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I
E
T HE
Martial Atchievements
OF THE
SCOTS NATION
Being an ACCOUNT of the
Lives, Characters, and memorable Actions,
OF SUCH
Scotſmen as have Signaliz d themſelves by
the Sword at Home and Abroad.
A N D
A Survey of the Military Tranſactions wherein Scotland
or Scotſmen have been remarkably concern'd, from the firſt
Eſtabliſhment of the Scots Monarchy to this preſent Time.
By Patrick Abercromby M. D.
VOL. I.
Hic manus ob patriam pugnando vulnera paſi;
Quique fui memores alios fecere merendo.
Virgil. Æneid. lib. VI.
EDINBURGH,
Printed by Mr. Robert FREEBAIRN, and to be ſold at his Shop
in the Parliament-Clofs. MDCCXI.
UNIVERSITY OF MECHAN LIBURHES
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T 0
His Grace
J A M ES
DU KÈ of
H A MILTON, ;
U
Marquefs of Clydeſdale, Earl of Arran, Lanerk and
Cambridge, Lord Avan, Polmond, Machinſhire and
Innerdale ; Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lanca-
ſter, and Knight of the moſt ancient, and moſt noble
Order of Scotland.
MY LORD,
T
HAT I ſhould be equally fond and proud of
the Honour of Approaching your Grace, in this
Manner, is Natural: I very well know, that
your great Name will adorn, and raiſe the Value of
any Book it is prefix'd to; and as I could fall upon no
Means more likely to prepoſſeſs the Minds of Readers,
in Favour of my Performance, fo I humbly acknow-
ledge that, by offering it to your Grace, I do not at all
Compliment your Grace, but that I court the Publick
into a good Opinion of my felf. But,
have
d
The DEDICATION.
I have a nobler Motive than that intereſted one, of
gaining the Favour of the Publick : I do alſo an Act
of Juſtice and Duty. Your Grace is the firſt Peer of
Scotland: The Blood of all thoſe Kings, and moſt of
thoſe Worthies, whoſe Memories I endeavour to pre-
ſerve from Oblivion, runs pure and untainted in your
Veins. And did I not know, that one of your Ance-
ſtors was thought worthy of a Royal Confort ; That
another was not only Governor of the Kingdom, but
alfo,by Act of Parliament, declar'd to be what he really
was,in caſe the then Reigning Line had faild) right-
ful Succeffor to the Crown;That,as the illuſtrious Houſe
of Hamilton has, at all Times, fince its firſt Rife a-
mong us, produc’d moſt eminent Patriots, and ſome-
times, even Martyrs of Honour and Loyalty ; ſo that
of Douglas, from which you are fo lately deſcended, has
honour'd the Nation with a Race of Heroes, inferiour
to none of thoſe or Rome or Greece could boaſt of: And
in fine, That it has ever been the glorious Fate of your
Grace's Family to ſhare in that of the Throne, I mean,
to riſe and fall, to ſhine and to ſuffer Eclipfes in Pro-
portion to the Viciffitudes that have attended our So-
vereigns : I ſay, did I not know all theſe Things, ſo
honourable to your Grace's Anceſtors, your ſelf, and
your Poſterity ; yet I ſhould think my felfoblig'd to pre-
ſent your Grace with this Hiſtory of Scots Worthies,
preciſely upon the Score of your perſonal Merit ; the
rather, becauſe I'm convinc'd, that you'll view with
Pleaſure thoſe immortal Actions, Men ſo very like to
your
ſelf have atchiev'd, and you would, did the like
Circumſtances invite you,repeat.
What a Tender Concern your Grace has ever had
for your Country; what a dutiful Reſpect you have
pay'd to the Crown ; with what a diſintereſted Zeal,
with how much Labour,and with how great Charges,
you have, on all Occaſions, endeavour'd to promote the
true Intereſt and Glory of both, we all know ; and af-
ter-Ages (always more impartial
, and better inform’d
than
i
The DEDICATION.
than the preſent) will be ſenſible of. Whoever ſhall re-
cord the Tranſactions of this Time,and ſhall tell but na-
ked Truth, particularly, with Reference to the Noble
Efforts made towards enriching Scotland, by Com-
merce with the Indies, muſt needs write a Panegyrick
upon your Grace ; and your bare Name will then look
more ihining, than if join'd to the higheſt Titles, Pre-
ferment can give. I ſhall not anticipate upon the Work
of ſucceeding Hiſtorians;nor ſhall I preſume to incroach
ſo far upon your Grace's Patience and Modeſty, as to
mention any of thoſe innate and endearing Qualificati-
ons of your Heart and Soul, which render your Perſon
as lovely, as your Birth has made you great, and your
celebrated Endeavours, popular. What I have ſaid,is
only meant to ſhew your Grace, that you are in all Re-
ſpects concern'd with the Subject Matter of the follow-
ing Sheets ; and that I'm therefore by Duty bound, as
well as mov'd by Inclination, to dedicate them to the
Entertainment of your Leifure-Hours. Theſe Conſi-
derations will, I hope, obtain Pardon, for what would
otherwiſe be conſidered as a Piece of Vanity and Pre-
ſumption in,
My Lord,
May it pleaſe your Grace
Your Grace's
D
moſt humble,
moſt oblig’d and
1
devoted Servant
Patrick Abercromby,
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Τ Η Ε
P R E F A C E.
T
1
HE Scots Nobility and Gentry ( Men in all Ages accuſtom’d
to improve the Education they receive at Home by their after-
Studies and Travels Abroad) are, by the politer and more
judicious Part of the World, acknowledgʻd to be generally knowing and well-
bred. Among the other Qualifications they acquire that of being acquain-
ted with ancient and foreign Hiſtory, is none of the leaſt : And no wonder,
fince the Orders and inſtitutions, the Progreſs and Duration, the Succeſa
ſes and Decays, the Events and Revolutions, Laws and Cuſtoms of Rome
and Greece of old, and of preſent Italy, France, England and Holland,
are by various Authors fo excellently well related, commented and enlarg’d,
that they make the common Themes of Converſation and Reading, the Study of
Learn'd, and Entertainment of idle Men. Scotland, on the contrary, bas,
fince the Union of the Britiſh Crowns, made ſo ſmall a Figure in Europe,
and the Scots Hiſtory, tho fo elegantly written by the admir’d Bucha-
nan, is, for many Reaſons but too well known, particularly, the Loſs of
our ancient Records, to which no Scots Author, till of late, could have
Acceſs, in all the eſſential Parts of it ſo very lame and defective; and
its Veracity has been, by contending Parties among our ſelves, as well as
by our Neighbours (never heartily reconcil'd to their preſent' Friends and
Fellow-Subjects, becauſe of old their Enemies,) ſo much queſtion'd, that
even Scotſmen, more unccrtain what to credit concerning their own
Anceſtors, than thoſe of their Neighbours, ſeem in tbis Reſpect to be
more Strangers at Home than Abroad. From thence 'tis plain, that
ſuch a Hiſtory of this Part of the Iſland,as not only the Inhabitants of the
mbole,but alſo Foreigners met needs believe and depend upon is wanting. But
who ſhall undertake the arduous Work? Till all, or moſt Matters of Debate
and Controverſy ſhall be unravelld, and to the Conviction of the limpartial
,
made clear, (and that's a Task too hard for any one Man,) in my Opinion
no Body will. Indeed ſeveral Scotſmen have already laboz:r'd, and ſome
ſtill do with Succeſs towards this End. Encsurag’d by, and in Imitation
of theſe, I have ventur’d upon the preſent Attempt: But not daring to call it
Hiſtory, I have nam'd it, The Martial Atchievements of the Scots Na-
tion; and, by inſerting the Lives and Characters of Scots Warriors,
which is the Province of Biography,made it a Compound of both. A Me-
tbød and Way of writing quite new and unprecedented; but juch as I thought
6
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The P R E F A CE.
fo тапу
moſt proper to compaſs the Deſign I had in my View, which was to give as
diftinét' an Account as was poſſible, of all the important Tranſactions of the
Nition : For the Martial ones, their Cauſes and Effects, eſpecially when
join”d to the Lives of ſo many Warriors, muſt needs comprehend the whole.
This I could not do as Matters ſtand, I mean, while there are
Points controverted, without entering into frequent Reaſonings and nume-
rous Citations, and by Conſequence Digreſſions, the nice Rules of Hiſtory
do not allo- of : And (by Reaſon of the Diſtance of Time, Uncertainty of
Tradition, the Loſs of our Records, the conſequential Lameneſs of our Hi-
ſtory, the Party Engagements of our ableſt Writers, and the Contention of
Neighbours Junacquainted, at leaſt uncertain, with Reference to a great ma-
ny minute, but uſeful and agreeable Circumſtances, Biography requires, I
baveſteer'd a middle Courſe between if I may fayfo, Charybdis and Scylla.
But what I durſt not my ſelf attempt,a compleat Hiſtory of Scotland,or
an exact Biography of Scots Worthies , I flatter my ſelf that I have facili-
tated for others. I have done it I hope methodically, and am ſure, at leaſt,
ſince the Reign of Malcolm Canmore (for till then I had no certain Rule to
walk by)chronologically, and that is what, I'm ſorry to tell the World,no Scots
Hiſtorian has done before me. In the two firſt,Bookstbe Reader may expect to find
as much probability, (for abſolute Certainty cannot be look’d for where Authentick
Records are deficient) with Reſpect to the Antiquity of the Nation, the
Succeſion and Rights of our Kings, the Conſtitution of the State, our old
Law's ; our Quarrels with the Romans, Britains, Piets, Saxons and
Danes; our Friendſhip and League with the French, and more particularly
our Martial Atchievements and moſt noted Chiftains, as could well be
collected from the Writings of thoſe different Authors,who have handld theſe
Subjects apart. I dare ſay much more of the laſt Book, and ſecond Chapter
of the ſecond, I have taken them almoſt entirely (and they contain at leaſt tivice
as much Matter as is any where elſe to be found) from Engliſh
Authors, an:
from both Engliſh and Scots Records. By Conſequence, 1 aſſert nothing in
them, but what is genuine Truth, and I may ſay, abſolute Certainty; at leaſt,
when from theſe Vouchers I prove the Independency of our Church and
State; the Wiſdom, Piety, and Valour of our Kings; the Courage and Loyal-
ty of our Anceſtors; the unjuſt Encroachments of Engliſh Monarchs upon
us ; the Noble and Heroick Defence made by Scots Kings and Scots Wor-
thies; the Regard paid by foreign Potentates to the Kings and Kingdom of
Scotland ; the Right of the Bruce, in Oppoſition to that of the Baliol ; the
firſt Eſtabliſhment of Parliaments, &c. I hope 'twill be oin'd that I bid
fair to filence Contradiction, and have contributed my Part towards ena-
bling a better Pen to out-do myſelf, than which I wiſh nothing more.
As to the Authors, from whoſe Works I have drawn Materials, I have
every where cited them with a grateful Regard to their Merits.' i buve
many Reaſons to think Fordon the moſt ſincere, and beſt inform’d of our
ancient Hiſtorians; I have alſo a great Value for the Book intituld Ex-
tracta e Chronicis Scotiæ, the Chronicle of Melroſs, and the MS.
of Icolmkill; for which Reaſons, where theſe differ (as they frequently
do) from Boethius, Lelly, Buchanan, &c. I bave generally taken the
Freedom to remark upon their Diſcrepance. Beſides theſe, I have been
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very
ruch oblig'd to the two greut Ornaments of our Country, Sir Thomas
Craig, and Sir George Mackenzie :: I have been alſo much benefited by
the learn’dl Works of Sir Robert Sibbald, Sir James Dalrymple, and
Mr. James Anderſon, and fingularly oblig'd to my learn'd and mortby
Friends, Dr. George Mackenzie, John Urry A. M. of Chrifts-Church
Oxon, Mr. Thomas Ruddiman, the deceas’d Mr. David Symfon, and
Mr. John Adair, Geographer for Scotland ; beſides ſeveral other Anti-
quaries, as Alexander Baillie of Caſtle-kerry, Mr. Robert Milne
Writer to the Signet, Mr. Alexander Nisbet Profeſſor of Herauldry,
Mr. George Crawfurd Author of the Hiſtory of the Stewarts, Mr. Wil-
liam Smith Profeſſor of Philoſophy at Aberdeen, and Mr. William
Wilſon Clerk to the Seffion. In fine, I am, and ſo is all the Nation,
vaftly indebted to that generous and bonourable Sociсty
, the Faculty
of Advocates; by whoſe Favour I had Acceſs to their curious and coſtly
Library: From thence I had among many other Aſſiſtances, that ineſtimable
Treaſure, Mr. Rymer's Collections of Engliſh and Scots Records, than
which a greater 12-let to Light and Truth, with Reference to this Iſland,
the World cannot afford. That worthy Gentleman, bas, mithout doing
Prejudice to England bis native Country, made in ſome Meaſure amends
to Scotland, for the Miſchief King Edward I. did us, when he comman-
ded our Records to be carried away: By making them, at leaſt a great ma-
ny of them, publick to the World, be bas reſtored them to their rightful
Ömners, and enabld me to boaſt of more Matter and more Certainty, than
former Author's could either have, or in Reafen pretend to. I muſt like-
miſe do Juſtice to Mr. Tyrrel, as he has in the moſt material Tranſactions
done Fuſtice to us; and tho I have made bold to differ from him, us from
Mr. Echard, Mr. Barnes, and all others of all Nations, where I thought
them in the Wrong, (a Freedom Men of Candor and Ingenuity did ever give,
and ever take) yet I beg pardon of my own Country-men, to tell them, that
(not to mention Dr. Brady and ſeveral other Engliſhmen, who have left us
many
honourable Accounts of our ſelves, our own Writers knew nothing as
bout) Mr. Tyrrel alone has afforded me more Materials, and thoſe unexa
ceptionably well documented, towards compleating the main Defion of my
Book; I mean the Martial Atchievements of Malcolm Canmore, Si.
