counsels,
and communicated them to Huntly. ... He not only watched
for convenient time and opportunity, but also offered his as-
sistance to effect the murder; besides, though the town was
adapted for the purpose, being open on every side, and con-
venient for lurking assassins, the citizens, either conciliated
by bribes, joined in alliance, or restrained by fear, durst at-
tempt nothing. The highland auxiliaries were sent home.
The earl of Moray had but a few attendants brought from the
most distant countries, whose opposition was not much to be
dreaded; and, as he had the command of the whole of the
neighbouring countries, the affair might be effected almost
without bloodshed; for one man only being killed, and the
queen in their power, all other sores could be easily healed.
Urged by these considerations to make the attempt, when the
plan was all settled, some letters of the earl of Sutherland and
John Leslie being intercepted, the whole design was discover-
ed. On the discovery, Sutherland fled. Leslie acknowledged
his fault, and obtained pardon, and afterward, as long as he
lived, conducted himself a brave and faithful subject, first to
the queen, and afterward to the king.
xxxix. Huntly, who waited the issue with a great band of
followers, in a situation surrounded with marshes, and almost
inaccessible, having learned what had taken place at court,
determined, by the advice of his friends, to retreat to the
mountains; but induced by the promises of many of the
neighbouring nobility, then with the queen, who were his al-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 463
lies, he again changed his intention, and resolved to await the
event of a battle in a station fortified by nature. Moray ad-
vanced against the enemy with the troops he could trust, a-
mounting to scarcely a hundred horsemen. Of the nobles
who were present, James Douglas, earl of Morton, and Pat-
rick Lindsay, followed in front. The rest of his 'army, about
eight hundred, collected from the neighbouring estates, who
had been, the most part, previously corrupted by Huntly, and
were more likely to draw on Moray's troops to their ruin, than
afford them any assistance in the hour of danger, marched
along with him, boasting mightily, and promising that they
alone would defeat the enemy, the others might only look on
as spectators.
XL. Some horsemen being sent forward to secure all the
avenues round the marsh, that Huntly might not escape, the
rest advanced more slowly; and although, during the preced-
ing night, a great number of the Gordons had gone away,
above three hundred still remained with him, keeping pos-
session of their station. When Moray had arrived at a de-
clivity in the vicinity, whence there was a view of the marshes,
he halted with his party, drawn up in order of battle, in one
line by themselves; the rest, immediately on being led against
the enemy, openly discovered their treason, by affixing on
their bonnets sprigs of heath, of which great quantities grew
there. When they drew near, the Huntlean party, confident
of the issue, ran towards them, and when they saw the oppo-
site line thrown into confusion by the traitors, and already
flying, they threw away their spears, that they might more
quickly pursue them, and drawing their swords, and shouting,
treason, to strike terror in the ranks which remained unbroken,
they rushed forward at a quick pace against the enemy. The
traitors, thinking they would, by their impetus, carry along
with them the line which still remained firm, hastened towards
them; but Moray, who saw no hope in flight, and believed
that nothing remained but the glory of an honourable death,
ordered that his soldiers should present their spears, and not
receive any of the fugitives into their line; they, thus unex-
pectedly excluded, passed by on both wings in great disorder.
But the Huntleans, who now thought the affair ended, when
464 º HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
they saw the line, although small, yet bristled with extended
pikes, and they themselves scattered, disordered, and unable
to come to close quarters, on account of the length of their
opponents' spears, panick struck, turned their backs, and fled
with greater celerity than they formerly pursued. The trai-
tors, when they beheld this change of fortune, instantly turned
upon the fugitives, and, as if to wipe away their former
fault, whoever was slain on that day, was slain by them. Of
the Huntleans there fell about one hundred and twenty, and
one hundred were made prisoners; on the other side no one
was hurt. Among the prisoners was Huntly himself, and his
two sons, John and Adam. The father, heavy through age,
and asthmatic through corpulence, died in the hands of those
who took him: the rest were brought late in the evening to
Aberdeen. Moray, having ordered a minister of the gospel
to await his return, in the first place, gave thanks to the Al-
mighty, who had saved him from such great and imminent
danger, not by any strength or wisdom of his own, but solely
by his providence, beyond all human expectation, had wrought
this great deliverence for his people. He then proceeded to
the court, where, amid the mutual gratulations of the courti-
ers, the queen betrayed no symptom of joy, either in her
countenance or speech.
XLI. A few days after, John Gordon was executed, greatly
pitied, for he was a manly youth, extremely handsome, and
just in the opening bloom of life, apparently not less worthy
of a royal bed, than miserably deceived by the pretended
offer; and what moved no less indignation than pity, he was
mangled by an unskilful executioner. The queen beheld his
death with many tears; but as she was well qualified to con-
ceal her emotions, her grief then was variously interpreted,
for many understood she was not less disgusted with her
brother than with Huntly. Adam was forgiven on account of
his youth, George, the eldest, in the desperate situation of
his affairs, fled to his father-in-law, James Hamilton, hoping
either to find refuge with him, or, by his application, to ob-
tain pardon. A mumber of Gordon's vassals were punished
according to their guilt, some by fine, and some by banish-
ment, and some were sent to the most distant parts of the
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 465
kingdom, to prevent their raising any disturbance at home.
They who could procure powerful intercessors were pardoned,
and received into former favour; and thus the north being
settled or soothed, the rest of the winter passed quietly, .
xLII. On the 27th of November, Bothwell was ordered, by
proclamation, to surrender himself to the confinement he had
broken, which not obeying, he was declared a traitor. When
the queen had returned from Aberdeen to Perth, James
Hamilton interceded with her for George Gordon, his son-
in-law, and received a gracious answer; but, notwithstanding,
was compelled to deliver him up, and he was sent prisoner to
Dunbar, whence, next year, A. D. 1563, on the 26th of Jan-
uary, he was brought to Edinburgh, found guilty of high
treason, and sent back to Dunbar. About this time a procla-
mation was issued, forbidding, under the penalty of a large
fine, any person from eating flesh during Lent; the cause of
the edict, however, was political, not religious. The arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, because he had not abstained from
being present at, or celebrating mass, according to the act
made upon the queen's arrival, was confined in Edinburgh
castle. Several others were slightly fined for the same crime,
and threatened with severer punishment, if afterwards found
guilty of a similar offence. The parliament now assembled,
which had been summoned for the 21st of May, which the
queen opened in great state, with the crown upon her head,
and clothed in royal robes, which would have been, indeed, a
new spectacle, had not men been accustomed, under her
mother and grandmother, to see and endure female govern-
ment. In this parliament some laws were enacted in favour
of the Reformed, and a few for punishing coiners. The rest
of the summer the queen amused herself hunting in Athole.
xLIII. About the end of autumn, with the permission of the
queen, Matthew Stuart, earl of Lennox, returned to Scotland,
in the twenty-second year after he had left it, upon being
basely deserted by the king of France, as mentioned before.
Next year, A. D. 1564, in a parliament held in January, and
assembled almost for that purpose alone, his banishment was
remitted, and his estates restored, the queen accompanying
the restitution with many complimentary speeches, enumerat-
VOI, II, 3 N | &
466 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
ing the kind offices the earl had conferred upon her from her
infancy, as by his means she had been rescued from the power
of her enemies, and decorated with the insignia of royalty.
Soon after, on the 12th of February, his son Henry came to
Scotland from England, having obtained a passport for three
months. The queen received this young man'very gracious-
ly, as he was of high descent, extremely handsome, and the
son of her aunt; and when his constant attentions had attract-
ed her affection, and it began to be commonly reported that
she would choose him for her husband, the nobility were not
averse to the marriage, as they perceived the many advan-
tages which would result to the whole island from this union,
if the approbation of the queen of England could be obtained.
Elizabeth, who was the nearest relation of both parties, so far
from being averse, wished to be considered as the maker of
the match, and entitled to some kindness for bringing it about.
At the same time, she thought it would be for her advantage,
that the power of her kinswoman were kept within bounds by
this mediocre alliance, which would prevent her being ag-
grandized beyond what might be safe for her neighbours. But
it is necessary to explain a circumstance which retarded the
consummation for a little, and afterward produced such dis-
astrous confusion in the country.
XLIV. There was among the servants at court, one David
Rizzio, born at Turin, in Savoy, whose father, honest enough,
but very poor, supported himself and his family with difficulty,
by teaching the elements of music, and having no other inher-
itance to leave, taught his children of both sexes, to be skilful
musicians. David, one of these, when he grew up, having a
good voice, and being well instructed in this science by his
father, set out for Nice, the court of the duke of Savoy, lately
restored to his dominions, in the hope of bettering his condi-
tion; but on his arrival there, not finding his expectations
realized, and being reduced to great poverty, he attempted
many expedients, till at last he got acquainted with Moretti,
who was then preparing to set out upon a mission from the
duke, to Scotland. Having followed him thither, on his ar-
rival, Moretti, who was not very wealthy, found he could
dispense with his service. Here, however, he remained, and
35
HISTORY OF SCOTLÄND. 46%
finally determined to try his fortune. To this he was chiefly
induced, by learning that the queen delighted greatly in mus-
icians, and was herself no despicable performer. He there-
fore, in order to procure access to her majesty, bargained with
her musicians, the majority of whom were Frenchmen, that
he might be allowed to perform among them. After being
heard once or twice, he succeeded in pleasing the queen, and
was immediately enrolled as one of the band. In a short time,
having studied the manners and disposition of his royal mis-
tress, partly by flattery, and partly by calumniating his fellow
servants, he ingratiated himself with her, as much as he be-
came hated by them. Yet, not content with this advancement,
having rendered all his equals either submissive, or obliged
them to leave the band, he began by degrees to aspire, and to
attempt greater objects, until he was made secretary, and
under this pretext, he could have access to the queen privately,
and when alone. The sudden promotion of this man, from a
state of beggary to wealth, without any intermediate gradation,
his fortune so far above his merit, his arrogance so far beyond
his fortune, his contempt for his equals, and his rivalry with
his superiors, already gave rise to many remarks. The adul-
ation of a great number of the nobility, nourished this madness
of the vainest of men; they courted his friendship by their
respectful salutations, and their subservience to his orders,
walking before his door, and watching his departure and re-
turn. Moray alone, in whose bosom no dissimulation dwelt,
not only did not flatter him, but frequently looked contemp-
tuously upon him, a circumstance not less oftensive to the queen,
than to David himself. He, on the other hand, to prepare a
protection against the hatred of the nobility, courted by every
species of flattery, the youth destined for the royal bed, and
attained such familiarity, that he was admitted to his chamber,
couch, and most secret consultations. Finding the incautious
youth as foolishly credulous as he could have desired, he per-
suaded him it was chiefly through his means, that the queen
had entertained any affection for him. He likewise assiduous-
ly sowed the seeds of discord between Moray and him, whom,
if he could only drive from the court, he flattered himself the
remaining course of his life would be easy.
468 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
xlv. As the marriage of Henry became now the common
topic of ebnversâtibh, and also his secret, interviews with the
queen, āńd there being likewise many scandalous reperts
spread of her too great familiarity with David, Möray, whose
faithful advice procured him only hatred from his sister, de-
termined to retire from the court, lest he should be thought
the author of what was going forward. Nor was the queen
displeased at the absence of so severe a witness, especially at
that time, when she reconciled the opposite faction to herself,
for she recalled the exiles—Bothwell from France, and George
Gordon, the earl of Sutherland, from Flanders. The other
George Gordon, son of the earl of Huntly, she released from
prison, and restored to his former rank and station. On the
return of Bothwell from France, Moray accused him of recent
plots against his life, which he offered to prove by some noble-
men, who had been his companions in France. The fact was
clear, atrocious; and detestable. When the day of trial ap-
proached, the queen first, strongly urged her brother to with-
draw his accusation, but when he could not be induced to
comply with her request, because he thought his character
involved, she then prevented by her letters, many noblemen
from attending the court, and when Alexander, earl of Glen-
cairn, Moray's most intimate friend, was not far from Stirling,
upon his journey, she called him out of his road, to come to
speak with her. Yet such was the concourse of all good men,
that Bothwell, not only already condemned by his own con-
science, but alarmed at the public detestation of his attempt,
did not dare to compear at the day.
xLv1. This display of the public affection for Moray, so
much inflamed the queen against her brother, that it hastened
his ruin, already determined upon. The plan laid was this—
Moray being called to Perth, where the queen then was, with
a few attendants, was there to enter into conversation with
Darnly, and as nobody doubted but Moray would express
himself with plainness and freedom, a quarrel was to ensue,
when David Rizzio was to strike the first blow, and the others
present were to consummate the deed. Moray, although in-
formed of this conspiracy, by his friends who were at court;
yet determined to go thither, until again advised by Patrick
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 469.
Ruthven, he turned aside from his journey, to his méther's
house, not far from Lochleven, where, being seized with a slid-
den illness, he excused himself on account of his distemper.
A number of his friends coming thither to visit him, a rumour
immediately arose, that he remained there to intercept the
queen and Darnly on their return to Edinburgh. Horsemen
were in consequence despatched in all directions, but they
found no persons in arms, yet notwithstanding, the queen
performed her journey thither, with as much haste and trepi-
dation, as if she had ascertained that the most imminent dan-
ger threatened her."
xLVII. The nuptials approaching, in order that some ap-
pearance of consent might be procured for the queen's pleasure,
a great number of nobles were convoked at Stirling, consisting
chiefly of those who would readily approve, or who dared not
oppose, her, wishes. Many of those who assembled, assented
to all that was proposed, only, that no innovation should be
made in the established religion, but the great part, without
any exception at all, agreed to whatever they thought would
be agreeable to the queen. Andrew Stuart, of Ochiltree,
alone openly protested, that he would never consent to ac-
knowledge a popish king. Moray was friendly to the marriage,
as he was, indeed, the first person who advised bringing the
young man from England; but he saw from the beginning
what mischief it would occasion, if entered into without the
queen of England's consent, and he promised to procure her
approbation, provided only religion were protected. When
he saw, however, that there would be no freedom of debate
allowed in that parliament, he rather chose to absent himself,
than to deliver an opinion which might probably prove ruin-
ous to himself, and useless to the public. The question, like-
wise, was now discussed openly, whether a queen upon the
death of her husband, had the power of marrying whatever
person she chose ; some thinking that a queen, left by the
death of her husband, ought not to be denied the same liberty
which was granted to the lowest subject. Others were of
opinion, that the case was different in the heiresses of king-
doms, where the same act by which they took husbands to
themselves, gave kings to the people; and many were of opin-
470 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ion, that it was mere equitable that the people should choose
a husband for a girls' than that a girl should choose a king for
a whole people. * ,
xLVIII. In the month of July, an ambassador arrived from
England, who expressed the queen of England’s astonishment,
that an affair of such magnitude should be precipitated without
any communication being made to her, who was so nearly
related to both the parties, and particularly requested, that it
might be delayed, until it were considered more maturely,
which she thought might not perhaps be disadvantageous for
the kingdom. This embassy producing no effect, it was quick-
ly followed by another—Sir Nicolas Trockmorton, in the name
of the queen of England, reminded Lennox and his son, that
they had leave of absence for but a certain time, and that time
was expired; he therefore ordered them to return home under
päin of banishment, and confiscation of their estates. This
threat, however, occasioned no delay; they still persisted in
their purpose. The queen, in the meantime, as her marriage
might appear too unequal, if she, so lately the wife of a great
king, and the proper heiress of an illustrious kingdom, should
ally herself to a young man, distinguished by no splendid
title, published an order, creating Darnly duke of Rothsay,
and earl of Ross. In order to accelerate the marriage, the
predictions of some witches in both kingdoms were likewise
urged, who prophesied, if the nuptials were consummated
before the end of the month of July, great advantage would
arise to the kingdoms; but if delayed beyond that time, great
loss and disgrace would be the consequence. Rumours were
at the same time, spread every where, respecting the death of
queen Elizabeth, and the day even mentioned, on which she
would die—a prediction apparently more portentous of a
domestic conspiracy, than of the art of divination. But there
was above all this, most weighty reasons for hastening the
marriage. Her uncles were undoubtedly averse to the match;
therefore, if a longer delay should interpose, she feared some
impediment would arise from them, to overturn the whole,
now so nearly finished; for when that secret decree passed,
for undertaking a holy war throughout all Christendom, and
rooting out the Reformed religion entirely, the duke of Guise,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 4'l I
who was appointed commander, cherished the most wicked.'
and unbounded expectations, and had determined, by means
of his sister's daughter, so to embroil the domestic affairs of
Britain, that they would be able to afford no assistance to
their continental friends. David, however, who was then the
queen's chief confident, contended, that these nuptials would
be of advantage to the cause of Christianity, because Henry
Darnly and his father, were zealous adherents of the popish
party, and greatly beloved in both kingdoms, united to the
most illustrious families, and supported by numerous vassals,
and after long discussion, he carried his point; for he was
afraid if the marriage were completed with the consent of the
queen of England, and the nobility of Scotland, two disad-
vantages would arise to him. First, he would lose the credit
of having effected them; and next, the Reformed religion
would be protected; but if he could join the queen to the
council of Trent, he promised himself sacerdotal honours,
unbounded wealth, and unrivalled power, and by strenuously
exerting himself, he at last accomplished the precipitation of
the marriage, not much to the satisfaction of the Scots, while
the English were highly incensed against it.
CVII. HENRY AND MARy, ,
/4 "../
xtix. On the 29th of July, [A. D. 1565, Henry Stuart
married Mary Stuart, which being announced to the public,
was received by the multitude, with loud shouts of God save
our sovereigns, king Henry, and queen Mary, and the day
after, they were proclaimed at Edinburgh as king and queen.
This proceeding greatly offended, not only the nobility, but
likewise also the common people, and some indignantly pro-
nounced it a precedent of the worst description. Of what use
is it, asked they, to assemble the estates for creating a king,
if their advice be never asked, or their authority required?
If an herald can answer the purpose of a meeting, and a pro-
clamation be as effectual as an act of parliament. In fact,
such an assembly would not now be called for deliberation,
but to try how far the Scots could endure tyranny. The
absence of so many noblemen increased the suspicion, for
James, duke of Chatellerault, Gillespic, earl of Argyle, James,
t
#72 IHISTORY OF SCOTLA.N.De
earl of Moray, Alexander, earl of Glencairn, Andrew, earl
of Rothes, and many others, illustrious for their descent and
wealth, did not attend. Heralds were therefore sent, requir-
ing their attendance, which they not obeying, were banished,
and went, the majority of them, to Argyle. Their enemies
were recalled to court, and the king and queen, when their
preparations were ready, went to Glasgow, attended by four
thousand men. The rebels got possession of Paisley.
L. Various consultations were now held among the different
parties; the king and queen sent an herald to demand the
surrender of Hamilton castle, on whose return without obtain-
ing possession, they prepared for an engagement. The other
faction, divided among themselves, were distracted with vari-
ous proposals. The Hamiltons, who were the most powerful
in these districts, asserted that peace could be secure on no
terms, unless the king and queen were cut off; for as long as
they were safe, nothing could be expected but new wars, new
plots, and a hypocritical peace, more dangerous than open
war. The quarrels of private individuals, said they, are often
laid aside, when the parties are tired of prosecuting them,
and often amicably adjusted, but the enmities of kings, death
only can extinguish. Moray and Glencairn, who perceived
that they looked not to the public weal, but their own private
exaltation by the slaughter—for the queen being killed, the
Hamiltons were the nearest heirs to the throne—and, besides,
abhored the power of the Hamiltons, whose cruelty and ra-
pacity they had so lately experienced, proposed milder meas-
ures. They wished, if possible, that a civil dissention, blood-
Jess as yet, which had been carried on by votes and not arms,
could be honourably finished. There were many, they said,
in the royal camp, desirous of peace, who would willingly
listen to moderate counsels, and who would not desert those
who had been forced to take arms for their independence.
-The king and queen had perhaps been unguarded, through
youth, but they had not yet done any thing which tended to
hurt the state of the country; if they had any private vices,
these were not to be remedied by death, their cure should be
attempted by less powerful medicine. They recollected an old
observation, which had been left for the imitation of posterity:
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, | 473
\
—That in the conduct of kings, their secret vices should be
overlooked, their doubtful actions taken in the most favourable
sense, and their open offences borne with, as long as they did
not endanger the public.
LI. The majority agreeing in these sentiments, all the Ham-
iltons, except James their chief, resolved to remain quiet.
He, however, attended by sixteen horsemen, continued with
the nobles, whose strength, thus diminished, being too infe-
rior either to risk an engagement, or force their way each to
his own clan, they yielded to their circumstances, and went
that night to Hamilton, and next day marched to Edinburgh,
to concert measures for carrying on the war; but the castle
which commands the city playing incessantly upon them, and
their friends, from a distance, not arriving so quickly as their
situation required, and being told, too, that the king and queen
were quite at their heels, they were induced, by the earnest
entreaties, and magnificent promises of John Maxwell, [lord]
Herries, to direct their course to Dumfries. The king and
queen then returned to Glasgow, and appointed the earl of
Lennox their lieutenant, in the south-western countries; they
themselves proceeded to Stirling, and thence through the
heart of Fife. In their progress they forced the greater part
of the nobility to take an oath, that if any eommotion should
arise at the instigation of England, they would render faithful
assistance; those who would not take the oath they punished,
either by pecuniary fines, or banishment; the effects of the re-
bels, who had fled to the English border, they seized wherever
they could be found, and ordered courts to be held in every
district, for inquiring into, and trying the residue of the con-
spirators. On the ninth of October, they led their army from
Edinburgh, and marched for Dumfries. Maxwell, who till
then had shown great attachment to the faction opposed to
their majesties, thinking it time to provide for his own inter-
est, went out to meet them, as if to intercede for his party.
He negotiated, however, for a part of his father-in-law's es-
tate, which he greatly desired, and being considered an active
and useful partisan, he easily obtained his request, and return-
ing to the rebels, told them that he had been unsuccessful,
and every man must shift for himself. Fagland was near, to
VöL. II. -- 3 O , , , , \
*
474 HISTORY OF SCOTHAN D.
which if they chose to retire, after he had settled his private
affairs, he would immediately follow, and join them. In the
meantime, he extorted from Moray, a thousand pounds, as
money which he had expended in enlisting soldiers; for hav-
ing been ordered to raise a few troops of cavalry, he mounted
his own domestic servants, and produced them as a regular
military force.
LII. The king and queen, by their arrival, and the accession
of Herries to their party, struck terror into their enemies,
and settled every thing according to their pleasure in these
districts. The leaders of the faction being driven from the
country, and the rest anxious about their own safety, return-
ed to Edinburgh about the end of October, and Scotland re-
mained tranquil till the beginning of Spring. A parliament
was summoned for the month of March, that the estates of
the exiles might be confiscated, their names erased from the
list of mobility, and their coats of arms torn, which the king
could not do without an act of that assembly.
LIII. In the meantime, David, perceiving the court deserted
by the principal nobles, and thinking the opportunity favour-
able for realizing his own immoderate expectations of power,
urged the adoption of rash and precipitate measures, constant-
ly exhorting the queen to put to death the chiefs of the fac-
tion, and affirming that a few being cut off, the rest would not
dare to move. But he was afraid the queen's guards, being
Scotsmen, would not easily consent to this nefarious massacre
of the nobility; he therefore used every endeavour to have
them dismissed, and foreigners—as has been usual in the be-
ginning of almost all tyrannies—substituted in their room. At
first Germans were mentioned for this pºpose, because of the
remarkable fidelity of that people to their lords; but David,
on more maturely considering the subject, thought it would
suit his purpose better to get Italians to perform that duty,
because, being his own countrymen, he thought they would be
more under his authority; and being men of no religion, they
seemed more adapted for times of confusion, and would be
more easily induced to commit any atrocity without examin-
ation. Besides, needy banditti, born and educated under ty-
rants, accustomed to infamous warfare, and strangers, who had
35
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 475
nothing dear to them in Britain, appeared fit tools for effect-
ing a revolution. Accordingly, soldiers of fortune began to
be sent for, by degrees, from Flanders and other continental
countries, but almost individually, and at intervals, that their
design might not be discovered ; and it was more dangerous
to offend any of these vagabonds, than to offend the queen
herself.
Liv. But as the influence of David rapidly increased with
the queen, so the king daily became more disagreeable; for
as, in concluding the match, Mary had been rashly precipi-
tate, so she as suddenly repented, and gave evident proofs of
an altered inclination. She had immediately after the nup-
tials, without the consent of parliament, proclaimed him
king, and from that time, in all public deeds, the names of
king and queen were expressed; but she soon, although she
preserved both the names, altered the order, writing that of
the queen first, and the king's after. At length, in -order to
deprive her husband of all power of granting favours, she
complained, that while he was engaged in hunting and hawk-
ing, much public business was either not done in time, or net
done at all, and therefore, as being more convenient, she
proposed that she should sign for them both, by which means
he might enjoy his pleasure, and the public business not suf-
fer by his absence. To which proposal, having assented, as
he was unwilling to offend her in any thing, he was soon, on
slight grounds, removed to a distance, that, being absent
from the council, and ignorant of all the public business, the
honour of all favours might belong to the queen alone, who
persuaded herself, that when his friendship could neither be
profitable, nor his anger formidable, he would soon gradually
fall into general contempt; and to increase the indignity,
David was substituted in his place, who, with an iron stamp,
signed the official papers for the king." Excluded, by this
deceit, from every official transaction, that he might not be a
troublesome witness of their secret correspondence, in the
* Buchanan's assertion, that the queen had a stamp made with Darnly's
signature, which she committed to Rizzio, to affix to public instruments, &c.
is confirmed by a deed published by Mr. John Davidson, to which Darnly’s
name has been affixed by a stamp.–Laing's Dissert. vol. i. p. 102.
, *
f *
4.76 HISTORY of scoTLAND.
very depth of winter, he was despatched to Peebles, with only
a very mean train, beneath the dignity of many private gen-
tlemen, rather as if going to seek plunder than recreation.
At the same time, there was so great a fall of snow, that in a
barren country, and infested with robbers, a prince, educated
in a court, and accustomed to plenty, was in danger of starv-
ing, had not the bishop of Orkney accidentally came that way,
who, knowing the place, had brought some wine and other
provisions along with him.
LV, The queen, not satisfied with thus bringing out David
from his obscurity, and introducing him to the public, began,
in another way, to adorn him with domestic honours. She
had already, for some months, admitted more company than
usual to her table, that, among a multitude, David's seat
might be less envied. By this show of popularity, it was
thought that the strangeness of the spectacle would gradually
wear off amid the multitude of the guests, and the frequency
of its repetition, and men by degrees be accustomed to bear
any thing. At length it came to this, that he, with only one
or two, daily dined with her; but that the smallness of the
place, might diminish the odium of the action, the meals were
served up in a little chamber, and sometimes even in David’s
own lodging; but this method of lessening the envy, increased
the infamy of the proceeding, and afforded scope for the most
unfavourable remarks. Besides, what tended more to inflame
the public mind, already inclined to believe the worst, was,
that in household furniture, dress, the number and breed of
his horses, and rank of his attendants, he far exceeded the king
himself; and what made the whole seem more unmeet, his
equipage was so far from improving his appearance, that his
appearance disgraced his equipage.” The queen, therefore,
* I copy the following from lord Elibank’s letter to Lord Hailes, it is a
quotation from a book entitled, Les Lessones diverses de Louis Guyon con-
seiller aux finances au Roi de France. The edition, his lordship adds, that I.
have seen of this book, is printed at Lyons, “chez Abraham Claqueman, in
3 vols. 12mo. An. 1613. The author, speaking of himself, uses these words:
* Etant en Ecosse, j’ai bien connu David Rizzio, duquel j’ai recu bien de
gourtoisies a la cour; Il etoit assez age et laid, d’une humeur morgne et
* pnauvais plaisant; mais d’une rare prudence, et fort habille dans les affaires.”
History of Scotland. 47?
when she could not amend the faults of nature, by loading
him with wealth and honours, endeavoured to raise him to
the rank of a lord of parliament, that she might conceal, be-
neath a robe of fortuitous splendour, the meanness of his
birth, and deformity of his body; but chiefly, that, by pro-
curing for him the right of voting in that assembly, he might
manage their proceedings according to the wishes of the queen.
In order to advance him by degrees, that he might not appear
a needy and mercenary senator, an attempt was first made to
procure him an estate in the neighbourhood, which the Scots
call Melville.* The proprietor of this estate, his father-in-
law, and his other friends, who had the greatest influence with
him, being collected, the queen requested the proprietor to
yield up the barony, and, at the same time, urged his rela--
tions to persuade him to do so; but not being able to succeed,
the queen considered this repulse as an affront, and what was
more fatal, David was offended.
Lv1. These transactions being public, the common people
lamented the present situation of the country, and prognosti-
cated its daily becoming worse, if men of ancient nobility, and
distinguished reputation, were to be turned out of the seats of
their ancestors, at the pleasure of a needy vagabond, and many
of the older persons recalled to their recollection, and often
repeated in their conversation, the time when Cochrane, by
the greatest villany, having killed the king's brother, from a
mason, became earl of Marr, and kindled the flames of a civil
war, which were only extinguished by the death of the king,
and the destruction of almost the whole kingdom. While
such was the tenor of public remark, the mutterings of clan-
destine rumour, as usual in cases of dishonour, went much
farther. The king, who, although told, yet refused to believe
any one without demonstration, being informed that David
This establishes the fact of Rizzio's ugliness, as represented by Buchanan.
Mr. Laing gives this quotation, as—from Blackwood, repeated by Guyon–
not having both the books beside me, I cannot compare the passages: but as
they are both verbally the same, they both establish the authenticity of
Buchanan's statement, and more strongly, if the words were originally Black-
wood's, one of the most virulent of Buchanan's defamers.
* Scotice-Mailen?
•º.
478 HISTORY of scot LANIy.
had gone into the queen's bedchamber, went himself to a
small door, of which he always carried the key, and contrary
to the usual custom found it bolted within. On knocking, he
received no answer, on which he retired, boiling with rage,
and spent that night in sleepless vexation.
LVII. From that time he selected a few of his domestics—for
he could only trust a few, the rest, being corrupted by the
queen, he knew were placed as spies upon all his words and
actions—and consulted with them about putting David to
death. They approved of his design, but could not easily dis-
cover a proper method of carrying it into execution. This
consultation having lasted some days, his other servants, who
were not privy to his purpose, from many circumstances sus.
pecting what was in agitation, informed the queen, and prom-
ised to lead her to an immediate discovery. Nor did they
deceive her; for having observed the time, when the king
having shut out all others, had only with him the servants in
whom he could repose confidence, the queen, as if she intend-
ed to pass through his bed chamber to her own, unexpectedly
surprised him with his' secret associates, she then bitterly
upbraided him, and severely threatened his domestics—told
them, she was acquainted with all their machinations, and
would apply a remedy in due time. *
Lviri. Placed in this disagreeable situation, the king inform-
ed his father of his condition, and they both agreed that the
only way of extricating himself from his present misfortunes,
would be to effect a reconciliation with that part of the nobil-
ity who were present, and, if possible, recall those who were
absent. But there was a necessity for expedition in the bus-
iness, as the day approached on which the queen had deter-
mined to procure the condemnation of the absent lords, for
which she had summoned a parliament, in opposition to the
representation of the French and English ambassadors, who
did not think they had committed any crime worthy so severe
a punishment, and perceived besides, the dangers which
would follow. *
Lix. At the same time, some very long letters arrived from
the queen of England, in which she benevolently and pru-
dently reasoned with her relative, on the present state of Scot-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 47.9
land, and in mild, even loving terms, endeavoured to incline
her irritated mind to moderation. The nobles knew that such
letters had arrived, and were not ignorant of the nature of
their contents, the queen therefore, with an air of condescen-
sion, began to read them to a number of them who were
assembled, but as she proceeded, David openly told her, that
enough had been read, and desired her to stop. This pro-
ceeding appeared, however, rather as an arrogant than un-
usual sort of conduct, to all present, for they knew how im-
periously he often behaved towards her, and sometimes re-
proved her more sharply, than ever her husband dared.
Lx. At this time, the cause of the exiles was warmly debated
in parliament; some, in order to gratify the queen, would have
decreed the punishment of treason, while others contended
that they had done nothing, as yet, deserving so heavy a pen-
alty. David, in the meantime, went about among them in-
dividually, to sound their dispositions, and learn what each
would do, if he were elected president by the rest, nor did he
hesitate openly to tell them the queen wished the exiles con-
demned, that they who opposed it, would strive in vain, and
would likewise incur the displeasure of their prince. He did
this partly to distract the feeble between fear and hope, and
partly to exclude from the number of the select judges, those
who were more determined, that the majority, at least, of that
number should be such as would comply with the queen's de-
sires. While some dreaded, and all hated such power, united
with such flagrant injustice in this obscure wretch, the king,
by the advice of his father, sent for James Douglas, [earl of
Morton,] and Patrick Lindsay, [lord Crawford, the one re-
lated to him by the father, the other by the mother's side,
they advised with Patrick Ruthven, a man prompt both in
council and execution, but who was so debilitated, that for
some months he had not been able to rise out of bed. The
greatest confidence, however, was reposed in him in this im-
portant business, both on account of his great prudence, and
because his children were cousins-german to the king. The
king was admonished by them of the great error he had
committed, in not only suffering his relations and friends to
be expelled the court, for the sake of an infamous vaga-
$
489 HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D,
bond, but in even almost with his own hand, driving them
away, and in exalting a base born, reptile, till he was himself
despised by him. They besides, conversed much on the
state of the country, and at last brought him frankly to con-
fess his fault, and to assure them, that in future he would
undertake nothing, unless with the consent of the nobility.
These experienced noblemen did not think it, however, alto-
gether safe, to trust an uxorious young man, lest seduced by
the caresses of his wife, he might deny their agreement, and
ruin them. The articles, therefore, which they had agreed
upon, were committed to writing, all of which he freely, and
even eagerly subscribed. These were—that religion should
be established, as it had been provided for at the queen's re-
turn to Scotland; that the persons lately driven into exile,
and whose aid their country could not want, should be brought
back; and that David, during whose life neither the dignity
of the king nor the safety of the nobility could be preserved,
should be put to death.
LXI. The whole having signed this agreement, and the king
professing himself the author of the murder, it was then re-
solved, in order to prevent the condemnation of the absent
nobles, and also that the design might not be discovered
through delay, instantly to attempt the deed. Therefore,
while the queen was at supper, in her small cabinet, the earl
of Argyle's lady, and David sitting with her as usual, and a
few attendants standing, as the place would not admit many,
James Douglas, earl of Morton, with a great number of his
friends, having taken possession of the outer gallery, promen-
aded there, while their vassals, and most faithful adherents,
were ordered to watch in the open court, and check any dis-
turbance, if any should occur. The king ascended from his
bedchamber, which was below the queen's, by a narrow stair-
case, open to himself alone, followed by Patrick Ruthven,
armed, and attended by four, or at most, five companions.
On their entering the closet, where the party were at supper,
the queen, somewhat agitated at the unusual appearance of
such guests, and seeing Ruthven squalid and haggard, emaci-
ated from long disease, yet clad in armour, inquired what was
the matter? for those who were present thought he was del-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 481
irious through fever. He then ordered David to arise and
come out, for the place where he sat was no proper place for
him. The queen immediately getting up, and interposing her
body, protected him. The king, however, catching her in his
arms, desired her to take courage, that the death of that low
villain only was determined on. David then was dragged to
the next, and afterward to the outer chamber, and there put
to death, by them who walked along with Douglas, in opposi-
tion to the wishes of the conspirators, who had determined to
hang him publicly, as they knew it would have afforded a
grateful spectacle to the people.*
LXII. It is currently reported, that when John Damiet, a
French priest who was generally believed to understand the
magical art, had repeatedly warned Rizzio to depart, now that
he had made his fortune, and withdraw himself from the hat-
red of the nobility, with whom he was unable to contend, he
replied, the Scots were greater boasters than fighters. Again,
a few days before his death, being advised to beware of a bas-
tard, he replied that he was not afraid, for no bastard should
have power in Scotland, as long as he lived; he thought his
danger was predicted of Moray, but that prophecy was either
eluded or fulfilled by George Douglas, the earl of Angus’
bastard, who gave him the first blow, after which, every one
who stood near him struck, and the king also inflicted a
wound, either to gratify his resentment, or desirous of joining
the band of public avengers.
LXIII. The noise of the assassination spread over the whole
palace, and the earls of Atholl, Huntly, and Bothwell, who
supped in a different part of the mansion, wished to break
away, but were prevented by those who kept watch within
the court, and confined in the room where they had supped,
though without any harm being done them. Ruthven having
gone from the cellar to the queen's bedchamber, where, not
Jeing able to stand, he sat down, and asked for something
to drink, the queen inveighed against him as a perfidious
traitor, in terms such as her grief and indignation suggested,
* Knox says, “They first purpoised to have hangit him, and had provided
cords for the sam purpois; bot the grit haste which they had, moved thame
to dispatch him with whingers or daggers.”
WOL. II, 3 P
482 HISTORY OF 8COTLAND,
and among other reproaches, asked him how he sitting, durst:
speak to her standing. He excused himself, saying that he
did it not from insolence, but from weakness, and advised her,
that in governing the kingdom, she should consult the nobili-
ty who were interested in its welfare, rather than needy adven-
turers, who could give no pledge of their fidelity, and who
had neither property nor character to lose. Neither was the
present any new example, the authority of the Scottish kings
was a legal authority; nor were they ever accustomed to be
governed by the will of one, but by the authority of the laws,
and the will of parliament, and any of their kings who had
attempted the contrary, had suffered severely for their temer-
ity. Nor were the Scots now so far degenerated from the man-
ners of their ancestors, as patiently to allow a foreigner, unfit
to be their servant, not only to rule, but to reduce them to
slavery. > * *
LXIV. This speech having only enraged the queen the more,
the conspirators departed, after leaving proper guards, to pre-
vent any other disturbance. In the meantime, the report
spread over the city, where it was credited or disbelieved, ac-
cording to the various wishes of the inhabitants, but all, seizing
arms, ran to the palace. On their arrival there, the king
himself spoke to them from a window, assuring them that he
and the queen were safe, that there was no reason for a tumult,
whatever had been done, had been done by his authority, and
why he had acted thus, he would inform them in due time. At
present, he desired every one to return to his own house,
which order all obeyed, except a few who were retained to
keep guard.
Lxv. Next day, the nobles, who had returned from England,
went directly to the town hall, and surrendered themselves, in
order to take their trial, for that was the day appointed, when no-
body appearing, they publicly protested that no obstacle existed
on their parts, why the trial should not be proceeded in, and
went every one to his own dwelling. The queen having sent for
her brother, and having had a long conversation with him, in
which she led him to expect that she would in future be dir.
ected by her nobility, her confinement was relaxed—a cle-
mency which many predicted would be a public mischief.