David, William the Lyon, the two laſt Alexanders, Robert Bruce,
&c. than all Scots Authors together. Nor have I confin’d my ſelf to the
Writers of this Iſland : French Records, which (after Examination, I find
exactly agreeable to thoſe publiſh'd by Mr. Rymer) and Norvegian Hiſto-
rians have been of no ſmall Vſe to me, and will tó any that ſhall undertake
Illuftrate our Hiſtory. Upon the Main, I am of Opinion, that no Him
ftorian ſhould offer to write the Tranſactions of his own Nation, without
conſulting the Accounts given of them by Foreigners. By this Means all
Hiſtorians may be improv'd, and Pofterity better acquainted with the Ages
bypaſt
, than with their own. The Reaſon is obvious, and it is this; The
ſecret Engines and hidden Springs, which gave Being and Motion to all
State Affairs we ſee and talk of in our own Time, are, while Animofities
continue, and Party-Principles prevail
, undiſcernable : But when theſe are
by Time worn out, and unbyals'd Men are let into the different Regiſters of
differing
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The P R E F Ä C E.
differing Parties; then ’tis, and not till then, poſſible to form a right Idea,
or of the Cauſes of Events, or of the Juſtice of Cauſes.
I have brought this Volume no further down than to the Death of the He-
roick King Robert Bruce: Whereas that of King David II. by Reaſon
that the Quarrels of the Father's Reign were firſt renew'd, and then en-
tirely laid afide in that of the Son, had been the moſt proper Period of
Time. Beſides, had I ended at the Death of King David, I had bad
Occafion to write the Lives of a great many Worthies, the Anceſtors of our
moſt illuſtrious Families ſtill in Being; but to ſay the Truth, I was not
unwilling to ſtop where I have mention'd; the rather becauſe the Competi-
'tion between the Bruce and Baliol (tho in it ſelf the moſt inſtructive and
entertaining Part of tbe Scots Hiſtory) the Encroachments of King Ed-
ward I. of England,
the Wars that enſu’d upon both, and indeed all the
Tranſactions of that Time, bave been hitherto fo little underſtood, and fo
confus’dly by all Authors, both Scots and Engliſh deliver'd, that to have the
Honour of ſetting theſe Matters in their true Light, as I thought no Time
however long and precious, miſ-ſpent, ſo I reſolu'd to ſpare no Labour nor
Charges. Hence ’tis, that the Bulk of this Volume has ſwelld confidera-
bly beyond what I propos’d, or the Publick expected : But if the Publick is
thereby oblig’d, I hope private Families will be the more inclinable to have
Patience, till fit Occaſions of doing them Juſtice, Shall come in my Way :
And these, fince I am henceforth to travel in the Sun-ſhine of modern Ages,
can no longer be manting. I have already given an Account of the Riſe
of fore Names, and written the Lives of three or four private Worthies,
on Purpoſe to give a Specimen; to others no leſs ancient, and as deſerving,
of what they may expect when the like Opportunities ſhall lead me to menti-
on them. 'Tis not properly my Province to write Genealogies, much leſs a
Baronage of the Nation ; yet where I meet with a brave Man, as I have
hitherto frequently done, ſo I ſhall continue to tell of what Family he was,
by Conſequence, the moſt Shining Glories that have ennobld it
. If I have
omitted to do this, as indeed I have ſometimes done, where I had fair Op-
portunities, with Reference to ſome of the oldeſt, greateft and beft
Families among us, 'twas for no other Reafon, but becauſe I was willing
to let thoſe concern d in them underſtand, by the Method purſu'd in my firſt
Volume, wherein I may fand in Need of Information for the ſecond; and
fore-
ſaw, that in it Opportunities yet more favourable will occur ; -and I would
avoid Repetitions.
I have on all Occaſions expreſs’d the great Value and ſingular Reſpect
I have for the greater and more flouriſhing Part of this Iſland, and its brave
Inhabitants, the Engliſh. From the real Glories of that mighty People,
I have been ſo far from derogating ; that, on the contrary,
where extold them; and where their Heroes have fallen in my Way, I have
not grudg’d them that deſeru'd Appellation. Nay, I have donc Juſtice to
the plendid Qualifications of thoſe very Princes by whoſc Ambition (a Pal-
fion indeed moſt pernicious to Mankind, but from great Souls almoſt infe-
parable) Scotland has been in a great Meaſure Un-nation’d. But
then I have expos’d and prov'd (and I humbly conceive I could do no
leſs) the Injuftice of their Pretenſions and Meaſures ; confeted the Partia-
and
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The P R E F A C E.
lity of moft, and Malice of ſome of their Authors ; and in Defence of our
orn Anceſtors ſometimes, but always unwillingly
, retorted upon theirs.
This was the more neceſſary at this Time, becauſe of the great Number of
their modern and preſent Writers, who copying after the more ancient, our
avom’d Enemies, ſeem to enter into their Pafions, and thereby to perpe-
tuate old Prejudices; I have, for the Benefit of after-Ages, and in order
to cement' our Amity, by fair Reaſoning endeavour’d to remove. Hom convin-
cing my Argument s will appear to others, I cannot tell; this much I muſt
ſay,
as I have had nothing but Truth in my View, ſo I have frankly given
ſeveral Points by my Country-men bitherto tenaciouſly, but, "I think, un-
juſtly and partially infifted upon ; and where I ſay ought that may ſeem de-
rogatory to England or Engliſh-men, I have quoted my Engliſh Vouchers.
What an uncommon Genius, what a diſcerning Judgment, what a re-
fin’d Tafte, wbat Purity of Language
, bow much Grandeur, Politneſs,
and at the same T'ime Šimplicity of Stile, both Hiſtory and Biography
require, I very well know, and am very far from pretending to poſſeſs :
And this is one of the Reaſons why, as I ſaid before, I durſt not aſſume
the Quality either of a Biographer or an Hiftorian.' When my Reader
is told, that 'twas my Fate to ſpend moſt Part of my Youth in foreign Coun-
tries, to have but view'd, en paſſant, the South Part of Britain, and to
have been more converſant with Roman and French, than with Engliſh
Authors ; he will not expect from me thoſe modiſh Turns of Phraſe, nor that
exact Propriety of Words, Scotſmen, by Reaſon of their Diſtance from the
Fountain of Cuſtom, ſo feldom attain to. But did the Court (to which even
Cuſtom tho reputed a Tyrant, becauſe in all Countries and Ages the abſolute
Miſtreſs of good. Breeding and good Language is a Slave) but ſometimes vi-
fit our more Northern Climate, I doubt not but Scoticiſms mould become
Faſhionable, and that to ſpeak and write Gracefully in the Britiſh, we ſhould
not be obligʻd to unlearn our Mother Tongue. However, 'tis Providential,
that Reaſon and common Senſe, unconfin’d to Limits, are the Product of
all Regions whatever ; of theſe, no one either Nation or Age, much leſs a
ny one Man or Party of Men is Fudge, but the Publick, that is, all Man-
kind in general, are and muſt needs be. 'Tis not poſſible, theſe, or the
Majority of theſe, can be obſtinate either in nauſeating a good Book, or in
applaudżng an ill one : Wherefore, as all Authors muſt
, whether they will
or no, so perſwaded that the Publick can by no. Apologies I could make for
mry Deficiencies be perſwaded into a Byas, I moſt beartily and humbly
ſubmit my ſelf to their unerring Cenſure; happy, when I come to under-
ſtand it, if in my after-Works, I ſhall be as able, as I'm ſure I shall be
willing, to make Amends for the Failures of this.
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Α Ν
A N
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Alphabetical Catalogue
Of ſuch of the
Subſcribers NAMES and DESIGNATIONS
as have come to our Hands.
Thoſe who are omitted (and I am certainly inform’d that there are a
great many of them both in Britain and Ireland) ſhall be gratefully in-
ſerted in the next Volume.
A.
Chriſtopher Bateman Bookſeller in London.
Andrew Bell Bookſeller in London.
John Bell of Crowdyknow.
IS. Grace John Duke of ATHOLE.
Robert Blacw of London Merchant.
The Right Honourable William Mar-
John Blair of Glaſclune.
queſs of ANNANDALE.
Mr. Alexander Abercromby of Tilly- Thomas Bois Writer to the Signet.
George Borthwick Chirurgeon Apothecary in
body Advocate.
Edinburgh.
Captain Alexander Abercromby of Glaſſoch. William Bowden of London Merchant.
Alexander Abercromby of Skeith.
Alexander Bower of Kincaldrum.
Alexander Abercromby Brother-German to
Hugh Bountein of Sellims.
the Lord Glasford.
Robert Boyd Writer in Edinburgh.
Alexander Abercromby of Brunſtein.
Daniel Brown Bookſeller in London.
Francis Abercromby Chirurgeon.
Sir George Brown of Colſtoun.
Sir James Abercromby of Birkenbog.
Alexander Bruce Apothecary in Edinburgh.
John Abercromby Merchant in Edinburgh
David Bruce of Clackmannan.
Stewart Abercromby Picture-Drawer.
Captain Henry Bruce Brother-German to the
Walter Abercromby of Brackenhills.
Laird of Clackmanan.
Mr. William Abercromby Miniſter of May- Captain John Bruce Brother-German to the
boll.
Laird of Clackmannan.
Patrick Alexander of Corſclays.
George Buchan Clerk to the Lords of Seſſion,
Mr. William Alexander Writer.
Commiſſioners of Parliainent to Teinds.
Mr. Alexander Aliſon Writer to the Signet. Major General Thomas Buchan.
James Alan of Saughtnell.
Nar. James Anderſon Writer to the Signet.
C.
John Anderſon of London Merchant.
William Arthur M. D.
He Right Honourable Robert Earl of
B.
The Right Honourable Gcorge Earl of
CROMARTY.
He Right Honourable David Earl of The Right Honourable
Lord
BUCHAN.
CLERMONT.
The Right Honourable JohnLord BOYL. Thomas Calderwood of Pittedy.
The Right Honourable James Maſter of John Callender of Weſtertoun.
BALMERINOCH.
Colonel Alexander Campbel of Finab.
Alexander Bailly of Adheſteel.
The Honourable Mr. Archbald Campbel Son
Alexander Bailly of Calins.
to the Lord Neil Campbel.
Alexander Bailly of Caſtle-kerry.
Archibald Campbel of Rachen.
Mr. James Bailly Writer to the Signet. Captain Dougal Campbel.
Sir William Baird of Newbaith.
Sir James Campbel of Auchinbreck.
Captain Benjamin Barton.
James Campbel of Stonefield.
William Bartram of Nisbety
James Campbel of London Merchant.
Diri
A
TEUCÉAN
Of the Subſcribers.
Mr. John Campbel Goldſmith in London. Robert Douglas of Auchinſchinach Collector
Sir Even Cameron of Lochycal.
in Glaſgow
William Carliſle Merchant in Glaſgow. Robert Douglas of Crookſton.
David Carmichael of Balmedy.
Major Walter Douglas of Bads.
Sir James Carmichael of Bonnington.
William Douglas of Fingland.
Aleýander Carnegy of Balconel.
Mr. David Drummond Advocate.
Charles Carnegy of Fineven.
James Drummond younger of Blair-Drum-
John Cargegy Son to the Laird of Kinfawns.
mond.
Mr. John Carnegy of Boyfack Advocate. John Drummond M. D.
Robert Carnegy of Balendary.
Lodovick Drummond of Weſter-fodels.
George Carruthers of Holdmains.
Williain Drummond of Machany.
James Carruthers of Roberthill.
Mr. William Drummond Warden of the Mint,
Mr. John Carruthers of Denby.
Alexander Dumbar Taylor in the Canongate.
Robert Carruthers of Ramerskails.
Alexander Duncan of Lundy.
William Carruthers Chirurgeon Apothecary Mr. Alexander Duncan Miniſter of the Go-
in Edinburgh.
ſpel at Glaſgow.
William Carruthers younger of Warmanby. Ralph Dundas
younger of Mainer.
John Chalmers Merchant in Galloway. William Dundas Merchant in Edinburgh.
The Incorporation of Chirurgeons in Edin- Mr. William Dunlop Son to the Laird of
burgh.
Houſe-hill.
The Incorporation of Chirurgcons in Glaſgow
Major William Clephan.
E.
The Honourable Mr. William Cochran of
Kilmaronock Son to the Earl of Dundonald.
HE Right Honourable Charles Earl of
William Cockburn M. D.
ERROL, High Conſtable of Scotland.
Mariſhall College of Aberdeen.
The Right Honourable John Lord
College and Univerſity of Glaſgow.
ELPHINGSTON.
Royal College of Phyſicians Edinburgh.
The Honourable Mr. James Erskine of
James Colquhoun Merchant in Glaſgow.
GRANGE, Lord Juſtice-Clerk,and one of
Mr. James Colvil Advocate.
the Senators of the College of Juſtice.
Mr. James Cook of Balnagich Miniſter of the The Honourable Mr. David Erskine of
Goſpel.
DUN, one of the Senators of the Col-
Mr. Adam Coult Advocate.
lege of Juſtice.
Thomas Couts of London Merchant.
The Honourable Sir Alexander Erskine, Lord
John Corſe Writer in Edinburgh.
LYON King at Arms.
Adam Craick of Arbigland.
William Eccles M. D.
Charles Craigingelt Eſquire.
Alexander Edgar Provoſt of Haddington.
Alexander Craw of Heughead.
James Idington Writer.
Mr. George Crawfurd Brother to the Laird | John Edmondſton younger of Broik.
of Carsburn.
Patrick Edmondſton of Newton-Edmondíton.
Mr.Matthew Crawfurd Miniſter of the Goſpel Mr. Charles Erskine Advocate.
Patrick Creighton Chirurgeon-Apothecary Colonel John Erskine of Carnock.
in Dundee.
Mr. William Erskine Merchant.
Thomas Creighton of Ruthven.
John Chryſtic Writer in Edinburgh.
F.
Mr. Patrick Cumine Miniſter at Ormeſtoun.
Sir James Cuningham of Milncraig.
John Cuningham Son to the Laird of Enter-|THE Right Honourable John Earl of
kin.
The Right Honourable Archibald Earl
Major Cuningham of Aiket.
of FORFAR.
Alexander Farquharſon Writer.
D.
John Farquharſon of Kirktoun-Aboyn.
Mr. Alexander Ferguſon of Iſle Advocate.