37
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 483
She in consequence re-assembled her old guard, and escaped
during the night, through a back gate, along with George
Seton, who had brought two hundred horse, and proceeded
first to his castle, and then to Dunbar, carrying the king,
whom she threatened with death if he refused, along with her.
There, having collected a considerable force, pretending to be
reconciled to the nobles lately returned from exile, she direct-
ed her vengeance against the assassins of David, who, yielding
to the necessity of the times, fled, and she, as if every thing
had been pacified, returned to indulge her former inclinations.
Her first proceeding was to cause David's body, which had
been buried before the neighbouring church door,” to be re-
moved in the night, and placed in the tomb of the late, king
and his childrén, which alone, with a few unaccountable trans-
actions, gave rise to strange observations; for what stronger
confession of adultery could she make, than that she should
equal to her father and brothers in his last honours, a base
born reptile, neither liberally educated, nor distinguished by
any public service; and what was still more detestable, that
she should place the miscreant almost in the very embrace of
Magdalene of Vallois, the late queen. In the midst of all these
* I annex an extract from James Melville’s Diary. I have mentioned it
before in the life of Buchanan, but as these little circumstances, although of
great importance to historical truth, are apt to be forgotten in cursory read-
ing, I here repeat it. It is needless to allude to its importance; it is the
dying declaration of a great man, to the truth of the record he was leaving
behind him. To those who are unable to appreciate the solemn worth of
such an attestation, I know not what stronger weight I could give to human
testimony.
“We went from him to the printers wark hous, whom we fand at the end
of the 17 buik of his Chronicle, at a place qhuilk we thought verie hard for the
tyme, qhuilk might be an occasion of steying the haill work, anent the burial
of Davie. Therfor steying the printer from proceiding we cam to Mr George
again and fand him bedfast by [contrary to] his custome, and asking him whow
he did, Even going the way of weilfare sayes he. Mr Thomas his cusing
schawes him of the hardnes of that part of his storie, y' the king wald be
offendit we it and it might stey all the wark. tell me man sayes he giff I have
tauld the treuthe. yis sayes Mr Thomas sir I think sa.. I will byd his fead
and all his kin’s then q"he, pray, pray to God for me and let him direct all.
Sabe the printing of his Cronicle was endit y' maistlerned wyse and godlie
man endit this mortal lyff.”
484 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
transactions, she threatened, and threw many oblique hints
against her husband, at the same time, doing every thing in
her power to lessen his authority, and render him contemptible,
while she proceeded with great severity in the trial of David's
murderers. Of those who were found privy to the act, many
were banished, many fined, and several who were almost innó-
cent, and therefore most secure, were put to death; but the
leaders of the faction dscaped, some to England, and others to
the highlands of Scotland. The magistrates, and all who
bore any public office, who were in the least suspected of hav-
ing had any share in the business, were removed, and their
situations given to their enemies. Proclamation too, was
made, which, notwithstanding so much public dissatisfaction,
excited considerable merriment; for it was ordered, that no
one should say that the king had any participation, or was
privy to the murder of David. This ferment being a little
allayed, on the 13th of April, the earls of Argyle and Moray
were received into favour. Not long after, the queen retired
to Edinburgh castle, as the time of her delivery drew near,
and on the 19th day of June, a little after nine o'clock, in the
morning, she brought forth a son, who was afterward called
James VI.
THE
History of scoTIAND.
Book XVIII.
1. THE queen, after her delivery, although she received the
congratulations very graciously of every other person, yet, as
often as she was informed that the king wished to see her, both
she and her companions looked and spoke in such a manner,
as that he might perceive his visits were unwelcome, and his
presence disagreeable. On the other hand, Bothwell was .
every thing; he alone managed all business, and so much did
the queen wish her predilection for him to be understood, that:
no applications were attended to, except such as were present-
ed by him; yet, as if afraid her partiality would not have been
sufficiently observed, on a certain day, early in the morning,
she went down to the port called Newhaven, with only one or
two domestics, without informing any person whither she was
going, and embarked on board a small vessel lying ready for
her, which had been prepared by William and , Edmond,
Blackadder, Edward Robertson, and Thomas Dickson, all
Bothwell's vassals, and notorious pirates. With this band of
ruffians, to the astonishment of all good men, she put to sea
unattended by one decent servant, and landed at Alloa, at a:
castle belonging to the earl of Marr, where she, for some days,
behaved, as if she had forgotten not only the majesty of a
queen, but the modesty of a matron. * * *
II. When the king heard of the queen's unexpected depart-
ure, he followed her as fast as he could by land, in the hope,
and with the design of being along with her, and enjoying the
mutual interchange of conjugal endearments; but he, as a
troublesome interrupter of their pleasures, without being al-
486 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, :
most allowed time sufficient to refresh his servants, was order-
ed to return whence he came. The queen, a few days after,
when she came back to Edinburgh, apparently to avoid the
crowd, abode not in her own palace, but in a private lodging
in that neighbourhood, whence she removed to another house
where the court of exchequer is held annually, not so much
for the spaciousness of the building, and the pleasantness of
the adjoining gardens, as that David Chambers, a vassal of
Bothwell's, lived there, and the back entrance was in the
vicinity of the queen's garden, through which Bothwell had
access whenever he chose. In the meantime, the king, who
could obtain no favour from his wife, but was driven from her
presence with insult and reproach, after having often at-
tempted to regain her affection, when he could by no atten-
tion or assiduity succeed in being admitted to his former
intercourse, withdrew to Stirling, as to a solitude. The queen,
shortly after, determined to proceed to Jedburgh, to hold a
border court. . - - .
HI. In the beginning of October, Bothwell set out upon an
expedition to Liddisdale, in which, when behaving in a man-
ner unworthy, the situation he held, the dignity of his family,
or the general expectation, a petty thief, whom he almost
killed by a shot, after he was taken and secured, wounded
him, and he was carried to the Hermitage castle in a doubtful
state. When intelligence of this was brought to the queen a
Borthwick, although then in the depth of winter, she flew, first
to Melrose, and thence to Jedburgh. Here, although certainly
informed that Bothwell's life was out of danger, she could not
restrain her impatience, but, in an inclement season of the
year, despising the difficulties of the road, and the danger of
robbers, she undertook the journey, accompanied by a train
with which no gentleman' of moderate circumstances, would
have dared to intrust himself. Thence, returning again to
Jedburgh, she, with the greatest care and attention, prepared
every thing for the removal of Bothwell thither; and on his
arrival, their meeting and intercourse was extremely unbecom-
ing. Here, whether in consequence of her daily and nightly
exertions and fatigue, or by some secret dispensation of provi-
* *
f
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 487
dence, the queen was seized with so severe and painful an
illness, that her life was despaired of.
Iv. The king, as soon as he heard of his wife's situation,
set out with the greatest expedition for Jedburgh, both to
testify his affection, and at the same time, hoping, that as is
usual in cases of great distress, she might repent her past
conduct, and be inclined to amend it. She, however, on the
contrary, so far from showing any mark of reconciliation,
forbade her attendants to rise on the king's entrance, to salute
him, or show him the least courtesy, or give him even a night's
lodging, and suspecting the kind and courteous disposition of
Moray, she desired his wife to hasten home, pretend sickness,
and immediately take to bed, that at least under the pretext
of ill health, the king might be excluded thence; and she
would have succeeded in forcing him to depart for want of
lodging, had not one of the Humes, ashamed at such pro-
ceedings, pretended a sudden cause for going away, and left
his lodging empty for the king; but early next day, he was
ordered off, and returned to Stirling. His departure appear-
ed the more shameful, because, at the same time, Bothwell
was openly removed from the lodgings he had formerly oc-
cupied, to the queen's apartments, and although neither were
completely restored, she from her sickness, nor he from his
wound, they travelled first to Kelso, then to Coldingham, and
afterward to Craigmillar, a castle about two miles distant from
Edinburgh, careless of the reports which they spread at every
step; the queen openly avowing in conversation, that she
could not live, unless she were separated from the king, and
that if she could not effect it otherwise, she would free herself
by her own hand. In these conversations, she often started
the subject of a divorce, and remarked that it would not be
difficult, if the pope's dispensation, which allowed their mar-
riage contrary to the papal law, was destroyed. But when she
did not appear likely to succeed in this, which was discussed
before a number of the nobility, giving up every other idea,
she bent her whole attention to the murder of the king.
V. A little before winter, when ambassadors arrived from
France and England, to witness the baptism of the prince,
the queen supplied not only money, but by her own care and
488 , HISTORY OF SUOTLAND.
2.8
superintendence, endeavoured to render Bothwell the most
magnificent in his dress of all her subjects or visitors, while
her lawful husband was donied the necessary apparel to ap-
pear in, at the christening of his son, excluded the presence
of the ambassadors, his personal attendants even dismissed,
and the nobility forbid to take notice of him. But when the
nobles saw the implacable hatred of the queen towards her
husband, they were the more disposed to pity a young and
harmless prince, treated with so much contempt, who bore it
all, not only patiently, but seemed constantly anxious to ex-
piate her unjust anger, and even in the most servile manner,
endeavoured to procure a share of her favour. With regard
to his dress, she adopted an impudent and evidently false
excuse, by throwing the blame upon the embroiderers, gold
workers, and other artisans, when every body knew the fault
was her own; but on the other hand, she frequently herself
wrought at the ornaments for adorning Bothwell. The for-
eign ambassadors were even admonished that they should
not converse with the king although they passed the greater
part of the day in the same castle together.
v1. The young man thus inhumanely treated, when he saw
himself exposed to universal contempt, and his rival set up be-
fore his eyes to be worshipped, determined to retire—as some
think sent for—to his father at Glasgow. At his departure,
the queen followed him with her usual hatred, the silver plate
which he had used ever since his marriage, was carried away,
and pewter substituted in its stead. Poison also was adminis-
tered to him before he set out, that the crime might be the
better concealed, if he died when absent from the court.
But they who gave it, were at this time mistaken in their cal-
culations, for before he was a mile distant from Stirling, his
whole body was so violently affected, as to render it easily
apparent, that his distemper was not incidental, but the
effect produced by human agency. When he eame to
Glasgow, the virulence of the disease openly betrayed the
cause, for livid pustules broke out over his whole body,
accompanied with such pain and universal irritation, that
little hopes were entertained for his life. James Abernethy,
an eminently skilful and experienced physician, of the most
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 489
undoubted fidelity, on being asked respecting the nature of
the disease, immediately replied, that poison had been given
him. The queen's domestic physician had been called, but
she forbade him to attend, fearing lest he might be able to
effect a cure, besides, she did not wish the symptoms of
poison to be noticed by too many.
VII. The baptismal ceremonies being finished, and the
company by degrees dispersing, the queen, desirous of soli-
tude, passed several days almost alone with Bothwell, at the
noblemen's seats of Drummond and Tullibardine. About the
beginning of January, she returned to Stirling, and pre-
tended every day as if she would go to Glasgow, while she
waited for accounts of the king's death. In this uncertain
state of the case, she determined to obtain possession of her
son. To render this design the less suspected, she began to
complain, that the house where the child was nursed, was in-
commodious, because, the situation being damp and cold, he
was in danger of catching rheumatism; but that there were
other reasons was sufficiently apparent, because the evils pro-
posed to be avoided by a change of residence, were in fact
much greater in the place to which he was carried, for the pal-
ace is situated in a swamp, and shaded from the sun by the op-
posite mountains. The boy, however, yet scarcely entering
his seventh month, was brought to Edinburgh in a very severe
winter. While there, learning that the king was recovering,
having overcome the power of the poison, by the strength of
his youth, and the natural vigour of his constitution, she re-
newed her plots for his destruction, and even acquainted some
of the nobility with her iniquity.
v1.11. In the mean while, the queen was informed that the
king designed to fly to France or Spain, and that he had been
consulting on the subject, with an Englishman, who had a ves-
sel lying in the Frith of Clyde. Some thought that now a fair
opportunity presented itself, that the queen should send for
him, , and, if he refused to come, put him openly to death;
nor were there wanting those who offered assistance in the
business. Others advised, that the deed should be private-
ly committed, but all agreed that it should be done quickly,
before the king was perfectly recovered. The queen, secure
WOL. II. 3 Q
:
490 History of Scotland.
of her son, that she might also get her husband into her
power, although not quite determined as to the manner of
his death, resolved to proceed herself to Glasgow, having, as she
thought, done away the suspicions of the former months, by
her frequent and very kind letters. Her conduct, however,
contradicted the professions of her letters, for the Hamiltons
and the other enemies of the king's father, were almost the
only companions of her journey. In the meantime, she com-
mitted the charge of the necessary arrangements in Edinburgh
to the care of Bothwell, as that appeared the most convenient
place for perpetrating the crime, and concealing it when
perpetrated; because in the great assemblage of the nobility,
the suspicion of the murder could be thrown upon some other
person, or scattered among a number. The queen, who used
every art to dissemble her hatred, after much mutual chiding
and complaining, with difficulty, produced a belief of her
sincere reconciliation. -
Ix. The king, not yet quite recovered, was brought on a
couch to Edinburgh, to the place which Bothwell, who, in
the absence of the queen, had undertaken that office, had
destined for his murder. This was a house, which had for
some years been uninhabited, near the city walls, in a lonely
situation, between two ruined churches, where neither noise
nor outcry could be heard. Here he was thrust in with a few
menials, for the greater part of the servants, whom the queen
had placed around him as spies, departed, aware of their im-
minent danger, and they who remained, could not obtain
possession of the keys from those who had prepared the lodg-
ings. The queen, who anxiously took every precaution to
remove all suspicion from herself, so far succeeded in her
dissimulation, that the king, now fully convinced of her
affection for him, wrote to his father, who had remained
sick at Glasgow, letters full of his expectation and confidence,
mentioning the kindnesses of the queen, as proofs of her en-
tire and sincere affection, and strongly assuring him, that he
hoped a change of every thing for the better. While writing
these, the queen unexpectedly came in, and having read the
letters, kissed and embraced him, and professed herself be-
37 - -
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, . 49]
3.
yond bounds gratified, as she now clearly perceived, that
no shade of suspicion remained on his mind. . . . .
x. Every thing seemingly settled in that quarter, her next
care was how she might, if possible, divert the whole guilt to
others. She therefore sent for her brother Moray, who, hav.
ing lately obtained leave, had gone to St. Andrews to visit
his wife, who was said to be in imminent danger of her life,
being pregnant, and attacked with the smallpox. She pre-
tended, that the reason why she desired to retain her brother,
was, that she wished to dismiss honourably, the duke of
Savoy's ambassador, who had arrived too late for the prince's
baptism ; this, although it appeared an inadequate reason,
why he should be called away from so pious and necessary a
duty, he yet obeyed. The queen, in the meantime, daily visit-
ed the king, and having reconciled him to Bothwell, whom
she wished to place beyond suspicion, she made him many
liberal promises of her future kindness, which professions of
affection, although strongly suspected by all, yet no one durst
warn the king of his danger, for whatever he heard from any
other quarter, he was accustomed to tell the queen in order
to ingratiate himself the more with her. One however was
found, Robert, the queen's [bastard] brother, who, either
moved by the atrocity of the action, or by pity for the youth,
dared to unfold to him the treachery of his wife, on condition
that he should keep it secret, and consult his safety as well
as possible. This the king, according to his custom, told to
the queen, and Robert being sent for, firmly denied it, when
each having given the other the lie, they drew their swords.
The queen who rejoiced at this sight, which promised soon
to accomplish her end without her interference, called her
other brother James, as if to settle the dispute, but in fact
that he likewise might fall on the same occasion, for no wit-
ness was present except Bothwell alone, who would rather
have finished the weaker, than have separated the contending
parties, as evidently appeared from his remark, that it was
unnecessary to send, in such a hurry for James, to separate
men who were not so very desirous of fighting. - -
xi. The quarrel between these two being adjusted, the
queen and Bothwell turned all their attention to the plan of
492 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the murder, and how it might be accomplished most secretly.
The queen, pretending love for her husband, and an oblivion
of former disgust, ordered her bed to be brought from the
palace to the bedchamber, immediately below the king's.
There she herself lay for several nights, after having sat up
till late, in conversation with the king. Meanwhile, she left no
method untried, by which, when the deed was perpetrated,
the infamy might be shifted to her brother James, and the
earl of Morton, for these two, whom she chiefly feared on
account of their virtue and authority, being cut off, every
thing else, she flattered herself, would fall before her; to
which the letters of the Pope, and Charles, Cardinal of Lor-
raine, likewise incited her, for in the former summer, when
she petitioned the Pope by her uncle for money, for over-
throwing the established religion in Britain, the Pope, more
secretly indeed, but the Cardinal openly, exhorted her to put
to death, those who chiefly opposed the restoration of the pap-
al power, and especially named the earls I have mentioned, on
whose destruction he promised her immense sums of money
for carrying on the war. The queen, who believed that rumours
had reached the nobles, showed them the letters, thinking by
this means to clear herself of all suspicion of being alienated
from them; but these plans, although they appeared so
subtilely laid, were somewhat disturbed at the outset. Frequent
messages from Moray's lady, brought him information, that
she had had a miscarriage, and that little hope was entertain-
ed for her life. This was told him on the Lord's day,
as he was going to hear sermon, on which he returned to the
queen, and requested leave to go home. She insisted strongly
that he should wait one day for more certain intelligence, as,
if the disease increased, his presence could be of no avail,
but if it abated, next morning would be early enough. He,
however, persisted in setting out upon his journey.
xII. The queen, who had destined that night for the mur-
der, wishing to appear wholly at her ease, celebrated the
marriage of Sebastiáni, one of her musicians, during the day,
in the palace, where having spent the evening in mirth and
festivity, she came with a large retinue, to visit her hus-
band. After conversing with him more cheerfully than usual
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 493
for some hours, and after kissing him, she gave him a ring.
When the queen had departed, and the king, with a few ser-
vants who remained, was talking over her behaviour, among
a number of gratifying speeches, the recollection of one short
observation, somewhat disturbed him, whether her impatience
betrayed her joy on the near approach of the murder, or
whether the word unintentionally escaped her, she remarked,
It was about this time last year, that David Rizzio was
slain. Though none of them liked this inopportune remem-
brance of the fact, yet, because the night was far spent, and
the morrow was devoted to sports and amusement, they
speedily separated, and went to bed.
XIII. In the meantime, gunpowder was placed in the cham-
ber below, to blow up the house. But while every thing else
was cautiously and artfully managed, they allowed a trifling
circumstance to betray no trifling indication of the crime.
The bed, in which the queen had lain for some nights, was
removed from its place, and a worse one substituted in its
stead; amid such a prodigality of character, such was their
care for a little money. In the midst of their conversation,
Paris, a Frenchman, one of their ministers of villany, entered
the king's bedchamber, and silently placed himself in a situa-
tion where he could be observed by the queen, for that was
the signal agreed upon, that all was ready. She, as soon as
she saw Paris, as if suddenly remembering the nuptials of
Sebastiani, accused herself of neglect, in not having danced
masked, as she had promised, nor put the bride to bed, as
was usual, which saying, she arose and departed. On her
return to the palace, she conversed a considerable time with
Bothwell, who, at length being dismissed, went into a bed-
chamber, changed his dress, put on a soldier's cloak, and pas-
sing through the guards with a few attendants, returned to
the town. Two other bands of the conspirators, came to the
place appointed, by different roads, and a few entered the
king's bedchamber—the keys of which they had, as I formerly
mentioned—fell upon him, when wrapt in a deep sleep, and
strangled him, together with a servant, who lay on a little
bed near him. After they were strangled, they carried the
bodies through a gate, which they had made in the city wall
494 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
for this purpose, into a small garden close by, then setting
fire to the gunpowder, they blew up the house from its foun-
dation, with such an explosion, that the neighbouring build-
ings were shaken, and persons who were asleep in the most
distant parts of the city, awoke terrified. On the deed being
perpetrated, Bothwell, departing by the ruins of the city wall,
in a different direction from that by which he had come, re-
turned through the guards to the palace.
xiv. This for several days was the common report of the
king's death. The queen, who was watching the event of the
night, when she heard of the catastrophe, assembled such of
the nobility as were in the palace, and among the rest, Both-
well, and by their advice, as if ignorant of all that had hap-
pened, despatched messengers to inquire into the cause of the
disturbance. Those who went to examine the circumstances,
found the king lying naked, except only a linen shirt upon the
upper part of his body, the rest of his clothes, and even his
slippers, lay close by him. The common people came in great
crowds to see him, and formed many conjectures on the sub-
ject, yet nobody could be persuaded to believe, what Bothwell
so strongly desired they should, that he had been forced
through the roof of the house, by the violence of the gun-
powder, especially, because no fracture, contusion, or livid
mark appeared on his body, which there must have been in
such a case, and his clothes, which were lying near, were not
only not singed with the flames, nor sprinkled with the powder,
but were so regularly placed; that they appeared to have been
carefully put there, and not either thrown by violence, or left
by chance. Bothwell, when he returned, as if in astonishment, .
}
delivered his story to the queen, after which, she went to bed,
where she remained in a sound sleep, wholly undisturbed, the
greatest part of next day.
xv. On this, rumours were immediately spread by the par-
ricides, and carried before daybreak to the English borders,
that the king had been murdered by the contrivance of Moray
and Morton. The queen, however, was secretly considered
the author of the catastrophe, nor did the bishop of St. An-
drews entirely escape, owing to a number of circumstances,
which gave rise to conjectures. A deep and cruel enmity had
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 493
subsisted between the families, and the bishop had never been
reconciled to the queen, till she began to contemplate this
atrocity; but lately he had attended her to Glasgow, and been
the participator of her most secret counsels. It increased sus-
picion too, his having lately taken up his abode in the house
of his brother, the earl of Arran, the nighest house to that in
which the king had been killed, while he always before resid-
ed in the most public place of the city, better adapted for
popular civilities and entertainments; besides, from the higher
parts of the town, a light, and night watch had been seen in
his lodging during the whole night, until the explosion, when
the lights were extinguished, and his vassals, numbers of
whom had watched armed, were forbidden to go abroad; but
when the real state of facts came to be divulged, some months
after, many of these circumstances, which had only been view-
ed as very suspicious, were, after the conspiracy was discover-
ed, considered as indisputable proof.
xvi. The crime being perpetrated, messengers were imme-
diately despatched into England, to spread the report that the
king of Scotland had been cruelly murdered by his subjects,
and chiefly by the contrivance of the earls of Moray and
Morton. This news was instantly carried to court, and
raised such a general sentiment of indignation against the
whole country, that for some days no native of Scotland durst
appear in public, except at the imminent risk of his life ; and
it was even with difficulty, after a correspondence had brought
to light the secret conspiracy, that that indignation was at
length appeased. The king's corpse, after it had remained
for a considerable time a spectacle, and a continual concourse
of the people still flocking to gaze on it, the queen caused it
to be extended upon an inverted bench, and carried by porters
to the palace. There she looked earnestly upon that body, the
handsomest of his age, but gave no sign by which the secret
emotions of her heart could be discovered. The nobles pre-
sent determined to give him a magnificent and honourable
funeral, but she caused him to be carried in the night by
menials to his sepulchre, and privately interred; and to the
great disgust of the public, his grave was placed near that of
496 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
David Rizzio, as if she intended the death of her husband for
a propitiation to the manes of that infamous vagabond.
xvii. Two incidents which occurred at this time, I think
worth relating, the one of which happened a little before the
murder. James Loudon, a gentleman of Fife, who had long
been ill of a fever, on the day before the king died, about
noon raised himself up in his bed, as if amazed, and besought
all present, with a loud voice, to assist the king, for already
the parricides are killing him. Then shortly after, in a
mournful tone he exclaimed, Your assistance is too late, he is
now killed; and after this saying, he himself survived but a
very short time. The other occurred almost at the moment
of the murder. Three intimate friends of the duke of Athol,
relations of the king, men of virtue and high rank, lodged not
far from the king's dwelling. They were sleeping together in
the same apartment, when, in the middle of the night, some
one appeared to approach to Dugald Stuart, who lay next the
wall, and drawing his hand gently across his beard and his
cheek, awoke him, and said, Arise, they bring violence to you.
He suddenly started, and, while he was thinking with himself
on his vision, another immediately exclaimed, from another
bed, Who kicks me? and when Dugald replied, Perhaps the
cat, who walks as usual in the night, then the third, who had
not been awakened, immediately rose from bed, and getting
on his feet, asked, Who struck him on the ear? and while yet
speaking, a figure appeared to go out at the door with a con-
siderable noise; and as they conversed on what they had seen
and heard, the sound of the explosion of the king's house
struck them all with consternation. * º
xvi.II. The treason being concluded, men were variously
aftected by it, according as they loved or hated the king. All
the good with one consent detested the nefarious crime, but
John Stuart, earl of Athol, was most seriously grieved, for,
among other reasons, he had been the principal promoter of
the marriage. The next night after the murder, armed guards,
as is usual in cases of disturbance, keeping watch round the
palace, a sound was heard, as of persons gently destroying
the foundation of the outside wall of the bedchamber in which
Athol slept; the family being raised by the crash, passed the
*ge
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 497
rest of the night without sleep. Next day the earl removed
into the town, and soon after departed home, being afraid for
his life. The earl of Moray too, when he returned to court
from St. Andrews, was not without danger, for armed mem
were observed to walk about his house during the night, but
as his servants watched him on account of sickness, the vil-
lains could attempt nothing against him privately, and pub-
licly they durst not. At length Bothwell, who would willingly
have been quit of the trouble, resolved to make the base at-
tempt himself. For this purpose, about the middle of the
night, he asked his domestics how Moray's health was; being
answered that he was extremely ill, and cruelly tortured with
pain, what, said he, although we should pay him a visit, and
having said so, he arose, and was hastening to his house.
When upon the road, he was informed by his servants, that
Moray had gone to his brother Robert, to be without the
reach of the noise of the palace, and where he could enjoy
more liberty and comfort. He stopped, and after remaining
silent a little, he returned home, regretting that he had missed
such an excellent opportunity.
xix. Meanwhile, the queen assumed a grave countenance,
and by pretending great sorrow, thought to reconcile the peo-
ple to her; but this part of the conspiracy was equally unsuc-
cessful with the rest, for as it was the custom of former times
for queens, after the death of their husbands, to withdraw
many days, not only from the society of men, but even to
shut out the light of heaven, the joy of her mind overcame
this restraint, and though she shut the doors, she opened the
windows, and on the fourth day, having thrown off her weeds,
she could endure both light of heaven and of the sun, and bé-
fore the twelfth, having fortified her mind against vulgar report,
she set out for Seton, about seven miles distant from the town,
during which journey, Bothwell was never absent from her
side, and she behaved herself there in such a manner, as to
render it evident, that although the dress of her body was
altered a little, there was no alteration in the habits of her
mind; the place was frequented by a great concourse of no-
bility, and she followed her usual amusements in the adjoining
vol. II. 3 R
498 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
plain, although some of them were plainly not adapted for
WOImen, e *
xx. The arrival of M. Le Croc, however, who had often
been ambassador in Scotland before, somewhat disturbed
their plans, for when he represented how infamous these pro-
ceedings were among foreigners, they returned to Edinburgh.
But Seton had so many conveniences, that, although at an
expense of character, they returned thither; there the chief
object of their consultation was, how Bothwell might be ac-
quitted of the murder. An attempt had indeed been before
made, at a trial and acquittal, for immediately upon the
murder of the king, Bothwell, and several of his associates
had appeared before the earl of Argyle, lord justice-general,
at first, as if wholly ignorant of the transaction, expressing
their astonishment at it, as a strange unheard of incredible
thing, next they proceeded to take a precognition, citing a
few poor old women from the neighbourhood, who, hesitat-
ing between hope and fear, were uncertain, whether to speak
out, or to keep silence; yet although cautious in their speech,
they blabbed more than was intended, and were in conse-
quence dismissed, as having spoken rashly, but it was easy
to despise their testimony. The king's servants who had
escaped the disaster, were then sent for, and on being inter-
rogated respecting the entrance of the assassins, denied that
the keys were in their possession; and on being further asked,
who then had them, they answered, the queen, on which the
further examination was delayed, but in fact given up, for
they were afraid if it were proceeded in, the secrets of the
court would be betrayed to the public. That the business
might not, however, appear to be dropped entirely, a proclama-
tion was issued, offering a reward to those who should dis-
cover the authors of the king's murder. But who could dare
to impeach Bothwell, when he would be at once the pannel,
examinator of the witnesses, and awarder of the punishment?
Yet this fear which shut the mouths of individuals, could not
stop the observations of the multitude, for hand bills and
caricatures were published, and nightly cries were heard
during the darkness, by which the parricides were informed,
that their secret nocturnal deeds were known; that no person
37 * *
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 499
was ignorant either of those who contrived the infamous trea-
son, or who executed it, and the more they were restricted,
with so much the more violence did the public discontent
burst forth.
xxi. Although the conspirators seemed to despise these
things, yet they were secretly so much vexed, that they could
not conceal their vexation; wherefore, setting aside all inquiry
into the king's death, they instituted a much more strict one
against the authors of the libels, the calumniators, as they
called them, of Bothwell, and prosecuted it with a zeal that
spared neither labour nor expense. All the painters and
writers were summoned, to see if by chance they could dis-
cover the authors of the pictures and libels, and a very con-
sistent clause was added to the proclamation, declaring it not
only a capital crime to publish these libels, but even to read
them when published. While, however, they endeavoured to
restrain people's speeches, by threatening capital punishments,
they did not restrain their insatiable hatred towards the dead
king. The effects of the deceased, his arms, horses, clothes,
and the rest of his household stuff, were seized as if they had
been confiscated, and divided by the queen among his mur-
derers, or his father's enemies; this, as it was done openly,
was openly discussed, so much so, that a tailor, who was al-
tering some of the king's dress to suit Bothwell, was bold
enough to remark, That it was but right, and according to
the custom of the country, for the clothes of the deceased to
be given to the executioner.
xxII. Among the rest of their perplexities, another difficul-
ty which arose, was, how to put the queen in possession of
Edinburgh castle. John, earl of Marr, kept possession of
it, on condition, that he was to deliver it up to no person,
except by direction of the estates, which although they were
to meet next month, even that delay seemed long to the avidi-
ty of the queen. Therefore, she treated with the earl's friends,
as he himself lay ill of a dangerous distemper at Stirling,
that the castle should be delivered to her, assigning as her
chief reason, that she could not keep the populace of Edin-
burgh, who were then troublesome, in proper subjection, un-
less she had the command of the castle, but that she would
500 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
give the earl, as a pledge of her greatest affection, her son,
the only heir of the kingdom, to be educated by him, which
office, his ancestors had discharged towards many other
princes, and lately towards her mother, and grandfather,
with: the greatest applause. Marr, although he understood
the tendency of these flatteries and promises, yet not unwill.
ingly consented. The queen, when she found that she had
succeeded more easily with him than she had expected, at-
tempted to obtain immediate possession of the castle, and at
the same time retain the custody of her son, which not being
able to effect, she attempted him by another manoeuvre. She
proposed that he should receive the prince at Linlithgow,
midway between Edinburgh and Stirling, on a certain day,
on which day the castle should be surrendered, but, as he
suspected some deceit, it was at last agreed, that the boy
should be delivered to him at Stirling, he at the same time
giving some of the principal of his relations as sureties, for
the surrender of the castle. *
XXIII. These circumstances occasioned the parricides some
anxiety, but the daily complaints of the earl of Lennox distres-
sed them much more, who, as he durst not come to court, on
account of Bothwell's exorbitant and lawless power, constant-
ly assailed the queen by letters, and required from her, that
Bothwell the undoubted author of the murder, should be
committed to prison, till such time as he could be brought to
trial. His demands were eluded for some time, by a great
many subterfuges. As it was, however, impossible to avoid
inquiring into so atrocious a crime, the following method
was contrived for conducting the trial. Parliament stood
summoned for the 13th of April, before which day, the queen
wished the trial finished, that the pannel, acquitted by a sen-
tence of the court, might have his innocence fully declared
by a vote of the whole estates, and such was the haste, that
nothing was carried on regularly, according to ancient prac-
tice, in the whole process. The accusers nearest of kin, the
wife, father, mother, and son, ought to have been cited to
appear either personally, or, by procuration within forty
days, the legal time, here the father was summoned to ap-
pear on the 13th of April, and, that without any. invitation
*
- HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 501
of friends, with only his own family, now in his great pov.
erty, reduced to a few, while Bothwell paraded the town
with a crowd of attendants. The earl of Lennox, therefore,
judged it better to remain absent from a city filled with his
enemies, as without friends, and a guard of vassals, he could
neither be safe, nor consider himself free.
xxiv. On the day appointed, Bothwell, at the same time
the prosecutor and pannel, proceeded to the town hall; the
judges were called from the nobility, the majority of them his
friends, none of the opposite party having challenged any of
them. Robert Cunningham, one of the Lennox family, caus-
ed a little delay in the proceedings. After craving liberty to
speak, he protested that that court was incapable, either by
law or practice, to sit in judgment, where the accused was too
powerful to be punished, and the accuser absent through fear
of his life; therefore, whatever they determined, being both
inconsistent with law and form, was irrelevant; they, never-
theless, proceeded. Gilbert, earl of Cassillis, too, being chosen
one of the judges, rather for the sake of using his right, than
that he hoped to succeed, excused himself, and even offered
to pay the fine usually exacted from those who refuse to sit.
Immediately a messenger arrived from the queen with a ring,
ordering him to sit as one of the judges, and threatening him
with imprisonment, unless he obeyed. Still refusing, another
message was sent him by the queen, accompanied by a men-
ace of punishing him as a traitor, should he continue refrae-
tory. Thus terrified, he complied, and they pronounced [a
verdict of not proven against Bothwell] that they saw no
grounds for condemning Bothwell, but if any one afterwards
should legally and regularly accuse him, this judgment should
not prevent his proceedings. Nor did the verdict appear im-
proper, for the question was so put, that Bothwell could not
have been condemned by the severest judges. They were
ordered to inquire into a murder which had been committed
on the ninth of February, whereas the king was killed on the
tenth. Thus Bothwell was acquitted, but not freed from the
infamy, for the suspicion against him was increased, while the
punishment seemed only delayed; but any pretence, however
shameless, was sufficient for the queen, who was eager to be
502 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
married to him. As an epilogue to his acquittal, a placard
was affixed on a very conspicuous situation :-That although
Bothwell was acquitted by a legal tribunal of the charge of
murder, yet, that his innocence might appear untarnished,
he was ready to defend it by the sword, if any person of un-
exceptionable character and birth should charge him with the
murder of the king. Next day the challenge was as boldly
accepted, in a bill publicly posted, on condition only, that a
place should be appointed where the person could arm himself
without danger.
xxv. Notwithstanding her success, the queen appeared
more haughty in parliament. Formerly she wore a species of
civility, but now she undisguisedly showed her tyrannical dis-
position, and openly refused all that she had promised in the
cause of religion at Stirling; which was, that in the first par-
liament, the laws enacted through the tyranny of the pope,
should be abrogated, and the authority of the reformed church
confirmed by new statutes. Besides her promise, when two
deeds, with her own sign manual affixed, were produced, she
eluded their force, and desired the messengers, who had been
sent her by the church, to return upon another day, but she
never, after that time, afforded them an opportunity. The
acts of parliament, which had been passed by the consent of
her husband Francis, before her return to Scotland, she al-
leged, fell under the act of oblivion. This declaration appear-
ed to all an evident profession of tyranny; therefore, as the
Scots have no laws but their acts of parliament, they silently
began to reflect what would be their situation, under a prince
whose will was to be the law, and who paid no regard to pro-
mises. These circumstances occurred towards the end of the
parliament.
. .xxvi. About the same time, the queen, who was exceeding-
ly anxious to hasten the marriage, endeavoured by every art,
to obtain some expression of the public consent, that she might
not appear to have acted in opposition to the inclination of the
nobility. Bothwell, therefore, took this method for sanctioning
the marriage, by an appearance of public authority. He in-
vited all the principal nobility then in town—and there were
a great number—to an entertainment, and when their hilarity
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 503
had opened their dispositions, he begged them to preserve
towards him in future, the same affection they had formerly
expressed; at present, he requested, that as he was a suitor to
the queen, they would subscribe a small paper he had drawn
up on the subject, which would procure him favour from the
queen, and honour from the people. The company, astonish-
ed at this sudden and unexpected proposal, could not conceal
their chagrin, yet durst not refuse the request. A few who
were acquainted with the queen's inclination, showing the
example, the rest, ignorant of the number of sycophants, and
suspicious of each other, all signed. Next day, when the
nobles reflected upon what they had done, some ingenuously
confessed, that unless they had considered it agreeable to the
queen, they would never have consented; for, besides the
disgrace of the transaction, and the public detriment, it might
be dangerous, lest, if any disagreement should arise, as they
recollected with her former husband, and Bothwell be thrown
aside, they should be accused of having betrayed the queen,
and compelled her to a dishonourable marriage. Wherefore,
before proceeding farther, they determined to learn her pleas-
ure, and procure, a writing under her own hand, approving
what they had done in the marriage. This being easily ob-
tained, it was delivered by general consent, to the keeping of
the earl of Argyle.
xxvii. Next day, all the bishops who were in town, were
called to court, that they likewise should subscribe. This
obstacle overcome, another presented itself, how was the queen
to get her son into her power? For Bothwell did not think
it safe to preserve a boy, who might some day become the
avenger of his father's murder, nor did he wish any other to
precede his own children as heir to the throne. On which the
queen, who could deny him nothing, personally undertook the
task of bringing back the prince to Edinburgh. She had also
other reasons for visiting Stirling, of which I shall speak pre-
sently. When she had arrived thither, the earl of Marr, sus-
pecting her intentions, showed her indeed the child, but in
such a manner as never to have him out of his own power.