Is Grace Archibald Duke of DOUGLAS. Alexander Ferguſon of Craigdarnoch.
.
2
of DRUMMOND.
Archibald Fiſher Chirurgeon Apothecary in
The Right Honourable John Earl of DUN Edinburgh.
DONALD.
George Fleeming M. D.
The Right Honourable Lord John Drum- Patrick Fleeming of Barochan.
mond of BALEGERNY.
David Fotheringham of London Merchant
The Honourable Sir David Dalrymple Lord The Honourable Sir James Fowlis of COL-
ADVOCATE.
LINGTON ſometime one of the Sea
Sir Alexander Dalmahoy of that Ilk.
nators of the College of Juſtice.
Charles Dalrymple Merchant in Glaſgow. William Fowlis of Woodhall.
James Dalrymple of Dupragget.
Andrew Fraſer Merchant in Edinburgh.
Captain James Dalzel.
Sir Peter Fraſer of Dors, for two.
John Don Sheriff Clerk of Stirling. William Fraſer of Broadland.
James Douglas younger of Dornock. Mr. David Freebairn Miniſter of the Goſpel
Douglas of Strathendry, James Freebairn Superviſor of her Majeſty's
Exciſe.
David
The Names and Deſignations
)
:
David French of Frenchland.
Mr. Patrick Haldane, Profeſſor of Hiſtory in
the Univerſity of St. Andrews.
John Fullerton of that Ilk.
John Fullerton of Kinnaber.
James Haliburton of Pitcur.
Mr. John Fullerton of Greenhal, Parſon of David Hall Merchant in Edinburgh.
Paiſly.
John Hay of Pitfour.
James Henderſon of Laverocklaw.
G.
Robert Hepburn of Keith.
Patrick Hepburn of Smiton.
H Η
IS Grace George Duke of GORDON, Mr. Francis Home Brother to the Laird of
Wedderburn.
for three.
The Right Honourable William Earl | George Home younger of Wedderburn.
George Home of Argaty.
of GLENCAIRN.
The Right Honourable my Lady Jean Gor- Sir Robert Home of Rentoun.
don, Counteſs Dowager of DUMFERM- Jolin Hopepringle of Terſons.
Alexander Horſeburgh of that Ilk.
LING.
Alexander Garden of Troup.
John How Picture-Drawer.
David Garden of Laton.
Sir John Houſton of that Ilk.
James Hunter Chirurgeon-Apothecary at
fames Galbraith of Balgaire.
London.
Captain David George Merchant in Aberdeen.
James Hutcheſon Writer to the Signet.
Sir Thomas Gibſon
George Gordon of Gliſtirim.
I.
Mr. George Gordon of Sands Advocate.
George Gordon, Son to the Laird of Edin-
glaſlie.
HE Right Honourable James Lord
James Gordon of Allan.
James Gordon of Trocqhend.
Mr. William Jamiſon Profeſſor of Hi-
James Gordon, Son to Sir Gordon of
ſtory in the Univerſity of Glaſgow.
Achintoul.
Sir John Jardin of Applegirth.
Robert Gordon of Cluny.
Sir George Innes of Coxton.
Thomas Gordon younger of Earlſtoun.
Colonel James Johnſton in the Scots Guards
Sir William Gordon of Aftonbar.
of Foot.
William Govan younger of Drumquhafle.
Robert Johnſton of Wamphray.
David Graham Collector of her Majeſty's Thomas Johnſton Elquire.
Cuftoms at Newport-Glaſgow.
Mr. William Johnſton of Sheens.
George Graham M. D.
William Johnſton of Bearholm.
James Graham younger of Fintry.
John Irvin of Kincauſſy.
James Graham younger of Braco.
James Graham Merchant in Edinburgh.
K.
John Graham younger of Balgowan.
John Graham younger of Killern.
HE Right Honourable William Earl
Robert Graham of Gartmure.
of KILMARNOCK.
Thomas Graham of Balgowan.
The Right Honourable John Earl of
William Graham of Orchil.
KINTORE
Robert Gray M. D.
The Right Honourable William Viſcount
William Gray of Inverichty
of KILSYTH.
Sir Robert Grierſon of Lag.
The Right Honourable George Lord KEITH.
Mr. William Keir of Kinmonth.
Mr. James Guthric Miniſter of the Goſpel. Mr. William Ker Writer.
Alexander Keith Writer.
H.
Alexander Keith Writer.
Colonel Robert Keith in Lieutenant Gene-
HE Right Honourable Alexander Mar-
ral Maitland's Regiment.
ques of HUNTLY, for three.
Thomas Kincaid, Son to the deceas'd Tho-
The Right Honourable Henriette
mas Kincaid of Auchinreoch.
Marchioneſs of HUNTLY, for three.
The Right Honourable Alexander Earl of
L.
HOME.
The Right Honourable Wiliam Lord HE Right Honourable James Earl of
HADDO.
LINLITHGOW..
The Right Honourable Lady Jean Home The Right Honourable Charles Earl
Dowager of POLWARTH.
of LAWDERDALE.
The Honourable Mr. James Home of AI- The Right Honourable Hugh Earl of LOW-
TON, Son to the late Earl of Home.
DON.
The Honourable Mr. William Hay of The Right Honourable Patrick Count LES-
DRUMELIOUR, Son to the late Earl of LY.
Tweddale.
The Honourable Sir John Lawder of FOUN-
James Hacket M. D.
TAINHAL, one of the Senators of the
Williain Hairſtanes of Craigs.
College of Juſtice.
john Haldane of Lanrick.
Archibald Laniond of that Ilk.
Silveſter
TH
Of the Subſcribers.
.
N.
Silveſter Lamby M. D.
Meinzies of Pitfodels,
William Law Jeweller in Edinburgh. George Meinzies Writer.
John Lawder younger of Fountainhal.
John Meinzies M. D.
Williain Lermont M.D.
William Mercer Writer.
Charles Lelly Chancellor to the Cathedral of John Middleton of Balbegno.
Daniel Midwinter Book-feller in London.
Connor,
Gcorge Leſly of Balquhin.
Mr. Robert Miln Writer to the Signet.
William Mitchel Merchant in Edinburgh.
Mr. James Lely Sheriff-Clerk of Fife.
Mr.Alexander Lindſay Miniſter of the Goſpel Thomas Moncrief of that Ilk.
James Lindſay of Dowhill.
Captain James Moodie of Melſetter.
John Lindſay younger of Pitſcandly.
John Moor of Rowallan.
Cornet William Little of Stewartoun. Major Monroof Auchenbouie.
John Loch Merchant in Edinbnrgh.
Mrs. Jean Monro, Daughter to Sir Alexan-
der Monro of Bearcrofts.
Gcorge Lockhart of Carnwath.
James Lowis Writer.
Mr. Charles. Mordant, eldeſt Son to Lieuten
John Lowis younger of Marchiſton.
nant General Henry Mordant.
Robert Lowis M. D.
William Murray of Abercairny.
Mr. James Lyon Miniſter of the Goſpel Hugh Moſman Book-binder in Edinburgh
Mr. John Lyon Sheriff Clerk of Forfar.
David Mowbray in Primroſe.
Mr. Patrick Lyon Miniſter of the Goſpel at Anthony Murray of Dollory.
Kinghoru.
Sir Charles Murray of Dreghorn.
William Lyon younger of Ogle.
Gideon Murray Gent.
Mr. William Lyon Advocate.
John Murray of Philiphaugh.
John Murray of Touch-Adam.
M.
John Murray of Strowan-Murray.
Sir John Murray of Balmanno.
H Η
IS Grace James Duke of MONTROSE; 1 Patrick Murray Writer to the Signet:
William Murray of Spitlehaugh.
MARSHAL of Scotland.
The Right Honourable John Earl of MAR.
The Right Honourable William Earl of
MARCH:
The Right Honourable John Lord MOR- THE Right. Honourable William Earl
DANT. for two.
The Right Honourable Lord James MUR The Honourable Sir George Nicholſon
RAY, Brother-German•to his Grace the of KEMNEY, ſometime one of the Senas
Duke of ATHOLE.
tors of the College of Juſtice:
The Honourable George Lord MORDİNG- Alexander Nairn of Drumkilbo.
John Nairn of Greenyards.
TON.
The Right Honourable Lieutenant General William Nairn Baillie at Dalkeith.
Mr. Thomas Nicholſon,
Henry Mordant, for two.
The Honourable Henry Mordant,fecond Ŝon Daniel Norton of London, Merchant.
to the Earl of PETERBORROW for 2.
The Honourable Henry Maul of Kelly,
O,
Brother to the Earl of PANMURE.
Alexander Mackdonald of Glengary.
HE Right Honourable Patrick Lord
Mackdonald of Keppoch.
OLIPHANT.
George Mackenzie M. D.
Sir David Ogilvie of Barras.
Mr. George Mackenzie of Inchcouter. James Ogilvie Baillic of the Regality of Cows
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Seatwell.
par.
Mr. John Mackenzie of Delvin.
Sir John Ogilvie of Innerarity
Robert Macklellan of Barſcob.
Mr. John Ogilvie younger of Lunan Advocate
Robert Macklellan of Barclay.
Patrick Ogilvie of Balfour.
Alexander Mackye of Palgowan.
Charles Oliphant M. D.
Gilbert Mackye one of thečierks of the Bills. Laurence Oliphant younger of Gask.
James Malcolm of Grange.
Patrick Oliphant of Bacheltoun.
Mr. James Martin of Grange.
Alexander Ouchterlony of London Merchant,
John Maſterton Merchant in Edinburgh.
Sir Alexander Maxwel of Monreith Advocate
P.
Charles Maxwel of Cowhill.
Francis Maxwel of Finwald.
He Right Honourable Charles Earl of
John Maxwel of Midlebie.
PETERBORROW, for four.
John Maxwel of Steelſton.
The Right Honourable David Earl of
William Maxwel of Kirkonell.
PORTMORE.
Sir John de Medina Picture-drawer.
Hugh Paterſon of Bannockburn.
Mr. Alexander Meinzies of Coulterraws Ad - James Paterſon of Kirkton Advocate.
vocate.
John Paterſon Eſquire.
Alexander Meinzies of Garth.
Mr. William Paterſon Brother to the Laird of
Archibald Meinzies of Glenlyon
Bannockburn. d
Joha
THELIPHANT
The Names and Defagnations
John Paton younger of Grandhame.
Sir Archibald Stevenſon M. D. and Phyſician
Mr. Stephen Paton Miniſter of Newlands. in Ordinary to King Charles II.
John Peady younger Merchant in Glafgow. Charles Stewart of Ballechen.
Alexander Pennycook M. D.
George Stewart Bookbinder in Edinburgh.
James Pierſon of Balmadies.
Mr. Gilbert Stewart Merchant in Edinburgh.
John Pittillo of Balhouffy.
John Stewart of Innernyty.
Mr. David Plenderleith of Blyth Advocate. Thomas Stewart of Garntully.
Sir Robert Pollock of that Ilk.
Stewart of Appine.
Robert Porteous of Craig-lockhart.
Mr. Walter Stewart Adocate.
Porterfield of that Ilk.
Walter Stewart of London Merchant.
John Preſton of Whitehill.
James Stirling of Keir.
Mr. John Stirling Miniſter of the Goſpel, and
R.
Principal of the Univerſity of Glaſgow.
Sir Mungo Stirling of Glorit.
A
Ndrew Riddel of Haning.
William Stirling of Halbertſhire.
Alexander Syoſon Chirurgeon in Edinburgh.
Walter Riddel of Glen-Riddel.
John Riddoch Merchant in Edinburgh.
Alexander Robertſon of Strowan.
T.
Alexander Robertſon of Faskilly.
Alexander Robertſon Merchant in Perth.
T
He Right Honourable Charles Earl of
James Robertſon M. D.
TRAQUAIR.
Mungo Renie Merchant in Edinburgh.
Mr. John Taylor Parſon of Erskine.
Mr. Thomas Ruddiman Under-Keeper of the Robert Taylor of Mansfield.
Advocates Library.
John Tennent A. M.
Francis Rudel Apothecary in Edinburgh.
Sir David Threpland of Fingask.
Mr. John Trent Writer.
Robert Trotter M. D.
S.
Thomas Țullach Writer.
William Turing, Looking-Glaſs and Cabineta
THe Right Honourable William Mar-
Maker London.
The Right Honourable Francis Marchi- James Turner Bailly of the Lordſhip and Re-
gality of Dumblane.
onefs of SEAFORTH.
The Right Honourable John Earl of
V.
STRATHMORE.
The Right Honourable Williain Lord SAL-
Lexander Veitch of Glen.
TON.
The Right Honourable Francis Lord ŞEM-
PIL.
W.
The Honourable Mrs. Jean Sempil, Siſter to
the Lord SEMPIL.
I
He Right Honourable George Earl of
John Saintclair younger of Steinſton,
WINTON, for two.
Hercules Scot of Brotherton.
The Right Honourable John Earl of WIG-
Hercules Scot Merchant in Edinburgh
TON.
Colonel James Scot in her Majeſty's Foot The Right Honourable Archibald Lord
Guards.
WANDALE.
Robert Scot of Harden.
James Wachop Merchant in Edinburgh.
George Sempil A. M.
William Wachop of Niddry, for three.
The Honourable Sir Alexander Seton of PIT- John Wakinſhaw of Barrowfield.
MEDDEN, ſometime one of the Senators William Wakinſhaw of Scotſtoyn.
of the College of Juſtice.
Richard Wait Picture-Drawer.
Archibald Seton of Touch.
HughWallaceyoungerofIngleftounAdvocate.
William Seton Gent.
George Walker Writer.
Mr. John Sharp eldeſt son to his Grace the Mr. John Warren of London Merchant.
Archbiſhop of York.
James Watſon of Corntoun.
James Shaw one of the Clerks to the Secreta- Sir Alexander Wedderburp of Blackneſs.
Captain Daniel Weir in the Earl of Hind.
Andrew Symfon of Pendreich.
ford's Regiment of Dragoons.
George Skeen Merchant in Edinburgh, Mr. William Weir Advocate.
David Smith of Methwen.
Mr. Walter Williamſon of Cardrona.
Mr. James Smith Writer.
George Windram of Aymouth.