The queen, on her stratagem being detected, and not being
able to effect her purpose by force, dissembling the cause of
504 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
her visit, set out upon her return. During the journey, either
from her constant exertion, or from indignation, because the
plan that seemed to the authors so skilfully concerted, had
not succeeded, she was suddenly seized with severe indisposi-
tion, and stopped at a wretched hovel, about four miles from
Stirling, where the pain abating a little, she proceeded on her
journey, and came that night to Linlithgow. Thence she
wrote to Bothwell, by Paris, what she wished him to do re-
specting the attempt upon her person; for, before she left
Edinburgh, she had arranged with him, that he should seize
her upon her return at Almond bridge, and carry her with
him wherever he chose, as if it were by force. Thus her con-
duct was generally interpreted, for she could neither conceal
her intercourse with Bothwell, nor desist from it, nor enjoy
it so openly as she wished, without loss of character. As it
was tedious to wait for a divorce from his former wife, and
as she wished to consult her honour, for which she had hith-
erto pretended some regard, and, at the same time, gratify
the impatience of her desire, it was thought an excellent plan,
for Bothwell, by his egregious criminality, to wipe away the
infamy of the queen. Yet there was a deeper design in this
enterprise—as was afterward understood—for when the peo-
ple frequently pointed out, and execrated the authors of the
king's murder, they, in order to provide for their own secur-
ity, by the advice, as is thought, of John Leslie, bishop of
Ross, concerted the rape of the queen. In Scotland there is
a custom, that in all pardons granted to criminals, the heav-
iest offence is mentioned by name, and the rest added in gen-
eral terms, the parricides, therefore, resolved to ask pardon
for laying violent hands on the queen, and then to add, as a
concluding clause, and for all other nefarious acts, in which
clause they persuaded themselves the murder of the king
would be included, as it neither seemed safe for the authors
to be named in a pardon, nor honourable to be granted in
explicit terms, neither could it well be as an appendix to a
pardon for crimes of a minor description. Another crime
therefore, less odious, but equal in the nature of its punish-
ment, was to be devised, under whose shade the murder of the
king might be covered and pardoned, but nothing presented
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 505
itself, except this pretended rape, by which the queen's pleas-
ure, and Bothwell's safety could at the same time be secured.
xxviii. Bothwell, therefore, attended by six hundred horse,
waited for the queen at Almond bridge, as had been agreed
upon, and carried her, not unwillingly, along with him, to
Dunbar, where they freely indulged themselves, while a di-
vorce against his former wife was sued for in two courts; be-
fore the commissaries, who usually judge in such questions,
and before the officials, the bishops' judges, although they were
forbid by act of parliament, to act in a magisterial capacity,
or interfere at all in public business. Lady Gordon, Both-
well's wife, was forced to institute two actions for divorce,
before the queen's judges. She accused her husband of adul-
tery, the only just cause of divorce allowed by them. Before
the papal judges, forbid by law, yet assembled by the arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, for deciding this plea, she accused him
of incest. No delay occurred in procuring the divorce, either
on the part of witnesses or judges, and in less than ten days,
the suit was commenced, heard, and decided. -4
xxix. In these circumstances, the nobility attached to the
Reformation, assembled at Stirling, and sent to the queen, to
inquire whether she was detained where she was, willingly, or
by constraint, for if against her inclination, they would assem-
ble an army, and liberate her. She received the messenger
with smiles, and answered, that she had been brought thither
unwillingly, but had been so kindly treated since, that she
could not greatly complain of the previous injury. Having
thus treated the messenger with derision, they made haste to
repair the injury of the rape by a legal marriage; yet two im-
pedimetits appeared still to remain. The first was, if the queen
married in a state of captivity, the marriage might be held as
defective, and thus easily dissolved; and the next, how the
usual ceremonies were to be observed, which required, that
the intended marriage between James Hepburn, and Mary
Stuart, should be proclaimed before the congregation three
Lord's days, that if any one knew of any fault or impediment,
why the parties ought not to be lawfully united, they should
declare it to the church. To remove these obstacles, Both-
well, having assembled his friends and vassals, determined to
VOL. II, 3 S
506 . HISTOrtY OF SCOTLAND.
f
carry back the queen to Edinburgh, where, under a vain show
of liberty, he might decide upon their marriage at his pleas-
ure. . A number of his armed attendants, as they went along,
fearing lest they might afterward suffer for having kept the
queen a prisoner, merely because they surrounded her in arms,
when the country was quiet, threw away their spears, and as
a peaceable train, in appearance at least, escorted her to
Edinburgh castle, then in the possession of Bothwell. Next
day, they carried her to the city, and to the courts of justice,
before whom she affirmed she was completely free, and under
no restraint.
xxx. With regard to the proclamation of marriage, the
reader whose duty it was, steadily refused to publish it, on
which, the deacons and elders being assembled, and not dar-
ing to refuse, ordered the preacher to proceed to publish
the intended marriage, according to custom, and he obeyed
them thus far, that he declared he himself knew a lawful
hinderance, which he was ready to tell either the queen or
Bothwell, when they chose. On which, he was brought to
the castle, and sent by the queen to Bothwell, who, although
he could neither by flattery nor threats, shake the preacher
from his purpose, nor yet dared to trust a discussion, pro-
ceeded with the marriage. The bishop of Orkney alone could
be found, who preferred the favour of the court to truth,
all the rest, loudly exclaimed against the marriage, and ad-
duced their reasons, to show that there could be no legal
union with a man, who had two wives living, and had lately
been divorced from a third, upon his own confession of adul-
tery. Yet, notwithstanding the indignation of all good men,
the execration of the common people, and the disapprobation
of her relations, expressed by letter, while the business was
in progress, and their detestation shown, after the mock cer-
emonies were finished, the marriage was celebrated. Such
of the nobility as were present—for almost all of them had
gone home, except a few of Bothwell's friends and relations—
were invited to an entertainment, and along with them Le
Croc, the French ambassador. He, however, although of the
Guise faction, and residing near the spot, decidedly refused
to attend, for he did not think it becoming the dignity of his
37
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 507
x*
^
character as ambassador, to approve by his presence, of a
marriage, which he heard devoutly execrated by the people.
The queen's uncles disapproved of it, both during its progress,
and after it was consummated; and the sovereigns, both of
France and England, expressed by their ambassadors, their
dislike at the disgraceful proceeding.
xxxi. Although these circumstances were disagreeable, yet
the sullen discontent of the people much more exasperated
the haughty disposition of the queen, as what we see usually
affects our minds more deeply than what we are told. In their
procession through the city, no person followed them with the
usual acclamations; one poor old woman, alone once cried,
God bless the queen; on which, another exclaimed once and,
again, sufficiently loud to be heard by the bystanders, Let that
be according as she deserves; which incident incensed her
highness still more at the inhabitants of Edinburgh, with
whom she was already angry. Perceiving this general dissat-
isfaction both at home and abroad, she consulted with a few
of her confidential advisers, on the most proper measures for.
establishing her power, and securing herself from tumults in
future; and, first, it was resolved to send an embassy to
France, to reconcile the king and the chief of the Guises,
who were offended at her precipitate marriage. The ambas-
sador made choice of, was William, bishop of Dunblane.'
His instructions were almost literally as follow : $
xxxii. You will excuse us to the king and queen, and to
our uncles; first, for the report of our being married having
reached them before they received any despatches from us re-
specting our intention. This excuse, as the foundation, must
rest upon a true delineation of the whole life, and especially:
the services of the duke of Orkney towards us, to the day
when we thought proper to take him for an husband. You are
to commence your account of his history as you have oppor-
tunity, beginning at the earliest period of his youth, as soon
as he came of age. Immediately upon the death of his father,
one of the first noblemen of the kingdom, he devoted himself
almost entirely to the service of the king; and his family was,
besides, not only illustrious by its ancient nobility, but by
holding the highest command in the kingdom, which was
508 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
their hereditary right. At that time particularly, he so whol-
ly attached himself to our mother, who then managed the
government, and was so constant in supporting her, that
though, for a short time, great part of the nobility, and al-
most all the towns deserted her, under the pretence of relig-
ion, yet he never disowned her authority, nor could be in-
duced by any promises, or offers or threats, nor by any loss
which he suffered in his private property, to cease from any
part of his duty towards her, and rather suffered his mansion
house, with his furniture, which was splendid and valuable,
to be plundered, and the rest of his effects to become the prey
of his enemies. In fine, destitute of our support, and also of
all assistance from our subjects, an English army was brought
into the very bowels of the kingdom, by domestic enemies,
with the sole intention of forcing our husband, then earl of
Bothwell, to leave his country and patrimony, and fly to
France, where, even till my return to Scotland, he served,
and waited upon me with the most respectful attention. Nor
must his military exploits against the English be forgotten,
when, shortly before my return, he gave such proofs of mili-
tary conduct and bravery, that, although a youth, he was
preferred to be commander in chief of the army, and our lord
lieutenant; in which office he so answered public expectation,
that his valorous deeds left an illustrious memorial of his
courage, both among his countrymen and the enemy.
xxxiII. After our return, he exerted all his endeavours to
establish our authority, nor never shunned any danger in sub-
duing the rebels inhabiting the borders nearest England, and
having reduced every thing there to a state of the greatest
tranquillity, he had determined to do the same in the other
parts of the kingdom; but as envy is always the attendant on
merit, the restless, ambitious Scots, desirous of lessening our
affection and regard towards him, by misrepresenting his good
services, at last occasioned our committing him to prison,
partly to gratify the envious disposition of some who could
not endure his increasing greatness, and partly to check a
sedition, that threatened destruction to the whole kingdom.
Released from prison, he yielded to the jealousy of his rivals,
and retired to France; there he remained almost two years,
HISTOIRY OF SCOTLAN ID. 509
at which time, the authors of the former sedition, having for-
got our lenity towards them, and their own duty towards us,
commenced a war, and marched in arms against us; then he
was recalled by our order, restored to his estates and pristine
honours, and again appointed commander of our army, and
under his conduct our authority almost instantly revived, so
that the whole of the rebels, suddenly leaving their country,
were forced to retire to England, until part of them were,
after the most humble entreaties, restored by us to favour;
how perfidiously we were rewarded by those who returned,
whom we treated with much greater favour than they deserv-
ed, our uncles know, and therefore little need be said about
that. Yet the dexterity with which he rescued us from their
hands, by whom we were then held captive, must not be pass-
ed over in silence, nor with what celerity, by his singular
providence, we escaped from confinement, and upon the dis-
persion of the whole band of conspirators, recovered four
former authority. Here, indeed, I am forced to confess, that
the services he then rendered, were so grateful that they never
can be eradicated from our memory. -
xxxiv. But besides these extraordinary services, his assi-
duity and diligence increased so much, that we could neither
have wished greater attention nor fidelity in any person, than
what we found in him, until lately, after the death of our
husband the king; for from that time, as his thoughts became
more ambitious, so his actions seemed rather insolent. But
although circumstances were such, that we were forced to ac-
cept all in good part, yet even then we were highly offended
at his arrogance, when he imagined that there remained with
us no other method of showing our gratitude, than by bestow-
ing ourself as the reward of his services—at his secret plans
and designs, and, at last, at his flagrant contempt, and to
prevent failure, open violence employed in obtaining possession
of our person. Pn, the meantime, the whole of his conduct
was so regulated, as to exemplify how speciously those who
undertake great actions, conceal their designs until their ends
are accomplished; for I thought this constant attention and
assiduity, in performing my orders with the greatest despatch,
flowed from he other source, than his strong desire of show-
510 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ing his loyalty towards me, nor did I ever think any higher
wish or design lurked under it; nor had I ever expected that
a gracious look, such as I used towards noblemen to induce
them more cheerfully to obey us, would excite in him the
hope of any uncommon affection for himself. He, however,
twisting, every fortuitous circumstance to his own purpose,
carried on his designs unknown to me, and, at the same time,
by his accustomed attention, preserved my former favour, and,
by entertaining, he secretly courted the nobility to assist him
in obtaining a new one; and with such constant diligence did
he prosecute his purpose, that without my knowledge, when
the parliament was assembled here, he obtained, from the
whole nobility, a writing authenticated by all their subscrip-
tions. In which paper, they not only consented to a marriage
between me and him, but likewise promised to hazard their
estates and lives in forwarding his design, and declared that
they would consider as their enemies all who should attempt
to oppose it. .. sº
xxxv. To obtain more easily the suffrages of the nobility,
he had persuaded them, that I was not averse to his proceed-
ings. Having, at length, obtained this bond from them, he
began by degrees, and by the most respectful entreaties, to
attempt by flattery our consent also. But when our answer
was not agreeable to his wish, he began to reflect upon those
circumstances which were wont to occur in similar undertak-
ings; the marks of our aversion; the methods by which our
friends, or his enemies, might prevent his design; the possi-
bility of those who had subscribed altering their mind; besides
many other impediments, which might be thrown in the way,
or might spontaneously arise to frustrate his expectations.
At last he determined to follow up his favourable fortune, and
stake upon one throw, his existence and his hopes. Where-
fore, when he had seriously resolved to execute his design, on
the fourth day, as I was returning from visiting my dearest
son, he watched a convenient time and place, attacked me
with a strong force upon my journey, and with the greatest
expedition, carried me to Dunbar. Any one may easily
imagine how we regarded this action, especially in him from
whom of all our subjects we least expected it; I upbraided
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 511
him with the favour which I had always shown him, and what
an honourable opinion I had always expressed to others of his
manners, and accused him, on the other hand, of ingratitude
towards me, and whatever else I could do to procure my de-
liverance out of his hands. His treatment was rude, but his
speeches were gentle:—That he would observe all honour
and respect towards us, and would study in nothing to offend
us. As a stuppliant, he entreated my pardon for the audacious
act of having carried me unwillingly to one of our own castles,
and that, impelled by the violence of his affection, he had
forgotten the respect and obedience which he owed me as a
subject, and added, that a regard for his own preservation
had likewise forced him to adopt it.
xxxvi. Then he began to recount to me the whole history
of his life, and to lament his fate; that those whom he had
never offended, had become his most inveterate enemies,
whose malice suffered no opportunity of hurting him to es-
cape: with how much odium they had loaded him on account
of the king's death, and how unequal he was to cope with
their secret conspiracies; for as all pretended kindness in
their countenance and language, he could not guard against
the snares of men he did not know. Such was their malice,
that in no place, at no time, could he consider his life secure,
unless assured of our immutable favour; and this certainty
could only be procured in one way—if he could induce me to
vouchsafe accepting him as my husband, and he solemnly
protested that he did not in this aim at any majesty or su-
preme dignity for himself, but only desired that he might
serve me and obey me, during his life, as he had hitherto
done. Having urged his plea with all the eloquence of
language, when he saw neither prayers, nor promises, could
bend us, he at last showed what he had obtained from the
whole nobility and gentry, and the promise they had subscrib-
ed with their own hands. This being suddenly and unex-
pectedly produced, I leave to the king, queen, and my uncles,
and other friends, to determine whether I had not just cause
of amazement; wherefore, when I perceived myself placed in
the power of another, at a distance from all whose advice I
was accustomed to use, nay, when I saw those on whose fidel-
512 H.ISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ity and wisdom I could rely, whose strength should preserve
our authority, without whom our-power would become weak,
or rather nothing, when I saw these almost wholly devoted to
promote his desires, and I left alone as a prey to him, I re-
volved many things, but could find no way to extricate my-
self. He also gave us no time for consideration, but constant-
ly and importunately urged his proposition.
xxxvii. At last, when I saw I had no other hope of escape,
and that there was not one in the whole kingdom who cared
about our liberty, for it was evident by their signatures, and
their profound silence, that all the nobles had been drawn to
his party, I was at length forced, our anger and indignation
being a little abated, to listen to his petitions. Therefore,
taking into consideration his former services, and the hopes
we entertained of his persevering constantly for the future in
the same dutiful attention; also, how reluctantly our subjects
would receive a foreign king, unaccustomed to their laws and
institutions, for they would not have suffered me to remain
long unmarried; that a people, naturally factious, could not
be kept in obedience, unless our authority was supported and
exercised by a man capable of enduring the fatigue of govern-
ing the commonwealth, and coercing the insolence of the re-
bellious, the weight of which, our strength, weakened and al-
most broken since our return to Scotland by constant tumults
and rebellions, was incapable of longer enduring; also that,
on account of these seditions, we were forced to ereate four or
even more lieutenants in different parts of the kingdom, the
greater part of whom, under colour of the authority which we
had delegated to them, forced our subjects to take arms against
us; for these reasons, when we saw it would be necessary, if
we wished to preserve the dignity of the royal name, that we
should bend our mind to think of marriage; and as our people
could not endure a foreign king, and there was not one of our
subjects, who, either in splendour of family, wisdom, bravery,
or any other virtues either of body or mind, was preferable, or
even equal to him whom we have accepted for our husband,
we forced ourself to comply with the unanimous wish of the
estates, of which we have made mention.
, xxxviii. After he had, by these and many other reasons,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. * 513
shaken my constancy, and extorted from me, partly by force,
and partly by flattery, a promise of marriage, yet could we
not, by any argument, obtain from him—who always feared
a change of our disposition—any delay in celebrating our
nuptials, not even till we should communicate the matter to
the king and queen of France, and the rest of our allies; but,
as by a bold act he had at first reached the summit of his
wishes, he never ceased from the most importunate entreaties,
till he forcibly compelled us to consummate what he had be-
gun, and that at the time, and in the manner that seemed
most convenient to him for perfecting his design; in which, I
must confess, I was neither treated by him as I wished, nor
as he had promised, for he was more solicitous to satisfy those
to whose expressed opinion he considered himself indebted
for obtaining his end—although he deceived them as well as
us—than to gratify us, or to attend to what was decorous for
us, who had been educated in the forms and ceremonies of
our religion, from which, neither he, nor any other man alive,
shall ever seduce me while I exist. In this we confess our
error, yet we greatly desire the king, and his mother the
queen, and our uncles and other friends, would not reproach
or blame him on this account; for now that the business is
finished, and cannot be undone, it is needless to reflect; and
as he is in fact, so he must be treated as our husband, whom
we have determined to love and obey, and whoever would
show themselves our friends, must also be friendly to him
who is united with us in indissoluble bonds. Although in
some things he behaved carelessly, and even rashly, which we
are willing to impute to his excessive affection for us, yet we
are anxious that the king, the queen, our uncle, and the rest
of our friends, should show him no less kindness, than if every
thing, to this date, had been conducted according to their
directions; and, on the other hand, we promise, that in every
thing which they may require of him, they will always find
him ready to gratify them.
xxxix. By these representations, they sought to counteract
abroad, the reports which were widely spread against them.
At home, in order to provide against domestic commotions,
after attaching to themselves, by presents and promises, the
WOL. II. 3 T
5 i4 HäSTORY, OF SCOTT.A.N.D.,
perpetrators, and those who were privy to the king's murder,
they endeavoured to form the majority of the nobles into an
association, by whose assistance they might set the rest at de-
fiance, or destroy them, if they were obstinate. Having,
therefore, accordingly assembled a number of the nobility,
they produced a written bond for their subscription, the con-
ditions of which were, that they should defend the queen and
Bothwell, and all their proceedings, who, on the other hand,
were to consult and advance the welfare and advantage of the
confederates to the utmost of their power. The greater part
who were present, having been tampered with before, sub-
scribed, and the rest, although they saw the impropriety of
the oath, yet, perceiving at the same time, the danger of a
refusal, did the same. Moray was then sent for, that his au-
thority, which his virtue rendered of the greatest weight,
might be obtained. Upon his journey, he was advised by his
friends to consult his own safety, and not to spend the night
in Seton house, which was occupied by the queen and the
principal conspirators, but remain at the seat of some friend
in the neighbourhood; to which he answered:—That was not
in his power, but, whatever happened, he would never con-
sent to any wicked deed; the rest he would leave to God.
When asked to consent to the bond, by the courtiers to whom
the queen had intrusted the business, he replied:—That he
could neither honestly, nor honourably, enter into this bond
with the queen, whom he ought to obey in every lawful com-
mand; that at the queen's desire he had been reconciled to
Bothwell, and what he had then promised, he would perform
to the last tittle; but to enter into any bond or confederacy
with him, or with any one else, he neither thought it right
nor advantageous to the commonwealth. The queen, after
treating him for some days with more flattering attention than
usual, promised, in a conversation, that she would explain
her opinion to him upon the whole transactions, yet, restrain-
ed by shame, she endeavoured by her friends to overcome his
repugnance. These, too, overawed by his steady upright-
ness, dared not openly to propose their requests, and were
unable to accomplish any thing in a covert manner. Bothwell
at last attacked him, and after several conversations, told
37
# *
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 515
him explicitly that he did not perpetrate the deed of his own
accord, nor by himself alone. At which speech, when Moray
looked indignantly at him, Bothwell, with harsh and some-
what taunting language, endeavoured to excite his passion,
and produce an altercation; he, on the other hand, by an-
swering calmly, afforded no opportunity of quarrelling, pro-
tected himself and yet did not recede from his purpose.
XL. After Moray had remained for some days, surrounded
by these embarrassments, he at last asked leave of the queen,
that as his presence did not appear to be of any service at
court, he might retire, either to St. Andrews, or to Moray,
for he desired to be at a distance even from the suspicion of
being connected with the disturbances, which he foresaw must
soon arise. When he could not procure this, neither could
remain at the court, without the greatest evident danger, he
with much difficulty obtained leave to travel, but upon condi-
tion, that he should not abide in England, but proceed through
Flanders to Germany, or any where else he chose. But to go
to Flanders, he knew was only to precipitate himself into open
hazard, he at length, with great difficulty, received permission
to proceed through England to France, and thence to where-
ever he should find it most convenient.
xLI. The queen, thus delivered from a frank and popular
nobleman, endeavoured to remove the other impediments to
her tyranny, and these were the noblemen who had unwilling-
ly subscribed the approval of her past conduct, and did not
seem to acquiesce readily in her future designs. In particular,
she hated those who, perceiving that her disposition was not
more tender towards her son, than it had been towards her
husband, had confederated together at Stirling with no bad
intention, but only to protect the safety of the child, for his
mother wished to deliver him into the power of his stepfather,
who, it was never doubted, would remove the prince, the first
opportunity, that no avenger of the king's murder might re-
main, or that there might be no obstacle to his children's
inheriting the crown. The chiefs of the conspiracy were the
earls of Argyle, Morton, Marr, Athol, and Glencairn, also
lord Patrick Lindsay, and Robert Boyd, with their friends
and vassals. But Argyle, with the same levity with which he
516 HISTORY OF SCOTF,AND.
had joined them, betrayed them a day or two after to the
queen, and Boyd was seduced, by magnificent promises, to
the adverse party.
xLII. Next to the confederates, those chiefs were suspected
who lived on the English border, the Humes, the Kerrs, and
the Scots, whose power the queen tried by every method to
diminish, and the present occasion appeared very opportune
for this purpose; for, when Bothwell prepared an expedition
for Liddisdale, to wipe away the disgrace he had received the
former year, and by his military fame, diminish in some meas-
ure the odium of the king's murder, all the chiefs of Teviot-
dale, were ordered by the queen to pass to Edinburgh castle,
to remain there for a short time, as prisoners at large, under
pretence that they could not be trusted in an expedition,
undertaken against their inclinations, and might disturb its
progress through their envy; and that in their absence, their
vassals might be accustomed to obey strangers, and their love
to their chieftains be weakened by degrees. But they, think-
‘ing some darker design lay hid under that order, proceeded
all home in the night, except Andrew Kerr, who was generally
believed to be an accomplice of the parricides, and Walter
Kerr, of Cessford, whose great integrity rendered him unsus-
picious. Hume, although often called by Bothwell, suspecting
his intentions, refused to come to court. The expedition,
notwithstanding, proceeded, and the queen removed to Borth-
wick castle, about eight miles from Edinburgh.
xLIII. In the meantime, the nobles who had confederated
to protect the prince, as they knew Bothwell's hatred toward
them, thought something ought to be attempted, both for
securing their own safety and for wiping away the public
infamy from the Scottish name, among foreign nations, by
bringing the authors of the king's murder to punishment.
Imagining, therefore, that the public would favour their at-
tempt, they collected two thousand horse so quietly, that the
queen heard nothing of what was in agitation, till Hume, with
a part of the army, advanced upon Borthwick, and besieged
her there, along with Bothwell; but when the other part of
the confederates did not assemble at the time appointed, and
he had not himself a sufficient number of troops to shut up
HISTORY QF SCOTLAND, 517
every avenue, and being besides, becoming rather careless in
his operations, because he supposed the attempt given up by
the rest, Bothwell first escaped, and afterward the queen, in
men's clothes, and proceeded direct to Dunbar. The earl of
Athol prevented the confederates from being forward in time,
for, either alarmed at the magnitude of the undertaking, or
kept back by his own sluggish disposition, he detained the
others at Stirling, till the opportunity was lost. But lest they
should seem to have done nothing, after such preparations,
the greater part were sent to besiege Edinburgh. James
Balfour, the governor of the castle, appointed by Bothwell,
one of the chief of the parricides, and either the author, or
privy to all their designs, when he did not receive the reward
of his services, and perceived that he was not treated by the
queen and Bothwell, with the gratitude that he had expected,
for they had attempted to take the command of the castle
from him, turned out the adherents of both factions, and kept
the place in his own power. He then promised the confeder-
ate lords, that he would not harm them, and negotiated with
them about the terms for delivering the garrison into their
hands. *
xLIv. A number of the queen's faction then in town, John
Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrews, George Gordon, earl
of Huntly, and John Leslie, bishop of Ross, when they per-
ceived that the enemy would be received into the city, went
to the cross, and offered themselves as leaders to the multi-
tude, but when only a few joined them, they were driven
away, and forced to seek refuge in the castle. They were
admitted into the fortress by Balfour, who kept them a few
days and then sent them away safe by the opposite side; for,
Balfour not yet having closed with the other party, was un-
willing to preclude himself from all hopes of pardon with
theirs. The town readily acceded to the confederacy of the
nobles, having within a short time, been frequently oppressed
by the queen with new taxes, and because in the present
emergency, they expected no moderation; they were univer-
sally hostile to the tyranny of the queen's faction, and as often
as opportunity was afforded them for declaring their senti-
ments, they openly execrated their conduct. While the con-
518 HISTORY OF SGGELANT).
federates tardily carried on their operations before Borthwick,
the queen and Bothwell, who, by the carelessness of the watch,
had escaped during the night, reached the castle of Dunbar,
which they had strongly fortified. Upon their arrival there,
a great change of affairs followed; they who were but now in
the utmost despair, by the confluence from all quarters, of
those who were either united in crime with them, or who
sought the shade of the royal name, seemed to themselves
sufficiently strong to humble their adversaries. On the other
hand, the assertors of liberty were placed in the greatest diffi-
culty, for, contrary to their expectation, few were attracted by
the report of their glorious attempt. The ardour of the com-
mon people, as usual, quickly subsided, and a great part of
the nobility either opposed them, or waited the event of their
hazardous enterprise; besides, had they been superior in
numbers, they were deficient in artillery for besieging the
castlé,
XLV. Wherefore, perceiving no likelihood of their plans
being successful at present, and almöst reduced to extremity,
they already deliberated about dispersing, without accom-
plishing their design. The queen decided their doubts, for
her forces inspiring her with courage, she resolved to march
with the multitude she had with her to Leith, that she might
risk her fortune in the neighbourhood, thinking that a greater
number would meet her advance, and that her boldness would
at the same time strike her enemies with terror; for her former
success had so elated her, that she thought nobody would be
able to oppose her, and her flatterers, particularly Edmond
Hay, a lawyer, increased her confidence. He affirmed that
every thing was open to her courage, and that her enemies,
without means, and without a plan, would disperse at the
report of her approach. But the real state of affairs was
extremely different, and nothing in her circumstances would
have been so useful to her as delay; for if she had only con-
tinued three days in Dunbar castle, the assertors of public
justice, destitute of all warlike stores, having attempted their
liberty in vain, would have been forced to disperse. Yet,
notwithstanding this obvious fact, impelled either by her
wretched counsel, or her more faithless hopes, she moved
HISTORY OF scotland. 519
from Dunbar, and marching slowly, distributed, as she went
along, arms among the countrymen she collected from the
vicinity. At length, they arrived at night at the village of
Seton, and because the place could not contain so great a
multitude, they were divided among the two neighbouring
villages, both called Preston. . . .
XLVI. The alarming intelligence thence reached Edinburgh
a little before, midnight, and immediately on the signal being
given, the Reformed ran to arms. Awakened confusedly from
their sleep, every one, as fast as he could, hastened to the
adjoining plain, and about sunrise, a numerous body having
collected, they formed in order, and marched to Musselburgh,
to pass the river Esk, before the bridge and fords were seized
by the enemy. This village is only two miles distant from
Preston. Here, when they saw nobody to oppose them, nor
perceived any thing moving, having placed watches, they re-
freshed themselves. In the meantime, their patroles falling in
with a few horse, drove them back upon the village, but fear-
ing an ambuscade, durst not proceed farther. They returned
without any certain intelligence, except that the enemy were
upon their march, on which, the Reformed, having left Mus-
selburgh, saw the enemy drawn up in order of battle, upon
the top of the opposite ridge. The hill was so steep, that
they could not approach them without danger, they therefore
inclined a little to the right, that they might have at once the
sun on their back, ascend a gentler acclivity, and fight on less
unequal terms. This movement at first deceived the queen,
who thought they fled, and were running for Dalkeith, a small
town belonging to the earl of Morton, near at hand, for she
had persuaded herself that they would so reverence the name.
of royalty, that no one would dare to appear against her. But |
it soon appeared, that as authority is procured by good con-
duct, it may be lost by bad, and majesty, when destitute of
virtue, vanishes like a shadow. On the march, the population
of Dalkeith brought every kind of provisions in abundance,
and the army having refreshed themselves, and satiated their
thirst, which was chiefly distressing, when they reached a
place where the ground becomes equal, they marched against
the enemy in two lines, the first commanded by the earl of
520 HISTORY OF SCOT LAND,
Morton, assisted by Alexander Hume, with his vassals. The
earls of Glencairn, Marr, and Athol, led the second.
XLVII. When they halted, drawn up in order of battle, Le
Croc, the French ambassador, came to them. Through the
medium of an interpreter, he expressed how much he had
always studied the advantage, and public tranquillity of Scot-
land; that he was now equally anxious, and desired, if it were
possible, that the dissention might be adjusted without violence
or slaughter, to the muſual satisfaction of both parties, for
which he offered his service, adding, that the queen was not
disinclined to peace; and to prove her sincerity, she promised
them pardon for the present, and oblivion of the past, and
solemnly declared, no one would suffer for having taken arms
against the supreme magistrate. When the interpreter had
thus spoken, Morton replied, they had not taken arms against
the queen, but against the murderers of the king, whom, if
the queen would deliver up to punishment, or separate herself
from, she would perceive that nothing was more desired by
him and her other subjects, than to evince their duty to her,
but otherwise, there could be no agreement. Glencairn add-
ed, they had not assembled in arms to ask pardon, but rather
to give it. Le Croc, seeing their determination, as he knew
the truth of their complaints, and the equity of their demands,
requested a passport, and set out for Edinburgh.
xivin. In the meantime, the queen's army occupied the
old English camp. It was on a hill, higher than the rest,
surrounded with a rampart and ditch, there Bothwell, mount-
ed on a conspicuous charger, challenged, by herald, any of
his accusers, to decide the contest by single combat, when a
young nobleman, of the opposite army, stepped forward,
James Murray, the same who had formerly offered himself as
his antagonist, by an anonymous placard, as mentioned before;
but Bothwell refused him, as not his equal in wealth or digni-
ty, on which, William Murray, James' eldest brother, ad-
vanced, and affirming, that if in this business, money were set
aside, he was as powerful as Bothwell, and superior to him in
the antiquity of his family, and the integrity of his character.
But he refused him likewise, as being only a knight, and of
the second rank. On which, many of the first rank, in par-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 521
ticular, lord Patrick Lindsay, offered himself, who begged, as
the sole reward of all the labours, he had undergone for the
safety of Scotland, and the preservation of her glory, to be
permitted to fight with Bothwell. Here too, Bothwell shuf.
fled, and when he could not honourably get off, the queen
interposed her authority, and forbidding the combat, ended
the contention. She then rode round the army, and tried the
dispositions of the soldiers. The relations and vassals of
Bothwell were anxious to engage; the others, on being ad-
dressed, said there were many skilful and experienced war-
riors in the opposite army; that the battle would be hazard-
ous for the queen, as for themselves they were ready to fight,
but the common people, of whom there were a great number,
abhorred the cause. It seemed likewise, far more equitable,
that Bothwell should defend his own cause, than that so many
noble persons, and in particular the sovereign herself, should
be exposed to hazard. But if she were so very desirous to
fight, the battle might be deferred till next day, as the Hamil-
tons were said to be approaching with five hundred horse, and
could not be far distant, on whose junction a decisive engage-
ment might with greater safety be risked, especially, as the
earl of Huntly, and John Hamilton, archbishop of St. An-
drews, had already convoked their relations and vassals at
Hamilton, and on the next day, would have arrived to their
aid. -
XLIX, Enraged at these speeches, and weeping violently,
the queen reproached the nobles, and despatched a messenger
to the opposite army, desiring them to send William Kirkaldy
of Grange to her, as she wished to treat with him about terms,
and, in the meantime, that their army should halt. The for-
ces of the confederates, in consequence, halted in a low situa-
tion at a short distance, where the superior artillery of their
opponents could not hurt them. While the queen held Kir-
kaldy in conversation, she ordered Bothwell, for whose sake
the pretended conference was sought, to provide for himself-
and he departed with so much trepidation towards Dunbar,
that he ordered two horsemen, who accompanied him, to re-,
turn. So conscious was he himself of a base heart, that he
durst not even trust his friends. She, after she thought him
WOL. l I, - 3 U
..º.
522 H. : 3TC HY OF SCOTLAND,
beyond the reach of danger, agreed with Kirkaldy, that the
rest of the army should disperse quietly, and went with him to
the nobles, dressed only in a short, shabby robe, that scarce-
ly reached below her knee. On her arrival there, she was re-
ceived by the first line with the marks of former respect; she
then asked that she should be sent away to meet the Hamil-
tons, who, she said, were approaching, and promised that
she would return, having ordered Morton to be her surety,
for she hoped, by flattering promises, to effect what she wish-
ed; but when she could not obtain this, she broke out into
the most bitter language, reproaching the leaders with the
favours they had received from her; all which they heard in
silence. When she came to the second line, there was an
universal cry raised of:—Burn the harlot l Burn the murder-
er! The soldiers had among them a standard, on which king
Henry's dead body was painted, and near it his infant son,
praying to God for vengeance on the parricides. This stand-
ard two soldiers carried, fixed upon two spears, and wherever
she turned, presented it before her. At this sight she almost
fainted, and became so ill, that she would have fallen from
her horse, if she had not been supported; but recovering, she
abated nothing of her former boldness, and poured forth a
torrent of threatenings, reproaches, tears, and other expres-
sions by which women display their grief. During the march
she created every possible delay, in expectation that some as-
sistance would appear; on which, one of the crowd exclaim-
ed:—You need not look for the Hamiltons, there are no arm-
ed men within many miles. At length, at night, she entered
Edinburgh—the whole people crowding to see the spectacle—
her face so disfigured with dust and tears, as if she had had
dirt thrown on it. She passed amid the utmost silence through
the greater part of the city, the streets of which were so
crowded, that room was scarcely left for one abreast to pass.
As she was ascending the stair to her lodging, a woman from
the mob, prayed God bless her, on which she turned to the
people, and promised, among other threats, that she would
burn the city, and quench the flames with the blood of its in-
habitants. But when she showed herself weeping at the win-
dow, when a great concourse of people had collected, and
*
37
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 523
*
there were some who commiserated this sudden change of
fortune, the standard, formerly mentioned, was immediately
held up to her, on which she instantly shut the window, and
retired hastily within. After she had remained there two
days, she was, by a decree of the nobles, sent prisoner to
Lochleven castle; for Balfour still retained that of Edinburgh,
who, although he favoured the cause of the vindicators of lib-
erty, had not yet finally settled with them about delivering up
the fortress.
L. While these transactions were taking place in Scotland,
the bishop of Dunblane, who had been sent ambassador to
France to excuse the marriage of the queen, ignorant of all
that had happened since he left home, arrived at court during
the very time in which these last circumstances had occurred,
and had a day of audience appointed, on which to deliver his
instructions. By accident, on the same day, two despatches
were brought to the king and his mother, the one from Le
Croc, the French ambassador, the other from Ninian Cock-
burn, who had served as a commander of horse some years in
France, and both contained accounts of the late transactions
in Scotland. When the Scottish ambassador was introduced,
he began a long elaborate oration, partly excusing the queen
for contracting a marriage without consulting her allies, and
partly eulogizing Bothwell in terms far beyond the truth; on
which, the French queen interrupted his harangue, by pro-
ducing the letters from Scotland, containing the information
of the capture of the queen of the Scots, and the flight of
Bothwell; and he, struck with the unexpected bad tidings,
was silent. Some of the courtiers present grinned, and some
laughed at this unlooked for reverse, but every one thought it
was not unmerited,
LI. About the same time, Bothwell sent one of his most
confidential servants to the castle of Edinburgh, to bring to
him a small silver casket, which, from the inscriptions upon
it, appeared to have belonged to Francis, king of France. In
it were contained letters, almost all written with the queen's
own hand, by which the murder of the king, and nearly every
thing else that followed was clearly discovered, to each of
which it was generally added:—Let this be burned as soon as
524. - History of scotland.
read. But Bothwell, who knew the queen's inconstancy, of
which he had seen many examples within a few years, pre-
served the letters, that if any dispute should arise with her,
he might use them as evidence, that he was not the author,
but an accomplice in the king's murder. This casket, Balfour
gave to Bothwell's servant to be carried to him, but first sent
notice to the chiefs of the adverse party, what, by whom, and
whither he had sent it; upon which, the messenger being
taken, many and great discoveries were made, of what had
formerly been but matter of suspicion; indeed, the whole
crime was completely laid open. - -
. LII. Bothwell, unsuccessful in all his attempts, destitute of
all assistance, and of every hope of regaining the kingdom,
fled first to the Orkneys, and next to the Shetland islands,
where, reduced to the greatest extremity, he commenced pi-
rate. But the queen, when some of the nobles entreated her
to separate her cause from his—for punishment being inflicted
upon him, she might easily, and unanimously have been re-
instated on her throue—that haughty princess, bearing still
the spirit of her former fortune, and exasperated by her pre-
sent distresses, replied, she would cheerfully endure with him
the most extreme hardships of ill fortune, rather than pass
her life in royal splendour without him.
LIII. The nobles, too, were divided in opinion; for the
avengers of the parricide thought, that at the report of such a
noble exploit, if not all, yet the better part of the community
would join them; but it happened quite otherwise. The pop-
ular hatred, weakened partly by time, and partly by reflecting
on the inconstancy of human affairs, was turned into com-
passion; nor were there a wanting some of the nobility, who
then lamented the calamity of the queen, as much as formerly
they had execrated her cruelty, both of which they had done
more from fickleness, than from any regard to either circum-
stance; which plainly evinced, that in the general confusion,
they rather followed the dictates of private interest, than of
public advantage. Many were desirous of ease, and weighed
the power of the parties, in order to join with the strongest;
but the strongest party, it was thought, consisted of those
who had either consented to the murder, or, after it was per-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 525
petrated, had, from deference to the queen, supported the
crimes of others. The chief of these, having assembled at
Hamilton, trusting to the strength of their confederacy, nei-
ther wished to receive any messages from the adverse faction
for establishing a common peace, nor would they refrain from
using contumelious language towards them, and they were
the bolder, because a number of nobles, who looked more to
the turn of fortune than the equity of a cause, had not joined
the assertors of liberty, and whoever had not joined them,
they reckoned as belonging to their own party. They like-
wise considered it arrogant in the assertors to have entered
the capital of the kingdom before acquainting them, who were
both more numerous and powerful. The opposite party, al-
though they had not imperiously ordered, but humbly re-
quested their attendance, yet, that no ground might remain
for accusing them of arrogance, procured the ministers of the
church to write a general letter, addressed to all, and likewise
individually to each, that they ought not, in so perilous a
time, to disturb the common concord, but, laying aside all
private animosities, they should consider what was most ex-
pedient for the public weal. But these letters had as little
effect upon the adverse faction, as those the nobles had for-
merly sent, all returning the same excuses, as if by general
consent. Afterward the queen's faction met in several places,
but not being able to accomplish any thing, dispersed.