James Smith of Cammo.
John Wright of Kerfy.
Thomas Smith Merchant in Edinburgh. John Urquhart of Meldrum.
Mr. William Smith Profeſſor of Philoſophy John Urry A. M. of Chrifts-Church Oxon.
in the Mariſhal College of Aberdeen.
Colonel George Somervail.
Y.
Mr. John Spotifwood of that Ilk Advocate..
George Strachan Bookfeller in London.
H
• Patrick Strachan of Glenkindy.
IS Grace John Archbihap of YORK,
Alexander Stevenſon Advocate.
Joſeph Young Merchant in Edinburgh.
Thomas Young M. D.
THE
A Lexander Veitch of Glen
1
ry Office.
!
for two.
:
I
Τ Η Ε
Martial Atchievements
OF THE
SCOTS NATION
BOOK 1
1
From the Firſt Eſtabliſhment of the Scots Mo-
narchy in Britain, to the Diſſolution of
that of the Piets.
Cortaining the ſpace of about 1168 Pears.
Ć HA P. I.
From the firſt Eftabliſhment of the SCOTS MONARCHY by
FERGUS I. To its total Eclipſe ünder EUGENE I:
Containing the ſpace of about 689 Tears.
N°
Nation, whether now in Being, or extant only upori Re-
cord (I except the priviledg’d Jews, formerly the Favorites
of their Preferver and Founder GOD Almighty,)can give any
tolerable or ſatisfying Accounts of it's own Origination :
That of the Latines lyes hidden with their firſt King Saturn, who
flying ( as is pretended ) from the unnatural Rebellion of Fove his
Son, abſconded Himfelf in that Country, call'd Latium or Italy, from
the 'Word Lateo; which ſignifies, to Hide, or Abſcond: We have no-
thing but Fables concerning the firſt Plantation of Fabulous, tho’
Learn'd, Greece; and Egyptian Darknefs over-clouds the firſt Monårchs
and People of Ægypt
. 'Tis not to be expected that the Medes, Af-
ſyrians, Perfians, Phoeniciaris, &c. all Barbarians ( at leaſt ſo reputed
and term’d by theſe poliţer Nations; I mention'd but now ) can ac-
count better for there Riſe or Progreſs. If we ſhall take a nearer
View of fucceeding Ages and Revolutions, modern Itdly, we'll find,
after innumerable Devaſtations and Invaſions, came at laſt to be poſ-
feſs’d by the Lombards; Pannonia, by the Hunns; Spain, by the Goths,
A
and
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
2
others, un-
certain.
a
C
C
and Vandals; Gaul,by the Francs; and the Southern parts of Britain,by
the Saxons or Engliſh: But from what Corners of the Northern For-
The Ori- reſts and Mountains, thoſe irrefiftable Swarms of People firſt creep’t
Bine action, out, ſome may attempt to Conjecture, but none, I humbly conceive,
as that of all can reaſonably pretend to know. Hence 'țiș, that it can be thought
no matter of wonder that SCOTLAND, by far the moſt Ancient
of all European States, ſhould, like others, be ignorant of the Hi-
ſtory of its Original Ínhabitants.
Moſt Antiquaries (a) aflert, that the Scots came from [reland';
the Iriſh from Spain and theſe again partly from Greece and partly from
Ægypt : But Modern Authors, eſpecially Foreigners, are for the
moft part of Opinion, that the Scots are nearer a Kin to their now
Neighbours the Engliſh, French, Spaniards, &c. who all-own, and
ſome boaſt their Gothick or Scythian Origine. • The Scuts ( fays Sir
William Temple ) who Conquer'd Scotland and Ireland, and pof-
(ſeſs’d them under the Names of Albin Scuts, and Irin Scuts, I
gueſs to have come from Norway, and to have retain’d more of
" the Ancient Scythians ( before the Goths came into thofe Parts ) both
in their Language and Habit, as that of Mantles; and in the Cu-
« ftom of removing from one part to another, according to the Sea-
' ſons, or Conveniencies of Paſture. Dr. George Mackenzie (b) coin
cides in his Sentiment with that of Sir William, which he endea-
vours to ſupport by a great many Learn'd Obfervations and Argu-
ments from both Ancient and Modern Authors : And indeed he bids
very fair to prove, not only that the Scots are originally Scythians,
and that they came from Norway to Scatland, but alſo that there are
greaterPreſumptions for believing, That the Scots in Ireland came from
the Scots in North-Britain, than that the Scots in North- Britain ſhould
have come from Ireland.
There are probable Arguments adduc'd by both Parties; and to
tell the Truth, I think, they’re only probable : Certainty we can-
not look for, in a Matter that at ſuch a Diſtance of Time admits
of none : Objects are not to be ſeen, when too remote from the
bounded Eye, and, as Darkneſs cannot be Diſpell’d, while Bodies,
like the Earth, Opaque, intercept the Rays of Light, and impede
their Advances to our ſide of the Globe; fo 'tis impoffible we can
have a clear View or diſtinct Idea of things paſt, when Hiſtory is
Dumb, and Tradition Various. Beſides, 'tis not my Pro-
vince to Write of our Anceſtors, whether Scythians, Iriſh, or Britiſh;
properly ſo calld: My Subject confines me to the MilitaryTranf-
actions of the ALBIN SCOTS.
But here again I'm ſtopt e'er I can be allow'd to enter the Ca.
* ommence- reer; Scotland ()boaſts of an uninterrupted Series of 112 Sovereigns,
ent of the that, till this time, have ſway'd its Scepter, fince Fergus I. who be-
y in North- gan to Reign 330 Years before the Chriftian Æra commenc’d: Than
which, there's nothing ſo glorious, nothing equal or ſecondary in
its kind. By this Account, Scotland has remaind a Monarchy, and
(c)Monarchs of the ſame unſpotted Blood and Royal Line have Go-
vern'd
1y
ritain.
(a) Boet. Fordon, Buchan.&c.(6) Vid. Mackenzie's Preface to the Lives of Scots Writ. vol. 1. (c)Boet,
Buchan. Joan. Maj. Leſly. &c.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation . 3
tion contra-
verted.
vern'd it, upwards of 2000 Years : Whereas, according to their
own Hiſtorians (d) France has laſted hitherto but 1309 ; Spain
1306 ; England 918; Poland 719; Denmark 920°; Smed-
land 900 ; The Empire of the Romans in Germany 831 ; and
that of the Turks but 420. The Empire or Kingdom of China, 'tis
own’d, is of an Older Date than Scotland ; but then,
fix ſeveral times,
upon their own Records, (e) the Race of their 'Kings has been
chang’d by Civil Wars, and they have been four times Conquerd
by Foreign and Barbarous Forces ; Nay, at this very Day, a Tar-
tår Race fits on the Throne inſtead of a Chineſe. Since therefore
Scotland has ſuch a Pre-eminence over the very Pretenſions of all o-
ther Nations, with reference to their reſpective Antiquities and
Races of Kings ; 'tis no great wonder that ſome of our Neighbours,
(and theſe are but few, and but late Authors,) have, through
Èmulation and Jealouſy, attempted to ſtrike out of the Catalogue Tile An-
of Scots Monarchs, no lefs than 39, and to Date the S.ots Go-the' sco: Na-
vernment in North-Britain from about the Year of our Lord 503.
This Controverſy was ſtarted by Luddus in the Year 1592 ; Camb-
den took the Hint from him, as did afterwards the Biſhop of St. Aſaph,
and Dr. Stilling fleet from both: The laft Three were Men Emi-
nent for their Learning and Parts; but, as Engliſh-Men in all Ages,
prejudic'd againſt a Rival,but leffer Nation; which nevertheleſs thé
immenſe Treaſure,refin’dPolicy,nor Numerous, well Diſciplin'd and
better paid Forces of mighty England could never Deject fromEquali-
ty in all things, butWealth. Arch-Biſhop Ulher a Man whoſeExcellen-
cies the Learn'd and Pious will ever Reſpect, and the Iriſh of late
(for of Old they thought otherways ) have made the like Attempts
upon the Scots Antiquities, and the Race of their Kings. Men of
ſuch a Character, both Engliſh and Iriſh, could not fail to profelyte
ſome few Foreigners, as Du Chefne, Pere L'Abbe, and Thomas Boſinse
into an Opinion, which, by depreffing but one Nation, flatters the
Pride and raifes the Pretenfions of moſt others their own in particular:
Butallin vain:Scots Writers have maintaind with their Pens the Rights
and Territories, Scots Heroes firſt gain’d, and then preferv'd with
their Arms; and what thefe effected by Dint of Sword, thofe have
made good by dint of Thought, and force of Argument. Thus
Dempſter, Camerarius, Buchanan, Sir George Mackenzie, Sir Robert
Sibbald, Sir James Dalrymple, &c. have foil'd the contending Party
in each Rencounter: Their Reaſonings are ſo many Demonſtrations,
at leaſt ſuch as the Subject allows of to the impartial Reader. So that
'tis Matter of Wonder, that amidſt ſuch Light, any one ſhould be
found to remain in the Dark : Yet there is ſuch an one (f) but juſt larly by Dr.
now ſprung up, Anno 1705. Dr. Marthevo Kennedy an Iriſh-Man. Kennedy an
am loath to Detract from the Merits of any Perſon or People:
The Iriſh in general are endow'd with Qualifications, I more incline
to Magnify, than to Impare; but, fine vitiis naſcitur nemo. They
have alſo their Failures, and I'm ſorry that Stealing and Robbing,
I
Particu-
Irifla-man.
A 2
(d) Vid. Tablettes Chronologiques pręfentees au Roy de France par Pierre Mortier Ann. 1680:(c) Vide
Sir Will. Temple's Eſſays. (f) Vid. Kennedy's Chronol. Genealog. and Hift. Diſſert, of the Royal Family
of the Stuarts.
4
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
6
C
6
C
6
I mean not Herds of Cattle, but Crowds of Worthies, ſhould be
reckon’d among thoſe of that Nation. He's juſtly thought Poor,
who
Boaſts of a Stock, not his own; and the Bird of the Fable was but
meanly ſet out, when Adorn’d, or rather Disfigur'd with the Pea-
cock's Feathers. The Doctor's Scope, next to the Honour he de-
ſigns to his own Country, is certainly to Illuſtrate the Ge
nealogy of the Royal Stuarts : 'Tis true, he begins with cut
ting off Thirty Nine of their Predeceſſors and Progenitors Kings
of Scotland. This
, one ſhould think is no very obliging Compliment
paſt upon them ; but ſee how liberally he afterwards
atones for the
inconſiderable Dammage, in lieu of 39 Scottiſh,he favours them with
61 Iriſh Progenitors, reckoning from Fergus II, the firſt of the Scots Mo-
narchs in Britain, as he ſuppoſes, back to Mileſius,who reign'd in Ire-
land 1300 Years before the Birth of our Saviour;and This Mileſius be
makes the 26th Degre incluſively from Noe the 21ſt from Niul a Son
of Fenius-farſa King of Scythia, a Prince very knowing in all the
* Languages then ſpoken ; the 10th from Gaedhal-Glaſs a Cotempo-
rary with Moſes and Pharaoh, the 17th incluſively from Heber-
Scot an excellent Bow-Man.
This is certainly a moſt ancient illuſtriousOrigine, and a wonder-
ful amazing Deſcent; but, How is it made good ? " Thus; Ireland is
an Iſland divided from all the Earth, tho four ſeveral Colonies
'came into it, before that of Mileſus ; yet all thoſe four, as well as
this laſt, were originally Scythians ſprung from the fame common
ſtock Magog, the ſecondSon of Japhet, --ſpake all one Language,--had
the ſame Cuſtoms,--had Druids, Bards-- Poets and Antiquaries : the
Mileſans were never invaded by the Romans, and, tho afterward
brought to be govern'd intirely by the Engliſh Laws,-- yet they had
their own Rules for Regiſtring and preſerving their Records. The
Jews were able to preſerve exactly the Pedigrees of Families:-- the
Genealogy of aCarpenter is carry'd back to David a King --People
were appointed to write down all the men of Quality'sPedigrees;&
that by Laws grounded upon the wiſeConſtitution of Olave-Fodhlá,
who died 927 Years before the Birth of our Saviour. All Princes
and Chiefs of Noble Families were allow'd One or more Antiqua-
ries;--the MonarchTudal-teactevar towards the middleof the 2dCen-
tury of Chriſtianity, made a Law that all Antiquaries ſhould pro-
• duce their Hiſtorical and GenealogicalCollections; which were to
• undergo a ſtrictExamination by a Committee of nine Perſons of the
National Aſſembly, three Kings, three Druids, and three
Antiquaries ; and what was by them approv’d, was tranſcrib’d
into the Royal Book of Tara. After the Converſion of the King-
dom to Chriſtanity three Learn’d Bifhops, inſtead of the three
‘Druids were appointed to be of this Committee; of which number
«St. Patrick himſelf was one : Tranſcripts and Copies of this Royal
• Book were kept in ſeveral Churches; as the Books of Armagh, Čaf-
Shel,&c.The Monarch Tigernmas,who died Anno before Chriſt 1207.
ordain’d that the Profeſſors of Learning ſhould wear ſeven Colours
in their Garments, one leſs than the Kings, and one more than the
great
C
C
C
C
C
C
C
زد
6
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation.
5
C
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C
greatest Nobies were allowed to wear. Ollave-fodbla, who died above
900 Years before the Nativity of our Lord, erected the firſt publiek
"Śchool at Tara, furniſh'd it with Profeſſors and Stipends,doc...The
• Monarch Ugane-more, Anno before Chriſt 520 wrote ſeveral Valumes
of the Laws, ac Ængus Ollave, another Monarch, who died
• Anno before Chriſt 449, was calld Ollave, or Doctor, for his great
Ability in the Sciences.
The Monarch Cormac-Wlifada, who
died in the Year of Chriſt 293. wrote an excellent Treatiſe of the
• Education of Princes, which is ſtill extant in Odugan's Collections,
now in the Houſe of Clan-Ricard. The Iriſh had their Letters
or Characters before the Romans were a People; ſeveral Manu-
'ſcripts quoted by Uſher,Waræus, Lynch, O Flaherty,&c. cannot be Prin-
ted, the miſerable Condition the Iriſh are reduc'd to, making them
uncapable to ſupport the Charge.