Liv. The avengers of the public parricide, in the mean-
while, negotiated with the queen—whom they could not sep-
arate from the authors of the murder—that she should resign
the crown, and, under the excuse of infirm health, or any
other honourable pretence, commit the charge of her son, and
the administration of the government, to any of the nobles
she chose. At last, with great reluctance, she nominated
tutors to her son—James, earl of Moray, if he, upon his re-
turn, did not refuse the charge, James, duke of Chatellerault,
Matthew, earl of Lennox, Gillespic, earl of Argyle, John,
earl of Athol, James, earl of Morton, Alexander of Glen-
cairn, and John, earl of Marr. Procurators were, at the
same time, sent to see the king enthroned at Stirling, or
wherever else it was most convenient, and proclaim the com-
526 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
mencement of his reign. This took place on the 25th of July,
A. D, 1567.
Lv. A few days before, James, earl of Moray, when he
understood the state of affairs at home, returned throngh
France. He was received at that court with sufficient polite-
'ness, but by no means so favourably as Hamilton, whose fac-
tion, the French king believed, were more firmly attached to
his interest, and that chiefly through the endeavours of the
Guises, who opposed all Moray's undertakings. After he
was dismissed, the archbishop of Glasgow, who called himself
'the ambassador of the queen of the Scots, persuaded the court
that Moray, though absent, was yet the chief of the adverse
faction; that the opposition had formerly been carried on by
his direction, and now he was sent for as their leader by his
associates. In consequence of these representations, messen-
gers were despatched to bring him back; but he, being warned
by his friends, had sailed from Dieppe before the king's letters
arrived at that port, and landing in England, he was received
by all ranks with the greatest distinction, and conveyed hon-
ourably home. His return was hailed with the most lively
demonstrations of joy by the people, but particularly by the
assertors of public liberty, who all earnestly entreated him to
assume the government during the infancy of the king, his
sister's son, for he alone, either on account of his propinquity,
or his approved courage, or the favour his numerous merits
had procured, and the request of the queen, could enjoy that
honour with the least possible envy. Moray, although con-
vinced of the propriety of the request, yet required a few days
for deliberation. In the meantime, he wrote urgently to the
chiefs of the other factions, and especially to Argyle, who, on
account of his relationship, and their ancient intimacy, he
'least of all wished to offend. He showed him in what situa-
‘tion he was placed, and what the party of the infant king re-
quired of him; he entreated him, by their common blood, by
, their friendship, and the safety of their common country, to
give him an opportunity of consulting with him, that by his
assistance, he might relieve himself and his country, from these
difficulties. To the rest he wrote according to their situation
and circumstances, From all he requested in common, that
--4--> *
HISTORY OF SCOTLANDe 527
seeing the country was in such confusion, that it was impossi-
ble to exist long without a supreme magistrate, they should
meet as soon as possible, in whatever place was most conven-
ient, and provide, by universal consent, for the security of
the government. At length, when he could neither obtain a
conference with the one party, nor a delay from the other,
he was, with the universal approval of all present, elected
REGENT |
CVIII. JAMES VI.
Lv1. On the 29th of August, after an animated discourse,
delivered by John Knox, James VI. was crowned. James,
earl of Morton, and Alexander Hume, took the oaths for him,
that he would observe the laws, and maintain the religion then
publicly taught, preserve it as far as he could, and oppose
every thing contrary to it. Soon after, those who had assem-
bled at Hamilton, complained, that a petty number of the
nobles, and these not the most powerful, had, without waiting
for their consent, settled the government according to their
own pleasure. But, notwithstanding their solicitations among
the rest of the nobility, very few joined their party, except
those who had met them at first, for the greater number were
rather inclined to be spectators, than actors in these transac-
tions. At last they wrote to the regent, that Argyle was
ready to attend a conference with the earl of Moray. These
letters, which were addressed to the earl of Moray, without
any higher title, were, by the advice of the council, refused,
and the messenger dismissed, almost without an answer; but
Argyle knowing what was offensive in the letters, and having
perfect confidence in the regent's friendship, came to Edin-
burgh, with a few of the chiefs of his faction, where, being
satisfied that it was not through contempt of any who were
absent, but from the urgent necessity of the case, that the
chief magistrate was so hurriedly created, a few days after, he
attended the public convention of the estates.
THE
History of scot LAND.
Book XIX.
1. THE king being crowned, and the power of the regent
nearly established, there was some respite from violence and
arms. But the peace was faithless and insecure; the unsettled
state of the public mind, and the undisguised indignation of
many, seemed to portend some sudden mischief. In this state
of uncertainty, all eyes were turned towards the next parlia-
ment. The day of meeting was the 25th of August, and the
attendance was more numerous than had ever before been
witnessed. There the authority of the regent was confirmed,
but they differed in their opinions with respect to the queen;
for as the whole contrivance of the cruel deed was, by many
proofs and testimonies, but particularly by her own letters to
Bothwell, clearly fixed upon her, some, induced by the atroci-
ty of the crime, and some, who, having been admitted to a
knowledge of the fact by the queen, wished to remove the
evidence of their common crime, thought that she ought to
suffer punishment according to law. The majority, however,
decreed to keep her in custody.
II. After the parliament rose, the winter was spent in estab-
lishing courts, and punishing delinquents. The French and
English ambassadors were admitted to an audience, but neith-
er were permitted to visit the queen, she being considered as
a prisoner of state. Bothwell alone remained in arms, a fleet
was sent to apprehend him, for he had commenced pirate, and
was roving among the Orkney, and more distant islands, but
such was the public poverty, that the money necessary for
fitting it out, was borrowed from James Douglas, the earl of
HISTORY GF SCOTLAN De 529
Morton, who supplied the necessity of the state from his
private purse. Bothwell, trusting to the boisterous sea, par-
ticularly tempestuous during winter, and the empty treasury,
which he himself had exhausted, lived almost in a state of
security, and was nearly surprised by the sudden arrival of
William Kirkaldy, of Grange, who commanded the fleet. A
part of his associates were taken, he himself escaped, along
with a few followers, by the opposite side of the island, among
the rocks and shallows, where large ships could not approach,
and soon after, sailed for Denmark, where, not being able to
give any satisfactory account of himself, he was thrown into
prison, and being recognised by some merchants, was com-
mitted to the closest custody. After nearly ten years' impris-
onment, the loathsomeness of his dungeon, combined with
other miseries, drove him distracted, and his infamous life
closed in merited wretchedness.
III. In the beginning of next spring, the regent resolved to
make a circuit of the whole kingdom, and hold justiciary
courts, to take cognizance of the disorders which had occurred
during the late unsettled state of the kingdom, a determination
which variously affected various descriptions of people. The
adverse faction declaimed against the severity, or, as they
called it, the cruelty of the regent, formidable indeed, to these
who, on account of the magnitude of their crimes, could not
endure either laws or equity, after so great licentiousness of
the late past times; but were the queen at liberty, some flat-
tered themselves with the hopes of impunity, and others with
the hopes of reward. Thus many, even of those who had
been the principal means of taking her captive, were induced
to espouse the cause of the opposite faction. Maitland, in
proportion as he favoured the queen's interest, hated Bothwell
as a perfidious villain, from whom his own life was in danger,
and because he despaired of overturning him as long as the
queen lived, was induced to consent to that party in parliae
ment, who would have executed justice according to the laws
and customs of our ancestors. James Balfour was in the same
situation, for he esteemed Bothwell his implacable enemy, and
both, it was suspected, were privy to the design of the king's
death. But Bothwell being taken, and thrown into prison in
WOL. I. Is 3 x
530 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
Denmark, they turned their thoughts to the queen's liberation,
not only because they expected from her more readily impun-
ity for their common crime, but because they, believed she
who had removed her husband, would not deal more gently
to her son, whose infancy, and the shade of the royal name,
excluded her from the government, which they, considered
requisite for their security, lest the son, when he arrived at
maturity, should become the avenger of his father's murder.
There were besides, pretty strong conjectures, that the queen
herself was not averse to such a deed. She had often been
heard to say, The boy wonld not live long, for she had been
informed at Paris, by a learned mathematician, that her first
child would not live beyond a year; and it was believed, in this
expectation she had, sometime ago, gone to Stirling to carry
the infant to Edinburgh along with her, owing to which
suspicion, the governor of the castle would not allow the boy
to be taken from him, and a great number of the nobility,
collected at Stirling, confederated to protect the prince. The
Hamiltons likewise, strained every nerve to liberate the queen,
because if the young prince were removed by her, they them-
selves would be advanced one step nearer the throne, and she
then, without much trouble or danger, could also be cut off;
for, hated on account of so many crimes, she would naturally,
after being restored, exercise with greater cruelty than before,
the tyranny which had been interrupted. Argyle and Huntly
favoured the hopes, and desired the success of the Hamiltons,
the mother of the one, and the wife of the other being of that
family. But they had likewise their private reasons, for it was
understood neither had been unacquainted with the faults of
the queen. William Murray, of Tullibardine, dissatisfied on
account of his difference in religion, had also a private quarrel
with the regent, and although he had rendered the most im-
portant assistance in taking the queen, now not only left the
royal party, but, on great expectations of advantage being held
out to him, carried a great body of his friends along with him.
These were the principal persons concerned in the liberation
of the queen. But there were many others, whom domestic
necessity, or private hatred, or the desire of revenge, or the
hope of advancement, induced to join the same party, besides
37
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 531
these who were allied by propinquity, or other bonds, with
those I have mentioned. g
Iv. In this perturbed state of the country, the regent re-
mained firm, equally unmoved by the entreaties of his friends,
and the threats of his enemies. Even when libels were publish-
ed openly, avowing their hatred, and expressing their desire
of revenge, and some astrologers, who knew of the existence
of the conspiracy, had named the day before which he would
die, still he continued steady to his purpose, and often said,
he knew perfectly he must die sometime, but he could not
possibly die more honourably, than in procuring public tran-
quillity. Wherefore, having called a parliament at Glasgow,
he ordered the Lennox men, and those of Renfrew and
Clydesdale to attend; while there, engaged in administering
justice, and punishing offenders, the plans which had been so
long in agitation for liberating the queen, were brought to a
conclusion.
v. In Lochleven castle, where the queen was confined, there
were the regent's mother, his three brothers by another father,
besides a crowd of women, but no one was admitted to see the
queen, except such as were well known, or were sent by the
regent. Among her domestics, the queen singled out George
Douglas, the regent's youngest brother, a youth of an amiable
disposition, and of an age easily captivated by female allure-
ments, as best adapted for her purpose. He being accustom-
ed frequently to attend her at a species of game, with which
she used to amuse her leisure, after some familiar intercourse
with her, undertook to corrupt the inferior servants of the
castle, some by gifts, and others by promises. Nor, after she
had intrusted herself to him, and hoped, by his means, to
regain her liberty, could she allow herself to deny him any
thing. George, therefore, having secured his own safety, and
-excited by the hope of future riches and power, with the
connivance of his mother, as is believed, set himself vigorously
to accomplish what he had undertaken. But although some
persons perceived what was in agitation, and informed the
regent, he confided so much in the fidelity of his relations,
that he changed none of the original guard, except that he
ordered George to leave the island, on which, he withdrew to
532 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
the next village on the shore of the loch, where he communi-
cated with the queen about the enterprise, through the med-
ium of the servants he had bribed, more freely than before.
And now; not only the dissatisfied Scots were admitted into
the plot, but the French likewise were solicited to aid it, by
James Hämilton, the former regent, and James Beaton, the
archbishop of Glasgow—the Scots to perform the work, the
French to supply the money.
v1. Toward the end of April, an ambassador came from
France, and demanded, in the name of his king, that he should
be allowed to visit the queen, and pretended, if that were
refused, that he would immediately depart. The regent de-
nied that he possessed the power, the queen not having been
committed to prison by him, nor could he do any thing in the
matter, without consulting those who had at first confined her,
and afterward obtained an act of parliament, approving what
they had done; that he would gratify, as far as he could, his
sister, and his ally the king, and on the 20th of next month,
would convene the parliament for that purpose. With that
answer the ambassador appeared satisfied, and the regent
proceeded with the administration of justice. In the mean-
time, the queen, having bribed the master of a small vessel,
and sending away the rest of her attendants under various
pretexts, escaped from the loch. . The news of her flight
being told to the guards, who were at dinner, a fruitless
noise was made, for all the boats were hauled up on dry
ground, and the apertures for the oars destroyed, which pre-
vented any immediate pursuit. The queen was received by
horsemen, who were waiting for her on the shore, and escort-
ed her to the houses of the partisans, whence, next day, May
3d, she came with a great train to Hamilton, eight miles
distant from Glasgow.
v11. The noise of the queen's escape having spread widely,
multitudes flocked to her, who either distrusted the royal
party, as not yet sufficiently securé, or who were in expecta-
tion of fresh favours from the queen, or relied on the remem-
brance of their old services. In this confusion, numbers
openly discovered themselves, while many, having secretly
obtained pardon for their past offences, wäited the chances of
HISTORY OF Scotland. 533
fortune, and lingered with the regent. But while the defec-
tion of others occasioned hittle surprise, the departure of Rob-
ert Boyd, who till that day had possessed the highest reputa-
tion for constancy, occasioned much speculation. He, upon
the wreck of that noble family—noticed in the life of James
III.-being educated by his father, a brave man, emulous of
ancient parsimony, in a frugal and circumscribed manner,
followed the same course as his relations, and attached himself
to the more powerful families, in order to pave the way for
restoring to its ancient vigour, his own stem, lately so flour-
ishing. Wherefore, his father and himself first applied to the
Hamiltons, then in office; but, upon the regency being trans-
ferred to the queen dowager, when the tumults arose about
the controversies in religion, he joined himself to the Reform-
ed, to whom his father had been strongly averse, which fac-
tion then appeared strongest, and remained with it till the re-
turn of the queen from France, and raised so great an opinion
of his constancy, fortitude, and prudence, that Gillespic, earl
of Argyle, was swayed almost entirely by his advice. But
when it happened that some of the chief nobles confederated
to protect the king, he too subscribed the bond; yet, with
equal levity, he and Argyle, who was then ruled by him, in-
formed the queen of what had been transacted at that meeting,
and from that time, Boyd had been a participator of all the
queen's counsels against his ancient friends, a conduct which
stamped him, in their opinion, as fickle and deceitful. Upon
the queen's being confined, however, Boyd attached himself
to the regent, Moray, who respected his ability and industry
so much, that he admitted him into his privy council, and
whatever sentiments might be entertained with regard to him
otherwise, he merited the highest commendation for his con-
duct in the capital trials before the regent at Glasgow; but
when he perceived the prospect of a civil war, he secretly
withdrew to the queen, whence he sent, however, his son with
letters to the earl of Morton, excusing his departure, alleging
that perhaps he would not be of less service to the king's
party, than if he had remained with him. His defection,
therefore, on account of the high opinion numbers entertained
of his manners, gave rise to many observations.
534, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
VIII. Meanwhile, it was keenly disputed in the regent's
council, whether they should remain where they were, or go
to Stirling, where the king was. Many strongly advised to
depart; they urged that the populous village of Hamilton was
in the neighbourhood, and the numerous vassals of that
powerful family were spread around everywhere; that about
five hundred horse had arrived with the queen, and many
more reported on their march from the remote districts, while
there remained with the regent only his own friends, the rest
having gone, some to join the queen, and some to attend their
individual concerns, as if it had been a season of profound
tranquillity, and although the inhabitants of Glasgow appear-
ed sufficiently faithful, having suffered many and great losses
from the Hamiltons when in power, yet the town was large,
thinly inhabited, and open on every side. On the other hand,
it was contended that almost every thing depended on the
first blow; that a retreat would be infamous, and next to a
flight; that all appearance of fear ought then particularly to
be avoided, lest the spirits of the enemy should be raised, and
their own troops disheartened; that the powerful families of
Cunningham and Semple were on the one side, and Lennox,
the king's peculiar patrimony, on the other, whence the near-
est re-enforcements could join in a few hours, the rest, next
day, or on the third at farthest; and till assistanee should ar-
rive from a greater distance, they were sufficiently strong, es-
pecially when joined by the citizens.
Ix. The latter opinion prevailed in the council. The
French ambassador passed between the parties, rather like a
spy than as a peace-maker, which he pretended to be, and
when at first he saw the small number of troops which were at
Glasgow, and the appearance of the great multitude around
Hamilton, he strenuously advised the queen to give battle.
Already, however, the regent had collected his friends from
the nearest places, and waited those at a distance from Merse
and Lothian. They, when these arrived, were about six
hundred chosen men, whom, having allowed to rest one day,
he determined to march to Hamilton, and, if possible, imme-
diately bring on an engagement, for delay, he thought, would
be hurtful to his party, and favourable to the enemy, who
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 535
were most popular in the most distant parts of the country.
In two days, after, early in the morning, he received certain
information that the enemy were collecting from the several
places where they were quartered, as they trusted to their
numbers, which amounted to six thousand five hundred men,
and knew there were hardly above four thousand with the
regent, and had determined to march beyond Glasgow, and
after leaving the queen in Dunbarton castle, either to fight or
lengthen out the war as they saw it convenient, or, if the re-
gent should oppose them, which they did not expect, give
him battle immediately, never doubting of the issue. *~ *
x. The regent, who had previously resolved to provoke the
enemy to engage, immediately led his troops into the open
fields before the town, where he thought the enemy would
come, and stood for some hours drawn up in battle array;
but when he saw their army upon the farther bank of the
river, he immediately comprehended their design, and order-
ed his own to cross, the foot by the bridge, and the horse by
the fords, and march towards. Langside, through which the
enemy's road lay. This village is situate on the river Cart,
at the foot of a hill, running south-west; on the east and north
the approach is steep, the other sides decline gently to a plain ;
thither Moray hastened with so much speed, that the king's
forces almost occupied the hill before the enemy was aware
of their intention, although they hurried thither by a shorter
route; but two adverse circumstances happened to them,
which were of great advantage to the royalists. First, Gilles-
pic Campbell, earl of Argyle, their commander-in-chief, was
suddenly taken ill, and, falling from his horse, occasioned
some delay in their movements; and next, their army, occa-
sionally descending into narrow vallies, never saw the whole
of the royal forces at once, which made them believe they
were so few—nor were they numerous—that they despised
both them and the disadvantage of the ground. At length
the queen's army, when they advanced nearer, and perceived
the situation they desired occupied by the enemy, took pos-
session of a gently rising hill opposite, and divided their force
into two lines; in the first they placed their chief strength,
calculating that if it broke the opposite line, the others would
536 .#IISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
never stand an attack. The leaders of the king's army, like-
wise, divided their forces into two battalions. On the right
were James Douglas, earl of Morton, Robert Semple, Alex-
ander Hume, and Patrick Lindsay, each at the head of his
vassals; on the left, John, earl of Marr, Alexander, earl of
Glencairn, William, earl of Monteith, and the citizens of
Glasgow; the musqueteers lined the village below, and the
gardens near the public road. *
x1. Both armies being thus arranged, the queen's artillery
were attacked, and driven from their ground by the king's
troops. The king's cavalry, on the other hand, being greatly
inferior, were dispersed by their opponents, who, after having
performed this service, in order to throw the foot likewise into
confusion, advanced to attack the line drawn up on the hill,
but were driven back by the royal archers, and a part of the
horse who had rallied in the flight, and returned to the charge.
In the meantime, the enemy's left wing advanced along the
highway, which was a declivity lower down the valley, and
although annoyed on their march by the musqueteers, yet, on
emerging from the glen, formed regularly into line. Here
they were opposed by two battalions of spearmen, each pre-
senting a dense rampart, and the struggle was fiercely and
obstinately contested for upwards of half an hour, those of
them whose spears were broken, drawing their daggers, throw-
ing stones, fragments of lances, dº whatever missile they could
lay their hands on, in the faces of their enemy. At this crisis,
some of the rear rank of the king's party—whether through
cowardice or treachery is uncertain—took to flight, and would
undoubtedly have disordered the combatants, had not the
depth of their array prevented those in front from knowing
what was occurring in rear. The second division observing
the danger, and being themselves disengaged, threw forward
some entire regiments to the right, and re-enforced the first
line. Their adversaries incapable of withstanding the united
attack, were thrown into irretrievable confusion, and uni-
versally fled. Urged by hatred and private revenge, the
slaughter of the fugitives would have been terrible, had not
the regent sent horsemen in every direction to stop the car-
nage That division of the second line of the king's army,
HISTORY OF SCQ'i'LAND. 537
which had till now remained entire, when they observed the
enemy routed, and flying in disorder, likewise broke their
ranks and pursued.
xII. The queen, who had stood a spectator of the action,
about a mile distant from the field, on perceiving all lost,
fled towards England, with the horse of her party, who came
unbroken out of the battle. The rest returned each to his
home with as much expedition as possible. Few fell in the
engagement, but many, scattered over the country, fatigued
and weary, were slain in the pursuit. The amount of the
killed was about three hundred; the prisoners were more
numerous. Of the king's troops there were not many wound-
ed, but among them were lord Alexander Hume, and An-
drew Stewart, and only one killed. The victorious army,
except a small number of horse who continued the pursuit,
returned rejoicing to Glasgow, and after rendering thanks to
God, who gave an almost bloodless victory to the cause of
justice and equity, against a brave enemy so superior in
numbers, congratulating each other, separated, and went to
dinner. This battle was fought on the 13th of May, eleyen
days after the queen had escaped from prison. The French
ambassador, who had waited the event of the battle, and had
confidently expected the queen to prove victorious, disap-
pointed in his expectation, threw off his mask, and without
waiting upon the regent, to whom he pretended he was sent,
took horses, and guides, and set off for the nearest part of
England. Being robbed upon his journey, James Douglas,
laird of Drumlanric, although he knew him to be friendly, to
the enemy, yet respecting the name of ambassador, which he
bore, procured the restoration of the property which had been
taken from him. The regent spent the remainder of the day,
on which the battle was fought, in inspecting the prisoners;
some he freely discharged, others he dismissed on giving
surety for their peaceable behaviour. The chiefs he detained,
especially those who were of the Hamilton family, and distri-
buted them in various prisons. Next day, knowing how much
that clan was hated among their neighbours, he took with him
only five hundred horse, forbidding the rest of the army to
follow, and marched to Clydesdale, which he found almost
WOL. II, 3 Y
A
— --~~
538 HISTORY OF SCOTRAND.
wholly deserted, the inhabitants considering rather what they
deserved, than placing any reliance on the clemency of the
regent, although they had already amply experienced it. He
took the castles of Hamilton and Draffan, both quite empty,
except Hamilton, where he found some of the furniture of
James V. The same terror drove the queen to England,
either because she thought no place in that quarter of Scot-
land sufficiently safe, or because she had little confidence in
John Maxwell of Herries.
XIII. The regent, having procured a temporary tranquillity,
summoned parliament to meet in the month of . Many
endeavours were used to prevent this by the adverse faction.
Rumours were everywhere spread of the approach of French
auxiliaries; nor were they wholly without foundation; for
some regiments marched to the sea coast, under Martigues,
an active officer of the Luxemburgh family, to be transported
with all expedition to Scotland; and they would have come,
had not the civil war, suddenly breaking out in France, pre-
vented them. But this event would not have been so formid-
able to the regent as his enemies imagined, for it would have
alienated England from them, and joined it more closely to
him. Argyle, too, with six hundred of his clan, came to
Glasgow, where, after conferring with Hamilton and some of
his faction, about preventing the assembling of the estates,
perceiving no means of accomplishing their purpose, they re-
turned home; and Huntly, having collected about one thousand
foot to watch the day of meeting, marched to Perth; where,
finding the fords of the river. Tay guarded by William Ruth-
ven and the neighbouring nobility, he retreated without at-
tempting anything. At the same time, letters were 6btained
by the public enemy from the queen of England, addressed to
the regent, desiring him to delay assembling the parliament,
and likewise requesting that he would not precipitate the trial
of the rebels until she was more fully acquainted with the
whole subject, as she could not with honour overlook the
danger of a queen, a neighbour and a relation, so nearly allied
to herself, who had complained to her heavily of the injuries
she had received from her subjects. This concession, although
it seemed unimportant, yet if the rebels could have obtained
39
History of Scoti,AND. " 539
it, they hoped they would have gained every thing, as that
delay and trifling would have allowed them to recruit their
‘strength and spirits, and must have weakened that of the ene-
my, especially as any delay on the part of the king's party
would have been ascribed to fear; and, besides, they them-
selves had determined, in the interim, to call a parliament in
the queen's name. But the regent, perceiving how necessary
it was to proceed in assembling the parliament, determined to
hold it on the day appointed, even although all the strength
of his opponents were united to oppose it.
xiv. In the parliament it was debated with great keenness,
whether all, without exception, who had borne arms against
the king, should be declared guilty of high treason, and their
estates confiscated. William Maitland, however, who still
secretly favoured the rebels, obtained that a few only should
be condemned at present as a terror to the rest, and the hopes
of mercy be held out to the others, if they returned to their
duty. This proceeding wonderfully increased the conspiracy
of the rebels, and encouraged their obstinacy, when they saw
the punishment of their own crimes deferred, and were assur-
ed that neither the queen, her neighbour and relation, nor
the Guises, who were then so powerful at the French court,
nor the French king himself, would patiently endure such an
invasion of the royal prerogative; nor even if they were de-
serted by them, did they think themselves so weak as to be
unable to defend their own cause, as they were both numerous
and powerful, and wanted nothing to secure a victory, except
the empty shadow of the royal name, which had been usurped
by force. The regent, in the meantime, wholly occupied in
restoring public tranquillity, having slightly fined a few of the
neighbouring chiefs, received them into favour. The earl of
Rothes, on the intercession of his friends, was banished for
three years; others he earnestly entreated, by their mutual
acquaintances, to return to their allegiance; but when he saw
that many of thern were obstinate, and bent on revenge, he
levied an army, and marched into Annandale, Nithsdale, and
the lower part of Galloway, where he took some castles, and
garrisoned them; others, whose owners were more obstinate,
he razed, and, in a short time, would have entirely quelled
540 JalsTo RY OF SCOTLAND.
the whole country, if letters, from the queen of England, had
not interrupted his victóriotis career, stating:—that the ex-
ilés had informed her that the queen of Scots had suffered
great injüstice, and had been loaded with utigrounded odium
by her disaffected subjects; but she particularly urged:—The
royal flame would be disgraced, and the authority of sacred
†ajesty despised, if suffered to be wantonly exposed by the
seditibus; that the injury of the atrocious act would only, it
was true, affect one, but the example would reach all; there-
fore, it was necessary instantly to oppose such proceedings,
lést the cóñtagion of dethroning kings should spread wider.
xv. After a number of remarks to this effect, directed
agāinst the avengers of the king's death, the queen of Eng-
Hahd demanded, that the regent should send commissioners
to her, to infºrm her of the whole proceedings, and to reply
to the tharges, whether criminal or reproachful, which had
been laid against him in his absence. It appeared to the re-
gent both distressing and offensive, that a case, already de-
cided, should undergo a new trial; and it seemed both de-
rogatory and dangerous for him to stand, as it were, capitally
arraigned before foreign kings, often enemies and rivals, and
whose minds were already prepossessed by his adversaries; yet
there were many considerations which forced him to comply
with the demand, although unjust.—Abroad, the cardinal of
Torraine; the queen's uncle, possessed the whole power in
the court of France; and at home, a great majority of the no-
bility were leagued in favour of the queen, and if he should
éffèſíd the queen of England also, he would have no force left
to oppose to so many difficulties.
£vi. When the regent had determined to send ambassadors,
and was uncertain whom to appoint, the principal of the no-
bility declining the office, he determined at length to go him-
self, and carry select companions along with him, one of whom,
William Maitland, was reluctant, and, indeed, unwilling; but
he was a factious man, whom the regent saw somewhat inclin-
ed to the queen's party, and thought unsafe to be left at home,
in the then precarious state of the kingdom. He, therefore,
induced him, by great promises and presents, to go along
with him, not doubting but he would be able to bend, or
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 541
overcome his avaricious mind by gifts; the rest went willingly.
James Douglas, and Patrick Lindsay, of the nobility; the
bishop of Orkney, and the abbot of Dunfermline, of the cler-
gy; lawyers, members of the college of justice, James Mac-
gill, and Henry Balnaves; and to these a ninth was added,
George Buchanan. Surrounded with so many difficulties,
two considerations supported the regent's mind, the justice of
his cause, and the last letters of the queen of England, in
which she affirmed:—If the accusations were true, which were
alleged against the queen of the Scots, she would think her
unworthy of reigning. Encouraged a little by these letters,
the regent set out upon his journey, attended by above a
hundred horsemen, although he had received certain informa-
tion, that the earl of Westmoreland was placed, by the order
of the duke of Norfolk, in an ambuscade, to intercept him
before he came to York. On the 4th of October, however,
he entered York, the place appointed for the conference, and
on the same day, nearly at the same hour, Thomas Howard,
duke of Norfolk, came thither. The reason for waylaying the
regent was—the duke was at that time, by his secret agents,
negotiating a marriage with the queen of Scots, and to take
away the suspicion of the king's death, and facilitate the queen's
return to Scotland, it was determined to murder the regent,
and having by this means obtained possession of the letters
written by her to Bothwell, containing the proofs of the crime,
to destroy them; but because the duke was so near, that the
business could not be effected, without involving him in the
infamy of so foul a murder, the ambush was withdrawn at that
time. There were added, for hearing the controversies of the
Scots, two other commissioners, besides the duke of Norfolk,
the earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Saddler—the one commonly
reported to be attached to Howard, the other free from, all
party contagion.
xv.11. A few days after, commissioners arrived from the queen
of Scots, who complained of her ungrateful subjects, and de-
manded from the queen of England, assistance to reduce them
without waiting for any disputation. These were heard se-
parately, apart from the regent and his companions, and hav-
ing first protested:—That they did not appear before the
542 HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D.
commissioners as judges, who had any right of passing sen-
tence; proceeded at great length, to detail the injuries the
queen had received from her subjects, and demanded from
the queen of England, that she should either persuade her
ungrateful subjects to receive back their prince, or if they
refused to receive her, that she should give her such an army,
as should reinstate her in spite of her enemies. After some
hours, the regent was heard. In reply, he appealed to the
judgment of all impartial men, for the justice of his proceed-
ings. Nothing, he contended, was done by the king's adher-
ents, but according to justice, the laws, and ancient customs
of the nation, and that in public convention; nor could he,
privately, and with a few, abrogate what had been done unan-
imously, in full assembly of all the estates, some of those who
now accused him, being themselves present, and subscribing
the acts. The English commissioners denied that the Scottish
act, passed at home, and now produced, could be satisfactory,
unless the reasons were likewise produced, which influenced
the nobles to pronounce such severe decrees against their
queen. The regent, who greatly deprecated accusing his
queen and his sister, and divulging her flagrant infamy before
stranger, and not unwilling auditors, refused, unless the queen
of England should promise, that in the event of his proving
satisfactorily, that the king of the Scots had been murdered
by his wife, she would defend the cause of the young king,
and take him, as it were, under her protection. To which the
English ambassadors replied, that they had only the power of
hearing the demands of both parties, and referring the whole
to the judgment of their queen. On which, the regent re-
quested them to obtain from their queen some such promise,
or at least, procure from her full powers for hearing and
pronouncing upon the whole cause, which if they did, he, on
the other hand, promised, that unless he plainly proved that
the king was killed by the contrivance of his wife, he would
consent to suffer any punishment usually inflicted on traitors.
xvi.II. The commissioners, in consequence, wrote an account
of the proceedings to their queen, to whom she wrote back,
that the adherents of the Scottish king, should send one or
more of their party to court, by whom she might be clearly
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 543.
informed of the whole state of the case, and when that was
done, she would see what course she ought to pursue. In
compliance with this, the regent sent William Maitland,
against whom many unpleasant suspicions were daily arising,
and James Macgill, not so much as an assistant in transacting
the public business, as an observer of the manner in which he
conducted it. Maitland had been previously suspected, for "
several reasons, particularly on the following account. Before
his journey to England, although he sedulously endeavoured
to conceal his design, yet, it was apparent from his words, his
actions, his familiarity with those of the opposite party, and
more clearly from some intercepted letters, in which he en-
deavoured to persuade the queen, that his assistance might
yet be of service to her, like the lion in the fable, who, when
caught in a net, was liberated from the toils by a mouse, the
weakest of animals. But after he came to York, almost no
night passed, in which he did not meet with the principal
ambassadors of the adverse party, communicate to them his
own designs, and acquaint them with all the arrangements of
the regent. But although the regent wished to prohibit these
meetings, he knew his prohibition would have answered no
purpose, except that of making them be held more secretly.
These circumstances, although pretty clear evidences of his
treachery to the public cause, yet accident produced unexpect-
edly the most indubitable proof. . . . . . . .
xix. It happened, that under pretence of hunting, Maitland
had gone with the duke of Norfolk, into the adjacent country,
where, after canvassing the whole subject at great length, they
agreed to manage the business slowly, and if possible, by
going repeatedly over the same ground, in such a mañner,
that nothing decisive should be concluded, and yet the busi-
ness not altogether neglected; by which means, the regent
would be obliged to return without accomplishing the object
for which he came, or internal disturbances at home would
force him to depart; and moreover, some other remedy would
arise during the time, for Norfolk already meditated a civil
war, by which he would remove the one queen, and marry the
other. Maitland communicated these arrangements to John
Lesly, bishop of Ross, who was intimately acquainted with all
544 HISTORY OF SCotLAN 0.
the queen's secrets, and he sent letters to her, directing her in
what manner the duke wished her to write back to court, what
course to pursue in future, nor from the slowness of the issue,
to lay aside her hopes of success. These letters, being read
by the queen, and by several other persons, were afterward
thrown aside as waste paper, and at last brought to the
regent, and thus it happened that the most secret designs of
his enemies were by them made known to him. But he had
had many proofs of Maitland's perfidy before. When the
ambassadors I have mentioned reached the queen at London,
it appeared most proper to her and her council, that the re-
gent himself should attend, and in person argue the contro-
verted points. Wherefore, having dismissed part of his at-
tendants home he went with the rest to London. But there he
encountered the same difficulties as at York, while he refused
to bring forward an accusation against the queen, his sister,
unless the queen of England would, upon her detection, take
the party of the king of the Scots under her protection, which,
if she would promise, he would immediately proceed with his
accusation, on the same condition he had proposed to the
xx. Whilst these proceedings were taking place in London,
the queen of the Scots endeavoured, by James Balfour, to
excite internal disturbance at home. In order the more
easily to accomplish this, she wrote not only to the exiles and
friends of Bothwell, to harass those of the opposite faction by
every species of hostility in their power, but she created
lieutenants through the whole kingdom, on whom she bestow-
ed kingly power, and she caused rumours to be everywhere
spread, that the regent and his attendants were closely confin-
ed in the Tower of London. But when she saw that that lie
would not be of long duration, she pretended that the regent
would subject the kingdom of Scotland to the English, and
had promised the fortified places, and the king himself as his
security. The reason of her continuing this story, was believ-
ed to be, that as she herself had offered the same thing to
the English commissioners, and the offer had been rejected
by them as foolish, because she had nothing that she had
promised in her power, she might preoccupy the mind of the
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 545
common people by the falsehood, and create hatred against
the regent; or, if she could not wholly avert the ignominy
from herself, at least she wished to share it with the adverse
faction.
xxi. Pressed on every hand by these difficulties, the regent
determined to have the business settled in whatever manner,
and to return home as expeditiously as possible. Wherefore,
the English having often, and earnestly entreated him to ex-
plain the nature of the Scottish transactions—as while ignor-
ant of them, they could determine nothing—and as he was
extremely desirous of satisfying the queen of England, whom,
without the greatest injury to the cause he supported, he dared
not offend; and wished besides, to return home, that he might
extinguish in its birth the civil war with which he was threat-
ened, which he could not do, unless the queen of England
were friendly, at least not opposed to him, he protested before
the council, that, in opposition to his own inclination, but
forced by the importunity of his enemies, he accused his queen
and his sister, before strangers, of the most enormous crimes.
He did that not from any wish to criminate her, but impelled
by the necessity of exculpating himself, and he unwillingly
dragged to light, what he wished, had it been possible, to
have buried in everlasting oblivion. If there was any thing
invidious in what he did, the blame belonged to those, by
whose means he had been prevented from fully obtaining
his early desire—of cheerfully obeying good princes, or per-
forming the more ungracious task of reproving bad ones.
One request he preferred, that they who had dragged him,
against his inclination, into this dispute, should be present to
hear the accusation he would prefer, and if any false deed
was alleged, disprove it before the council, and he would like-
wise employ their testimony in many grave matters. The
procurators for the Scottish queen, who had but little confi-
dence in their own cause, refused this, and persevered in
demanding this only, that the queen, who had been expelled
by force of arms, should be restored. On which, a day was
fixed for the regent to explain the reasons why the avengers
of the king's death—for he himself was then in France—had
WOL. II, * 3 z
546 HISTORY OF SCOTLA, NH),
taken arms, and deposed the queen from the government of
her kingdom, and the rest of their proceedings till that time.
XXII. On the day appointed, the regent gave a connected
account of all the transactions, and adduced in evidence, the
confessions emitted by the accomplices of the king's murder,
before their execution—the act of parliament which many of
the regent's accusers had themselves subscribed, and then the
silver casket was produced, which the queen had received from
Francis, her former husband, and given to Bothwell. In it
was contained letters in the French language, written with the
queen's own hand to Bothwell, a French song, not inelegantly
written, likewise by her, together with three contracts of mar-
riage, the first written in the queen's own hand, before the
parricide, in which, as by bond, she engages to marry him
when released from her former husband; the next, before the
divorce from his former wife, in Huntly's handwriting; the
third done openly, at the time of the marriage; all which
being exhibited, and read in council, the whole crime was so
evident, that no doubt could possibly remain with regard to
the author. r
xxIII. The queen of England, although fully convinced by
these proofs, yet still fluctuated. There was on the one side,
rivalry, and mutual hatred, the magnitude of the crime, and the
clearness of the evidence, which, the English queen thought,
rendered the queen of Scots unworthy of assistance. But
although she rather inclined to justice, she hesitated, some-
times, at the sympathizing recollection of her former fortune,
then she trembled for the dignity of the royal name, and fear-
ed, lest the example of dethroning kings might pass into the
neighbouring kingdoms; besides, she was afraid of France, the
friendship between the countries not being very secure, and
then the French ambassador constantly pled the cause of the
exiled queen. But the Spanish ambassador, although he had
been asked to interpose in the name of his king, was deterred
by the baseness of the crime, and refused to intermeddle.