Theſe are the Arguments and Vouchers adduc'd to arraign
the Veracity of Scots Hiſtorians, to Un-nation a Kingdom, and to
Annihilate its Kings. Spectatum admili, rifum teneatis, Amici.
I would be ſerious, but am afraid, left I ſhould ſeem to jeft
with Mr. Kennedy : When I only tranſcribe his Words, I need not
attempt to confute them: They reſemble not ſo much the Fictions of
Poets, as the Dreams of the Sick: Theſe are equally falſe and im.
probable ; thoſe have, or ſhould have an Air of Truth. Sir George
Mackenzie has already, in a great meaſure, evinc’d from Iriſh Manu-
ſcripts; and the Right Honourable
, the Earl of Cromarty promiſes
(and what one of his Lordſhips eminent Quality, and more eminent
Parts,is pleas’d to promiſe, ſure he will perform) to ſhew from Records
and Writers of the fame Nation, that the Scots were ſettld in Al-
bion, long before the Birth of our Saviour." şince therefore thiş
Truth is, and will be ſo plainly made out by the Learn'! Men I have
mention'd; and ſince the Writings of moſt of them are ſuch, as will
ftand the Shock of Time and Obloquy; 'twere in vain for one of my
inferior Reach and Reading, to attempt what they have already ef-
fected, to the Conviction of all Readers, not altogether wedded
Prejudice or Envy. Nevertheleſs, becauſe every one has not
had the Leiſure; or Opportunity, or Curioſity to peruſe their Works ;
and more particularly, becauſe 'tis neceſſary to lay down a ſolid
Foundation and Ground-work to fuch Structures we mean ſhould laſt:
And in fine, left I my ſelf thould be thought to take up with Fables,
and to build upon Fiction, I beg leave of my Reader, to hint, once
for all, at a few of the many Authorities, Arguments and Vouch-
érs, that aſcertain the Being of theſe Worthies, and the Truth of
thoſe Things, with which I am about to entertain him.
Cæfar tells us, (a) That before his Time, Britain had its
• Prieſts or Druids, that the Gauls ow'd their Diſcipline and Lear- The Ve
'ning to them, and that they had the uſe of Greek Letters or Cha- Facity of the
“racters.TotheDruids fucceeded the firſt Monks,and as'tis certain that rians prov’d.
thefe laft did Record the Tranfations of their Times ; ſo 'tis not im-
probable, but that the firſt had done the like in the more early Ages : 1
B
But
to
(1) Cæl. Bell, Gall. lib. 6.
o
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
But I ſhall ſuppoſe, the Druids neither could, nor did write, yet the
Tradition contraverted is at moſt about Eight Hundred Years ;
and Men liv'd ſo long, at that time, that Ten or Twelve Generations
might have tranſmitted it to one another : 'Tis own'd that this
was the Province of the Sanachies and Bards; beſides, 'tis unque-
ſtionably true, that at the Coronation of the Scots Kings, one ap-
pear'd and recited their whole Genealogy (a) back to Fergus
1. Witneſs the. Old Highland Gentleman in Alexander lli's.
time. The like Cuſtom was obſerv'd
at the Interment of Princess
and is to this Day in moſt Highland Families, not only at Burials;
but when the Ceremonies of Baptiſm and Marriage are perform’d.
The Scots were, among the firſt of Nations, bleſs' with the Know-
ledge of Chriſt'Tis own’d, (b) that the Monaſtery of Hy or Icolm-Kill;
was founded about the Year 560; that the Scots Kings were Buried,
and their Records kept there, till the Reign of Malcom Can-more ; nei-
ther did the Religious in Pailly Scoon, Plufcardin, Abercorn, and
Melrofs fail to compile and preſerve the Hiſtory of Scotland, and
Scots Kings. From thoſe, and from the Druids,Verimundus a Spaniard,
Arch-Deacon of St. Andrews, Anno 1076, owns that he compild
his Hiſtory of Scotland. And if anyone ſhould pretend that Verimun-
dus is perhaps but a ſuppofititious Author, ſince now no where to be
feen, he'll find his Miſtake, by peruſing not only (c) Chambers of Org
mond, a Senator of the College of Juſtice, who wrote his Hiſtory Anno
1572 ; but alſo Sir Richard Baker, who cites Verimunduk, and Joan-
nes Campellus another Scots Author, who wrote the Hiſtory of his Na-
tion Anno 1260, and Turgot Biſhop of St. Andrews, who did the
like Anno 1698. Theſe Three are likewiſe cited by Chambers, nay,
and by Hollinſhed (d) an Engliſh-Man. Now, as the firſt Monks
Copy'd from the Druids ; and Verimundusi Turgut, Campbelli &c.
from the firft Monks; and from theſe, Richardus de Sancto Victore, For-
don, &c. ſo did Boethius, Lefly, Buchanan, Spotifſwood, &c. compile their
excellent Hiſtories from all the former. ; as alſo from the Chroni-
cles of Abbacies, publick Records, and private Charters extant in
their Time. Hence'tis, that the Learn'd Foreigners, and the beſt
Antiquaries among them,do pay the Scots Hiſtorians, (Boethius in par-
ticular, tho he ſeems to border the neareſt of any of them upon
Fable and Fiction ) that Reſpect, and to give them that credible
Affent, that's due to the Veracity of Grave and Judicious Hiſtorians :
Witneſs Geſner, Eraſmus, Paulus Jovius, Voſſius, Sixtus Senenſis,&c.And
how could they in Reaſon do otherwiſe ? Eſpecially when they ob-
fèrv'd that the earlieſt Engliſh, down to the lateſt ( except the few
Adverſaries with whom I debate ) muſt, tho diſſonant from one
another, as to Circumſtances of Time, Place, and Perſons, yet all
agree in this, That the Scots Eſtabliſhment in Britain, is of a very
oldDate, anterior by far to King Fergus II. Thus Gildas a Britain, who
was born in 498,and ſo wrote about the 540,after the Ruin and Dif-
folution of the Britiſh Kingdom, declares, (e) That he knew nothing of
the
1
(a) Fordon. Major. Baldredus Abbas Rynalis. (6) St. Alaph.
I Go and 460, (e) De excid. Brit,
(c) Chamb. pag. 13. (d) Hollinſhed pag.
.
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nation.
c
--
the Scots
, but what he was forc’d to borrow from beyond Seas
. Had not
the Scots been ſettld in Britain till 503, (as is pretended )Gildas had
not been fo much in the Dark ; nay, he had ſeen and witneſs’d their
firſt Arrival. After Gildas, comes Nennius, alſo a Britain ; he flou-
riſh'd in the Year 720, (a) and was, it ſeems, better acquainted
with the Scots Nation than Gildas: For he tells us in the Preface
to his Hiſtory, (b) That he compild it from other Hiſtorians, and
partly from the Scots.
The Scots then had Hiftorians in thoſe
Days; nay, whoever will caſt his Eye upon this Author, will find
that he makes the Scots Nation as ancient in this Iſland, as
the fuppos'd King Brutus. (c) Beds, the firſt Engliſh or Saxon Hifto-
rian, brings down his Hiſtory to 734, and, very fairly, places the
Scots among the old Inhabitants of this Iſe: Nay, he tells us (d) The
Britains firſt poffeßd the South Parts of the Iſland ; that after them came
the Piets to the Northern parts, and thereafter the Scots under Reuda
made a Third Nation in that part belonging to the Picts. And having
thus Settid the Scots and Picts with the Britains, he proceeds
to Settle the Fourth Nation, viz. The Romans, beginning with theſe
Words; But this Britain was unknown, and not enter'd upon by the Ro-
mans till Julius Cæſar's time. 'Tis plain then, that, according to Beda;
the Scots had à Being, and that in Britain, before the Days of Julius
Caſar; and that they fought in Conjunction with the Pitts, againſt
the Romans, is as Evident: For he ſays elſewhere,. That Seve-
rus built a Wall to Defend againſt the other unconquer’d Nations, viz.
The Scots ånd Piets, two Over-ſea or Tranſmarine Nations, ſo callid,
not becauſe they liv’d and were ſettļd'out of Britain, but by reaſon that
they were ſeparated, from that part of Britain, the Romans had conquerd,
by two Seas, which did almoſt meet : And in this he agrees exactly with
Tacitus, who tells us, That there being a Wall built betwixt theſe two
Seas ( the Fort) and Clyde ) the Roman Enemies were pent up as in
an Iſland. But why ſhould I dwell ſo long upon Beda's Teſtimony ?
Had the Scots ſettld in Britain only in 503; this Venerable Author
had never dignify'd them, as he does, with the Appellation of Priſci
Incola, nor rank'd them among the Ancient Inhabitants. From
the end of Beda's Hiſtory, which falls about 734, to the Reign of
Henry I. Anno illo, the Engliſh have no certain Hiſtorjan, and but
few Writers, as is and muſt be acknowledged by themſelves. (e) For
this and other Reaſons ’tis, that their Teſtimonies, with Reference
to the early Ages they never ſaw, and from whence they had no
proper Means of Conveyance, deſerve but little or no Credit:
However, ſuch as they are;in this Point they're on our ſide. (e) Hol-
linſhed ſays, That Scotland had in the Days of Brutus Tm Kingdoms,
the one call'd Pictland, and t’other Scotland, which I hope, adds he; nó
wife Man will readily deny. Caxton (e) in his old Chronicle of Eng-
land, tells,Tbat the King of the Scots afſifted Caffibelan, King of the Bri-
tains againſt Julius Cæfar. In Fine, Baleus, (f) an Author, ſome have
highly commended, is ſo juſt, aś to own that the Scots Hiſtorians
BB
wrote
(a) Tho. Gale. in his Preface ad Hift. Brit. Sax. &c. Script. XV..(b) Script. edit. a Tho. Gal. Oxon. .( Bed.
i.
1. cap. 1. Eccl.Hift. (d) Bed. lib. 1. cap. 5. & 12.(e) Vid. Scotland's Sovereignty afferred by Craig, pag. 3).
40.41.&c. (f) Præf. part. poſt.
of
The Martial Archievements Book I.
wrote --
6
ܝܝ܀
were.
1
ex incorrupta Annalium fide. But to proceed to more Con-
vincing, becauſe more Foreign Authors ; Eumenius (a) in his Pane-
gyrick on the Emperor Conftantius, ſays, “ That the Britains,whenCafar
Conquer'd them were a rudeNation,accuſtom'd to Fightonly againſt
(the Picts and Iriſh of the Britiſh Country, Enemies half Naked; and
that therefore they eafiły yielded to the Roman Arms andEnfigns.If ſo,
there was another People beſides the Picts,who then inhabited Britain,
viz. The Iriſh, that is, Scots för in the Language of that and ſome after-
Ages, the Words Iriſh and Scots were Synonimous, equally appli-
cable to the Britiſh or Iriſh Scots : Whether theſe or thoſe were the
Eldeſt
, is not the Queſtion ; One original People they certainly
The ſame Eumenius, in the ſame Diſcourſe, has theſe
Words, Neque enim ille, non dico Caledonum aliorumque Pictorum filvas
paludes ſed nec
Hiberniam proximam,nec Thulen ultimam. --- dignabatur ec-
quirere. Now, what is meant by Caledonum filva do palutes, we learn
from Latinus Pacatius Drepanius, who, in his Panegyrical Oration to
Theodoſius the Elder (6) tells us, ' That they were Scotorum fiive, and
that the Emperor had reduc'd the Britiſh Scots to their Mariſhes and
• Forreſts. l very well know, how varioully Adverſaries have inter-
preted, or rather wreſted the senſe of theſe, Paflages : But to ſpeak
nothing of Buchanan, who is own'd a Maſter of the Latin Tongue, we
find that foreph S.aliger a competent Judge, 1 humbly conceive;
and Guidus Pancirollus (c) with many others, underſtand the above-
cited Authors, in the Senſe I have exprelt; and generally, all Cri.
ticks, Ancient and Modern are agreed, that when Roman Authors
Ipeak of the Caledonians,they mean the Britiſh or Albin Scots : Hence
'tis, that Scotlands Antiquity is prov'd by Valerius Flaccus, who ſpeak-
ing of the Emperor Veſpaſian, with whom the Scots were in War,
the Year 70 after Chrift, ſays,
Caledonius poftquam tua carbafa vexit
Oceanus Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos.
And by Martial as follows,
Quinte Caledonios, Ovidi, viſure Britannos,
Et viridem Tethyn, Oceanunque patrem.
I ſhall make no mention of Tacitus in this place, he's an irrefra
gable Voucher of the Scots Antiquities, as elſewhere I ſhall have oc-
caſion to ſhew. But why do not the Roman Authors deſign the
Scot s plainly by the Name of Scots, as they do the Gauls
, Spainards,
Britains, &c? The Reaſon is obvious, theſe laſt were Conquerd by
them, they had Acceſs into their Countries, and could not be miſ
inform’d of tlieir Appellations: On the contrary 'cis certain, That
Romani Imperii fuit olim Scotia limes.
Beſides, 'tis a Miltake that they were intirely ignorant of the Sco-
tiſh Name, if we may believe the moſt Learn d and Judicious (el)
Scaliger, who reads the following Verles of Seneca thus,
Ille Britannos ultra noti littora ponti,
Et cæruleos Scoto-Brigantes dare Romuleis
Colla
Ta Pag. 258. (b) Pag. 248. Edit. Plantin, (y comment, ad notis, Imper. Occid. pag. 159. (d) Nut,
Lib. Tibul. and in his Notes on Eufebius,
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nairon. 9
7
Colla catenis juffit.
Florus the Poet is no leſs expreſs in the Anſwer he made to Hadrian
in Spartian.
Ego nolo Cæſar elle
Ambulare per Britannos,
Scoticas pati pruinas.
Hadrian was never in Scythia, but is known to have made War
upon the Northern Britains, and to have caus’d the Vallum Hadriani
to be Built as à Frorſtier to Repel their Attacks : We cannot then
with any ſhadow of Reaſon read Scythicas in place of Scoticas ; nor
is there any reaſon why Scythia ſhould be thus join'd to Britannia; be-
ſides, the pruina Scotica were famous about that time ; for fo Claudian,
Tile Caledoniis poſuit qui caftra pruinis.