Wherefore, the queen of England, that she might leave her-
self room to retract, if affairs did not succeed in France, and
not deprive herself of all power of gratifying them, adopted a
middle course, declaring:—That as far as she was able to
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 54.7
judge at present, all the proceedings in Scotland appeared to
have been lawful and regular; and yet, as if she had delayed
her decision till another time, she desired, that seeing the
disturbed state of the country recalled the régent home, he
would leave some one of his attendants to answer to any
charges that might be brought against him in his absence.
But the regent, who saw that the queen of England thus de-
layed the business, that she might be at liberty to pass sen-
tence as suited her own interest, and the issue of her foreign
negotiations, exerted every nerve, in order not to leave the
cause apparently undetermined. He insisted, that if his ene-
mies had any charge against him, it was but equitable, that
they who had so long premeditated an accusation, should now
bring it forward, and not watch an opportunity to calumniate
him in his absence, while they avoided all personal discussion.
He was not ignorant, he said, of the reports his enemies had
spread, not only among the vulgar, but what some had openly
affirmed before the council, and to the French ambassador,
and, therefore, he earnestly requested the council, that they
would order those who thus muttered clandestinely, to pro-
ceed openly; nor was he so anxious to return home, notwith-
standing his great personal inconvenience, and the public
detriment, occasioned by his delay, as to do so until he had
fully cleared himself.
xxiv. At last the procurators of the exiled queen being sent
for, and asked if they had now any charge to bring against
the regent or his companions, as privy to the death of the
king, and desired to produce it, they replied:—That they
had nothing at present, but when ordered by their queen they
would accuse them. To which the regent answered:—That
he would always be ready to give an account of all his actions,
nor would he shun it at any time or place. But in the mean-
while, until the queen should order that accusation, he asked
his accusers now present, if any of them had any charge
against him, that they would now bring it forward; that it
would be far more fair and honourable to produce it openly
before this illustrious assembly, than to calumniate his charac-
ter in private parties during his absence. This they refused
likewise for a long time, till at last, taken by surprise, the
548 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
whole council urging, and almost quarrelling with them, they
confessed individually:—That they had no reason to suspect
either Moray or his companions of having been accessory to
the king's death. Thus, after a long altercation between the
parties, the council broke up; nor, from that time forward,
was there any mention made of accusing the regent or his
companions. During the detention of the regent on public
business in England, several vigorous efforts were made by
some of the queen's faction both at home and abroad, but
without success. James Hamilton, who had been regent some
years before, disappointed at home, had retired to France,
where he lived with a very few companions, attended by only
one or two servants, wholly removed from the bustle of all
public business. But the queen of Scots, having escaped from
prison, then, being conquered in battle, and, within a few
days, compelled to flee to England, the French, who, when the
earl of Moray was recalled by his countrymen, and was re-
turning through France, had been unable to bring him over
to their party, conceived it would be most eonducive for their
interest, as, on account of their own intestine disturbances,
they could neither send soldiers nor money to Scotland, to
set up Hamilton as a rival there, especially at that time, when
the regent, with the greatest part of the nobility, was absent.
xxv. He was in consequence, therefore, dragged from his
retreat, furnished with a little money, and loaded with pro-
mises. As he hastened through England home, he was urged
by his friends, since the queen of Scots favoured his party,
and the queen of England was not averse to apply to the latter
to persuade Moray, by her authority, to resign to him the
regency of Scotland, which situation belonged to him, as the
nearest kinsman and heir by the laws and customs of all na-
tions, and particularly by the institutions of his own. Nor was
it necessary, for ascertaining this, to make a search into the
annals of ancient times, as all who had hitherto ascended the
throne, during their minority, had had guardians appointed to
them from their nearest relations. Thus, on the death of
Robert III., during the absence of James I, the government
was intrusted to his uncle Robert, and to Robert succeeded
his son Mordac; and recently, John, duke of Albany, had
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ‘549
exercised the regency during the childhood of James V.; and
he himself—Hamilton—until Mary was of age to reign, or to
be married, had possessed the supreme power, only a few
years before. And now he had been excluded, not by legiti-
mate votes, but by rebels, through violence and the greatest
injustice; and what was more shameful, in contempt of legiti-
mate affinity, a bastard had been raised to the supreme rule;
which honour, if it were again given to him, he would in a
short time tranquillize all domestic troubles, and the queen
would be restored, without violence or arms, to her former
dignity.
XXVI. To this the king's ambassadors answered:—That
Hamilton desired an office, not only contrary to the laws and
customs of their ancestors, but, setting aside the authority of
the law, the demand was in itself exceedingly unjust; for our
ancestors, they continued, on account of the murders in the
royal family, committed by their relations, changed, in their
assemblies, nearly one thousand three hundred years ago, the
whole manner of creating a king. And whereas before, upon
the death of a king, his successor was created by suffrage
from the family of Fergus, our first king, not the nearest in
blood, but the most capable of reigning, Kenneth III., in
order to protect the kings against the plots of their relations,
and remove from court those bloody strifes among kindred,
confirmed, by a decree, the order of succession, which now is,
that the nearestblood relation should succeed the deceased king.
But, when by more of experience they perceived, that in such
inconstancy of fortune, it must sometimes happen that boys, or
others unfit for governing, would succeed as heirs to the chief
magistracy, they enacted, that the government should, in the
interim, be administered by him who exceeded the rest in
power and wisdom. And our ancestors, acting upon this rule
for nearly six hundred years, have transmitted the crown safe
to their posterity. Thus, on the death of Robert Bruce, there
were successively elected by vote as regents, Thomas Ran-
dolph, earl of Moray, Donald, earl of Marr, Andrew Moray,
John Randolph, and Robert Stuart; sometimes an individual,
and sometimes more being appointed by parliament to that
office. Thus, during the childhood of James II., Alexander
550 JHISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Levingston was made his guardian, no blood, relation of the
king's, and not even of the first rank among the nobility, be-
ing only a knight, more distinguished for his wisdom than his
descent. Nor can it be alleged, as an excuse, that any scarcity
of the royal blood occasioned this. g - sº -
xxvii. There was, at that time, John Kennedy, the chief
of his family, James I. sister's grandson, eminent for his in-
tegrity and wisdom; there were his uncles, James Kennedy,
archbishop of St. Andrews, confessedly the most virtuous man
in the whole kingdom, his brother, born of the king's aunt,
and William Douglas, earl of Angus. There were likewise
of the royal line, not very distant, Archibald, earl of Douglas,
almost equal in power to the king, and far superior to all the
other noblemen, yet no one on that account ever complained
of the injustice of our parliament. Not long after, four tutors
were assigned to James III., and all these were chosen by
suffrage, not assumed for their relationship. Lately, John,
duke of Albany, being sent for by the nobility from France,
to govern Scotland during the minority of James V., was con-
firmed in that office by an act of the estates; nor was this be-
stowed upon him on account of his proximity, for he had an
elder brother, Alexander, perhaps inferior to him in birth,
but far superior in every virtue to James Hamilton, who had
several times anxiously attempted to gain that situation. But
during the absence of James I., Robert, his uncle, you assert,
governed the kingdom. By what right did he do so? Was
it in right of consanguinity? Not in the least. Was he then
elected by the people? No, truly! How then was he created?
When king Robert III. had neither strength of mind nor
body for discharging the functions of a king, he placed Rob-
ert as his lieutenant, and committed his children to his care.
That guardian starved David, the eldest, to death, and threat-
ened James, the youngest, had not his life been preserved by
flight; and being thus in possession of the government, when
his brother died for grief, he retained it without the consent
of parliament, and transmitted it to his son Mordac. What
the affection of Robert, the last, for his brother was, is plain;
when dying, he cursed him as the executioner of his sons,
and he never would in health have appointed him their guard-
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 551
ian. We are told of the time when, after the death of James
V., he himself was regent, as if he had done anything legally
during the whole of that time. When cardinal Beaton, by
fraud, endeavoured to invade the chief magistracy, he, rather
from the hatred of the people towards Béaton than from
any love the people had for himself, crept into the vacant of.
fice. He governed with cruelty and rapacity, and not many
years ago, sold both the magistracy he had procured by force,
and the queen, who was intrusted to his tutelage; and the
love of the people towards him appeared in that they preferred
the government of a woman, and a stranger, to the wretched
slavery they had endured under him. Y
xxvi.11. You see, I suppose, that this request of Hamilton
is contrary both to the laws of the country, and the institutions
of our ancestors; so contrary, that destitute of arguments,
he has supported it by falsehood alone. But if there had been
any custom of this kind, yet nobody, I suppose, will deny
that it must be unjust; for what can be more unjust than to
cömmit the innocence and weakness of infancy to his care,
who must always be looking or wishing for the death of his
pupil? Whose whole tribe has borne, and will bear, the most
inveterate hatred to the reigning family! For what safeguard
is there in propinquity of blood, against ancient hatred, insati-
able avarice, and a rash desire after the tyranny he has just
tasted 2 Laodice, queen of the Cappadocians, is said to have
killed her children every one as they came of age, and to have
purchased the short enjoyment of limited power by the blood
of her sons. When a mother destroyed her own progeny,
only to retain her power for a short time, what do we think
ancient enemies will dare, or rather, when their cruelty is in-
flamed by avarice, what will they not dare against a boy, the
only obstacle between them and perpetual empire? If any
one think this example old and obscure, or far fetched, I shall
add more eminent ones, and nearer home. Who is so ignor-
ant of modern history as not to know that Galacia Sforzza, of
full age, married, and son-in-law to a powerful sovereign, was
killed by his uncle Louis, or who does not know what calami-
ties followed that cruel parricide? The most beautiful portion
of Italy reduced almost to a desert; the family of the Sforzza,
552 . HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
from whom sprung so many brave men, extinguished; bar-
barians introduced into the delightful fields around Padua,
from whose rapine nothing was secure, and from whose cruel-
ty no person was safe. 'Who, in Britain, has not heard of
the cruelty of Richard III., king of England, against his
brother's children, or with how much blood that parricide
was expiated? If then men, not otherwise deficient in intel-
lect, have not dreaded to perpetrate such atrocities towards
their nearest relations, impelled solely by the desire for reign-
ing, what shall we expect from him whose instability of mind
all his countrymen are acquainted with? Whose unskilful gov-
ernment we have discovered by so many disasters; whose
family, not satisfied with the murder of this king's great
grandfather, persecuted his maternal grandfather with their
treacheries as long as he lived, and his paternal, when they
could not kill, they forced him to leave the country in indi-
gence; his father they led as a victim to be sacrificed; his
mother, and the kingdom, in her infancy, they sold to stran-
gers, from which captivity, when she escaped by the provi-
dence of God, they involved her in those difficulties with
which she is now surrounded. What estimate the public
formed of their conduct may easily be understood, by the
people's considering themselves rescued from the bondage of
a wretched slavery, and introduced to the joyful precincts of
liberty, at the time the Hamiltons sold, to a foreign female,
that government they did not know how to manage.
xxix. On hearing these arguments, the queen, through her
council, informed Hamilton:—That he made an unjust re-
quest, and must expect no assistance from her; that she had
been requested, by the ambassadors of the king, not to dis-
miss. Hamilton himself, who only meditated sedition, until
they likewise had received leave to depart; which equitable
demand she had granted, and therefore she forbade him to
depart before that time. The exiled queen, too, flattered her
partisans with the hopes of her speedy return. Several of her
letters were intercepted, in which she exhorted them to seize
as many castles and fortified places as they could, and extend
the war as widely as possible, nor regard the report of a truce;
for if affairs were brought to terms, all past offences would be
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 553
covered by a peace; but if the dissensions should break out
into open war, the more garrisons they held, the more would
they be prepared for annoying the enemy. &
xxx. When the regent had settled every thing in England
as far as he was able, and had obtained leave to return, there
were brought him from Scotland some letters of the exiled
queen, lately intercepted, in which she complained to her
friends, that she had been treated by the queen of England
otherwise than she had at first expected, or than she herself
had promised, some English courtiers having prevented her
being sent back with an army, as she affirmed, the queen of
England had promised her. She, however, expected a fa-
vourable issue soon from another quarter—for frequent mes-
sages had passed between her and Howard respecting their
marriage—that they should not therefore despond, but increase
the strength of their faction, throw every thing into confusion,
and prevent the return of the regent to Scotland, by every art
in their power. The contents of these letters, when publish-
ed, produced various effects. The queen of England was
highly offended at being accused of having violated her faith,
also at the infringement of the truce of which she was the au-
thor; and her anger being excited against the exile queen,
she became more and more favourable to the cause of justice.
The English, who were friendly to the regent, lest he should
suffer on his journey through the treachery of his enemies; for
the greatest part of the country, through which he had to
travel, was inhabited either by papists or robbers, who infest-
ed the borders of both kingdoms, almost all of whom were
stirred up to hope for a change, and, it was evident, had been
solicited to intercept the regent; on which account, the Eng-
lish courtiers eagerly offered their, assistance to protect him
during his journey; but he, satisfied with his own retinue, set
out upon his journey about the 13th of January. The queen
of England, however, thinking her good faith and dignity in-
terested in his safe return, had, of her own accord, written to
the wardens of the borders, that when he came to suspected
places, and places infested by robbers, they should provide
against his being circumvented by treachery. This they sed-
ulously attended to, and a strong guard of horse and foot hav-
WOL. II. 4 A
554, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
ing been disposed along the road, he arrived safely at Ber-
wick, and the day after, February 20, to the great joy of his
friends, who had assembled in vast crowds, he entered Edin-
burgh, as it were, in solemn procession. His enemies, at
first, could scarcely believe his arrival, because of the false
reports rashky spread about his being detained in the tower of
London; but when it was ascertained that he was actually at
Edinburgh, they who had beset the highways during his ab-
'sence to intereept travellers, releasing their captives, slunk
home in trepidation, and immediately the perturbed horizon
became serene.
xxxr. A few days after, the king's party had a numerous
meeting at Stirling, when the proceedings in England were
related, and highly approved of, and confirmed by all present.
About the same time, James Hamilton, the chief of his family,
arrived, adopted, with new and unheard of arrogance, by the
queen of Scots as her father, and appointed lieutenant of the
kingdom. He, having issued proclamations, forbidding all
the lieges to obey any other officers than those appointed by
him, the king's party immediately collected money to raise
horsemen, and prepare themselves, if necessary, for the last
resort. On an appointed day they assembled at Glasgow; but
when the people did not resort to Hamilton as he expected,
by the mediation of friends, after several conferences, terms
of accommodation were proposed. Hamilton was ordered to
come to Glasgow, upon condition:—That he should acknow-
ledge the king as chief magistrate; which if he did, the rest
would easily be brought to an adjustment; but if he refused,
he would come in vain. He, by the advice of his friends who
were with him, at the same time, seeing himself deserted by
the people, and terrified at the enemy's army in the vicinity,
détermined to yield to necessity, and, at present, to promise
every thing, but when the king's party had dismissed their
forces, to concert his measures at his leisure.
xxxii. When he came to Glasgow, a day was appointed on
which he and his allies were to profess their allegiance to the
king, and receive back their estates and former honours. In
the meantime, they were to remain in prison, or give some of
their relatives as hostages. A condition was also added, that
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 555
any of their party, who were inclined, would be received upon
the same terms. Argyle and Huntly refused to accede to the
treaty, either incensed at Hamilton, because he had surren-
dered himself to the enemy without consulting them, or think-
ing, by the dread of their power, that they would procure
more liberal conditions, or induced to follow their own incli-
nations, by the frequent messages they received from Eng-
land; for, during these transactions in Scotland, letters were
brought from the exile queen, containing great promises, in
which she exhorted them:—Not to allow themselves to be
terrified with vain terrors, for in a few days she would be
among them with a large force. And this they were the more
readily inclined to believe, because the queen was allowed
more liberty than formerly, and the rumours of her marriage
with Howard increased daily.
xxxiII. When Hamilton came to Edinburgh on the day
appointed, he, for a while, eluded his promises by various
requests, and was always framing new excuses, such as, that
he awaited the arrival of the other chiefs of his party, that
they might unite in the bond with common consent, and that
they might have time to learn the opinion of the absent queen;
for which reasons, he desired that the business might be de-
ferred until the 10th day of May. To this evident trifling it
was replied:—That he waited in vain for Argyle and Huntly,
for they had declared that they wished to settle their own af-
fairs separately. And with regard to the queen, it was asked
if she also did not approve of the transaction, what he would
then do. To which Hamilton ingenuously, but imprudently,
replied:—That he had been compelled to consent to the con-
ditions by the terror of an army, and if left free, he would
never consent to one of them. On this open confession, the
regent committed both Hamilton and Maxwell prisoners to
Edinburgh castle. .
xxxiv. The remaining subject of deliberation then was the
treatment of Argyle and Huntly. Argyle, whilst the regent
was in England, had come to Glasgow, to consult upon the
public business, attended by about one thousand five hundred
men, whither those of the neighbouring countries, who belong-
ed to the same party, also came. There, amid a variety of
556 History of sco.TLAND.
discordant opinions, they agreed on nothing except to disturb
the peace. The Hamiltons required Argyle to harass the
Lennoxmen, his neighbours, who were most firmly attached
to the king, by driving away their cattle, and either to force
them, though unwilling, to join their party, or reduce them
to such poverty, that they would be of little service to their
‘own. But he, on communicating this advice to his friends,
found no one among them who approved the design; they re-
collected that, for many years back, the Lennoxmen had been
most closely attached to Argyle, and united to him by many
ties; then, why were the men of Argyle nearer than the
Hamiltons to the Lennoxmen, who lay between them both 2
Or why throw on them so odious an undertaking? Let those
who were chiefly concerned appear as principals; if they did
this, the inhabitants of Argyle would not be deficient on their
part; they would be companions, but not leaders in such an
expedition. After sitting a few days without adopting any
resolution, the meeting broke up, and Argyle returned home
through Lennox, which was his shortest road, without doing
any injury; which moderation endeared him both to the com-
mon people and the leaders of the opposite party, and render-
ed it more easy for him to obtain pardon. *
'Xxxv. Huntly, during the absence of the regent, having
made a vain attempt to break through by Mearns, Angus,
and Strathearn, after wasting the adjacent country, torment-
ing the people, and carrying off every kind of plunder, ap-
pointed, as his lieutenants, around the Dee, Crawford and
Ogilvy, and endeavoured to usurp all the offices of a king, which
rendered a reconciliation more difficult with him. These two,
therefore, as they wished each to negotiate for himself, were
both ordered to appear before the council at St. Andrews.
Argyle arrived first. With him there arose very little diffi-
culty, as he had abstained from plundering during this and
the former year, was a near relation of the regent, had been
educated from his earliest infancy along with him, and was
joined in the strictest bonds of friendship. He was only de-
sired to swear:—That in future, without fraud, he would
obey the king; if he failed, besides the common penalties of
law, he would allow himself to be stigmatized as the most de-
HISTORY OF SCOTLANT). 557
graded and detestable of men. The rest having subscribed
the same oath, but with very different conditions, were re-
ceived into favour. But Huntly’s case was discussed at great
length in the council before his arrival; for the nuptials of the
exile queen with Howard, and their proceeding to Scotland
being secretly prepared in England, their faction in Scotland
had by degrees acquired confidence, and encouraged the re-
bellious to proceed to acts of open disobedience; and they
‘hoped, in a state of confusion, that the access of a new king
to the throne would be more easy, and being perfectly per-
suaded that it was impossible to induce the regent to betray
the king, whose uncle and tutor he was, endeavoured by art
to lessen his power; and, besides those who had openly borne
arms against the king, a great part of the counsellors, not pri-
ºvately, as frequently before, but avowedly favoured Huntly.
These contended with the greatest violence:—That all his
former conduct should be suffered to pass with impunity, for
it was the safest plan, the most likely to promote concord,
and the most honourable to heal civil wounds without violence,
rather than to exasperate them by confiscations and execu-
tions; and, besides, peace at home, and reputation abroad,
would be thus secured; but if recourse were had to arms, the
contest must be maintained with an enemy, formidable from
his ancient power, and his numerous connexions and vassals,
who, although he were conquered, which is still uncertain,
yet could fly to the hills and mountainous solitudes, or find
refuge with some foreign kings, and thence, in time, from
these small sparks of hatred, a mighty flame of war might be
kindled.
xxxvi. In opposition to this, it was contended:—That a
war would not be so very formidable as some wished it to be
considered. Huntly’s father, considered a man of established
prudence, while his power was unbroken, was overturned
without much exertion; nor would this young man, whose
authority was not yet confirmed, and who was scorched by
the recent calamity of his family, be a match for the whole
power of the kingdom, and the majesty of the royal name.
And if vanquished in battle, or conscious of inferior strength,
he should fly affrighted to the mountains, those whom he had
§58 * HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
lately attached to him by gifts, might, by equal or greater, be
induced to put him to death, or betray him to the regent; for
the faith of mercenaries changes with fortune, they follow the
prosperous, and desert the wretched. Among foreign kings,
persons, have influence only in proportion to their wealth, for
it is not the calamities of others, but their own advantage,
that interests them. But if there should ever be found among
kings such humanity and benevolence, as would incline them
to favour the wretched and exiled, yet these are not times in
which we have any thing to dread from abroad; for England,
who is favourable to the cause of our king, alone, of all the
powers of Europe, enjoys peace; the other neighbouring king-
doms are so occupied with their domestic dissensions, that
they have no leisure to attend to foreign affairs; but if they
had leisure, it is to be hoped that justice would have greater
influence with them, than compassion for exiles, rebels to
their own kings, and faithless to strangers. As to impunity,
it would be called cowardice, and not clemency, as our oppo-
ments pretend; it would be timidly to shun a just contest, that
we might imprudently nourish war under the shadow of peace.
Yes, the shadow of peace, which already refreshes the faint-
ing spirits of the rebels, and cools the ardour of the faithful
friends of the king; for what do we imagine the sensations of
the parties will be, when the one perceives that they may act
as they please with impunity, and hope to be allowed to do
the same in future; and the others see their perfidious enemies
enjoying the rewards of their crimes, while they themselves
are spoiled of their goods, and tormented with all the calami-
ties of war? When, instead of being rewarded, as they had
hoped, for their fidelity and constancy, they feel that they are
punished for their love towards their king and country? Who
then can doubt, but if arms be resorted to afterward—which
they necessarily must, unless the flame be now extinguished
in its origin—who can doubt, but that that party who reaps
such advantage from their crimes, and who are allowed to do
as they list with impunity, will be stronger than they who
must endure every species of injury and violence? But if even
these disadvantages were not to follow this foolish species of
clemency, yet neither the regent nor the king himself could,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 559
with any justice, bestow the property of those who had been
robbed, upon the robbers, unless they themselves chose to be
classed with banditti; and it would be even more cruel for
kings thus to treat the spoilers of their people with impunity,
than to allow the people to be plundered by the incursions of
an enemy. Many other arguments of similar import having
been adduced on both sides, they who advocated for impu-
mity were eventually left in a minority; the regent, however,
declared, that for the sake of concord, he would willingly for-
give any private loss which he himself or the king had sustain-
ed; but the losses sustained by others, he neither would nor
could pardon; but if Huntly or his friends could agree with
those whom they had spoiled, he should undertake, with the
consent of the parties, to appoint arbiters to determine the
damages. *
xxxvii. Concord being established, as it was thought, upon
these conditions, another dispute followed, small in appear-
ance, but which was agitated with greater keenness than the
former. The question was—a general pardon having been
granted to Huntly's adherents—Whether the merits of each
cause should be tried separately. Some who were inclined to
believe that Huntly had been dealt hardly with, on being
forced to pay the loss which had been sustained, thought it
but fair to indulge him in this point, nor take from him the
power of obliging his followers. To which it was answered:
—That in this kind of warfare, there was nothing to be more
desired, than that factions should be dissolved; nor could this
be obtained in any way more easily than by the prince alone,
awarding favours or punishment. All understood how unjust
it would be to fine every one alike, where there was a disparity
of crime; therefore, the distribution of punishment should,
least of all, be left to Huntly, who, it was probable, would
exact the smallest fines from the greatest criminals, and im-
pose the whole burden on the least guilty; for in inflicting
punishment, he would be directed, not by the deserts of the
offenders, but by their devotedness to his service; those who
had behaved most cruelly and rapaciously in the war, would
obtain the greatest favour and friendship; on the other hand,
the least criminal, who had not been so active in their plun-
560 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND;
dering, would suffer the heaviest punishment, and be fined for
their moderation and loyalty. • ' . *
XXXVIII. These reasons prevailed in the council, and it was
determined that each cause should be separately tried. Lest,
however, it might seem that no concession had been made, ,
Huntly's domestics were exempted from this sentence, and he
was allowed to amerce them as he chose; but what he wished
above all things to obtain, that the regent should not march.
to the north with an army, was absolutely refused. After this
most important agreement was settled with Huntly at St. An-
i
drews, the regent, with two regiments of hired regular sol- .
diers, and a great body of friends, proceeded first to Aber-
deen, then to Elgin, and afterward to Inverness; at each of
which towns, he ordered the inhabitants of the country round
to assemble, and all having obeyed, some paid the fines
which had been imposed, and others gave sureties. Huntly
and the chiefs of the great clans gave hostages. Having thus
tranquillized the north, he returned to Perth, accompanied,
on his whole journey, by the gratulations of all good men.
Thither he had summoned a parliament, in consequence of
letters which Robert Boyd brought to him at Elgin from
England. These letters were partly private, and partly pub-
lic, the private ones were from some English courtiers re-
specting Howard's conspiracy, and represented it as support-
ed by so much power, and concerted with so much wisdom,
that no force nor ingenuity would be able to resist it; no, not
although the whole remaining strength of Britain were united
against it. His friends, therefore, advised him not to mingle
his prosperous lot with the ruined circumstances of others,
but to provide separately for himself and his still unshaken
fortune. .*
xxxix. The state of England forces me here to digress a
little, because, at that time, the circumstances of both king-
doms were so conjoined, that it is impossible to explain the
affairs of the one, without understanding those of the other,
The Scots, who, some years before, had been liberated by the
assistance of the English from French slavery, were united to
them by the profession of a common religion, and that sudden
revolution seemed to promise to all Britain repose from every
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 561
internal disturbance. From the continent, however, the pope,
and the kings of France and Spain, threatened war, and sº-
eretly planned an overturn. The pope, by promises and ex-
hortations, urged to action, princes, already sufficiently irri-
tated; but they were so exhausted, by the late contests among
themselves, that they could rather wish than undertake a war;
and there was, besides, such rivalry between them, that nei-
ther could endure the other to acquire so great an accession of
strength, as the possession of England, if conquered, would
confer. Meanwhile, dissensions arose with their own subjects,
which averted their attention from foreign affairs, notwith-
standing the novelty of the English government—for a young
unmarried woman, whom those who were disaffected affirmed
to have been born to Henry VIII. in unlawful wedlock, was.
then at its head—and the former distractions, respecting both
the succession and religion, repressed rather than extinguished,
appeared ready again to burst into a flame. Many attempts
were, in the interim, made by the English papists, but they
were rashly undertaken, and speedily quelled; yet, although
always unsuccessful, as foreigners were constantly raising new
and varying expectations, without, however, bringing them
any assistance, they still obstinately persisted in their designs,
and a leader appeared rather wanting to the multitude than
either power or courage.
XL. The common people had looked around among the no-
bility, but had not yet met with any one to whose fidelity they
could intrust themselves and their fortunes. Many of the
most restless had been cut off in the civil wars; many had
gone over to the opposite party; some, through old age, were
unfit for weighty business, or, along with weakness of body
their minds were so debilitated, that they desired peace almost
upon any terms. Thomas Howard alone possessed courage
and power to meet the storm, and there were several reasons
which induced him, although otherwise of a peaceable dispo-
sition, to attempt a revolution. His progenitors were eminent
both in peace and war, yet, amid the tempests of an unstable
court, their greatest glory had been balanced by the greatest
disgrace. His father was put to death for assuming the royal
arms, and two of his near relations, queens, were publicly
WO L. II. 4 B
562 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. *
executed. He himself, was, however, liberally educated amidst
all these disasters, and rescued his family from total destruc-
tion. In his earliest youth he had afforded proofs of uncom-
mon ability, and, in a few years, by the death, of his wives
and new marriages; he was so much enriched, that, next to
the king, he was the most powerful person in England. In
wisdom and wealth, he was superior to all the other nobility;
but he had, as yet, given no display of his military talents.
In the religious controversies, however, he had acted so am-
biguously, that although at heart a papist, yet he associated
so much with the adherents of the opposite party, that the
majority of them accounted him one of themselves.
XLI. At this time, the queen of the Scots, vanquished in
battle, fled to England; and having informed the queen of
England, by letter, of the cause of her coming, she was de-
sired by her to remain with lord Scroope, warden of the bor-
ders, until her demands were discussed by her council. Now,
lord Scroope's wife was Howard's sister, and by her means,
first, a treaty of marriage was secretly agitated between the
queen of Scots and Howard, and the opportunity appeared as
if offered in providence, for Howard's third wife being dead,
he was then single. This design, although confidentially in-
trusted only to a few, yet, by frequent whisperings, gradual-
ly became public; for the greatness of the expectation it ex-
cited could not be concealed, and the immoderate joy which
it produced soon spread it abroad. And here the negotiations
had proceeded so far, that a civil war appeared inevitable;
nor were there a wanting some, who, on considering the strength
of the parties, affirmed that Howard would easily accomplish
his purpose without violence. w
xLII. In this state of affairs, a full meeting of the Scottish
parliament was held at Perth, to discuss the demands of the
two queens, for both of them had written letters to the public
council of the nation. The letters of the queen of England
proposed one of three conditions. The first was simply, that
the queen of the Scots should be restored to her rank and au-
thority as before; but if that could not be granted, that she
should reign jointly with her son, and enjoy her royal title
in the public deeds and acts. In the meantime, the supreme
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 563
power to remain with the regent, until the king should reach
the age of seventeen. The third was, if neither of the former
could be obtained, provided the queen herself could be per-
suaded to accept of it, that she should live privately, content
with those honours which, excepting royal authority, would
be granted to her. This last condition was easily granted, if
the queen could be induced to accept it; the others were ab-
solutely refused. The better and more uncorrupted, part of
the nobility persisted in this:–That nothing either could or
ought to be agreed to, which might appear to lessen the au-
thority of the king, especially when a legitimate king was cre-
ated; but the two former proposals endangered not only the
honour and authority, but even the life of the innocent minor,
unless perhaps the mother, who had displayed such cruelty
to her husband, who hated her son, and was exasperated by
exile, might now be expected to become more gentle.
xLIII. The letters of the exile queen were next read, in
which she demanded, that judges should be appointed to take
cognizance of her marriage with Bothwell, and if it should be
found to be illegal, that they should liberate her from him,
These letters greatly offended the king's party, because she
wrote, as a queen, and commanded them as subjects; some
even thought they should be passed over entirely without any
answer, as they considered the king as a private person, and
claimed all the power for the exiled queen. That part of the
council who were attached to the queen, pretended to wonder
greatly why those, who had contended so strongly during the
former year, that she should separate her cause from Both-
well, now, when she offered, it of her own accord, should
endeavour to prevent it more eagerly than they had formerly
demanded it; that if any of the expressions in these letters
offended them, that fault could be easily corrected; and some
even pledged themselves, if the divorce were in the mean-
time allowed to proceed, that they would procure from her,
a commission expressed in whatever terms they chose. The
opposite party replied:—That they saw no cause for proceed-
ing with such extreme haste. Sixty days were legally allowed
for Bothwell, who was out of the kingdom, to be called in
court. Within that time, a new commission might be sent,
564 History of scorland.
nor ought the delay to appear long, especially to one, who
had allowed two years to pass over in such silence, and now,
at last, sent letters which would prove an impediment to those
who were desirous of gratifying her. If she wished a divorce,
nothing was more easy. Let her writé to the king of Den-
mark, and desire him to bring Bothwell, the murderer of her
former husband, to justice, and, upon his death, it would be
in her power to marry whoever she chose, in spite of all her
opponents. If she refused this, she acted hypoeritically and
insincerely with regard to the divorce, in order that she
might live likewise with her next husband, if she married
again, in a state of doubtful matrimony, of which it was a
strong suspicion, that she wished a divorce to be pronounced
by judges who had no right to pronounce, or power to enforce
it; for what authority has the regent over exiles, with whom
he has no connexion, and who, unless they themselves choose,
need not obey his judgment? Or how ean they, who have no
power over themselves, subject themselves to the jurisdiction
of another? And, besides, as some hidden fraud seemed to
lurk in the business, no decision could be hastily pronounced
upon it, for the queen of England must be acquainted with it,
who had it in her power either to promote or prevent it. On
this, a young nobleman, one of the regent's friends, was sent
to England to inform the queen of the proceedings of par-
liament. *
Xiàv. It may perhaps appear strange, that, when subjects of
the greatest importance were transacted with little debate, so
great a contention should arise about the divorce. The reason
was—Howard was secretly, by means of his friends, negoti-
ating a marriage with the queen of Scots, and this conspiracy
had acquired such strength, both at home and abroad, that it
was freely said in common conversation, that the design was
to murder both the lawful princes, and seize ipon the two
kingdoms. The places, times, and circumstances were so
arranged, that every thing seemed to be provided against
force, and the conspirators were anxiously bent, and strongly
insisted upon the divorce, as what seemed to delay the mar-
riage, which if it were obtained, every thing else, they were
certain, would spontaneously follow. The king's adherents,
HISTORY or sco.TLAND. 565
|
on the other hand, strenuously endeavoured to hinder the
marriage, hoping, that by interposing delay, many of the
secret plans would break out, and the conspiracy be crushed
by the endeavours of both sovereigns.
xLw. In this posture of affairs, the acts of the Scottish par-
liament were presented to the queen of Ehgland, who alleged,
that that was not a satisfactory reply to her, nor was the
messenger sufficiently qualified for consulting with on impor-
tant business, in suèh perilous times; and demanded more
information on the subject. Another parliament was therefore
held at Stirling, who sent the following answer:—Respecting
the third of the former propositions, the terms might admit of
discussion, but the second was such as they durst not listen to
without the greatest criminality, as it not only would lessen,
but altogether destroy the authority of the king; for besides
that all partnership in royalty is dangerous, what equality of
government could there exist between a boy, hardly past in-
fancy, and a woman in the flower of her age, naturally cun-
ning, and experienced in a väriety of fortune, who, when once
she shall have crept into a part of the public administration,
either by the strength of that faction, which, although she
was removed from the government by a public act of the es-
tates, now endeavours to restore her, not by petitions, but by
threats, or by the bribed enemies of the king, or by foreign
soldiers, whom she is endeavouring to procure, will dasily by
force seize upon the whole. Or how will she suffer an infant to
be equal with her, who would not endure her husband? And
in addition, if she should marry any powerful husband, as is
now especially ini agitation, the power of the queen would be
doubled, by her husband being necessarily admitted into the
government, and what would be the situation of the prince un-
der that husband, who would not willingly suffer his own child-
ren to be excluded from the throne by a son-in-law? What if
his friends—as all men are changeable—preferring present
favour to future expectations, should transfer their allegiancé
to the most powerful? What then would remain to a child,
thrust from the first to the 'second, and then to the third rank,
but utter ruin? For the rest, they chose rather to leave to her
majesty's silent reflections, than to forebode what an irritated
566 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
woman, intrusted with supreme power, urged by the violent
counsels of her uncles, having proved her cruelty upon her
busband, and exasperated by exile,” would dare against a boy,
bereaved of all his natural and fortuitous guardians, and ex-
posed-as an expiatory victim to her rage And what would
be the fate of his friends, by whom she thought herself so
grievously wronged? What too, would be the state of religion,
when she could indulge the anger her fear had formerly con-
strained her to conceal, especially when her native cruelty was
excited by the known haughtiness of her husband? How
easily would the young king's friends be destroyed if he were
cut off, or how easily, could he be disposed of, if left alone by
their extinction? Such being the state of the case, there was
no necessity for saying any thing with respect to the first
proposition. * * y
. . xlvi. Robert Pitcairn, a man of equal wisdom and fidelity;
was sent to carry this answer to England, and he arrived at
court at the very time the conspiracy for murdering the two
sovereigns, and seizing on their kingdoms was discovered.
This conspiracy was so strong, that the queen of England,
doubtful of her own safety, having imprisoned Howard in the
tower of London, and not daring to punish the exile queen;
deliberated about sending her by sea to the regent of Scotland.