This laſt Author mentions ſo very often, and ſo exprefly the
Scots, as a People fetl'd in North Britain, and ſtated in a conſtant En-
mity with, and Oppoſition to the Romans, that he alone, were all
others ſilent, is Proof againſt all the Cavils and Objections of Ad,
verſáries : But of him afterwards.
Heğilippèus, (a) where he brings in Ben Gorion diffwading the Fews
from fighting againſt the Romans the Conquerours of the Earth,
makes him fay, that even Scotland Trembles at the Roman Arms Trea
mit hos Scotia, quæ terris nihil debet, that is, which ov's Homage to no
place. This cannot be meant of Ireland; as Camden would have it;
ſince Ireland was never invaded by the Romans, much leſs by their Em-
perors in Perſon; we all know that Scotland was: For the ſame Beña
Gorion adds, that when Generals of the Roman Armies attack'd theſe
Nations, they were repell’d, but that they ſubmitted to the Yoke
upon the approach of the Emperors. He adds that Veſpaſian com-
forted Nero, when diſcourag'd upon the Rebellion of the Jews, by
telling him, that his Captains had Conquer'd all the Weſtern World,
Gaul, Scotland, &c. The original Hebrew word in the Text is Veeh-
kojiah, and this Munfterus tranſlates Britannia, inſtead of Scotia; as
fairly as ſome others, who, when they read Scotia, pronounce it Ire-
land; by what Rule of the Grammar or Syntax, is more than Ik
Scotland was then a Nation, and was ſo call'd in the days of Veſpaſi-
on and Nero, that is; not 68 Years after Chriſt.
Ammianus Marcelinus, (1) who wrote about the Year 360, tells us
,
that the Scots and Picts haraſs’d the Country; and St. Jerome()in his
Letter, cites Porphyry, who liv'd in the 3d Century under Diocletian;
conſequently above 200 Years before the 503: His Words are.“ Nei-
"ther Britain a Province fertile of Tyrants, nor the Scotiſh Nation
knew Moſes, and the Prophets. He afferts elfewhere and Dr. Mac-
kenzie (d) has made it plain) that Pelagius was a Scots-man Born in the
Neighbour-hood of Britain ;a convincing proofin the Judgment ofthe
moſt learn'd Baronius (e) that there were Scots in Britain, and that
thofe were Chriſtians at that time, viz. Anno 354, in which Pelagius
was Born; elſe how could they have been Pelagians ſo very ſoon after.
C
But
(a). De excid. Hierof. lib. 5 cap. 15. (b) lib. 20. (c) Lib: 2. ad Jovan. (d) His life of Pelag, (e) tom.
p. 537.
1
TO
TWe martial Archievements Book I.
the Iriſh a-
confuted.
But ſtill it may be urg’d, that had the Romans known the Scots by
that name, we ſhould not only read it more frequently in their ear-
lieft Authors, but ſhould have had ſome of their Emperors digni-
fied with the Sirname of Scoticus, as we find they have been, with
thole of Germanicus, Parthicus, Britannicus, &c. To this I anſwer, that
the Name was not univerſally appropriated to the whole Nati-
tion, but rather to a part of it, at that time, nay, not till after Ken-
meth II, had about the Year 834 ſubdued the Pitts, and incorpora-
ted them into one Nation with our Anceſtors: But of this more after-
wards.
I could fill up whole Volumes with Citations and Arguments
to the ſame purpoſe, but as I my self am tyr’d with the Drudgery of
collecting, abridging and tranſcribing, ſo I fear I have weary'd
my Reader with Proofs more than ſufficient to convince him. I ſhall
have done, how ſoon I have ſpoke a little to the Pretenfions and Ob-
jections of the Iriſh.
There was a Period of time, wherein the Scots in Ireland and thoſe
The Ob- in Britain were by Foreigners, who obſerved them both to ſpeak
jections of
the ſame Language, wear the ſame ſort of Garments, and follow
gaint the much the fame Cuſtoms, almoſt indifferently call'd Scoti and Hiberni:
of Scotland Nay, 'tis reported, that Ireland, as being the larger Country ( for a
great part of North Britain was then poſſeſs’d by the Pičts ) was
call?d Scotia Major, and Britiſh Scotland, Scotia Minor. As for this
Diſtinction of Scotia Major and Minor, 'tis but of yeſterday, and is
nothing elte but the meanProduct of groundlesVanity:For asSir
George
Mackenzie (a) very well obſerves, either Ireland was call'd Scucia
Major before the year 1000, or only fince: If the firſt, then at that
tine Britiſh Scotland was alſo call'd Sotia Minor ; but this is contrary
to the Affertion even of Uſher and St. Alaph: If the Diſtinction had
its Rile after the Year 1000, ſure it was then, if-ever, a moſt ridi-
culous Invention ; for by this time, to ſay nothing to the Detri-
ment of the much obſcurer Iriſh, Scotland properly ſo call’d, made
no mean Figure amongſt the other European Kingdoms, of whom a
great many could not vie with it, either in Extent of Territories,
or Numbers of People, or Military Fame; and yet after this time it
was, that a petty Prince of Ulſter, in a Letter (6) to Pope John
XXII, had the front to expreſs himſelf in theſe terms, Behdes the
Kings of Leſl r Scotland, who all came originally from our Greater Scot-
land. Who is oblig'd to believe him upon his word, or who told
him ſo? And this is the firſt Teſtimony adduc'd by Úher, to evince
the pretended Diſtinction. His ſecond and laſt is a Patent of Sigif-
mund the Emperor, to the Convent of the Scots and Iriſh of Greater
Scotland in Ratisbon. Sure the Dailh Monks muſt needs have drawn
that Patent,for who but Monks,and Monks of that Nation,could in the
14. or 15 Century, that is, I take it, but Yeſterday, ſo far impoſe u-
pon Foreigners, as to tell then that their Country ought to be
call’d Scotia Major? I conclude then, that the Diſtinction is equal-
ly groundleſs and falſe, fince Arch-biſhop Uſher, in all his Reading
i
!
up
can
(a) Antiq. of Scotland, p. 167. (6) Uſher p. 724. and 737.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. II
ز
а a
>
!
can find no better Authority for it, than theſe borrow'd and magni-
fying names, us'd long after he himſelf acknowledges that Irelaid
had entirely loſt the Name of Scotia, and tlrat it was by all Ages
and Languages appropriated to North Britain. But
That Scotland was by forreigners callid Ireland, and that Ireland
was, for theReaſons I mention d aboveSometimes call’dScotland of old,
is undoubtedly true. Thus Oropus about the Year 417, calls the In-
habitants of Ireland Scoti; and Ifidor Hifpalenfis, who liv'd in the Se-
venth Century, has theſe Words, Scotia eadem & Hibernia.
That
Scotland was alſo call’d Ireland, is evident from numbers of Teſtimo-
nies : I ſhall inſtance in one ; Sanctus Beanus is in the Roman Martyro-
logy delign'd. Epiſcopus Aberdoniæ in Hibernia; now this Beanus was
certainly a Scots-man, he is mention’d in the Scots Chartularies and
Hiſtories, and the Mortifications, granted to him by King Malcolm 11.
in 1010, of the Lands of Murthlack, Cloveth, &c. are yet extant; (
nay, his. Tomb is to be ſeen in the Cathedral of Aberdeen, at the
poftern Door of the Church.
That the Britiſh Scots were in the ſame manner calld Hiberni, is
equally evident; for Eumenius, ſpeaking of them, has theſe Words,
Hiberni Soli Britanni, the Iriſh of the Britiſh foil : Whether they were
defign’d ſo from a part of North-Britain call'd ferne, now Strathern,
or from Ireland, fuppos'd to have been their Mother's Country, I do
not enquire: 'Tis certain, that in that period of time, Scotia and
Hibernid, Scoti and Hiberni, were ſynonimous Terms in the mouths
of Foreigners : And hence 'tis, that in After-ages, the Modern
Iriſh, to magnify themſelves, laid hold on the Equivocation, to rob
Scotland of its Country, Chriſtianity, Kings, Saints, Writers, Mona-
fteries, and what not ; but this will not do.
I have already evinc'd, and afterward ſhall, as occaſion offers of
Courſe, that the Britiſh-Scots had a Being in Britain before the
Birth of Chriſt, and that whatever is ſaid that's great or glori-
ous, by the Romans and others, of the Ancient Scots, is applicable
to the Progenitors of thoſe, and of thoſe only that now inhabite the
North part of Britain. I have alſo ſhewn that the Scots Hiſtorians
are Men that have obtain'd, and deſerve as much Credit as any
whoever : Nay, the very Íriſh Records aſcertain thoſe of the Scots
or if they all do not, they muſt be forg’d and falſe, fince contradictory
to one another : For Sir George Mackenzie tells us, that he himſelf
faw an old IrishGenealogy of the Kings of the Albin Scots, agreeing
with that mention'd in our Hiſtory at the Coronation of King Alexa
ander II. and another old Manuſcript, wherein the Dalreudini, Alba-
nach or Scots are conſider'd, as ſetľd in Britain, fix Generations before
Eric, whom Vlher calls the Father of our Kings. But to determine
the Queſtion in one Word, and to demonſtrate the Vanity of ſuch,
who, like Dr. Kennedy, would have us to believe that there are or
ever were Old and Authentick Manuſcripts, Hiſtories or Docu-
ments of whatever kind, that vouch their modern Pretenſions ; I
need but to cite that moſt accurate, judicious and laborious Antiquary
Sir
و
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(a) sir George Mackedzie's Defence, &c.
1 2
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
Sir James Ware; to his excellent Works, the World is oblig'd for all
thať can be with Reaſon deliver'd or credited concerning the Iriſh
Nation: And, to be ſure, if any ſuch Manuſcripts, Hiſtories, &c.
had been to be ſeen and rely'd upon, he had given us an account of
them : He, I ſay, who wanted not the Means, and made it in
a great meaſure the Buſineſs of his Life, to clear the Antiquities,
and to write the Annals of that Country in which he was born,
bred, and prefer'd to Honour, Riches and Truſt; and who beſides
is ſo partial, to the Aſtoniſhment of the Learn'd, as to rank the
moſt Eminent of the Scots Writers, Miffionaries and Saints, from
the Fifth Century down to the Sixteenth, amongſt the Iriſh; and
that for no other Reaſon I can ſee, but becauſe they are faid and
own’d to be Scots or Scoti; an unpardonable Error in ſo great a Man,
but ſuch as the Learn’d Dr. Mackenzie has Confuted, to the Satiſ-
faction of all that have perus’d his firſt Volume of the Scots Writers :
I would not have mention'd this Miſtake of Sir James Ware, but
to ſhew that ſince, to honour Ireland, he has injur'd himſelf; 'tis not
to be thought that he would have omitted to illuſtrate its real Glo-
ries. Now let us ſee what a People the Iriſh were of old, and, till of
late, when they were Conquer'd by the Engliſh, in the Opinion of
this great Man : And thence 'twill eaſily appear how vain their Pre-
tenſions are, either to Authentick Hiſtory or folid Learning of any
fort:
He tells us, "That (a) in their Hiſtories there's much Falſhood,
that 'tis probable they had their Origine from Britain, both by
(reaion of the Vicinity of Britain, and the eaſineſs of the Paſſage; as
(alſo from the Conformity of the Language and Cuſtoms with thoſe
ofthe Ancient Britains: And if ſo, for theſe very Reaſons, that part
of Britain which lyes neareſt to Ireland, whoſe Language they ſpoke,
and whoſe Cuſtoms they follow'd, muſt have been their Mother-
Country ; ſo that Dr. Mackenzie is in the Right to have deduc'd
the Iriſh from Scotland, and not the Scots from Ireland : For 'tis not
to be ſuppos’d that the Britains would have ventur’d their Lives in
thoſe times, when the Art of Navigation was ſo little known, and
faiļd from the South-parts of Britain in ſearch of unknown Lands,
while the North of their own Iſland lay waſte : But the North be-
ing likewiſe Peopld, I ſee no Reaſon why from thence Colonies
might not have paſs’d over, tho’ but in Corraghs or Fiſhing-Boats, to
the enjoyment of Lands that lay in their View. But to return to
Sir James Ware, he goes on and tells us, ' That to aſſign the exact
Time when Ireland was firſt inhabited, cannot reaſonably be ex-
pected ; that of old the moſt Potent of their Kings ( for Ireland was
then a Pentarchy) aſſum'd to himſelf the Government of the
whole Iſland, and was call’d King of Ireland, and by ſome, King
of Kings, as one to whom the other inferior Kings allow'd the Su-
preme Rule ; that they obtain'd the Monarchy, not by any So-
lemnity of Coronation or Anointing, nor by any hereditary Right,
or propriety of Succeſſion, but only by force of Arms; that moſt of
G
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6
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thoſe
(a) Sir James Ware's Antiquities of Ireland Edit. Dubl, 1705. P. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, &c.
Chap. I. Of the Scots Nation. I 3
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thoſe Kings died a violent Death, and as amongſt the Romans,
' Galba killd Otho, Otho Vitellius, &c. ſo many of thoſe Kings of
Ireland, who had ſtain’d theirHands in the Blood of theirPredeceffors,
were rewarded alike. That the Cuſtom of creating Kings in the
North of Ireland was this; The whole People of the Country being
aſſembld, a white Beaſt was ſet in the midſt of them, to which the
Candidate making his Approach, like a Beaſt upon all four, pro-
feſs’d himſelf to be a Savage Beaſt
, and preſently the Beaſt being
' kill'd cut to peices, and boild,he bath'd himſelf in a Chaldron of the
Broth prepar'd for him, and together with the People feafted upon
the Fleſh of the Beaſt, and drank of the fame Broth, wherein he
(had been waſh’d, putting his Lips to it without any Veſſel, or
(the uſe of his Hand; which done, his Kingdom was confirm'd to
him. That in the Election of Oneal, a Shoe was thrown over the Head
of the Elect:That Legarius was the Son of Oneal; that heReign'd Anno
463; that he purpoſely omitts the Predeceffors of this Legarius, be-
cauſe moſt of what is deliver'd of them, is either fabulous, or very
much intermix'd 'with Fables, and without Chronology. That
the petty Kings of particular Provinces are ſometimes falily called
Kings of Ireland; (He inſtances in ſeverals.) That what was taken from
Strangers, as tho' done for the publick Good, was eſteem'd Com-
mendable, but that their Judges calld Brehons, at certain appoin-
(ted times, in the open Air and uſually on a Hill, ſeated on Clods
of Earth, determin'd what Controverſies happen'd amongſt their
Neighbours, according to the Cuſtoms in uſe amongſt them; ( and
what ſtrange Cuftoms theſe were; I ſhall have elſewhere an occaſion to tell.)
That the Inheritance of the deceas'd was equally divided among
the Sons, both lawfully and unlawfully begotten. That there were
indeed in Ireland wall’d Towns before the coming of the Engliſh in
Anno. 1170, as Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, Wexford, and Cork;
but that they were built by 'the Eaſterlings or Danes, who had
conquer'd thoſe parts of the Iſland, but that the Native Iriſh had
no walld Towns, and their Houſes were neither Marble nor Brick;
nor ſubterraneous Caves or Dens, but made of Hurdles, and co-
ver'd with Straw or Ruſhes; that from this poor ſort of Building
among the ancient Iriſh, it comes to paſs, that we have ſo few
ſigns remaining of any Houſes of Caſtles built by the Kings of Ire-
land, before the coming of the Engliſh, that therefore, when Rodeo
rick Ó Conner King of Conaught in the Year 1161;( not very long ago )
built a Stone Caſtle at Tuiam, it was ſo new and unuſual in thoſe
times, that the Iriſh calld it the wonderful Caſtle. That when
Malachias 0 Morgair Archbiſhop of Armagh, who was cotempo-
with St. Bernard, ( and St. Bernard is none of the Fathers of the
Primitive Church, but a very Modern one ) began to build a Stone
Oratory at Benchor, like thoſe he had ſeen in other countries ;
it was the wonder of the Natives. And in fine, that at Temoria
now Tara, ( the principal Reħdence of the Iriſh Kings, the ſeat of Ju-
ſtice, the place appointed for National Aſſemblies, and
where, if we believe
Dr. Kennedy, the Royal Book or Touchſtone of all others was preferu'd)
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14 The Martial Atchievements Book I
“there is not the leaſt Sign or Remainder of an ancient Building to
be ſeen.
I am heartily ſorry that I have been forc'd thus to expoſe a People,
tho it was done to my Hand, whom, for their Gallantry expreſs'd,
eſpecially in Foreign Wars, their unconquerable Attachment to, and
Zeal for what they think Juſtice,and their other good Qualifications,
too numerous to relate, I Eſteem and Honour ; but for this they muſt
blame the provoking Vanity of ſome of their own Country-men: And
I muſt beg Pardon to think that the judicious Reader, who
confiders the Obſcurity of their firſt Origine, which I own they
need not be aſham'd of, no more than their Neighbours, their Savage
Cuſtoms never diſüs'd till the Reign of our King James VI. and 1.
of England, their lawleſs and ever unlettid Government, the Multi-
plicity of their jarring Kings, the confus’d unknown State of their
Affairs, their long and great want of Commerce or Correſpondence
with Foreigners, their unſuccesful Wars with the Superior Norvegia
ans and Danes, their Subjection to the Engliſh, their Sloth, and its
Attendant, Poverty; and infine, their Negligence and Unskilfulneſs
in improving their excellent Country, or ſo much as in Building
an Oratory or Houſe with Lime and Stone: I beg Pardon, I ſay,
to think, that the Reader who conſiders all theſe things, will not be
eaſily impos’d upon ſo far, as to ask ſeriouſly, as Dr. Kennedy
does in his Preface, What Nation in Europe can vie with the Iriſh in
the point of Antiquity of Learning ? Nay, rather what Nation in
Europe does not out-do them in this point ? And who, but they, did
not before the Year 1161, contrive and build Towns, Fortreſſes,
Caſtles, at leaſt ſubterraneous Caves or Dens to preſerve their own
Perſons, as well as the Records of their Country from the Injuries
of the common Air?
Thus I have, tho not in ſo few Words as I deſign'd, endeavour'd to
remove all reaſonable Scruples that have been ſtarted in Oppoſition to
the Veracity of Scots Hiſtorians, my Vouchers in the fubſequent
Sheets. If what I have ſaid, ſeems to any one not altogether
fatisfying, (for 1 pretend not to have exhauſted the Subject ) I muſt
refer him to the Works of theſe Gentlemen I have cited above, para
ticularly to Sir George Mackenzie's Defence of the Antiquity of the
Royal Line of Scotland, an Advocate, of whom it may be ſaid, as
of the Roman Orator Cicero, that he was never caſt in Judgment,
when he pleaded in Earnieft : After him, I have but glean'd for the
moſt part; and now I haſten to my Subject. .
Whether the Scots or Pięts have the Honour of Precedency, with
reference to their firſt Arrival and Settlement in the North parts of
The Ori- Britain, is uncertain; neither is it known, as I ſaid before, froin
gine of the whence they had their Origine. Some are of Opinion, that the
of the Scots, Picts were originally Germans, and that they came to Britain from
Denmark or Cimbria ; others derive them from the Piętones in France;
others from the Scythians or Thracians; and others in fine contend
(a) that they were properly Britains, that they ſpoke the ſame
Lan-
(a) Hitt. of the iscis prinica Euin, Anu 1707.
uncertain.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation.
15
1
i
, the ſame
Language, had much the ſame Laws, Cuftoms, and Manners; and
that, as the Britains, they had an Artificial way of Colouring or
Painting their Bodies: Whence they were in After-agesby Foreigners
( for what Appellation they gave to themſelves, no Author re-
lates ) callid Pilti or Picts. This ſeems evident from theſe Verſes
of Claudian,
Nec falſo nomine Pictos
Edomuit.
And elſewhere,
Ferroque notards
Perlegit exanimes, Picto moriente, figuras.
For my part, I very much incline to be of this laſt Opinion,
notwithſtanding of all the Arguments that have been adduc'd to
the contrary : Nor am I averle from thinking, that the Scots and
Iriſh were alſo originally Britains, and that they, as the Picts,
came but in After-ages by their reſpective Denominations: For 'tis
remarkable, that the Scots Highlanders, to this day, neither deſign
themſelves (and ſure they are the true Scots, if there are any ſuch )
nor thoſe that inhabit the lower Countries, by the Name of Scots :
So that, it ſeems, this Appellation, if ever it has been appropriated
to our earlieſt Anceſtors, was, as Buchanan conjectures, worn out by
Time, and begun to be renew'd, at ſooneft, in the days of Seneca, but
not riveted nor current till a little before Claudian. For,
Multa renaſcentur, quæ jam cecidere, cadentque
Qua nunc ſunt in honore vocabula, ſi volet uſus,
Quem penes arbitrium eſt, jus norma loquendi.
Or it has been apply'd to the North Britains and Iriſh at firſt,
only by Foreigners, for ſome peculiar Reaſon: As for Example,
becauſe theſe people were obſerv'd to make uſe of a particular fort
of Shields, in Latine, Scuta, whence Scuts, and thence Scot or Scoti may
perhaps have been deriv’d. Now, granting that the Britains, Scots
and Piets were of Kin to one another, or rather one and the ſame
People, originally Gauls or Belge, whoſe Language they all ſpoke,
as Buchanan (a) has evinc'd, with ſome little variety,as to the Idiom :
Government, or were ſubject to the fame Matters : On the contrary,
we know (b) that they were divided by Factions and Tribes, gave
Obedience to different Princes, had their various and ever-jarring
Intereſts, and this, and nothing but this, brought them all ſucceſſive-
ly, or to ſubmit to the Roman Yoke, which was the Fate of thoſe in
South-Britain, or to relinquiſh their Native Soil, as the Scots were
conſtrain’d to do: For, as Tacitus has it, Dum finguli pugnant, uni-
verſi vincuntur. This was certainly no deſireable State : However,
it had at laſt this good Effect, that it gave Riſe (c) to the Scottiſh and
Pietilh Monarchies, much about the ſame time.
THESE
(a) Rerum Scoi. tib. 2. (6) Tacit, in vita Agricol. (c) Ford. Boeth. Lefl, Buchan. &cco
D 2
IÓ The Martial Atchievements Book I.
T
330.
He was
his own
bood.
Heſe two People, who liv'd as yet without any orderly Form or
Conſtitution of Government, were too near to one another, (the
Scots poſteſs’d the Highlands and the Picts the lower and better
Country adjoining to the German Sea,) not to have occaſions of offer-
ing, and too fierce to forbear reſenting Injuries : They quarreld a-
bout, I know not what, Trifles, and the Britains, glad of the long'd
for Opportunity to ſuppreſs them both, firſt heightn’d the Quarel
by their Infinuations, then join’d in it, at leaſt promis’d ſo much a-
gainſt the Scots. Theſe faw from afar, and dreaded the approaching
Fergus I. Storm; they wanted a Leader to command them, but found
one
King ofscot- in the perſon of Fergus I. a young Martial, and ambitious Prince;
beforeChrif, he help'd them out of the threatn’d Miſchief, made them a Nation;
( for hitherto they could not be call’d fo) and himſelf a King. He
reign'd gloriouſly, and was ſucceeded by a numerous Race of Sove-
fucceeded reigns, all of his Blood, for the moſt part Brave and Good, tho it
by a nume- muſt be acknowledg’d, that others were notoriouſly Vitious; and pro-
of Kings of vidence permitted that theſe laſt, were either Depos’d, or Murther’d
by Men, generally more Wicked than Themſelves : Yet as Biſhop
Lejly obſerves ſo deeply was Reſpect, Love and Loyalty rooted
in the Hearts of the Nation in general, that as reſenting, barba-
rous and fierce, as they then were, no Provocation, Reafon nör Force,
could induce them, either to reject the Ferguſian Blood, or to ſeclude
the next legalSucceffor; I mean the neareſt of Kin to the RoyalStock,
if capable to command. For when the Heir of the Crown was, at
the Death or Demiſe of his father, as yet in his Non-age, in that
cale, his Llncle or neareft Couſin was appointed to Reign in his ſtead :
But then he faild not to reaſſume his Right, and to ſucceed preferably
to the Children of the former Guardian King : I call ſo, ſuch of the
Kings as came to Reign, by reaſon of their Pupil's Minority; for
they were really no more but the Tutors or Guardians of the righte-
ous Heir; only they continu'd during Life in their Office, tho ſeve-
rals are of Opinion, and 'tis moſt probable, nay; I'm told, that
Biſhop Elphingſton, who knew as much of the matter as any other,
in his M s. Hiſtory of Scotland, is poſitive, that thoſe Kings, im-
properly ſo call’d, had no legal Right to Reign or Govern, beyond
the ordinary time appointed to Regents and Governours; I mean the
Majority of their Pupils : Accordingly we find, that fome, as Feri-
tharis
; were willing to demit; and that others,as Reutha, did actual-
ly lay down their Adminiſtration, how ſoon their Nephews were
of Age to rule by themſelves : If ſo, 'tis plain, that who did other-
wife, did it illegally and unjuſtly, and were by confequence fo inany
Uſurpers of a Throne not at all their own, and therefore accountable
to, and puniſhable by the righteous Owner. But be this as it will,
Authors generally agree, that upon the Death or Demiſe of a Prince,
the Nobles or Chiefs of Clans were wont to meet in a folemn man-
And Buchanan, no great Friend to Monarchical Government,
every where inſinuates, and ſometimes fays, that they met in order
to the Election of a new King; but this is evidently falſe (a) and I
ſhall
(a) Mackenzie's jus Regium
ner:
Chap. Í.
Of the Scots Nation:
İ
--
The Scots
ſhall elſewhere have occaſion to demonſtrate the contrary. The
true Kings of Scotland were never elected ;' nay, nor perhaps the
Guardian ones, the Law was plain in favour of the Former; and; if Monarchy
we believe Biſhop Lefly, (a). of the Latter alſo : So that 'tis probable, Electives
the Nobles met, not to Chooſe, but to Recognize the Right of
and bifer their Submiſſions to that Prince, the Law had pointed out,
and previouſly ordain'd to be their King, whether properly ſo callid,
as when the true Heir was Major, or improperly; as when he was
Minor, and next in Blood, and not always the fitteft, as Buchanan
would'inſinuate, came to take place. This Law or Cuſtom was
probably founded upon the numerous Inconveniencies that ever at-
tend the Non-age of Sovereigns, and on the neceſſity,thoſe rucke and
barbarous People lay under, of having always upon their Head a
Chiftain at once qualified to quell domeſtick Feuds, and to repel
Foreign Inſults. Other Nations, particularly the Engliſh, French;
and Spaniards, have had the like Cuſtom, as I ſhall elſewhere ſhew;
but to their Lofs
. Experience the Mother of Wiſdom has ſufficient-
ly taught After-ages, that Guardian Kings are dangerous Subjects The itre
and that this miſtaken Prudence of our Anceſtors prov'd the Bané gular, suca
and Shame of the Nation ; it being a fatal Seed, ever productive of the cauſe
Factions, Parties, Murthers, and Parricides
. Thus Ferlegus, the eldeſt of the ancy.