But that design, when the tempest was a little calmed, was
laid aside. . . * * & *
... xlvi.1. In the meantime, the strength of the opposite faction
greatly increasing, the regent sent for William Maitland, the
soul of the whole conspiracy, to come to him at Stirling,
from Perth. He, conscious of guilt, although he had witness-
ed the constant lenity of the regent towards all his friends,
even when they had seriously offended, yet came hesitatingly,
and, having first anxiously examined whether there was any
new design against him, he prevailed with the duke of Athol
to come along with him, that he might, if necessary, employ
him as an arbiter. While sitting at the council in Stirling,
Thomas Crawford, a vassal of the earl of Lennox, accused
him of the king's murder, on which, he was ordered to be
confined in a chamber by himself in the castle, and mes-
sengers were despatched to apprehend James Balfour, who
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. * 567
was absent. : The more wary members of the council, thought
that both ought to have been proceeded with according to law,
as being the authors of all the disturbances for some years
past, and as they had been privy to the murder of the late
‘king, so they were the chiefs of the faction against his son;
but the lenity of the regent overcame the pleas of public util-
ity, calamitously for his country, and fatally for himself. , ,
XLVIII. At the entreaty of friends, he pardoned Balfour the
new conspiracy so lately entered into. Maitland, when ear-
ried to Edinburgh, he allowed to lodge in a friend’s house,
not far from the castle, some horsemen being appointed as a
guard, under the command of Alexander Hume, an active
young nobleman; but William Kirkaldy, governor of the
castle, about ten o’clock at night, brought forged letters, in
imitation of the handwriting of Moray, to Hume, ordering
Maitland to be delivered up to him, and he, as he knew the
friendship which Moray entertained for Kirkaldy, without hes-
itation obeyed the letters. Thus Maitland was carried to the
castle by the governor, who till that day had secretly favoured
the public enemy. The nobility, being greatly enraged at it,
and almost uncertain whether to blame Kirkaldy for such an
action, or the regent, who well knew his boldness, the cir-
cumstance would apparently have produced a sedition, if the
purity of Moray's whole life had not raised him above all cal-
umny. He had, indeed, esteemed Kirkaldy till that day a
brave man, admitted him to his most intimate friendship, and
among other marks of his kindness, had given him the command
of the castle, in preference to all his other friends and rela-
tions, although the more prudent, even at that time, suspect-
ed him; but such was the indulgence of the regent toward
those whom he had formerly loved, that even when taken
in a crime, he could not behave to them with much sever-
ity. Kirkaldy being sent for next day, refused to come to the
regent, which happened unfortunately, for the queen and
‘Howard being daily expected, it encouraged the opposite
faction, and the most unfavourable reports were spread among
the common people; that the regent was deserted by his most
intimate friends in his adversity; that, unable to resist his
enemies, by the loss of the castle, the rest would follow so
;
§68 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
glaring an example; and in a short time, the chief being cut
off, the innocent king and his adherents, would be exposed to
whatever punishment the cruelest tyranny could devise.
xLIx. The regent, however, unmoved by these reports, next
day went up to the castle, and, as if reconciled to the gover-
nor, after holding a conversation with him, returned, and set
cut upon the expedition he had undertaken against the rob-
bers. In his progress through March, he lodged familiarly,
as usual, with Alexander Hume, the chief of the clan. Here,
likewise, he received no marks of friendship, for Hume, who
was avaricious, had been seduced to the opposite faction by
great promises, and his wife, an arrogant woman, treated him
almost even with contempt. Thence he went to Teviotdale,
with a small force, scarcely more than his usual retinue, but
amid this desertion of his friends, the freebooters, awed by his
bravery and decision, came to him, and surrendered in such
numbers, that they frequently equalled, and sometimes exceed-
ed the whole number of his vassals and attendants; yet he did
not descend from his former loftiness of spirit, but conducted
himself in a manner consistent with his own dignity, and that
of the public, and he would undoubtedly have succeeded in
tranquillizing the borders without force, had he not been op-
posed by the neighbouring nobility, who were favourable to
Howard, and daily expected to take arms. As he advanced,
however, his troops assembling on the appointed days, he led
them against the thieves, although several of the neighbouring
chiefs, by stating the difficulty and danger, endeavoured to
deter him, and having advanced through Liddisdale, Eusdale,
and Eskdale, with his army, he received hostages, not only
from these districts, but even the more distant voluntarily
sent them. A few who, on account of the greatness of their
crimes, despaired of pardon, were outlawed. * *...
L. During this expedition, the regent received certain infor-
mation of the detection of the English conspiracy, that How-
ard was thrown into prison, and the queen of Scots more strait-
ly confined, and Robert Pitcairn having executed his embas-
sy according to his wish, returned, and informed him that
the queen of England was highly gratified with his conduct,
in tranquillizing the borders; by his having apprehended, and
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 569
thrown into prison, the earl of Northumberland, one of the
conspirators, who had fled into Scotland; his pursuing the
rest as enemies; and in that he had spontaneously offered the
governor of Berwick his assistance in all cases. These services,
she promised, she would always remember, nor desert him in
his difficulties, and that he might command the entire strength
of England if requisite. During the whole of this expedition,
the regent was constantly receiving from his faithful adherents,
many intimations of a great conspiracy entered into against
himself at home, and almost all the letters glanced at the gov-
ernor of the castle, but the regent still remembering their
ancient kindness, and former familiarity, frankly sent him a
copy of all the accusations. To these he replied so coldly,
that he rendered himself much more suspected than before.
He denied that any man could show his subscription to any
agreement which had a reference to any conspiracy.
LI. In the meantime, the day for Maitland's trial drew near,
for after he was received into the castle, he, as if he would
outbrave his danger by his impudence, greatly desired that
his trial should be proceeded in, for he was persuaded that
such was the strength of the conspiracy in England, and in
Scotland, of which he was one of the leaders, that nothing
could be regularly and judicially done against him, for a great
assemblage of friends and vassals used to attend capital trials,
according to the faction, estimation, or rank of the accused,
which also occurred upon this occasion, for all the chiefs of
the faction opposed to the king, of which Hamilton, Gordon,
and the earl of Argyle were the principal, had prepared
their vassals, in the hope that if the proceedings were inter-
rupted by force, which it was very easy to do, they being su-
perior in the number of men, the advantage of the place, and
all the apparatus of war, would finish the dispute in, one.en-
gagement. The regent, who had expected a legal trial, and
not a contest by force, being unprepared, and at the same
time unwilling, without necessity, either to hazard his last
stake, or to bring the government into contempt, by descend-
ing to a contest with inferiors, deserted the diet against him,
and the day after, on the 1st of January, having sent the earl
WOL. II. 4 c |
570 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
of Northumberland prisoner to Lochleven castle, he set out
for Stirling.
LII. The adverse faction, when contrary to their expec-
tation, they perceived the power and authority of the regent
agáin ificrease, and in addition to his popularity at home,
that he feceived the favour and support of the English, they
proceeded to that, which—induced partly by rivalry, and partly
by the magnificent promises of the queen of Scots, who assur-
ed them in her letters, of speedy assistance from the French
and Spaniards—they had long intended, to cut off the regent,
during whose life they expected no success in their designs.
Messengers were accordingly sent through all the country, to
the chiefs of their faction, to enter into a bond for this pur-
pose, which bond was subscribed by the Hamiltons, those
even who were themselves, or had their children prisoners in
the castle of Edinburgh. Neither was the governor himself
believed ignorant of the plot; which suspicion was greatly in-
creased by the events that almost immediately followed. James
Hamilton,” nephew of the archbishop of St. Andrews, prom-
ised to perpetrate the deed, and was seeking out a fit time
and place for laying his snares. It happened, at the same
time, that a hope was held out to the regent of the surrender
of Dunbarton castle by capitulation; on which, he went thith-
er, but returned without accomplishing his object. Hamilton,
who was watching every opportunity, when he saw that his
plans did not succeed, first, at Glasgow, and next, at Stir-
ling, determined upon Linlithgow as the most convenient
place: for executing his design; which town belongs to the
clanship of the Hamiltons, and his uncle, the archbishop, had
a house there, not far from that in which the regent was ac-
customed to lodge; in that house he concealed himself, intent
upon the murder. The regent, who had been often warned be-
fore, if was on that very day before dawn informed of the plot,
* Of Bothwellhaugh.
+-Knox, among others, warned the regent of the designs which his ene-
mies had formed against his life. “When the Mr. of Grahame came, and
drew him to Dumbartane, he [Knox] plainlie said to the regent then, that it
was onlie done for a trane, be that meanis to cut him off, as it came to pas;
also, when he was in Stirveling, being returned from Dumbartane, he sent
*
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 57.1
and his informer added, to confirm the fact, that the assassin
lay hid within three or four houses from his lodging, and if
he would give him a few attendants, he would drag him from
his lurking place, and discover the whole plan and arrange-
ment of the secret conspiracy. He, however, changed noth-
ing of his original design, except that he proposed to go out
at the same gate by which he had entered, and continue his
journey by another route; but he did not even persist in this
intention, either because he despised such danger, and com-
mitted his life to the keeping of that God at whose call he
would cheerfully resign it, or because the number of horsemen
who came to meet him, blocked up the road. He had already
mounted his horse, and thought to avoid the danger by pass-
ing the suspected places quickly; but this design being render-
ed abortive by the crowd which had collected, while he halt-
ed, the assassin, from a wooden balcony,” over which linen
had been hung, as if for another purpose, took aim and shot
him. The bullet entering a little below the navel, came out
near the reins on the other side, and killed George Douglas's
horse, who was standing a little beyond him. The assassin
escaped by a back door of the garden, which had been broken
out for that purpose, upon a fleet horse, which he had receiv-
ed from John Hamilton, abbot of Aberbrothic, to secure his
safety after the perpetration of the murder, and was carried
to Hamilton, amid the congratulations of his associates, who
waited the result of the audacious attempt, and where his re-.
lations highly applauded, and richly rewarded him, as if the
crown had already been transferred to their family.t
* Scotice—a fore-shot.
me to my ladie, the regentis wyfe, tuo sundrie tymes, and desyrit her to sig-
nifie my lord, her husband, that he suld not come to Lynlythgow. But God
thought vs not worthy of sic a rewlare above vs, and also he wald thairby
have the wickitnes of utheris knawin, whilk then was hid.”—Bannatyne's
Journal, p. 428, 429.
+ Some other writers make the assassination a matter of mere private re-
venge, on account of the treatment Hamilton's wife received, who had been,
it is said, turned out naked from herhouse, in an inclement season, and through
grief and cold had gone distracted. Spotswood says that Bothwellhaugh had
redeemed his life, by “making over the lands of Woodhouselee, which were
his wife's portion, to Bellenden, justice clerk, and he refusing to part with
572 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
LIII. Meanwhile, the crowd at Linlithgow being startled at
the sudden report, the regent leaped from his horse, saying,
he was struck, and walked into his lodgings, as if he had not
felt the wound. At first the surgeons pronounced it not mor-
tal, but in a short time, severe pain arising, with great com-
posure of mind, he began to think of death. When some,
who were present, said repeatedly, that his own too great
lenity had caused his ruin, as he had spared too many flagrant
offenders, and, among these, his own assassin, who had been
condemned for high treason, he replied mildly, as he was
wont:-Your importunity will never make me repent my
clemency. He then settled his family affairs, and having
commended the king to those who were present, without hav-
ing uttered one harsh expression, he departed before mid-
night, on the 23d of January, A. D. 1570.
| Liv. The death of the regent was severely felt by the whole
community, but especially by the common people, who loved
him when alive, and wept over him when dead, as a public
parent, because, beyond all his other brilliant actions, they
remembered that the country, from being everywhere in a
state of disorder and confusion, had, within a year, been so
completely quelled, that a person was not more safe at home
than upon a journey, or at an inn; and now, laying aside
envy, they who were unjust to him when alive, followed him
with merited encomiums to his grave. They admired his
bravery in war, joined with a decided predilection for peace.
The rapidity, and, at the same time, felicity with which he
conducted business, seemed as if the peculiar favour of God
accompanied all he did. He displayed great lenity in inflict-
ing punishment, and such was his love for the administration
of justice, that often, when free from the cares of war, he
would sit whole days in the courts, inspiring such an awe by
e
* *
them, Bothwellhaugh made his quarrel (vented his indignation] upon the re-
gent, who was most innocent, and had restored him both to life and liberty.”
There appears, however, no reason to believe that the account in the text is
incorrect, or that the regent's was any thing else than a political murder; and
this is farther confirmed by the assassination, in Fife, of his secretary, Mr.
John Wood, a few days after.-Anderson's coll. iii. 84. quoted in M'Crie's
Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 167.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 * * 573
his presence, that the weak were neither oppressed by false
accusations, nor exhausted by their lawsuits being delayed to
gratify the powerful. His house, like a holy temple, was not
only free from impiety, but free from improper conversation.
At dinner and supper a chapter was always read from the
sacred Scriptures, and although he had constantly learned
men to officiate, yet if there happened to be any illustrious
scholar present, as there frequently was—for he held them
in high estimation—he required their opinion upon the pas-
sage, and this not through vanity or ostentation, but from a
wish to order his life by the holy law. His liberality was
almost excessive, he gave much and frequently, and the gift
was enhanced by his readiness in giving; and often, lest he
should offend the delicacy of those who received a favour,
he bestowed it secretly by his own hand. In his domestic
circle, he was distinguished for frankness and simplicity;
but if any of his friends or servants were in fault, he re-
proved them more sharply than strangers. By his upright-
mess of manners, and the purity of his life, he was rendered
dear to, and venerated not only by his countrymen, but by
strangers and foreign nations, especially the English, among
whom his virtues were more particularly known in every vari-
ety of fortune.
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
Book XX.
1. THE period which immediately followed the death of the
last regent, although it was tolerably free from murders, was
yet almost constantly disturbed by the struggles of the factions.
Before the assassination, great numbers of the Hamiltons had
assembled at Edinburgh, under pretence of petitioning the
regent for the liberation of James, their chief, who was still
confined a prisoner in the castle; but after the deed was per-
petrated, they sent messengers to the rest of the Hamiltons,
to persuade the other clans—so they wished to have it be-
lieved—not to join the public parricides, or afford them any
protection. But many suspected it was rather to hold them-
selves ready and prepared for every opportunity, because, the
very night following the murder, Walter Scott, and Thomas
Ker of Fernihurst, entered England, and wasted everywhere,
more barbarously than was usual in former times. Nor was
it so much the desire of plunder or of vengeance which impell-
ed them to this unwonted cruelty, as a resolution formed, not
long before, by the archbishop of St. Andrews, and the chiefs
of that faction, to embroil the English with the Scots, and, if
by no other means, they would, by their outrages, force them
to War. §
II. The governor of the castle, although he had given many
indications of his intention, and his conduct was the subject of
general remark, yet he persevered in his original simulation
of loyalty towards the king; and it was at his request that
William Maitland was released from his imprisonment.
Maitland had been accused as privy to the murder of the king,
*
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 575
and the regent, and as the author of the late civil war in Eng-
land, but, after a long defence before the council, the charges
were abandoned as not proven, and he was dismissed—or
rather the trial was postponed—protesting his innocence upon
oath, and promising to appear when called upon by the king's
relations. Soon after, in consulting on the state of the king-
dom, when it was almost agreed, that some one, from among
those whom the mother, when she abdicated the throne, had
named as tutors to her son, should, if he were willing to ac-
cept the office, be appointed regent, Maitland, who already
meditated a confusion in the commonwealth, advised that the
absent nobles should be again summoned to parliament, if
they chose to attend on a certain day, to chose a regent, in
order that no cause of quarrel might arise from an affair of
such magnitude being precipitated in their absence. Athol,
with a few, agreed, and the rest did not oppose it, rather that
they might remove any occasion from their enemies for cal-
umniating them, than that they expected any advantage to the
public from delaying the parliament.
III. After this had been decided on, Thomas Randolph, the
English ambassador, was admitted to an audience. The queen
had sent, while the regent was yet alive, ambassadors to de-
mand the English exiles, who, upon the detection, and pun-
ishment of Howard’s conspiracy, afraid of being brought to
trial, had fled into Scotland. The regent, having received
these ambassadors at Stirling, had deferred the consideration
of the business till his return to Edinburgh; but upon the
confusion occasioned by his death, they departed without an
answer. When a parliament, however, was to be held about
choosing a regent, Randolph was despatched to attend, for
having been in Scotland some years before, he was supposed
to be well acquainted with the affairs and leading men of that
nation, and from the advantages which both countries had
reaped from his former embassies, believed to be held in high
estimation among all loyal subjects. On being introduced to
the council, he declared:—That the queen's affection towards
Scotland was the same as ever it had been; that, as in their
former times of confusion she had assisted them, so now she
would not be backward. He then narrated the late incursions
576 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
into England, the murders, rapine and burnings. These, her
majesty was well aware, were not done by the authority of the
parliament, and therefore should not interrupt her present
good will towards them; and, although so grievously and un-
meritedly injured, she would not insist upon her right to de-
mand public reparation, nor punish the whole for the fault of
a few. She was not ignorant what great confusion had lately
arisen in the country, yet she did not doubt the affection of
all good men towards herself, and for their sake, would not
only free the innocent public from blame, but if they, on ac-
count of their domestic commotions, could not restrain these
disturbers of the peace, she would join her forces with theirs,
to punish conjointly the violators of the treaty; or, if they
could not even do that, she, with her own soldiers, would
avenge their injuries, protect the peaceful districts, and inflict
punishment only on the guilty. *
Iv. The remaining heads of this embassy contained admoni-
tions always useful in national assemblies, but absolutely
necessary in the then present state of affairs:—First, religion
was to be protected with the greatest care, as the only rule
of our duty towards God and man; and, inasmuch as no com-
monwealth at discord within itself can long stand, it was prin-
cipally to be inculcated, and by every possible method en-
forced upon the people, that they should assidiously cultivate
peace among themselves; and as God, the ruler of the uni-
verse, had granted that nation a kingly government, it was
*their bounden duty to honour, obey, and render all homage
to their kings; that peace, concord, and friendship, as far as
possible, with all men, extinguishes, or at least alleviates that
thirst of shedding human blood—a vice which the Almighty
especially curses—is at once agreeable to God, increases the
wealth of individuals, and makes a people more formidable to
their enemies; that impartial justice is the preserver of the
public safety, and the principal part of it is the punishment of
offenders; that as treason is the most detestable of all crimes,
under every legitimate government, traitors, wherever they
are found, ought to be prosecuted without mercy, favour, or
indulgence. t
v. Such was Randolph's address, whose advice seemed
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 577
wholesome and pious, and his demands equitable; but, because
no chief magistrate was yet elected, no certain answer could
be returned, and he was desired to wait till the 1st of May.
At last, William and Robert Douglas, maternal brothers of the
regent, lately murdered, were heard, who demanded that the
assassination of their brother should be punished, not on any
private, but on public grounds. Respecting this, there were
different opinions, all indeed, agreed, that punishment ought
to be inflicted on the parricides, but some thought a day should
be appointed for the trial of those who were suspected, and
many persons were named. Others were of opinion, that no
trial was necessary, when those who had committed the exe-
crable deed, had already taken arms, and were prepared to
defend it; that force should be employed immediately, not
only against them, but likewise against all who had been con-
demned at the former meeting of parliament. Those of the
third order who were present, supported this proposal, but
could not carry their point, chiefly through the opposition of
Athol, who said they should wait for a more full meeting of
the nobles, and Morton, who alleged that if so many accusa-
tions were joined together, the punishing of the regent's mur-
der would be lost, and a civil war would be occasioned, in
which all those who dreaded peace, would join themselves to
the murderers. Wherefore, the accusations ought to be sep-
arated, and if possible, brought before a court of justice, and
no innovation attempted before the 1st of May, the day on
which the parliament was summoned to meet; and thus this
session was dissolved, the majority of the people condemning
the backwardness of the nobility, whose proceedings had all
been directed by the nod of the king's enemies, who devised
these delays, that by allowing time to intervene, the odium of
the murder might diminish, and the adverse party gain strength.
v1. This opinion of the common people was confirmed by
several circumstances, which happened before, and many which
took place afterwards. Immediately upon the death of the
regent, and almost before it was divulged, James Hamilton,
received money from John Sommerville, of Cambusnethan,
upon a mortgage of his own lands, and this, with a sum which
he borrowed from his friends, he expended in raising soldiers.
WOL. II. 4 n
578 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
He likewise sent to his friends, whom he had already fore-
warned, to hold themselves in readiness, on account of the
sudden change which had happened by their inveterate ene-
my’s being cut off; and not long after, continual meetings of
the queen's partisans were held in many and distant parts of
the country. Upon the 15th of February, almost all the chiefs
of the rebellious faction assembled at Glasgow, whence Argyle
and Boyd wrote to Morton, that as they were still ignorant
who were the assassins, or privy to the death of the regent,
they would willingly take any measures with the rest of the
nobility, for discovering and punishing them. They would
not, however, come to Edinburgh, but if the king's adherents
would allow themselves to be persuaded to come to Linlithgow,
or Falkirk, or Stirling, they would meet them without delay.
On the proposal, however, being communicated to Maitland
by Morton, as the letters desired, it came to nothing. About
the same time, Thomas Ker, wrote from Linlithgow to his
father-in-law, the governor of the castle, that if he could pre-
vail upon the queen of England to pass over the late incursions,
he would endeavour in future, to keep the borders tranquil,
and in proper subordination; but if she refused this condition,
he would continue as he had begun, nor did he doubt but that
he would be joined by all good subjects, who remained loyal
to their queen, and that assistance would speedily arrive from
France. $
v11. On the 3d of March, the Hamiltons, Argyle, and Boyd,
met at Linlithgow, but the murder of one hired soldier, hav-
ing raised a sudden tumult, interrupted all their deliberations,
and the day after, Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrews, re-
turned home. The rest of the rebels, particularly Huntly,
Athol, Crawford, and Ogilvy, likewise those on this side of
the Forth, Hume, Seton, and Maitland, went to Edinburgh,
where Morton still was, with only a very few attendants, till
the earls of Glencairn and Marr arrived with their vassals.
On the 4th of March, the chiefs of the party met to consult
about the government, but their deliberations proceeded slow-
ly, on account of the absence of Argyle, whose power and
authority was then great. Huntly therefore went to him, in
order to persuade him to join with the rest of the faction, but
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 579
returned without effecting his purpose, through the deceit of
Maitland, as was generally believed, who wished to retard all
the proceedings, that, while the country remained in a dis-
tracted state, he might find a better opportunity for bringing
about a revolution. There was besides, another impediment
to Argyle's movements, which prevented his strength being
equal to the report of former times; although he himself most
keenly favoured the cause of the queen, yet neither his friends,
vassals, nor even his brother, were willing to follow him against
the king. The following night, a sudden terror, without any
visible cause, struck the whole confederacy, on which they ran
to arms, and remained on the alert till daybreak, then early in
the morning, left Edinburgh in great trepidation.
v1.11. The whole time of this parliament was occupied in
discussing what right the Scots had to create a regent. Some
argued, that according to the deed of the queen, in which
three years before, eight of the principal noblemen had been
mentioned, from among whom one or more, as should seem
proper—might be nominated as tutors to her son—some one
of these ought now to be appointed chief of the government.
Others contended, that a regent having been already created,
according to that deed, there was no authority for more; that
it was granted for a particular purpose, and was not of per-
petual obligation. There were besides, several who thought the
whole should be referred to a convention of the nobility; but
these were chiefly of the Maitland faction, who wished to raise
a disturbance, which, among a great multitude without a head
is easily excited, but quelled with difficulty. A third party
condemned both these opinions; the first, because the queen's
deed, in point of law, from the beginning had never been
of any value, and now was, if possible, of less; the other,
because a prorogation carried danger in it, and long delay
was what the present state of the country could not bear,
therefore, they would order all those to assemble, who origin-
ally had crowned the king, and had constantly adhered to him,
to provide for the public welfare, and speedily elect such a
regent, as was able and willing to take care of both the safety
of the king, and of the commonwealth. This opinion also
580 |HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
was rejected, on which the meeting dissolved, without coming
to any conclusion.
Ix. So many meetings having been held in vain, the rebels,
in order to win the populace to their party, had again recourse
to the English war, and employed the same chiefs of banditti
as formerly, to exercise every species of extreme cruelty, while
the leaders of the faction, at the same time, circulated the most
mischievous calumnies respecting the queen of England, ac-
cused the Scottish nobles of being her vassals, and threatened
them, that if they sent for English auxiliaries, they would ap-
ply for assistance to the French and the Spaniards.
x. About the same time, M. de Verac, one of the king of
France's gentlemen of the bedchamber, happened to arrive at
JDunbarton, who greatly encouraged the queen's party by his
magnificent promises. In consequence of this, the Hamiltons
appointed a meeting of their partisans to be held at Linlith-
gow, on the 9th of April, at which a number of the queen's
faction having assembled, began publicly to propose what they
had long been meditating in their private clubs, that war should
be undertaken against the English, in order, that during the
public confusion, their private crimes and the prosecutions for
the murders of the king and the regent, might either be wholly
forgotten, or at least less keenly followed. The proceedings
at Linlithgow, being confined entirely to the conspirators,
and not fully explained to the public, in order to stamp them
with greater authority, they resolved to adjourn to Edin-
burgh, on the 11th April, as besides other conveniences
which the place afforded, they hoped to be joined by the cit-
izens, a circumstance to which all parties attached great im-
portance. This seemed easy to be accomplished, as they had
already gained William Kirkaldy, the governor, both of the
castle and the city; but, because they understood that a watch
and ward was kept there, and that the common people were
more favourable to the other side, they first sent to the citizens,
to ask their permission to meet. The citizens replied:—That
they would exclude none of the king's peaceable subjects, but
they would not receive the English exiles, nor the Hamiltons
into the city, lest they should offend the queen of England,
with whose kingdom they carried on a great commerce; or
HISTORY OF SCOTLANL), 581
lest they should appear to favour those who were accused of
the regent's infamous murder, nor yet would they allow the
publication of any new edicts, which appeared to lessen the
king's authority, or to convoke the young men, as was custom-
ary, to arms by beat of drum.
xi. On these conditions; although hard, they entered the
city, thinking that, by degrees, they would gain upon the
unwary multitude, and, by flattering them, obtain the com-
plete sway over them; but they could not induce the citizens,
notwithstanding the endeavours of Kirkaldy, the governor,
either to deliver up the keys of the gates to them, or to dis-
continue their usual watch. During the whole of this time,
such numbers met daily at Maitland's house, who was either
ill, or pretended to be ill of the gout, that it was commonly
called the school, and he the schoolmaster; nor did Athol
cease, in the meantime, by frequent excursions to different
quarters, to endeavour to induce those of the opposite party,
to come to the meeting then at Edinburgh. They, however,
unanimously refused to assemble before the 1st of May, the
day which they had all agreed upon, unless they were inform-
ed of the necessity which forced them to assemble before that
time; and if any thing of importance occurred which could
not suffer delay, they could communicate with the earl of
Morton, whose house was only four miles distant, and he
would inform the rest. At last, a day was appointed by
Athol, on which a few of both factions should meet at Mor-
ton's seat at Dalkeith. The place, however, did not please
the queen's party; not that they feared any treachery, but
lest they should seem to compromise their authority if they
went to Morton, rather than that Morton should come to
them; wherefore, after many unsuccessful attempts, they were
suddenly obliged to break up their assembly. Being desirous
of excluding their adversaries from the city, and not being
able to bring over the citizens to their side, they resolved to
bring such a number of men from the neighbourhood, as
should enable them to have the complete command of the city
in spite of the inhabitants, and the governor of the castle
greatly assisted this design, by liberating all those whom he
had in custody, and who were all leaders of the queen's fac-
582 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
tion. But a report of the arrival of the English army at Ber-
wick, suddenly deranged their plans. #
xII. On this, Alexander Hume and John Maxwell, lately
set at liberty without any public authority, went home to pro-
tect their estates, and Hume even received part of the money
which had been raised for levying soldiers, to defray the ex-
pense of fortifying his own castle. Thomas Ker and Walter
Scott, who chiefly at the instigation of the archbishop of St.
Andrews, had made the inroads into England, perceiving
that, from this beginning, a war would break out between the
two kingdoms, deserted by their neighbours, and terrified for
their estates, sent to the chiefs of their faction to demand as-
sistance, or, if they were unwilling to do this, if they would
only come as far as Lauder, and make a show of war. When
they could obtain none of their requests, nor that a single
fraction of the public money should be applied to the public
use, incensed at being betrayed and deserted by those who
had involved them in the war, they departed with the most
gloomy anticipations of the future, each to provide for his
own safety. Thus, so many unexpected incidents happening
at once, but especially the unlooked for advance of the Eng-
lish army, disconcerted all their designs. To delay the march
of the army, two ambassadors were sent to England; one to
Thomas, earl of Sussex, praying for a truce, until they could
inform the queen of England, by letter, of the state of their
affairs; the other carried despatches to the queen, containing
many representations favourable to their own case, and ad-
verse to the king's party; in particular, exaggerated state-
ments of their own strength, and depreciating accounts of that
of their opponents, and almost threatening the English with
war; for Maitland persuaded his accomplices, that the queen,
naturally a timid woman, would do any thing rather than
have recourse to arms, especially as the French and Spaniards
were, on many accounts, hostile to her, and her situation at
home was not altogether tranquil. The rebels required that
the queen of England, as arbitress, should annul the decrees
of the two former years, although many of themselves had
subscribed them; that the whole business should be gone over
anew, and a new decree made by the common consent of all.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 583
And, to display the strength of their faction, the names of all
the nobility who adhered to them were transmitted to her,
along with the despatches, to which the names of many of the
adverse, and the majority of the neutral party's were attached,
in order to increase the show of numbers, thinking that, on
account of the length of the journey, and the ignorance of the
English respecting what was transacted at a distance, and be-
cause the letters to the queen would only be known to a few,
it would be difficult to detect their deceit.
XIII. A circumstance happened at the same time, most op-
portunely, as they thought, for retarding the English, and
terrifying the Scottish common people—the arrival of a low
Frenchman, but who, being a servant of Lansac's, had,
through his master’s interest, crept forward at court. He
brought a number of letters, all of similar import, from the
king of France, not only to the chiefs of the queen's faction,
but to many who had attached themselves to neither party.
Great thanks were given to each for having hitherto supported
the queen. The king entreated that they would persevere
with the same constancy, and he would send them assistance,
even greater than they asked, as soon as he conveniently
could. The letter carrier adding, on his own authority, that
all was now so quieted in France, that Gaspar Colligny, and
the other rebels, were reduced to promise, that they would
depart from France, lest their presence should interrupt the
public tranquillity, and he did not doubt but that, before his
return, the soldiers, who were to be sent to their assistance,
would be raised. -
xiv. The more intelligent, although they knew great part
of these to be empty promises, yet readily allowed the com-
mon people to be deceived by the reports; but many who had
been highly elated with them, had their joy damped on the
return of the ambassadors from England without effecting
their object; for Sussex could perceive no advantage that
would arise to the English from their army lying idle during
a truce, nor from the whole war being stopped without any
conditions being offered by the enemy; and the letters ad-
dressed to the queen being opened by him—for she had au-
thorized him to open them, that no delay might occur by
584 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
waiting for her answers—the fraud was easily detected, as the
letters were filled with the most idle boasting, and the English
were well acquainted with every thing that was going forward
in Scotland. The ambassadors were sent back with contempt,
and copies of the letters transmitted to the king's adherents
in Scotland. Thus, disappointed, and terrified at the sudden
arrival of the English army upon the borders, deserted by
their friends, who had gone to defend their own estates, with-
out confidence in the citizens, as they knew the enemy would
be at Edinburgh about the 1st of May, they departed for Lin-
lithgow, thinking that situation more convenient for collecting
their adherents from the more distant parts of the kingdom,
preventing the other party from attending parliament, and
accomplishing the objects, the discussion of which had occu-
pied them on the preceding days. Here the whole allies and
vassals of the Hamiltons being collected, rendered the road
which led to Edinburgh unsafe, and as they knew John, earl
of Marr, was upon his march thither, they took possession of
the adjacent hills to obstruct his progress. He, however,
acquainted with the inequality of the ground, crossed the river
about two miles above, and entered Edinburgh upon the
evening of the 29th of April.
xv. From that day, the king’s party remained at Edinburgh,
and the queen's at Linlithgow, each accusing the other of be-
ing the cause, and having begun the sedition. Those who
remained at Edinburgh, declared to the others, that they
would easily agree to terms, and if they had wronged any one,
they would submit to the arbitration of impartial men, pro-
vided only the authority of the king were preserved, and they
would join with them to avenge the murder of the former
king and the regent. To this, they at Linlithgow returned
no satisfactory answer, but published an edict, commanding
all the lieges to obey the queen's commissioners. The three
earls, Arran, Argyle, and Huntly, summoned a parliament
to be held at Linlithgow, August 3d. The king's faction, in
consequence, sent Robert Pitcairn to the queen of England,
to treat with her about repressing the common enemy, and in
order to show the regard of the Scots towards her, they pro-
posed to elect a regent according to her wish.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 585
xvi. Whilst each party was thus endeavouring to thwart
the other, the English entered Teviotdale, and burned the
seats and villages belonging to the Kers and the Scots, who
had, in violation of the peace, made incursions into England,
and received the English fugitives under their protection. The
earl of Sussex sat down before Hume castle, in which lord
Hume had collected a great quantity of provisions, and the
whole inhabitants of the neighbourhood had deposited their
most valuable effects, as in a secure fortification. A strong
garrison defended the place bravely, and the English, next
day, were about to retire without being able to take it, when
some letters, which lord Alexander, had written a few days
before to his people, rendered all their plans useless; for; by
these letters, he had ordered the garrison to consult with Sir
William Drury, an English knight, and obey, without debate,
whatever he should command them; of which, when Drury
informed the earl of Sussex, he ordered him to procure the
surrender of the castle, after which he plundered it, and hav-
ing placed an English garrison in it, returned to Berwick
with great booty. Thus Hume, who feared nothing from the
English, but rather esteemed them his best friends, knowing
that Drury and Sussex secretly favoured Howard, received
the severest injury from them in recompense for his credulity.
At last, being left by almost all his allies and relatives, who,
in general, belonged to the king's party, he came to Edin-
burgh, attended by only a few servants, and shut himself up
in the castle.
xv.11. On the other borders, Scroope, the English com-
mander, entered Annandale, and visited the estates of John-
ston, who had likewise made incursions into England, with
the miseries of war. Johnston himself, trusting to his know-
ledge of the places, attended by only a few companions of his
flight, eluded all the efforts of the enemy, who were sent in
pursuit of him. John Maxwell, who had collected three.
thousand men from the neighbouring estates, not daring to
assist him, kept upon the defensive. A few days after, the
English, who were at Berwick, having received hostages, and
being persuaded that every thing was transacted with them in
good faith, sent three hundred horse, and one thousand foot,
WOL. II. 4 E
586 . HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
under the command of Drury, against the common enemy.
At the report of their advance, the Hamiltons marched to
Glasgow, having determined to destroy the archbishop's
castle, lest it should afford a shelter to the earl of Lennox,
then returned from England, and the seat of war be trans-
ferred thither. The castle, they knew, was kept by a few
young men in the absence of the governor, and but ill sup-
plied with the means of defence; thinking to surprise it by
their rapid advance, they marched into the town so suddenly,
that they cut off the major part of the garrison from the
castle, and prevented their entering; being disappointed in
this expectation, they furiously attacked it, but equally in
vain; for the garrison, consisting only of twenty-four, receiv-
ed them so sharply, that they killed more of the assailants
than they themselves amounted to, and beat back the rest
with many wounded, while they lost only one killed, and
had none wounded. But when the Hamiltons heard that
the English were arrived at Edinburgh, and John Erskine
had come to Stirling to relieve the castle, although they
had received re-enforcements from the distant countries, they
raised the siege during the evening, and departed in great
trepidation, Hamilton and Argyle into Argyleshire, and
Huntly home, over almost impassable mountains; the rest:
shifted as they best could. The English, who were at Edin-
burgh, after resting two days, proceeded to Glasgow, plun-
dering and destroying, throughout all Clydesdale, the estates
of the Hamiltons, and of all who approved of the murder of
the regent, or who sheltered the English exiles; but while the
cannon were bringing from Stirling for battering Hamilton
castle, situate near the village of the same name, Drury, who
secretly favoured the English rebels, had almost rendered this
expedition useless; for the English troops, not being regular-
ly paid, mutinied, and threatened that they would depart;
and as he did not check them, it was generally believed, that
he himself had been the author of the sedition. But the money
being paid, the soldiers were retained, and the cannon being
brought forward, the castle surrendered in a few hours.
Among the booty, the wardrobe, and other household stuff
which had belonged to James V., were recognised, and which,
39
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 587
the proprietor of the castle, when he was deposed from the
regency, had solemnly sworn were not in his possession. The
castle was left half demolished, but the village, and the mag-
nificent seat of the Hamiltons which was in it, the furious
soldiery burned in spite of the orders of their leaders. After
these operations, the army was disbanded, the English march-
ing to Berwick, and the Scots wherever they chose. At the
request of Drury, the garrison were dismissed safe, but Rob-
ert Semple, as he returned home securely, thinking the ex-
pedition finished, was carried away from the house of his son-
in-law, and made prisoner; which circumstance, strongly in-
creased the suspicions against Drury.
xvi.II. These proceedings were scarcely finished, when Pit-
cairn returned from the queen of England with the following
answer:—The queen was astonished, that now, in the fourth
month after the regent's death, she had, for the first time,
been made acquainted with the state of their affairs, and, on
account of this delay, she was uncertain how to proceed with
regard to them. In the meantime, having been often urged
by the petitions of the French and Spanish ambassadors, in
the name of their kings, and worn out by the almost daily
complaints of the queen of Scots, she had promised to give
her cause a hearing, but upon condition, that the queen of
Scots should write to her party, that until the conferences were
ended, they should abstain from hostilities of every kind;
that whatever innovations they had attempted by their public
proclamations, they should revoke by counter proclamations;
and that every thing should remain in the same state as during
the life of the regent; that the English exiles should be faith-
fully sent back, and if, at the end of the discussions, every
thing else should be adjusted agreeably, the parties should
provide, by hostages and other sufficient pledges, that the
league between them should remain firm and secure. Upon
these conditions she promised a conference; but having bound
herself by this agreement, she could not be a party to the
creation of a regent, lest she should seem to prejudge the
cause of the queen of the Scots without hearing it. She would,
however, watch over Scotland, and requested that, in the in-
terim, they would abstain from hostilities, and from electing
588 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
a regent, assuring them she would prevent any mischief aris-
ing to them from a short delay.
xix. The Scots were variously affected by this answer. The
exigencies of the times forced them to accommodate their
plans to the will of the queen of England, yet they were not
ignorant, how necessary it was for the public interest, that
there should be a chief magistrate, to whom the whole gov-
ernment should be intrusted. The delay in creating one,
during the last months, had given time to their enemies for
collecting themselves, for holding new courts, for daily isshing
new proclamations, and for exercising all the offices of kings,
whilst the spirits of the king's party had been depressed, and
the multitude, in the relaxed state of government, would not
long continue obedient, when they were uncertain whom they
should obey. After the return of the ambassadors, they were
informed that new tumults had been excited in England, a
papal bull having been affixed to the doors of the churches,
partly exhorting the English to free themselves from the un-
lawful government of the queen, and partly promising rewards
for their return to the Roman Catholic religion; nor was the
queen of Scots supposed to be unconnected with these proceed-
ings. But although they learned by letter, from the earl of
Sussex, that these tumults were quieted, and Thomas Randolph,
in person, also assured them of the fact, they scarcely could be
restrained from electing a regent. At length, in order to have
some kind of chief magistrate, they adopted a middle course,
and determined to nominate an inter-regent, to govern till the
12th of July, which would leave time for ascertaining the
pleasure of the English queen, whose friendly disposition they
chiefly augured from her having inserted among the condi-
tions, that the rebels should deliver up the English exiles;
which if they did, the rebels knew the whole Papists in Eng-
land would be alienated from the queen of Scots; but if they
refused, the conference would be broken off, and the sus-
picions of the common people, which they wished to remove,
would daily increase. They perceived, too, that the other
points would not be easily adjusted, as long as the liberation
of the captive queen threatened greater danger to the English
than to the Scots; nor, if the other points were arranged,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 589
would the queen of England consent to dismiss her without
receiving hostages, and she had not such hostages as would
be considered sufficient to give. Encouraged by these con-
siderations, they created Matthew Stuart, earl of Lennox,
grandfather of the king, inter-regent.
xx. Whilst the new inter-regent, with the assistance of his
council, endeavoured to repair the disorders of the former
years, on the 10th of July, letters arrived very opportunely
from the queen of England, in which, with many expressions
of regard towards the king, and kingdom of Scotland, she
kindly offered them her assistance, but declined the nomina-
tion of a regent, as invidious in itself, and of bad example;
"yet, if her opinion were asked, she knew no person who ought
to be preferred before the king's grandfather to that office,
because none could be asked who would be more faithful to
the pupil while a minor, and who, besides, had the preferable
right. Encouraged by these letters, the earl, from inter-
regent, was declared regent, by the unanimous suffrages of all
the estates.
xxI. Lennox, immediately on being declared regent, having
taken the oath, according to custom, to preserve the establish-
ed religion, and to observe the laws and institutions of his
country, issued a proclamation, commanding all who were
capable of bearing arms, to appear at Linlithgow, on August
2d, to prevent the assembling of the seditious meeting, called
in the name of the queen, and then he summoned a parliament
in the name of the king, to be held the 10th day of October.
He sent likewise to the governor of Edinburgh castle, who
still zealously pretended a regard for the king's party—al-
though all his actions contradicted his professions—to require
some brass cannon, together with the necessary apparatus for
managing them, more to expose his disposition, than from any
hopes he had of obtaining them. At first he freely promised
them, but upon the day of the meeting of parliament, when
reminded of his promise, he impudently refused, saying, he
would always be ready to assist in promoting concord, but
never to shed the blood of Scottishmen. Notwithstanding, the
regent, on the day appointed, went to Linlithgow, attended
by five thousand armed men, but when he heard of no move.
590 IIISTORY OF SCOTLANT).
ment on the part of the enemy, except that Huntly had sta-
tioned one hundred and sixty hired soldiers, at Brechin, and
issued orders to the inhabitants, to provide provisions for
some thousands more, by the 2d of August, and that the gar-
rison not only plundered the inhabitants, but beset the high-
ways, and robbed all travellers, the regent, with the advice of
his council, determined to march thither, to take possession
of the place, which was of considerable importance, before the
arrival of Huntly, and there, if necessary, give battle before
the rest of his forces should assemble, destroy the only regi-
ment of musqueteers which he possessed, and take unawares,
certain leaders of the faction, for he had heard that the earl
of Crawford, James Ogilvy, and James Balfour were there.
xxII. He therefore despatched Patrick Lindsay, and Wil-
liam Ruthven, men of the first rank, and James Halyburton,
provost of Dundee, to raise what force they could at Perth
and Dundee, and to proceed with such celerity, as if possible,
to anticipate the news of their approach. These used the
utmost expedition, and next night, hastened forward with
their foot mounted on horseback, but having marched more
slowly when they drew near, that they might not encounter a
fresh enemy, while fatigued with the journey, the alarm reach-
ed Brechin, that they were advancing. On which, Ogilvy
and Balfour, who were present, briefly addressed the soldiers,
encouraging them to remain firm, and promising to return
within three days, along with Huntly, then immediately mount-
ing their horses, proceeded across the adjacent mountains, to
join their own troops. The soldiers who were left, snatched
whatever weapon was at hand, and about twenty of them took
possession of the tower of the neighbouring church, the rest
fled into the earl of Marr's seat, which, like a castle situated on
the next rising ground, commands the town. James Morton,
earl of Douglas, with eight hundred horse, having come by a
longer road, arrived the next day. The regent having sent the
Lennox, and the Renfrew soldiers, to protect their own dis-
tricts, if Argyle should attempt any movement, he himself, on
the third day, followed those he had sent before to Brechin.
At the report of his advance, the neighbouring nobility flocked
to him, and he quickly mustered seven thousand men. The
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 591
party on the tower immediately surrendered. The rest de-
fended themselves vigorously for a few days, and killed some,
and wounded others, who advanced incautiously. At last,
having heard of artillery being brought against them, and
being deserted by Huntly, they also submitted at discretion.
The regent, after hanging thirty, chiefly consisting of those
who had been taken before and pardoned, or who were per-
tinaciously attached to the rebel cause, dismissed the rest
| nearly half dead. Huntly, in the meantime, who was about
twenty miles distant, having in vain endeavoured to collect a
larger force—because the great majority in the country, when
left at liberty to declare their sentiments, abhorred so base a
cause—retired affrighted, with a few attendants, to provide for
his safety in the remote countries. * . . .
xxIII. The regent, on his return came to Edinburgh, to
attend the meeting of parliament, summoned to deliberate on
the distracted state of the country. The concord of this
assembly having left the rebels, especially the assassins of the
king, and of the regent no hope, they endeavoured, through
the medium of the queen of England, to retard the public
business, for she had promised to the French and Spanish
ambassadors, that she would hear the parties, and, if possible,
produce an agreement. Having gained a delay, for nothing
was done this session, except that the election of the regent
was confirmed, the rebels incessantly solicited the French and
Spaniards, to send assistance to Britain, to restore the queen,
and as the restoration of the ancient religion depended upon
her restoration, they applied to the pope, that although he was
at a great distance, he might at least assist them with money.
In consequence, he sent an agent to Scotland, to obtain in-
formation respecting the state of affairs, who, when he found
the Romish party the weakest, and likewise, that all the rebels
were not agreed about restoring popery, abstained from inter-
meddling in the dispute. He, however, not to be idle, en-
deavoured to raise another commotion in England, as he
understood his party was the most powerful there, by affixing
to the church doors during the night, curses, and indulgences,
and promises of pardon for all past offences.
xxiv. The regent having summoned a parliament for the
592 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
25th of January—before which time he hoped to satisfy the
foreign ambassadors—he returned to Edinburgh, to settle as
far as he could, all differences legally and judicially. The
rebels immediately after, obtained a renewal of the truce, by
means of the queen of England, until the commissioners of
both parties should have debated the subject before her. They
did not, however, desist from new attempts to disturb the
peace, trusting, it was believed, chiefly to the earl of Sussex,
commander of the English army in Northumberland, who
favoured the rebels, either because the cause of the duke of
Norfolk was not quite desperate, or because he had been
seduced by the promise of the exile queen, of whose return he
did not despair. Aware of this circumstance, the Scots com-
municated their designs to him with caution.
xxv. At the end of winter, the regent, on account of the
truce being renewed, prorogued the meeting of parliament,
from the 25th of January, to the month of May. Meanwhile,
the Hamiltons, who had frequently in vain attempted the life
of the regent, at length driving out the keepers, took posses-
sion of Paisley tower, thinking, that while his attention was
occupied with affairs of primary importance, this might be
done with impunity. But he, [the 5th of February,I having
despatched the earl of Morton, Robert Pitcairn, and James
Macgill, to England, as his principal commissioners, to hold
a conference with the foreign ambassadors, marched in person
to Paisley, and having summoned only the nobility of his own
party, besieged the tower, when the water being cut off, the
garrison were forced to surrender. He afterward went to
Ayr, as Gilbert Kennedy was harassing the king's party, by
his plundering incursions into Carrick, but Kennedy, afraid at
the appearance of a few troops, and doubtful even of his vas-
sals, who had constantly maintained their fidelity to the king's
party, gave his only brother as a hostage, and appointed a day
when he would come to Stirling, and ratify his agreement.
After his surrender, Hugh, earl of Eglinton, and Robert Boyd
came to the regent, and were received by him into favour.
XXVI. During the time the regent was employed in receiving
the submissions of the rebels, and the earl of Morton wis
absent on the English embassy, they who kept Edinburgh
.#
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 593
castle, free from the fear of any immediate danger, were con-
stantly employed in raising soldiers, taking military possession
of the most advantageous posts in the city, seizing the pro-
visions brought into Leith by the merchants, and by every
means in their power, making preparations for standing a
siege, until the expected assistance should arrive from abroad.
The regent having been severely hurt by a fall from his horse,
and having in consequence returned to Glasgow, while there,
by means of a common soldier, had his desires for the recov-
ery of Dunbarton castle gratified. This soldier had formed
one of the garrison, and his wife, who was accustomed fre-
quently to visit him, having been accused of theft, was whipped
by order of Fleming, the governor. He being very uxorious,
naturally thought his wife had received the most flagrant in-
justice, and, deeply, affected by her treſſ ſents deserted from
the castle, solely intent upon the means ºf being revenged
upon Fleming. Eager to accomplish hisºsºrpose, he com-
municated his designs to Robert Douglas, a relation of the
regent's, and promised him, if he would give him the com-
mand of a small party, that he would put him in possession of
the castle. John Cunningham, who had been informed by
Douglas of the proposal, having interrogated the projector
very minutely about the method of accomplishing so great an
undertaking, the rude soldier, thinking they doubted the ac-
curacy of his promises, because he eould not clearly explain
the manner by which they were to be performed, replied:—
Since you will not believe my words, I offer to risk myself
first, if you follow me, I will make you masters of the castle,
if you do not like this, let it alone.
xxvii. The soldier's speech being told the regent, the mag-
nitude of the object strongly induced his council to favour the
enterprise. Yet, although they did not doubt the fidelity of
the proposer, he did not seem to them altogether fit for a
leader; they therefore having acquainted Thomas Crawford,
a brave and experienced officer, with their undertaking, he
was of opinion, that however hazardous, such an opportunity
ought to be seized, and not by their cowardice be allowed to
pass by. Having spent a few days in preparing scaling lad-
ders, and other necessaries, they determined upon carrying
WOL. II. 4. F




594 HISTORY OF SCOTLANI).
their design into execution on the 1st of April, because on
that day, the truce which the rebels had obtained by the med-
iation of the queen of England, would have expired.
xxviii. But before I relate the success of this attempt, it is
necessary to describe the nature and situation of the castle.
At the confluence of the rivers Clyde and Leven, lies a plain,
about a mile in extent, stretching to the roots of the adjacent
hills. On this plain, at the very angle where the rivers meet,
stands a two headed rock, one of which, the highest, looks to
the west, and, has its summit topped by a watchhouse, whence
there is a most extensive prospect in all directions. The
other, somewhat lower, verges towards the east. Between
these two horns, the side which faces the north, and the land,
has steps cut out with great labour, obliquely in the rock, by
which only one pi pn can ascend at a time. The rock is
very hard, and ºth difficulty shaped by any iron tool, but
when broken by "force, or falling down of itself, it diffuses
widely a strong sulphureous smell. In the upper part of the
castle, there is a huge rock, of a species of loadstone, but so
closely cemented to the rest of the rock, and adhering so in-
timately to it, that no line of junction at all appears. On the
south, along which the Clyde flows, the rock, precipitous on
every other quarter, slopes a little, and stretching out two
arms, embraces a small spot, which, partly from the nature of
the place, and partly by human industry, is so enclosed, that
it affords space for several houses on the transverse sides, and
forms a roadstead in the river, commanded by the batteries,
sufficiently safe for friends, but dangerous for enemies. Small
boats may approach to the very castle gate. The middle part
of the rock, by which is the ascent, is occupied by buildings,
and forms, as it were, another castle, cut off from the upper.
Besides the natural fortification of the rock, the two rivers,
the Leven on the west, and the Clyde on the south, supply
the place of ditches. On the east side, the tide, when flowing,
washes the foot of the rock, at ebb, it leaves a plain, not sand
or gravel, like almost every other shore, but slimy, the unctu-
ous soil being diffused through a solution of clay, and that cut
into chasms by the torrents precipitated from the neighbouring
hills. The remaining side overhangs a plain grass field. The






A 1 &
IIISTORY OF SCOTLAND, A 595
castle possesses three perennial fountains, besides several living
springs of running water. The ancient Britons, according to
. Bede, called the place Alclutha; the Scots, who were formerly
separated from the Britons by the river Leven, because this
castle stood on the confines of the Britons, called it Dunbar-
ton—the name also of a small town on the banks of the river
Leven, not more than five hundred paces from its confluence
with the Clyde. .*
xxix. This castle seemed impregnable, and in both foreign
and domestic wars, was often of the greatest advantage to those
who had possession of it, and as prejudicial to their enemies.
It was then held by John Fleming, in the name of the exile
Queen, who, because he was not of himself sufficiently strong
to cope with the king's party, although he had not conspired
the death of the former king, yet joined himself to the faction
of the parricides, and for four years past, had been supplied
with the means of supporting the garrison by the king of
France—whom he had persuaded, that almost all the Scots
were subject to the queen of England by secret treaties—and
by a grand species of gasconade, assured him, that he held
the fetters of Scotland, and whenever the French were at lei-
sure from their other wars, if a little assistance were given
him, he would easily reduce the whole country under their
power. The king of France, by equally ridiculous promises,
encouraged his folly, and sent him some trifling warlike stores
by one Verac, whom he ordered to remain there, and ob-
serve the proceedings in Scotland. The perfidy of the gov-
ernor of Edinburgh castle, who had lately deserted the king's
party, increased his insolence; the sickness of the regent,
who, besides the fall from his horse, was afflicted with the
gout, and the truce lengthened out, by the influence of the
English queen, to the end of March, all combined to render
the garrison so negligent and -secure, that numbers of them
were wont to spend the night in the neighbouring village, in
wanton revellings, as if they had been in the bosom of the
most profound peace.
xxx. Such was the state of the garrison, when the prepara-
tions for the present expedition being completed, as well as
the hurry would allow, John Cunninghame was sent before
596 - HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
with some horsémen to intercept all passengers, and prevent
any intelligence of their approach reaching the enemy; Tho-
mas Crawford followed with the foot, having orders to ren-
dezvous at Dumbuck, a hill nearly a mile distant from the
castle, about midnight. At that place, Crawford, according
to his instructions, informed the soldiers of the service upon
which they were going, and explained the plan of their opera-
tions. He showed them their guide, who had promised to
ascend first, and assured him, and those who should follow
him, that they would be distinguished by high military hon-
our. The soldiers being thus easily persuaded to follow their
leaders, scaling ladders, and the other implements necessary
for climbing the rocks, were brought, and a little before day-
break, the foot soldiers marched to the castle. The horsemen
remained where they were to wait the event.
Yxxi. As they were approaching the castle, two impediments
occurred. The bridge, over the torrent which intersects the
plain, was broken, and a flame suddenly appearing in the
neighbourhood, occasioned a suspicion that the bridge had
been broken on purpose to delay their march, and that the fire
had been kindled to give warning to the garrison of the ap-
proach of an enemy. But the bridge was speedily rendered
passable for the foot, and a scout having been sent to the place
where the flame had appeared, on his return, informed them,
that he could perceive no vestige of a fire near it; whence they
understood, that the light was that kind of flame which, some-
times generated in the air, sinks into the earth, and suddenly
evanishes from the sight. They had, however, a better ground.
ed object of fear—lest the sky which was clear with stars,
and the day which approached, should discover their attempt
to the watches above, when suddenly a thick mist covered the
heavens, but so that it did not descend beneath the middle of
the castle rock, but involved the upper part in such darkness,
that it hid from the garrison the view of every thing that was
going on below. But while the mist came so opportunely,
another most unlucky accident happened at the same time,
which had almost rendered all the rest of the undertaking
abortive. The height of the rock rendering several ladders
necesary to overcome the ascent, and the first, on account of
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 597
their length being difficult to manage, the weight of those who
ascended hurriedly overbalancing them, as they could not be
firmly fixed on the slippery rock, they suddenly fell, together
with those who were upon them. The terror and alarm occa-
sioned by this accident, on finding that no person was hurt,
soon subsided, and their almost sinking spirits were so revived,
that, as if inspired by a favouring Deity, they returned with
greater alacrity to their perilous attempt. Having placed their
ladders with more circumspection, they reached the middle of
the rock, a spot less rugged, where they could rest, and found
by chance, growing among the stones, an ash tree, which
afforded them many advantages, for they tied ropes to it,
which they let down, and drew up the companions they had
left below; thus, almost at the same moment, some, assisted
by the ropes, reached the middle of the rock, while others,
by removing the other ladders, scaled the summit.
xxx11, Here, however, a new and unexpected misfortune
occurred, which had almost frustrated the whole design. One
of the men in ascending, when at the middle of the ladder,
was seized with a kind of apoplectic fit, and held so firm a
grasp of the steps, that he could not be torn, by any means,
away, and obstructed the passage of those who were coming
behind; but this danger, too, was overcome by the readiness
and activity of the soldiers; they bound their companion in
such a manner to the ladder, that hé could not fall in recover-
ing from his fit, and silently turning the ladder, the rest
easily ascended. Having reached the summit of the rock,
there was a wall to scale with their third ladders. This Alex-
ander Ramsay ascended, accompanied by two soldiers, whom
the watch perceiving, instantly gave the alarm, and threw
stones at them. Ramsay, unprepared for this kind of warfare,
having neither stones to throw back upon the enemy, nor a
shield to defend himself, leaped from the wall, and although
attacked by three of the guard, sustained the contest till his
companions, more anxious about his safety, than concern-
ed for their own danger, leaped down after him, and soon
killed the three sentinels. In the meantime, the rest striving
to follow, the old wall, loosened by their weight and their ex-
ertions, fell, and the ruin not only presented a practicable
598 . HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
breach, but the rubbish filling up the inequalities of the rock,
facilitated the descent on the opposite side; on which, they
rushed in, the leaders shouting, God and the king, and at in-
tervals exclaiming:—A Darnly a Darnly ; the name of the
regent. The astonished garrison, without attempting to fight,
fled in every direction. Many shut themselves up in their
houses, till the first fury of the assault was over. Fleming,
as he was escaping by the oblique rock, had his only attendant
knocked down, and, terrified at the noise of his fall, made
a quick descent by an almost impassable precipice. Being let
out at a postern gate, and the tide having flowed up to the
walls, he seized a small boat that he found there, and fled to
Argyleshire. The watch of the lower castle, and twenty-five
more of the garrison, who had spent the night in debauchery
in the town, roused by the noise, made not even a show of
resistance, but ran away, each by the nearest opening. The
prisoners taken in the castle were John Hamilton, archbishop
of St. Andrews; John Fleming of Boghall; a young English-
man, who had fled from the late English sedition; Verac, the
French resident, who had some time before arrived from the
king with warlike stores, and remained to send his master
information respecting the state of Scotland; and Alexander,
the son of William Levingston, who was taken as he attempt—
ed to escape in disguise. *
. . xxxiII. The regent, being informed of the capture of the
castle, arrived before noon. First, he greatly praised the
soldiers; next, he consoled Fleming's wife, and not only re-
stored her all her own wardrobe, silver plate, and household
furniture, but also allowed her one of her husband's estates,
which had been some time before confiscated, to support her
honourably. The rest of the plunder he bestowed on the sol-
diers. Having arranged all these matters, he took a leisurely
view of the castle. When he came to that part of the rock
by which the soldiers had ascended, the ascent seemed so ar-
duous to all, that the soldiers themselves confessed, if they
had previously seen the danger, no reward whatever would
have induced them to make the attempt. Verac being accus
ed, by many merchants; of having plundered them in an hos-
tile manner, upon his coming into the Frith of Clyde, many
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND: , 599
of the council thought he ought to be tried for piracy; but
the empty name of ambassador, which he had violated by his
crimes, prevailed with the regent. In order, however, to give
the merchants some hopes of recovering their property from
him, he was ordered to be kept for trial, and sent to St. An-
drews, to lodge with a person who favoured the rebels; whence
being rescued, apparently by force, as was desired, he sud-
denly left the kingdom. The Englishman, notwithstanding
strong suspicions were entertained against him, which were
confirmed by his letters of recommendation from John Leslie,
bishop of Ross, to Fleming, found when the castle was taken,
was sent to his 'friends in England. After his departure, he
was discovered to have been sent by the Norfolk faction to
poison the king of Scots. Boghall was detained in prison.
xxxiv. There still remained one among the prisoners; the
archbishop of St. Andrews, and him the regent anxiously de-
sired to be put to death, he having formerly, during the re-
gency of his brother, been the adviser of much cruelty and
rapine, and during the reign of the queen, was the reputed
author of almost all the most infamous transactions, and the
regent was afraid, if any long delay.intervened, that the queen
of England would interfere to prevent his punishment. The
archbishop's friends, also, indulged this hope, and lest the
shortness of the time should prevent their making any effectual
application, he himself violently insisted upon being tried in
the ordinary course of law, that some space, however little,
might be gained. But all these endeavours were in vain, it not
being considered necessary to have any new trial in the arch-
bishop's case, as he had been already condemned by parlia-
ment. He was therefore hanged at Stirling, as guilty of the
death of the former king and regent.
xxxv. Immediately before his execution, many new proofs
of his guilt were adduced, for the most positive had remained
undiscovered till then. The archbishop of St. Andrews, who
lived in the house next to that where the late king lodged,
when the conspiracy for killing the king was communicated to
him, cheerfully entered into it, both on account of the ancient
enmity between the families, and from the hope of bringing
the crown nearer his family; and the perpetration of it was
600 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
intrusted to six of the most daring of his wassals. They have
ing received the keys of the king's dwelling, entered with the
utmost silence, and strangled him when asleep, then carried
out the dead body to the next garden, opposite the city walls,
through the little door already mentioned, and afterward, up-
on a given signal, blew up the house. The proof of the arch-
bishop's criminality proceeded from John Hamilton, one of
the principal actors in this tragedy. This man, tormented
night and day by a consciousness of the crime, suffered not
only the pangs of an awakened conscience, but his body also,
affected by the distress of his mind, gradually pined away
under a wasting disease. In his inquiries after relief, he re-
collected a schoolmaster at Paisley, a simple man, and still
attached to the papal religion, and going to him, he confessed
the whole transaction, and named all his accomplices. The
priest sedulously endeavoured to comfort him, and reminded
him of the mercy of God; but his sense of guilt had penetrat-
ed too far, and his melancholy taken too deep root, to be re-
moved by such consolations. In a few days after, he died in
despair. The awful death of the murderer not being conceal-
ed sufficiently by the priest, the report reached the king's
friends, and they, many months after the assassination, when
the regent had taken and carried the archbishop to Stirling,
caused the priest also to be brought thither. When examined
respecting what he had said about the king's murder, he per-
sisted in his story; on which, he was asked by Hamilton how
he had learned it, and whether it was revealed to him in an
auricular confession. Having acknowledged that it was, then,
said the archbishop, you are not ignorant, I suppose, of the
punishment awaiting those who divulge confessions, and asked
him nothing more respecting the accusation; but upwards of
fifteen months after, when the same priest was apprehended
officiating at mass a third time, on being carried to execution,
in conformity to the act, he publicly repeated, at greater
length, what he had said before; and on the publication of
these declarations, the vassals of the Hamiltons quarrelled
among themselves, and accused each other of the king's
death. -
xxxvi. In the meantime, the rebels had procured a little
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 60]
money from France, by the governor of Edinburgh castle's
brother; and Morton having returned from his English jour-
ney, a parliament was assembled at Stirling, to whom Morton
gave a summary account of his embassy, nearly as follows:–
When we arrived at London, [February 20th] we were re-
ferred by the queen to seven commissioners chosen from her
council, by whom, after various conversations, two points,
were proposed to us for discussion. The first, that we should
explain the reasons of our proceedings during the past years,
and support them by such arguments as would satisfy her of
the justice of our cause, and enable her to give a satisfactory
answer to those who asked her respecting it; and although
we could not, yet the queen would omit nothing which might
conduce to our safety. To this we replied by a memorial,
stating:—The crimes, of which our king's mother, in the be-
ginning, complained that she was falsely accused, were so
clearly demonstrated by the earl of Moray, and the ambassa-
dors who accompanied him, that neither the queen of Eng-
land, nor those appointed by her to take cognizance of the
affair, can be ignorant of the author of the late king's mur-
der, from which source, all the rest of our misfortunes have
arisen; it is not therefore necessary to repeat them before the
queen, who, we doubt not, is perfectly satisfied upon this
subject already; nor shall we, who are dragged against our
inclinations into this dispute, willingly recal them to remem-
brance; yet they who cannot deny that the deed was cruelly
and wickedly perpetrated, exclaim against the transference of
the supreme government from the mother to the son, and her
removal from power as a novel, cruel, and violent measure.
First, then, the ancient practice of our ancestors in punishing
their kings, proves that there was nothing new in the fact,
and our moderation must free us from the imputation of any
thing invidious in the manner. It is unnecesary to enumerate
the number of kings our fathers have punished by death, im-
prisonment, or exile, much less do we need to defend our act
by foreign examples, of which so many are offered us in an-
cient history. f
xxxvii. For the Scottish nation, originally a free people,
created themselves kings upon this condition:—That the gov- \
WOL. II. | 4 G
602 Histofty of scorland.
ernment, being intrusted to them by the suffrages of the peo-
ple, if the state of the country required it, could be taken
from them by the same suffrages; of which law, many vestiges
remain even in our own day; for in the circumjacent islands,
and in the places on the continent in which the ancient
language and customs are retained, this custom is still ob-
served in creating their magistrates; besides, the ceremonies
used at the inauguration of our kings, have an express refer-
ence to this law; from all which, it is evident that government
is nothing more than a mutual compact between the people
and their kings. At the same time, the inoffensive tenor of
this ancient law, is evident from no one ever having attempted
to abrogate, alter, or even mitigate it, from the first erection
of monarchy in Scotland to this present time; and although it
were tedious to enumerate the kings whom our fathers have
dethroned, banished, imprisoned, and also put to death, yet
never was it hinted that the law was too severe. Nor perhaps
was this omission improper; for it is not one of these laws
which are obnoxious to the change of times, but is one of
those statutes which, in the primary constitution of our na-
ture, are stamped upon the heart, are verified by the mutual
consent of almost every people, and, like the universe itself,
must remain unbroken and eternal. They acknowledge no
power, but all are governed and regulated by them. This
principle, which presents itself to our observation in every ac-
tion, which, in spite of us, dwells in our bosoms, always in-
fluenced our ancestors, armed them against oppression, and
taught them to repress the insolence of tyrants. But this law
is not peculiar to the Scots alone, it is common to all well
governed nations and people.
xxxviii. For, passing over in silence the illustrious states of
Athens, Lacedemon, Rome, and Venice, who never suffered
this law to be torn from them but with liberty itself, even in
those times in which the Roman republic was oppressed by
the most cruel tyranny, when by accident any virtuous man
was made emperor, he considered it his highest glory to ac-
knowledge himself inferior to the people, and liable to the
empire of the law. Trajan, when, according to custom, he
delivered the sword of justice to the prefect of the city, is said
* -
4 I
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 603
thus to have addressed him, Use it for me, or against me, as
I shall deserve; and Theodosius, an excellent emperor in the
worst of times, wished to leave enrolled among the records of
the empire, a declaration that it was not only consistent with
the dignity of majesty, but that it conferred an additional
honour upon an emperor, to acknowledge himself subject to
the laws. Nor were the most barbarous, and ungiyilized
nations, ignorant of this right, as all experience, and the his-
tory of all nations can bear witness. But that we may not seem
to rest our argument upon obsolete examples, we shall adduce
two within our own recollection, Christiern, king of Denmark,
was lately, on account of his cruelty, driven from his kingdom,
together with his whole family, certainly a more severe pun-
ishment than the people ever inflicted upon any of our kings,
they never wisited the sins of the fathers upon their children.
He, indeed, a monster infamous for every species of crime, was
deservedly punished, but the mother of the emperor Charles
V., what did she do to render herself worthy of perpetual im-
prisonment? A woman left a widow in the bloom of life, by
the death of a young vigorous husband, was accused of wish-
ing to marry again, nor was she accused of any greater crime,
than a species of legal incontinence—to use the most severe
term—opposed to their public customs, but an honourable
connexion, approved by the laws both of God and man. If
in calamity, to call it by no other name, our queen be com-
pared with Christiern, the Dane, she has not sinned less, but
has been more moderately punished. If with Joan of Austria,
the mother of Charles, what a pitiful trespass did she commit,
who only asked lawfully to enjoy a gratification necessary at her
age? And yet she, though innocent, endured a punishment,
of which the other, convicted of the most enormous wickedness,
complains ; and the murder of a lawful husband, and an illegal
marriage with a public parricide, find now as their apologists,
the same persons who, in assassinating the king, inflicted the
punishment due to the guilty upon the innocent.
xxxix. But these do not reflect upon what they owe to the
examples of their forefathers, and forget those eternal laws,
which have been held sacred since the foundation of the mon,
archy, and enforced by the illustrious nobles, who set bounds
604, HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
to the despotism of the crown. As for us, what have we done
more than followed the footsteps of so many kingdoms, and free
nations, when we checked the licentiousness of a power raising
itself above all law 2 Not, indeed, with the severity our ances-
tors were accustomed to employ, who would never have suffered
any one convicted of such a crime to escape a capital punish-
ment; whom, if we had imitated, we would now, not only have
been free from danger, but even have avoided the annoyance
of our calumniators, as is evident from the demands of our
adversaries. How often have they accused us to the neigh-
bouring kings? What nations have they not excited against
us? Whāt at last do they urge by this importunity? That
the controversy may be legally and equitably determined We
never refused this, they never would accept of it when fre-
quently offered. What therefore do they demand? That we
should arm with public authority, tyrants, openly guilty of the
most atrocious crimes, glutted with the spoil of their subjects,
stained red with the blood of the king, and breathing ven-
geance against all virtuous citizens ! That we should intrust
with our lives, untried wretches, perpetrators of one parricide,
and strongly suspected of having planned another | And yet,
notwithstanding these their impudent requests, we have been
more indulgent than the manner of our country, the severity
of the laws, or the equitable demands of justice could require.
There is nothing more frequently celebrated, or more distinct-
ly stated by our historians, than the punishment of bad kings,
yet who, of all those accused of mismanaging the government,
were ever so mildly treated by their irritated subjects? What’
punishment have we inflicted on the mother of our king,
caught in the commission of the most horrible atrocity? When
did the son, or the relation of any person, convicted of such a
crime, reign in their stead? And when was any such crimin-
al, ever allowed the liberty of appointing whatever guardians
they chose to their successor. -
xL. But in the very deposition from the throne, what is
there that any person can complain of, as being at all hard?
A young woman, unequal to the task of managing a boisterous
and turbulent people, requests her nobles by letter, to release
her from the administration of a government, productive of
JHISTORY OF SCOTLANI). 60.5
more anxiety than glory—it is granted. She further desires
hat her right may be transferred to her son—her wish is
complied with ; that she may be allowed to nominate guard-
ians, to preside over the government during her son's minor-
ity—this also is conceded to her; and that the transaction
might have the greater authority, it is referred to the meeting
of the estates, by whom every thing is declared to have been
done regularly and properly, and is confirmed by a public act,
than which there is no firmer, or more sacred bond acknowl-
edged among us, But it is alleged, that what is done in
prison, not being a voluntary act, but exterted by the fear of
death, this, like many other deeds which men are forced to
execute by terror, must be considered, as they usually and
properly are, of no effect. This plea of bodily fear, however,
though sometimes admitted with propriety by judges as an
excuse, does not always afford a proper reason for rescinding
a judgment. If any person, to procure an advantage to him-
self, excites terror in a pannel, and by means of it, extorts
more from him than he is by law entitled to, it is but right,
and consistent with the most rigid justice, that a remedy
should be provided for the person thus forced by violence, or
impelled by fear; but, on the other hand, if a guilty COIl-
science conjures up to itself terror from the dread of merited
punishment, or for the sake of avoiding this, consents to cer-
tain conditions, that terror affords no proper reason for re-
scinding any transaction, otherwise, the more wicked any
person was, the easier would he be received into any legal
shelter, and the remedies which were intended to relieve the
innocent would be applied to save the guilty, and the laws
themselves, the avengers of injustice instead of affording an
asylum to the good, when harassed by the dishonesty of the
bad, would offer an iniquitous refuge to criminals afraid of
deserved punishment. - But be that fear what it may, in what
did it make the situation of the queen worse? The title of
queen, and the power of government had already been taken
from her by the determination of the people, and, reduced to
a private station, she was allowed to retain a precarious exist-
ence, not because she was innocent, but because the people
were compassionate.
606 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
XLI. What then, when her crown was surrendered, did she
lose through her terror? Already divested of royalty, she
threw away an empty name, and what might have been forced
from her by law, she laid aside of her own accord, and in
exchange for the shadow of a title, she rescued the remainder
of her life from a load of reproach, and the perpetual dread
of death, even worse than death itself. It is astonishing that
the prevarication of the queen's pleaders, or commissioners,
on this point, does not strike every one. They who ask that
what the queen did in prison should be revoked, ask that she
should be placed in the same situation, from which she com-
plains her fears had driven her, . Now, what is that situation
to which she is so violently anxious to be restored? Removed
from the helm of the kingdom, and the administration.of the
government taken from her, she lay exposed to the punish-
ment of the laws. . Her excellent advisers wish her restored,
they say, that she may stand trial—for a crime as manifest, as
it is infamous and detestable; or rather, that having been tried
and found guilty, she may suffer the penalty of the law, and
that she who now enjoys some ease from the compassion of
her relatives, and who, though atrociously guilty, is not yet
irremediably wretched; should, again embark on the stormy
element of judicial proceedings, with no other hope of safety
than that which arises from the condemnation of so many
former kings who have been tried. It is sedulously urged by
our adversaries, on purpose to inflame the minds of the weak,
that the punishment of tyrants degrades the majesty, and les-
sens the authority of good kings. But examine this assertion.
May we not in opposition affirm, that there is nothing more
honourable to society, or to assemblies of good men, than to
be free from the contagion of the bad. Who thought the
Roman senate polluted - by the punishment of Lentullus, Ce-
thagus, or Cataline?. When the soldiery mutinied upon the
death of Caligula, and loudly demanded who was the author
of so audacious an action? Valerius Asiaticus, exclaimed
from a high and lofty station –I wish I could say with truth
that I was; and such was the majesty of that free speech of a
private person, that the whole of the enraged multitude im-
mediately dispersed quietly.
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN De 60'ſ
xLII. L. Junius Brutus, when he extinguished the conspir-
acy for bringing back the tyranny into the city of Rome, did
not think his family polluted by an ignominious execution,
but rather that a stain was washed away from the Roman
nobility by the blood of his son. Did the imprisonment of
Christiern detract any thing from the praises of Christiern,
the next king P Did that prevent his being esteemed the best
king of his time? No! A noble mind built upon its own vir-
tue, neither increases by the glory of another, nor decreases
by his infamy. But waving these considerations, to return to
the defence of the accusation, we think we have sufficiently
fulfilled the demand of the queen, that we should substantiate
our cause by satisfactory arguments, so that she might be
convinced of its justice herself, and be able to give a proper
answer to others. Respecting the murder—the author of the
crime, the manner of its execution, and the causes which led
to it, were so clearly stated by the earl of Moray and his com-
panions, to the queen of England and her commissioners, that
they can want no additional information to form the most cor-
rect opinion. With regard to what has occurred since, we
have shown that our conduct has been agreeable to the divine
law, the law of nature, which is indeed itself divine, and to the
laws and institutions of our country, neither is it opposed to
the customs of other nations, among whom justice and equit-
able governments have been established. We have shown
that the interpreters of all law, human and divine, the exam-
ples of so many ages, the judgment of so many people, and
the punishment of tyrants justify our cause. What is there
then so new—we will not say improper—in our conduct, that
should prevent the queen from being satisfied of the equity
of our cause herself, or of justifying it to others, or that
should induce her to think that we have violated either the
duty of good men, of subjects, or of Christians.
xLIII. This was the summary of our reply, which we drew
up in the shape of a memorial, and on the last day of Febru-
ary, read before the learned and virtuous men, appointed by
the queen to confer with us, and gave them a copy to lay be-
fore her majesty. Next day, March 1st, we went to court
again in the morning, to learn not only what was the queen's
G08 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
opinion of our memorial, but also of the whole cause. But as
her majesty was about to set out to her country seat, three
miles below London, near the village of Greenwich, we had
no opportunity of seeing her. We therefore, as our next
resource, had a conference with the noblemen of her council,
who had communicated with us from the beginning, from
whom we learned, that although the preparations for her
journey, and several other causes, had left her little time, yet
she had read our representation, but that she was not alto-
gether satisfied of the justice of our cause, and therefore
desired us to advert to the second proposition at first made
to us, and point out some plan by which these discords could
be honourably settled. In reply, we answered that we had
not been sent from home with discretionary powers, but were
limited to certain bounds. Nor had we liberty at all to enter
into any discussion-which could tend to lessen the prerogative
of our king; nor if such power had been offered us, would we
have accepted or used it.
XLIv. Such being the state of our negotiations, the queen at
Greenwich, and we at London, we sent some of our number
te her, to learn whether she had any thing else to do with us,
and if not, to procure leave for us to depart, and return home
to meet parliament, and attend to our own private business;
at the same time, to assure her majesty of our desire to oblige
her, and that it would be better in our power at home, to
convince her of the sincerity of our good will, than when
residing in a foreign country. This urgency procured us an
order to attend at court, on the 5th day of March. When
introduced to the queen, she sharply rebuked us for our ob-
stinacy in persisting in our preconceived opinions, and that
we had so pertinaciously avoided any disputation, or rather
consultation, on a subject involving our severity, and expres-
sed at great length, her aversion to the king, and those who
supported his cause. We contended, that the equity of our
cause had been clearly established. She replied, that her
mind was not at all satisfied by the examples and arguments
we had produced, nor was she quite unacquainted with such
disputations, as she had formerly devoted part of her time to
the study of the laws. But though, continued she, you seem
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 609
thus completely determined to propose nothing else' for the
preservation of your own safety, and the safety of your king,
yet I wish you would, notwithstanding, speak with those of
my council on this subject, with whom you have previously
conferred.—We replied, that we were not so pertinaciously
attached to these opinions, as not to hear cheerfully whatever
plan for finishing this business, she or her counsellors had to
propose, provided it involved no change in the present state
of the kingdom, nor any diminution of the power of the king,
eoncerning which we neither would, inor could deliberate,
XLv. Next day we went down to the queen's palace, as we
had agreed with her majesty, and had a conference with her
counsellors, in the course of which, many propositions. were
made by them, for arranging the dispute between the mother
and son, respecting the right to the government. ..After hear-
ing which, because the reasons were many and of grave im-
port on both sides, we desired they should be given us in
writing, and that we should be allowed time to deliberate
upon them; nor did they, after consulting with their queen,
refuse. When we had considered them, the subject appeared
to us so arduous, and tending'so much to lessen the royal au-
thority, and so much beyond the prescribed bounds of our le-
gation, that we neither wished, nor dared, nor could inter-
meddle with them. Accordingly, next day, Robert Pitcairn
was sent with this answer:--That the subject came under the
eognizance of all the estates, ahd could not be discussed by so
small a number as we were; find the day after, Margh 9th,
he returned to court with the same in writing, having been
desired, the day, before, to do so; at the same time, he ear-
nestly entreated the queen, that the purposes for which the
ambassadors had been sent having been answered, she would
give them leave to return home. At length, ten days after,
we were afforded an opportunity of waiting on her majesty.
The members of the council, with whom we had transacted
all our business since our arrival, strongly insisted that we
should still, along with them, endeavour to suggest some
practicable method of settling the business, and represented,
at great length, that if foreign war should be added to domes-
tic sedition, the trouble and danger would be doubled, and
VOL. II. 4 H
61:0 -HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
every.thing become more difficult, especially as we did not
possess strength; to extricate, ourselves; but we persevered in
the resolution we had formed, and would accept of no: form of
pacification by:which the power of the king should be abridg:
ed., Thus that day ended. . . , ; – “... :
ºt. XLVI. Next day, March 20th, we were recalled to court,
when the queen, ordering us to be introduced, addressed us
nearly in the following terms:–She had examined our answer
along with our counsellors, and clearly perceived that none
but the supreme council of the Scots, that is, the meeting of
the estates, could give any certain answer to what she had re-
quired; wherefore, she had discovered a plan by which she
could, under a sufficiently honourable pretext, leave the whole
matter as it was . She was told there would soon be a meeting
of the parliament in Scotland; thither. we should proceed, and
she hoped would arrive safely, and use our utmost endeavours
that a committee should be chosen from both parties, .com-
posed of equal numbers from each, to “examine carefully, the
grounds of the controversy; she likewise would send com-
missioners, who, along with them, would endeavour to effect
a reconciliation; she, however, required that the truce should
in the meantime.be renewed, until the whole was brought to a
‘conclusion. . She wished to converse with the ambassadors of
the queen of Scots, and if possible, bring, them over to her
opinion; but they declined, as they could do nothing without
consulting their mistress;...but they would write to her to learn
her opinion. , We, however, urgently requested that we might
have our promised leave of absence, to return home, but were
ordered to wait patiently a little, until an answer was received
from our king's mother to the bishop of Ross, and the rest of
her ambassadors, after whichs, we should immediately obtain
leave to return. . . . . . . . . . * ‘. . . ;
REVII. In the meantime, it was, to no purpose that we in-
cessantly urged, that:we had nothing to do, with the bishop of
Ross, nor was, our embassy addressed to him; we had finish-
ed the object of our mission, and were astonished why the
bishop of Ross, now that it was at an end, should, delay us,
especially as, during our absence, so many changes had taken
place, and so many disturbances arisen, greatly to the disad-
*
§
*41
- HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. ‘5]. I
-xantage of the king's party; yet neither did this urgency, ear-
ºried almost to excess, produce any effect; the matter was pro-
, traeted from day to day, till the queen returned to London,
on the last day of March. The proceedings in her own par-
liament, then so much occupied the queen for the next three
days, that she had no leisure for attending to foreign disputes;
at last, on the 4th of April, she sent for us, and having apol-
ogized for the delay, she informed us, that the mother of our
king had written a sharp letter to her ambassadors, for their
presumption in descending to treat about her cause in the
manner they had done; wherefore, said the queen of England,
since she so violently opposes the method of bringing about a
peace which I proposed, I shall not longer detain you; but if
she should afterward, as I hope she may, repent and accept of
my proposal, I do not doubt but you will do your duty.
Thus, at last, we were dismissed kindly and courteously, and
on the 8th of April set out for home. tº:
XLVIII. This account having been given to the nobles as-
sembled at Stirling, they unanimously approved of the dili-
gence and fidelity of their ambassadors, but the farther con-
sideration was postponed till the 1st of May, when the par-
liament was summoned to meet, against which both parties
were exceedingly active, the one preparing to hold, and the
other to prevent its being holden on the day appointed. Men
of discernment now almost openly expressed their opinion,
that the English queen would never send away the queen of
Scots, as she foresaw what danger her freedom would occasion
to the whole of Britain. In the meantime, a hint was thrown
out about giving the king of Scots as an hostage for his moth-
er, more with the hope of preventing, than of promoting con-
cord; for it was well known the Scots would never consent to
that; but there were in Elizabeth’s council many persons who
secretly favoured the Norfolk faction. These desired the res-
toration of the Scottish queen, and had long wished the fac-
tion opposed to her broken and debilitated, that they might
wrest from their necessity, what they could never otherwise
expect to obtain; nor did they doubt but that the rebels would
be assisted with money and warlike stores from France. The
king's party were, on the other hand, devoted entirely to the
6 12 History of scotland.
queen of England, who kindly, from the first, when she un-
derstood the misconduct of the queen of Scots, promised she
would take the king and the kingdom under her protection.
The French king, at the same time, found it difficult to effect
his, designs; he wished that the queen should be restored, but
he did not wish that the king should be surrendered to the
English; and, as he knew how powerful the Norfolk faction
was, who desired a change, he did not despair but that the
quéen of Scotland might either be enabled secretly to escape
from prison, or be rescued by force. Such was nearly, at
that time, the state of British affäirs.
XLIx. Morton, after his conduct in the embassy had been
approved of in the meeting of the nobles at Stirling, returned
to his home, about four miles from Edinburgh, attended by
about a hundred foot, soldiers, and a few horse, as a guard,
in case he should be attacked by the townsmen, or to repress
their incursions, till a greater force could be collected. In
the meantimé, the queen's faction, who held the town, raised
soldiers, and garrisoned the most advantageous stations, and
bent their whole endeavours to exclude the parliament which
the regent had summoned to meet at Edinburgh. Morton
sent, as desired by the regent, twenty horsemen, and seventy
foot, the rest being absent foraging, to Leith, to publish a
proclamation—Edinburgh being in the power of the garrison
—forbidding any person to supply the rebels with provisions,
arms, or other warlike stores, under pain of being treated as
rebels themselves. The detachment, as they knew themselves
inferior to the force of the townsmen, sent the foot soldiers
round the hill, Arthur's seat, out of sight of the city, and
passed with the horse close under the walls, and by the very
gates, without being disturbed by the enemy. But having
executed their commission at Leith, they were not equally
fortunate in their return; for the foot refused to retire by the
same way that they had advanced. In order to try their own
courage, and that of the enemy, they, in spite of the horse,
went along with them past the gates of the city, quite close to
the walls, when, on a sudden, two of the gates were thrown
open and a sally made. At first both fought bravely, but at
length the townsmen were driven in confusion back into the
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. B13
city, with little loss indeed, yet sufficient to show that they
were inferior in bravery, though superior in numbers.
L. On the other hand, the regent, who had nothing pre-
pared for besieging the town, and being so straitened for time
by the near approach of parliament, that he could not procure
artillery, thought it better to abstain from violence, and re-
solved to hold the meeting without the gates; for the city ex-
tending chiefly in length, they who first surrounded it with
walls, excluded a great part of the suburbs, yet in such a
manner, that the inhabitants enjoyed the right of citizens
equally with those within; there the estates sat, for skilful
lawyers gave it as their opinion, it was of no consequence in
what part of the city they assembled. In this meeting, the
chief of those who held the castle were declared traitors, es:
pecially those who, eonscious of the murder of the king and
regent, fled, from trial. The rebels being condemned by act
of the estates, whose sentence is of the greatest authority;
fearing lest the vulgar—who almost all hang upon the nod of
the nobles—should desert them, assembled also a parliament
from among their adherents. Few, however, who had a right
to vote, remained with them, and of these few, some did not
attend, and others who attended, took no part in the proceed-
ings. But when they could neither muster a decent roll of
voters, and these even not convoked in the legal time, nor ac-
cording to the manner of our ancestors, yet, that they might
have some appearance of a legitimate number, two bishops,
and some others, who were absent, sent, what never had been
heard of before in any legal meeting, their written votes by
proxy, in the doubtful event of a parliament. &
LI. During the whole time of their sitting, although the
great guns of the castle played upon the place where the no-
bility met, and the balls frequently fell in the maidst of crowds
of people, yet nobody was either killed or wounded. There
were but few condemned in either convention, and both ap-
pointed parliaments to be held in August, the one in Stirling,
the other in Edinburgh. The parliament being dissolved,
neither party attacked the other, as if a truce had been mutu-
ally agreed upon. The greater part of the hired soldiers who
were with Morton, having returned to their homes, those who
614 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
kept possession of the town, informed of the small number
that remained, and desirous of wiping away their former dis-
grace, sent out two hundred and twenty foot soldiers, mus-
queteers, and one hundred horse, with two brass fieldpieces,
intending either to burn the village of Dalkeith, where Mor-
ton then was, or, if they did not succeed in this, to keep the
enemy, through fear, within the place, and then blazon their
caution throughout the country, as an express confession of
cowardice. On this party suddenly showing themselves drawn
up in order of battle, on a hill opposite to the village, the
alarm was given, and the Mortonians mustering about two
hundred foot, and sixty horse, immediately marched round
another hill, and descending into a valley, halted and formed
in front of their opponents. The skirmishers, then of both
parties advancing, excercised themselves a little, but the rebels,
who thought they would have found the enemy wholly unpre-
pared, on perceiving their mistake, retreated in as good order
as possible, and made for the city. In the meantime, as they
pressed upon each other, and had reached Craigmiller castle,
about half way between Dalkeith and Edinburgh, a few foot
soldiers of the Mortons, who had secretly made a circuit of
the castle, rising from an ambush, attacked the enemy at a
narrow part of the road, and having thrown them into con-
fusion, put them to flight. The garrison of Edinburgh seeing,
from the height, the discomfiture of their friends, sent eighty
horse, and thirty foot, to their aid. Re-enforced by them,
the enemy turned, and the king's horse, who were scarcely
half the number of the rebels, unable to stand the charge, ran
back in as much haste as they had pursued before. The foot
on both sides were almost of no service, owing to a sudden
and heavy fall of rain. In the flight there were a few of the
Mortons slain, many wounded, and about twenty-six taken.
The number of killed among the rebels was greater, but there
were fewer prisoners. An accident nearly equalized the loss
upon both sides. The party from Edinburgh brought with
them a barrel of gunpowder, and as they hurriedly and care-
lessly were taking out some of the powder, it took fire, and
exploded with so much violence, that the horse who carried
it, the commander of the foot, James Melville, and many of
f{ISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 6H5
the soldiers, were severely scorched. The greater part of the
men died a few days after.
LII. While these affairs, of little advantage to either party,
were carrying on around Edinburgh, a regiment of Scottish'
mercenaries, who had fought in the pay of Denmark for some
years, under, Michael Weymss, a young nobleman of the
greatest virtue and learning, returned home, and offered their.
services to the king, the townsmen having ‘in vain endeavour-
ed to enlist them on their side. These, having had a few days
allowed them to visit their friends, when they reassembled at
the day appointed, were informed the rebels had fitted out
vessels to intercept them. Morton, aware, of the design,
having collected what force he could upon the moment, with-
out acquainting them, whither he led them, game to Leith so
quickly, that: he had almost made the whole of the enemy.
prisoners, as they were going on board; sixteen, however, of
the laziest, who had not launched their boats, were taken.
Next day, as the tide would not allow it sooner, he provided
vessels to follow, or intercept them in - their return. The
regent also being informed that night, he himself set out early.
next morning, with an irregular force, and marched along the
left bank of the Forth, to attack the enemy upon, their landing:
But the expedition of the Danish soldiers rendered, all these
exertions unnecessary, for the greater part of them having
found a large vessel, passed over safely, the rest, about twenty-
six, who embarked on board a smaller vessel, were taken at a
distance from Leith, and carried to the castle. 14: ". . . . . . .
1.III. The affair being thus ended, the regent returned to
Stirling. Morton, worn out with watching and fatigue, and
being, besides, afflicted with colic, was confined to “bed at
Leith. Drury, the English envoy, for several days had en-
deavoured to negotiate a truce between the parties, but without
success, for the regent would hearken to no terms, until the
places which had been seized during the former peace, were
restored. He being now about to depart, the rebels, as an
ostentatious mark of respect, drew out their whole force before
him, thinking that Morton being confined, they would extort
a confession of fear from their enemy, who were inferior in
numbers, or if they ventured to engage without their leader,
GI6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
they would be able to perform some brilliant service. Mor-
ton, on being informed of this circumstance by his horseguard,
immediately rose from his bed, put on his armour, and having
led out all his men, drew them up in order of battle, about
half a mile from the enemy. Drury rode between the two
armies, and entreated them both to return home, nor destroy
all hope of an accommodation by their rashness. To which
they consented, only they could not agree who should leave
the ground first. This also Drury endeavoured to arrange,
and desired that both should wait till he, standing in the mid-
die between the armies, gave the signal, and then mutually
retire at the same moment. Morton made no objections; the
rebels, on the other hand, threatened him, that unless he de-
parted of his own accord, they would drive him ignominiously
away, and could scarcely be restrained from advancing.. .
Liv. On receiving this message, Morton, who was unwilling
to offend Drury and the English, and was glad to have had
them witness his moderation, thinking he had already borne
sufficiently, suddenly marched against the enemy. . The horse,
at the first charge, left the flanks uncovered; the foot then
made orily a feeble attempt at fighting, and almost immediate-
ly ran away with the utmost speed towards the nearest gate;
which not being-wide enough to admit the fugitives, many
were slain in the entrance, many trodden down, and a great
number of prisoners taken, none making any resistance except
a party of foot, who, trusting to the situation of an adjacent
churchyard, rallied, but again fled at the first charge of the
enemy. The flight into the city was so disorderly, that, leav-
ing the gates unguarded, all fled together to the castle, and if
the pursuing enemy, too intent upon plinder, had not ne-
glected the opportunity, the city might have been taken. Of
the rebels there were about fifty killed, and about one hundred
and fifty taken. Among these, Alexander Hume was slightly
hurt by his horse falling under him; Gavin Hamilton was
killed; James Cullen, captain of foot, a relation of Huntly's,
was taken in a poor woman's pantry, where he had concealed
himself, and brought to Leith. On seeing him; the common
people raised such a shout, that nothing short of his death
would satisfy them, as, in the former civil wars, he had been
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 61'ſ
an awaricious and cruel robber. In France he was infamous
as a soldier, and in the wars between the kings of Denmark
and Sweden, he received money from both to raise soldiers,
and promised his assistance to each, but fulfilled his engage-
ments to neither; and many other shameful actions: had he
been guilty of, till at last, being taken as mentioned, he was
carried out to execution, amidst the greatest rejoicing.
Lv. After a few days’ rest, the townsmen, having refreshed
themselves, again appeared in arms, and almost daily slight
skirmishes took place with various fortune. The king's troops
were the bravest; but the situation of the place, well adapted
for ambushes, and the lofty castle, whence, as a watchtower,
every motion of the enemy could be seen, were favourable to
the rebels; nor did the latter almost ever risk an engagement
beyond the range of the great guns of the fortress. The re-
gent remained in Leith watching their sallies, and intercept-
ing their supplies by sea, for he was unable to prevent their
receiving these on the land side, on account of the ruggedness
of the ground, and the extent of the city, in surrounding
which, many favourable opportunities were lost. 4.
Lv1. Whilst these skirmishings were carried on about the
city, a French vessel, laden with gunpowder, iron bullets,
small brass cannon, and some money for the besieged, was
captured. The money was applied to pay the soldiers, the
powder, shot, and part of the cannon, were sent up the river
without a sufficient convoy to Stirling. The rebels, informed
of this, prepared some vessels in another harbour, surprised
them, and retook the spoil; but being unable to get it convey-
ed safely to the castle, sunk it in the river. About the same
time, another vessel was taken, but she carried nothing except
letters filled with magnificent promises of speedy assistance
from the French king; for during the whole two years past,
in which war had been carried on in Scotland, the queen of
England had supported the spirits of the king's party, and
the French monarch, and the English papists, had encouraged
the rebels, by pitiful sums of money and magnificent promises,
while neither of the sovereigns appeared to wish that their re-
spective faction should conquer, only that they might not be
overcome; but both wished that their allies should be reduced
WOL. II. 4 I
618 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
to extremity; the queen of England, that those whom she
supported, tired of the protracted struggle, might willingly
consent to send their king to England, and thus become
wholly dependant upon her; the French king, that the rebels
might surrender to him Dunbarton and Edinburgh castles,
and by having possession of these two garrisons commanding
both seas, he might keep the Scots, however unwillingly, al-
ways in subjection; but despairing of the queen's liberation,
and Dunbarton castle being lost, he moved more slowly in the
cause of the rebels, not thinking it advisable to undertake a
new and unnecessary war, in a country exhausted by domestic
seditions, for one castle only; at present, he considered it
sufficient if it were not taken. The Scots were determined
never to surrender their king to the English, as well on ac-
count of ancient controversies, as from a dread of the power
of the English papists, who placed the safety of their cause in
his death; for he being removed, the queen of England would
not only appear weaker, when the life of one prince only pre-
vented the accomplishment of their hopes, but the queen of
Scotland would become the undoubted heir of the whole
island, and by her marriage, could gratify whom she chose
with the crown, and put the state of religion, throughout all
Europe, in danger of a change. The conspirators were men
of influence in the English court, who preferred the hope of a
change to their ancient offices; but those of them who belong-
ed to the privy council, feared lest, if they should put to death
the queen of England while the Scottish king was alive, the
known bad conduct of the queen of Scots should weaken her
authority, and increase the power of her son, whom the fear
of tyranny would render dearer to the English. The English
rebels, therefore, wished to destroy both the king of Scotland
and the queen of England at once, and when their open ef-
forts had been unsuccessful, they determined to carry them off
by poison. p
Lv11. In this state of the country, both the Scottish factions
prepared themselves for the approaching meeting of parlia-
ment. The rebels had only three votes of the first rank, two
of whom had been named commissioners, for holding a par-
liament in the queen's name; the third, Alexander Hume,
41
HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D. 619
only had a right to vote; of the ecclesiastical rank, two
bishops, the one had been banished thither some months be-
fore by the regent, since when, the state of the city being
changed, he dared not depart without a passport, and unwill-
ingly remained; the other, a bankrupt, having squandered his
estate, was forced thither by necessity. By the decrees of this
assemblage, above two hundred persons were condemned,
some of them still children; besides whom, the most licentious
of the soldiers, as if already victorious, marked out estates
and property for themselves, and inserted, among the number
of the proscribed, many innocent and quiet subjects, who
were on that account peculiarly exposed to injury. W
LVIII. The regent proceeded to Stirling with a great con-
course of the nobility, and there held a parliament, in which
about thirty of the most obstinate of the queen's party were
condemned, proceedings against the rest were delayed, and
hopes of pardon held out to them. During the absence of the
nobles, the rebels, thinking the opportunity favourable, led
out their troops from the city, and to swell the appearance of
their host, carried all the townsmen along with them. These
they drew up in line, with the greater part of the soldiers, on
purpose that, as had happened formerly, they might by light
skirmishing, entice the king's troops from Leith, and while
they kept the attention of the enemy completely occupied, the
rest, marching secretly by a circuitous route, should enter the
town at an opposite gate, while the garrison was absent, and
set, it on fire. Patrick Lindsay, a skilful and active officer,
who commanded at Leith, having drawn up his forces, after
leaving a guard to prevent any ambuscade, led his men right
against the enemy. At first the engagement was briskly con-
tested, until one general charge threw the rebels into confu-
sion, and they were driven back with considerable slaughter
to the city gates. A great many prisoners were taken, but
chiefly town's people. Alexander Hume was taken, but res-
cued. In the evening, as the king's party returned rejoicing
on account of their victory, James Halyburton, an excellent
man and experienced officer, who commanded the foot, hav-
ing strayed farther than he imagined from his company, was
taken prisoner in a cross road by a troop of horse, not being
620 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
able to distinguish to what palty they belonged in the dusk,
and carried to the city.
LIX. Having occasioned this loss, the rebels were encour-
aged to attempt another action, which as it was accompanied
with greater danger, and required more boldness, so it pro-
mised, if successful, to put an end to the whole war. They
had learned, by their spies, that the nobles of the adverse
faction at Stirling were so careless, that, as if in the midst of
peace, although in an open town, they had not so much as
night watches; they, therefore, set out thither with three
hundred foot, and two hundred horse; and that the journey
might be less fatiguing to the foot, who were hastily marched,
they seized the horses of all the country folks who had come
in the day before to the market, and likewise pressed into the
service all the horse they met upon the road. The leaders o
this expedition were George Gordon, Claude Hamilton, and
Walter Scott; and they were greatly aided by George Bell,
an ensign of a foot regiment, a native of Stirling, who knew
all the streets and entries into the town, was acquainted with
all the noblemen's lodgings, and assured them that, beyond a
doubt, he would put the whole of them into their power.
They themselves, too, advanced with such confidence, that
they had already designated those they meant to kill, and
those they meant to save. Early in the morning, when they
approached the town, they found every part so carelessly
guarded, that not even a dog barked at them; on which, in
the utmost silence, they entered, and penetrated to the market
place, without meeting any person. Having placed guards in
all the avenues, they then proceeded to the houses of the no-
bility, all of whom they overcame with little difficulty. At
the lodging of James Douglas, earl of Morton, alone they met
with any resistance, which when they could not obtain pos-
session of by force, they set fire to. He, after some of his
servants were killed bravely defending the passages, and after
all the house was filled with flame and smoke, escaped with
difficulty through the burning into the street, and surrendered
himself to Walter Scott, his kinsman, who met him. The
regent, too, at the same moment, his servants having but care-
- lessly protected him, as he endeavoured to defend himself,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 621
was taken prisoner. Alexander, earl of Glencairn, and Hugh,
earl of Eglinton, were delivered to a guard to be kept for ex-
ecution; for Claude Hamilton had informed his friends, that
all the nobles, without exception, of the adverse party, as
soon as ever they passed the gates of the town were to be put
to death. .#
Lx. Every thing succeeding beyond their expectation, the
common soldiers flew to plunder, when John Erskine, gover-
nor of the castle, who had before in vain attempted to break
through the guarded streets to the market-place, at last order-
ed a body of his musqueteers to occupy his new house, which
was, then nearly finished, and overlooked the whole market-
place, the enemy having neglected to take possession of it as
it was empty, and not completed; this afforded a safe station
to the king's party, whence they could annoy the enemy. The
rebels, when they perceived themselves attacked from this
commanding station with superior arms, immediately took to
flight, with such trepidation, that when they came to the nar-
row lane that leads to the gate, they trod down one another.
Their safety consisted in there being few to pursue. Those
who had driven them out of the market-place coming out only
one by one from the house, by a small door, the only one
which looked toward the town, and that half shut, were joined
by but a few armed, from the other houses. Thus the whole
multitude, who the day before had undertaken so bold an
enterprise, and had so nearly accomplished it successfully,
were driven by sixteen men out of the town, with such trepi-
dation and tumult, that, leaving their prisoners, each consulted
only his own safety. In all this disturbance, only one person
of note fell, George Ruthven, a youth of the highest promise,
who was killed while he pressed too eagerly upon the enemy.
Alexander Stuart of Garlies, too, as he was leading away pris-
oners, was mortally struck, but whether by his own men, or
the enemy, is uncertain. When the rout became general,
those who had been kept within doors by fear, came out every-
where; those who had taken James Douglas, and Alexander
Cunningham, when they saw they could not escape, surren-
dered themselves prisoners to their captives.
LXI. David Spence, captain of horse among the rebels, who
622 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
was leading away the regent, when he knew that snares were
laid for his life, exerted himself so anxiously to preserve him,
that he himself was struck by the blows aimed at the regent, .
and died the same day, greatly lamented by both factions; for
in all the accomplishments of body and mind, he was inferior
to none of the Scottish youth. After his death, the horse per-
formed nothing worth recording. Two of those who struck
at the regent, not being able to escape to their friends, were
taken, and suffered death, for having wounded him after he
surrendered. The rest ran with such trepidation, that the
prisoners they had taken everywhere escaped; indeed, all the
enemy might have been destroyed, had there been cavalry
sufficient, to have followed the fugitives, but the thieves of
Teviotdale, when they first entered the town, had carried off
all the horses, and that preserved them. . The number slain on
both sides were nearly equal. None of the king's party were
made prisoners. Of the other side there were many, the most
of whom had gone into the houses, intent upon spoil, and were
taken in the act of plundering. - - - -
LXII. The regent died that day of his wounds, and being
hurriedly buried, with as much decency as the turbulence of
the times would allow, the nobles who were present, assembled,
to elect a successor; they selected three of their number, to
whom they administered an oath, that they would obey the
votes of the nobility as candidates, who should await the de-
cision of next parliament. The three were, Gillespic Camp-
bell, earl of Argyle, James Douglas, earl of Morton, and John
Erskine, earl of Marr. All the votes were in favour of Marr.
The first thing to which he turned his attention, was the siege
of Edinburgh, for which object the former regent had ordered
an army to be levied by the 1st of October, but the sudden
*
alteration of circumstances, caused it to be deferred till the
15th of that month, a delay highly detrimental to the opera-
tions, because time was given to the townsmen, who worked
night and day, to complete their fortifications. Then the early
winter, the lengthened nights, and the severe weather usual in.
cold countries, the difficult transport of provisions, and the
want of warlike stores, altogether forced him to depart, with-
out doing any thing. --
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 623
LXIII. For some months after, sallies were Inaue, but with
no great advantage to either party, for the prospect round the
castle on every side being so open, prevented the rebels from
ever coming to action, or ever falling into any ambush; for a
signal from the heights easily admonished them to retire in
time. Once, however, when all the horse and foot had march-
ed out of the town, to intercept a few of the king's party, and
pressed closely upon them, who pretended to fly towards the
standards of some horsemen, who being observed emerging
out of a neighbouring valley, by the garrison in the castle,
they immediately gave the signal of retreat, on which the
rebels, before they approached where the ambush lay, began
hurriedly to retire, and fled in the greater perturbation, be-
cause, although they were warned of immediate danger, they
could not understand where, or how great it was. The few
horse who had before pretended flight, turning, so pressed
upon the rear of those who now retreated, that the foot break-
ing their ranks, ran for the city, each as fast as he could.
Many were wounded and taken, among whom were some
captains, and cornets of horse. * -
Lxiv. Whilst these skirmishings were carried on about the
city, more disastrous events took place in the north country,
particularly on the following occasion. The two families of
the Gordons and Forbeses, were possessed of the greatest
power and authority in the whole of that district. The Gor-
dons lived in the greatest harmony among themselves, and
had, with the king's permission, presided for many years over
several of the adjoining countries and greatly increased their
ancient wealth and influence. On the other hand, the For-
beses, constantly disagreeing among themselves, had wasted
their strength in their disputes; but neither of the families
had attempted any thing against the other for a number of
years, for they were connected by intermarriages, and rather
indulged in secret envy than open hatred. There was in the
family of the Forbeses, Arthur, a man of an active and ar-
dent spirit, and who, from the first of the discords, had al-
ways adhered to the king. He, thinking the opportunity fav-
ourable for illustrating his own name, and that of his clan,
and, at the same time, increasing the power of the party to
—º.
* 624 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
which he was attached, first endeavoured to restore concord
to the family, which, if effected, he dreaded no power in that
country. Having appointed a day, on which the whole clan
was to assemble for this purpose, Adam Gordon, brother of
the earl of Huntly, used every exertion to prevent the meeting,
and having secretly collected a number of his relatives, and
vassals, went with a great body of them to the place, and as
soon as he perceived the Forbeses coming in two parties, be-
fore they could join, he attacked the one, and Arthur fell at
the first onset. On his fall, the rest fled. Some gentlemen
were killed, and many taken. The others were afraid to stir
for some time, lest those who were taken prisoners should be
cruelly treated, and this fear was increased by the burning of
Alexander Forbes's house, together with his wife, who was
pregnant, her children and servants.
LXV. The elder brother of Arthur Forbes, the chief of the
family, on his house being taken and spoiled, narrowly escap-
ed himself, and came to court, where, although they were in
considerable difficulty themselves, they gave him, and the
nobles who were attached to his party, two hundred foot sol-
diers, and letters to the neighbouring nobility, exhorting them
to assist him. With this re-enforcement, joined to the other
Forbeses, and some neighbouring clans, he thought himself
sufficiently strong, but they wanted a leader, for the chiefs of
all the families were youths, and scarcely one sufficiently em-
inent above the others; and thus, through their discordant
counsels, John Keith-departed home, with five hundred horse
to his house, which was at no great distance. Alexander
Forbes, with his vassals, and about two hundred foot, march-
ed to Aberdeen, to drive Adam Gordon thence, and refresh
his men after their journey, Adam being informed of this,
advanced to meet his enemy, with no great force. Having led
his men out of the town, and forced the citizens to follow, that
he might have a greater show, he immediately, in the fields
adjoining to the town, briskly commenced the attack. The
royal infantry, through their keenness for the fight, followed
the Gordons too far, and running short of gunpowder, and
not being supported by their own men, betook themselves to
flight, chiefly annoyed by the archers. There were not many
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 625 -
killed of the vanquished, the battle having been fought in the
dark. A few were taken prisoners, among whom was Alex-
ander Forbes, after a long and obstinate resistance.
Lxvi. This success in the north, encouraged the rebels to
attempt greater undertakings, and therefore, in another part
of the kingdom, they determined to attack Jedburgh, a small
town, unfortified, as is the custom of the country, but inhabit-
ed by the bravest of citizens, who, in former years, had always
strenuously resisted the attempts of the rebels. In the neigh-
bourhood of this town, lived Thomas Kerr of Fernihurst, and
Walter Scott. These, besides their numerous ancient vassals,
had associated with them the three adjacent counties of Lid-
disdale, Eusdale, and Eskdale, always notorious for robberies,
but then, through the licentiousness of the civil wars, plunder-
ing without control, even distant places. There were also in
Teviotdale, some great families, who, infected by the contagion
of the country, as well as by the practice of driving away
booty from the enemy, were infamous for theft and robbery;
and not these only, but several from the English borders,
allured by the hope of poil, had joined them, and in addition,
they received from º, one hundred and twenty mus-
queteers, picked from all the regiments. The citizens of
Jedburgh, aware that they were aimed at, informed the regent
by express, of their danger, and asked but a few light armed
troops as auxiliaries. In the meantime, they were not them-
selves inactive. They sent to Walter Kerr of Cessford, and
having collected a great number of soldiers from the neigh-
bourhood, erected temporary fortifications round the town,
and the arrival of William Ruthven at daybreak, with one
hundred and twenty musqueteers, partly brought with him,
and partly collected out of the adjoining county of March,
was announced to both parties nearly at the same moment.
But the rebels, trusting to their numbers, for they were three
thousand strong, marched early in the morning towards the
town, to anticipate the arrival of the auxiliaries. Ruthven,
having suspected that they would do this, marched rapidly
after, and hung upon their rear, annoying them with slight
skirmishing. Walter Kerr likewise, having joined the towns-
men, marched straight towards the enemy, who perceiving this,
WOL. II. 4 K t
626 HISTORY OF SCOTLAN D,
in order to avoid a doubtful conflict, retired immediately to
safer stations. The robbers, who had been attracted by the
hopes of plunder, when they perceived the town secured from
violence, and the king's party prepared for fighting, departed
each to his own home, with as much expedition as possible.
The rebels, never imagining that their enemy would attempt
any thing more, especially as the winter was uncommonly
severe, and there had been a very heavy fall of snow lately,
went direct with their vassals, and a body of horse to Hawick.
But Ruthven, ever on the watch, set out a little after mid-
might, with his troops for Hawick, and before the enemy were
aware of his coming, was already within a mile of the town.
The enemy, astonished, were incapable of deliberation, and
horse and foot hastening out of the town, followed the course
of the next river, and endeavoured to make for a place of
safety. Being prevented in this by the celerity of their pur-
suers, the horse, acquainted with the country, dispersed and
escaped. The foot, leaving their plunder, took possession of
a small wood, on a rock near the river, where, being sur-
rounded by enemy's cavalry, and not daring to await the ar-
rival of their foot, they all surrendered. But as greater dan-
gers were to be guarded against, and in so severe a winter it
was impossible to carry prisoners about with him, Ruthven
dismissed them safe, after having disarmed them, and taken
their promise that they would appear on a certain day, retain-
ing only a few as hostages. When these were discharged,
Kirkaldy, under trifling pretexts, evading their promises, for-
bade them to appear at the day appointed.
Lxvii. The rest of the winter, and the whole of next spring,
was spent in skirmishing, in which few men were killed, but
more of the rebels than of the king's party. The rebels, when
they saw any opportunity, drawing out their men on the
neighbouring hills, but, in general, without almost waiting the
beginning of a battle they fled back again into the city. In
the meantime, many embassies came from England, for nego-
tiating a peace between the factions, but always failed; for the
queen of England, although she favoured the king's party,
yet wished such a peace as would render both the factions
subject to her. The French, who espoused the cause of the
.41
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 627
exile queen, prevented peace, and by their great promises,
hindered that party from putting an end to the war. They
sent, however, only as much money as rather encouraged
their hopes than assisted their enterprises, and even of that, a
portion always was nibbled away by the envoys.
rxviii. During these same months, some trifling affairs
took place, but nothing decisive on either side; neither did
burnings and plunderings cease in other parts of the kingdom.
Adam Gordon, having collected a band, entered Angus, and
besieged the house of Douglas of Glenbervie, and when he
understood that he was from home, he cruelly committed it,
and all that were in it, to the flames, which struck such terror
into those of Dundee, that they called in the neighbouring
garrisons of Fife to their assistance; for they were detested by
Gordon, on account of the constant fidelity they had shown
to the king's party. About this time, Blackness was betrayed
to the Hamiltons by the governor. That castle commands
the navigation of the Frith between Leith and Stirling. The
regent broke down all the mills near Edinburgh, garrisoned
all the noblemen's seats in the vicinity, and shut up every
avenue to the city. Many prisoners were taken on both sides.
Archibald Douglas, one of Morton's intimate friends, was
apprehended on a suspicion—which the baseness of his former
conduct, some letters seized when he was taken, and others
which passed between him and the rebels, afterward confirm-
ed—that he had assisted the rebels by his exertions and ad-
vice, and aided in transmitting them both money and arms.
:* * % 3. * 3.
After the destruction of the mills, garrisons being placed
in Craigmillar, Mercheston, Redhall, and Corstorphen, to
prevent supplies reaching Edinburgh, both the town and cas-
tle were reduced to the utmost extremity for provisions, while
the war between the parties was carried on with wanton and
useless barbarity, no quarter being given on either side, nor
was it till both had suffered severely from their mutual mer-
~ * *
628 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
ciless retaliation, that they would consent to return in some
degree, to the usual mode of civilized warfare.*
In this state of affairs, about the middle of May, there ar-
rived at Leith, as ambassadors, M. Le Croc, from the king of
France, and Sir William Drury, the marischal of Berwick,
from the English queen, for the ostensible purpose of negoti-
ating a solid peace. But at this very time, the French monarch
had remitted pecuniary aid to the captain of the castle,f and
Elizabeth was undermining the power of the regent, and in
secret treating with the earl of Morton.f Through their medi-
ation, however, an armistice was agreed upon for two months,
from the 1st of August, one of the conditions of which was,
fhat before its expiration, the estates should be assembled, to
consult upon the best means for establishing a final peace, and
if any difficulty should arise, which they could not themselves
adjust, they agreed to submit to the determination of his most
Christian majesty, and the queen of England.
About this time, the earl of Morton delivered up to lord
Hunsdon, governor of Berwick, the earl of Northumberland,
who had been long confined a prisoner in Lochleven, for
which he received a considerable sum of money. As he had
been indebted to this nobleman, during his own exile, for
protection, and had shared in his hospitality, the transaction
has been justly stigmatized, as ungrateful and ungenerous,
although the politician's usual plea of expediency, has been
used in extenuation. The unfortunate earl was carried to
England, and soon after, suffered as a rebel at York.
During the suspension of arms, news arrived in Scotland,
of the massacre of the protestants in France, a deed of unpar-
alleled infamy, whether the cool deliberate villany with which
the plot was laid, the dissimulation with which it was carried
forward, or the cruelty with which it was perpetrated be con-
sidered. ‘Seventy, thousand, persons were murdered in one
week. In every town and city of the kingdom, assassins were
let loose upon their unoffending fellow-subjects, the streets in
Paris literally ran with blood for several days, and the mon-
arch with his courtiers, from the windows of his palace, en-
*Bannatyne's Journal, 833, 361. # Spottiswood, 262. f Melville, 234,
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 629
joyed the inhuman spectacle, while he amused himself with
firing upon the miserable wretches, who sought shelter at his
merciless gates.” The virtuous and brave Coligni, and al-
most all the most estimable characters in France were among
the victims, who had been allured to court by the most per-
fidious promises, and fell the martyrs at once of their religion,
and of their unsuspecting integrity. Day after day, brought
fresh details of bloodshed and treachery to Scotland, and as
a number of the Scottish leaders were acquainted personally
with the chiefs of the French protestants, the sensation was
deep and powerful. But the blow struck at the Reformed
body, inspired the whole people with rage, terror, and abhorr
rence, while the pulpits resounded with denunciations of wrath
against the enemies of God, and his holy evangel. Nothing
could have happened more unfortunately for the prospects of
the queen of Scots, as it annihilated the French interest in
Scotland, and rendered those of her adherents who were pro-
testants, heartless in the cause of a princess, professing a re-
ligion which could authorize such horrible atrocities, and give
its sanction to the violation of the most solemn engagements,
while it directed all eyes towards Elizabeth and England, as
the bulwarks of the protestant faith.
At this juncture, the regent came to Leith, and used his most
anxious endeavours to effect a general pacification, to which
Sir William Kirkaldy, and those with him in the castle, did
not appear averse, only they wished for security for themselves
and their estates, and indemnification for the loss they had
sustained in the course of the war; [also, that the castles
of Edinburgh and Blackness, should be put into the hands
of persons not inimical to their party.] Articles to this effect
were proposed to the regent and council,t besides which,
Kirkaldy claimed for himself, that the earl of Morton should
resign the superiority of the lands of Grange, and that they
should in future, hold of the king. The regent, who sin-
cerely desired to heal the wounds of his afflicted country, and
was well acquainted with the duplicity of the English court,
* Sully's Memoirs, vol. i. Edin. Edit. M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 216.
Bannatyne's Journal, p. 388.
+ Spottiswood's Hist. p. 264.
630 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
was inclined to agree to these conditions," but Morton, who
was under the influence of England, and who dreaded the .
superior abilities of Maitland, affected to consider the terms
as too high, and his party being the more powerful in the
council, the regent was over-ruled, and the proposals were
rejected; the truce was, however, extended to the 1st of Jan-
uary. The regent, finding his pious endeavours thwarted,
worn out with the vexations and cares of public life, returned
to Stirling, where he died, as was generally supposed, of a
broken heart, October 29th. He was a man, respected and
beloved by both parties, of mild conciliating manners, and of
undoubted integrity, but he wanted that commanding energy
of mind, necessary for the ruler of a fierce people in turbul-
ent times, and during his regency, was able to effect nothing
of any importance. * J. A.
* Melville, p. 236. + Bannatyne's Journal, 397, 411.
END OF WOLUME SECOND,
RHULL, BLACKIE, & Co.
Printers, Glasgow. }
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