Son of Fergus I. haftning to the Throne he conceiv'd himſelf born entKings
to, found means to cut off his Uncle Feritharis, the firſt Guardian being cut
King. Nothatus, Durſtus, Eugene
. III. Dardanus, Lūgtacus, Mo-Sff by their
gallus, Conarus, Satraet, Ethodius II. Romachus,&c. had the like Fate, for
the moſt part deſervedly, ſays Buchanan, in their reſpective Lives, by
reaſon of the Enormity of their Crimes and Tyrannical Govern-
He is perhaps in the right on't, if they were only Admini-
ſtrators or Guardian Kings, as indeed moſt of them were ; for as ſuch,
they might be liable to the laſh of the Law : And 'twere in vain,
at this Diſtance of time, to offer any thing towards their Vindica-
tion; they ſtand upon Record arraign's and condemn’d for the worſt
of Men ; tho after all, it may be, their Crimes have been aggravated
by the Fåctions that wrought their Ruin. Thoſe Factions were ſome-
times fpirited, and always not only indemnifi’d, but approv'd of hy
thoſe that ſucceeded to their murther'd Predeceſſors, and who by
conſequence reap'd the Benefit which accru'd to them from fuccei-
ful Rebellion, or forward Juſtice. Hence, 'tis, that ſome Writers,
particularly Buchanang would give us to underſtand that they ſuf-
fer'd legally, and that Juſtice was done by the Nobles: Whereas
we know, that none of them did ever ſuffer in the way of Juſtice,
but were always cut off, or by clandeſtine Murtherers, or by open
Rebellion. And thefe Authors, to make good their Affertion,
ought to tell us, by what Law the Nobles could, or did fit Judges
upon their Sovereigns, if really ſuch'; by whom, and when it was
enacted. The truth is, that unlucky Cuftom, I have mention'd,
concerning the Succeffion, was the original Cauſe, at leaft the Oc-
caſion of theſe Mifchiefs. I ſhall not enlarge upon them, I wiſh the
E
tragi-
Subjects
ment.
!
(a) Lell. in vita Feritharis,
1
18 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
Ann. ant.
Chr. 54
Calar in-
vades Bria
tain:
tragical,barbarous part of the Scottiſh, as well as of all other Hiſtories,
were for the Honour of humane Nature, entirely
, forgot : But, for a
few Inſtances of this kind, and ſome Broils with the Neighbouring
Pists or Britains, not diſtinctly related, nor ſufficiently documented by
Vouchers, Scotland was generally bleft with good Princes, a pro-
found Peace, and as much Plenty as the nature of the Soil allow'd,
or the Sobriety of thoſe Ages requir’d, till about the Year 54 be-
fore the Birth of our Saviour,when Julius Cæfar, not yet fatiated with
the Lawrels and Triumphs he had acquir'd by the Conqueſt of, even
then, Mighty Gaul, but rather animated to the Purſuit of new Glo..
ries, or incens'd againſt the Britains, by reaſon of the Supplies they
had ſent to Gaul, during the late Wars, or, as Suetonius writes, ex-
cited with the hopes of the Britiſh Pearls, then famous for their Num-
bers and Largeneſs, he thought fit to attempt an Expedition into
this Iſle : He did it with Difficulties equal to any he ever met with
in his Life, yer with that Succeſs, that never fail'd to crown his
Enterpriſes. The South-Britains twice overcome in Battle, promis'd
Subječtion, beg'd Peace, and gave Hoſtages for their good Behavi-
our and performance of Covenants : But upon Cæfar's return to
Gaul, they withdrew their Allegiance, and ſo provok'd a new che
relentleſs Roman, He made a ſecond Deſcent upon them, the next
Year, with a better Fleet and more powerful Army than before.
By this time the Britains had come to Tome Concert amongſt them-
The Scots felves, and they had by common Conſent choſen Caffibėlan, one of
and Pith their Kings, for their Captain General or Commander in Chief: To
the South-him vaſt numbers of People reſorted from all parts: They under-
ſtood that the Danger was common to all; and tho remoteſt from Scot-
to Cefar. land, 'tis nevertheleſs moſt credibly reported (a) that both the Scots
and Diets thought fit to aſſiſt the Britains with Auxiliary Forces ;
Cadallanusza Chiftain of the Brigantes in Galloway, is ſaid to have had
the Command of them, by an Order from his Sovereign Ederus.
This is ſo much the more probable, becauſe Roman Authors tells
us, that four Princes, Cafar himſelf calls them Kings, cameagainft
him from the Extremities of the Iſland; nay, ſome lay, that Cafar
took ſo much notice of the more Northern People, that he ſent an
Embaſſy to King Ederus, with a view of detaching him from the
Confederacy : He faild in the Attempt, but was more ſucceſsful
with the Trinobantes, a People in South-Britain, who diſhonourably
join'd with the Invader, and offer'd Subjection. Many other irl-
ferior States follow'd the ſcandalous Example, and the brave Caf-
fibelan at length, ſeeing his Armies foild, his Deſigns blaſted, his
Country waſted, and himſelf abandon’d by the traiterous Revolt
and unſeaſonable Diviſions of a great many of his Allies, fu'd for,
and obtain'da Peace upon Conditions, which rather encreas'd the
Succeſs in Glory of Cæfar, than the Dominion of Rome : For, as Tacitus ob-
for great, as ferves, theſe two famous Expeditions had only this effect, They
it was given ſhem’d'Britain to the Romans, but did not give them the Poffefion of it.
The fame Author and others,Romans (b) as he, do elſewhere infinuate;
that
Britains in
oppoſition
Caefar's
out.
(*) Lefly Boeth. (6) Lucan, Orolius, Dion.
Chap. I. Of the Scots Nation.
19
keep the
that the Victories Caſar obtain'd in this Ifland, were not by much.
ſo great or glorious as they ſeem, from his own Accounts : And there
are thoſe (a) who, in plain terms ſay, He was driven out of it:
This is certain, the Conquer'd and Unconquer'd prov’d, after his
Departure, almoft equally troubleſome to his Succeffors, the firſt
by their frequent Revolts, the laſt by their continual Incurfions
Auguftati
upon the firſt. This put Auguſtus, a Prince that could
reſt of the World in profound Peace, upon Thoughts of going to
Britain in Perſon, in order to quell its Commotions; but he was
diverted, firſt by a Revolt in Pannonia, and twice afterwards by the
diſorderly unſettld State of Gaul, and other parts. Perhaps he had
his own Reaſons that kept him from any great Concern, with refe-
rence to Britain, the Empire was become vaft and unweildy, and
out of a State-Maxim, he was reſolv'd to preſerve it within
Bounds; and the rather, becauſe fome of the Britiſh Potentates
ſent Ambaſſadors to him, while in Gaul, to beg Peace: And among
others, the Scottiſh King Metellanus (b) omitted not to court his
Friendſhip, by Preſents offer'd in the Capitol, and other obfequi- Tiberiu
ous Addreffes. Tiberius follow'd the Example of Auguſtus; but
that ſtain of humaneNature, Caligula, who ſucceeded,threatn’d an In- Caligula.
vaſion, and came to the Ocean for that purpoſe, but contented him-
ſelf with having debas'd his own Perſon and Army, ſo far as to
cauſe them gather the Shells of Cochyes, and ſuch like Fiſhes on the
Shoar, and to return’d, and ſhamefully triuinph'd for the diſtracted
inglorious Exploit.
Claudius V. of the Imperial Cæfars, fet about the Work in good
Earneſt, and was encourag'din, if not perſwaded to the ambitious
Project, by one Bericus a Britiſh King, who preferring the poor
Satisfaction of indulging his own Diſcontents and Reſentments, be
fore the common Cauſe of his Native Country, became an alive
Agent towards its Ruin. The Roman Army, at firſt, expreſs’d no
ſmall Averſion againſt the dangerous Attempt: They ſaid, That they
would not make War out of the Compaſs of the World: But Plautius the
Prætor, having found means to prevail with them, at laſt fet Sail
,
was driven back by contrary Winds, put to Sea again, and landed the Empe-
in Britain without Oppoſition. He was not long after follow'd by for, and
Claudius himſelf in Perſon, who beſides his Roman Legions, and Prætor in
Auxiliaries of Gauls and Germans, march'd like an Eaſtern Monarch vade Brin
with arm’d Elephants, probably not ſo much to make a ſhew of
Grandeur and Power, as to amaze the Britiſh Courage, with the
Hugeneſs and Novelty of the terrifying Creature. With this Equi-
page, he embarks, croſſes the Channel,
joins Plautius, beats the South-
Britains, takes one City and many Priſoners, and committed the
Government of theſe to Plautius; as likewiſe the War with the Scots,
Picts, and others as yet unconquer’d.
He haftn’d back to Rome,
where anniverſary Games, triumphal Arches, and a noble Triumph cels and Re-
were by the Senate decreed in his Honour. Plautius continu'd the turn of Clan-
War with various Succefles; yet, ſuch as procur'd him the Honour
E 2
of
(a) Lucan, Leſly, Boet. (b). Lefly, Boet. in vita Metellan,
Å. D. 431
Claudius
Plautius the
The Suc-
dius. ,
20 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
The Succeſs
of Plautius
an,
Oſtorius
ſent into
Britain
A. D. 50.
Succeſs and
Death.
The Con-
tains Revolt.
of an Ovation, and under him Veſpaſian, who show began to ap-
pear in the World, is ſaid (a) to have ſubdu'd one ifle, two Na-
and Veſpaſi- tions, and twenty Towns, and to have fought no leſs than thirty Bat-
tles with the Britains. In one of theſe, when in imminent Danger, ,
he was reſcu'd by the pious Valour of his Son Titus, who ſerv’d
under him, in quality of a Tribune.
To Plautius fucceeded Oftorius, a wiſe and fortunate General, he
routed and diſpers’d thoſe he found in Arms upon his entrance to
the Government, difarm’d the Vanquiſhºd, plac'd Garriſons on the
Rivers Severn and Avon, to prevent Incurſions from the North, re-
duc'd moſt of the Southern Parts of the Iſle into the Form of a Pro-
vince, made a Military Colony of Maldon, and of London a Trading
His great one, engag’d Cogidunus, a Britiſh King, in the Roman Intereſt, routed
the Revolted Iceni, fought with, beat, and afterwards took Priſo-
ner the undaunted King of the Scots,Caractacus ; I have reaſon to call
him fo, and ſhall afterwards make good the Affertion. In
fine, Offorius, wafted with Fatigue and Trouble, Fortune beginning
to change upon him, died, and was ſucceeded in his Government
A. D. 61. of Britain by Didius Galdus, He by Veranius, and He again by P.
Suetonius, a Perſon of celebrated Valour. During the time of the
quer'd Bri- Adminiſtration of this laſt, the whole Body of the South-Britains,
excited by many Provocations, too numerous to be here related,
and probably animated with Die Hopes of Supplies from their Nor-
thern Neighbours, now more than ever terrified at the nearer Ap-
proach of the Romans, made a violent and famous Struggle to re-
gain their Liberties, they unanimoufly took Arms under the Con-
duct of Boadicea, a Martial and injurd Princeſs, ſeiz’d upon
the Fortreſſes and Garriſons of the Romans ; nay, invaded their Colo-
ny, the Seat, as they conceiv’d, of Slavery, and deſtroy'd all before
them with 'Fire and Sword, leaving nothing unacted, to which
Wrath or Victory could prompt theſe fierce, haughty, reſenting,
and now united Nations : But all to no purpoſe. One Overthrow,
throw by they receiv'd not long after from Suetorius, taught them anew tó
wear their Chains with Patience, and to ſtoop, as before, to the
Yoke they were unable to ſhake off. Such of the Scors and Picts as
eſcap'd fålling by the Sword, and theſe were but few, made the
beſt of their way to their reſpective Homes.
In the mean time the Emperor Nero deliver'd Rome and the World
of their greateſt Plague, his odious Self, and during the ſhort Reigns
of Galba, Orbo, and Vitellius, the unconquer'd, as well as the con-
querd Britains, continu'd quiet and peaceable; but when Vefpafian
had fucceeded Vitellius in the Empire of Rome, he reſolv’d to aggran-
dize himſelf and it, by the entire Conqueſt of Outmoſt Britain :
Agricola Accordingly he took care to ſend thither great Armies and brave
tent by the Commanders, firſt Petilius Cerealis, then Julius Frontinus, and laſtly
Vefpafian Julius Agricolá, a Perſon inferior to none we read of in Story, either
A. D. 78.
for Conductor Courage. He perform’d Wonders, during his Abode
of eight Years in this Country: The two firſt he ſpent, not ſo much
Are Over-
Suctonius,
Nero
into Britain,
(a) Suetonius,
in
Chap. I. Of the Scots Nation,
21
Scotland.
in reducing the Remains of South-Britain, as in ſecuring it to the
Romans : And this he effected, by cauſing Sconces or Fortreſſes to
be rais'd with wonderful Art and Diligence, and Garriſons to be Agricola's
plac'd at convenient diſtances; but more particularly, by regula-guest Con-
ting Abuſes, and reforming Corruptions, eafing the pooreſt Sort
froin the Load of Exactions and Tributes, and alluring the great
Ones to the Pleaſures and Ornaments of Peace. With this
View, he firſt brought in, and recommended the Cuſtoms of civil
Life, 'cauſed the young Nobility to be Educated in the liberal Arts
and Latin Tongue, whoſe Graces they now began to ſtudy and affect,
and encourag‘d the Building of Temples, Places of Reſort, and
ftately Houſes: For hence 'twas, that theſe People thus gently gain'd
over to adınire the Dreffes, Modes, and Manners of their Maſters,
proceeded by eaſy Degrees to all their Softneſs and Incentives to
Luxury, as beautiful Portico's
, pleafăit Baths and exquiſite Banquets.
Theſe were in reality, but the Trappings of their Bondage and Sla-
very, tho by them conſider'd as the Effects of Civility and Polite-
neſs. The Northern-Britains, I mean the Scots and Pięts, were not
to be Tamd by thoſe Methods, and therefore Agricola, in the third He Invades
Year of his Adminiſtration, paſs'd the Tweed, and penetrated the
next Summer to the oppoſite Firths of Forth and Clyde, which, be-
ing parted but by a narrow Neck of Land, he ſecur’d by Forts and Builds Foris
Garriſons, and by this Means pent up the Scots and Picts, as it were
within another Iſland. His next.Work was to Rigg out a Fleet, in
order to diſcover the Creeks and Harbours of the Northern Seas, and
he is ſaid to
ſaid to have fail'd over to the Iſlands of Orkney, yet learn’d
not that Britain was an Iſland, but by an Accident, which happen'd of Orkney.
thus: A Cohort of Germans mutiny'd againſt, and kill'd their Ro-
man Officers, and to avoid Puniſhment, ſeis’d on three light Galleys,
on Board of which they ſet ſail and put to Sea: They had no Pilot
to direct their Courſe, but by Tide and Weather were carried round
the Coaſts, exerciſing Piracy wherever they Landed, and after
various Fortune return'd, and gave an Account of their Adventures
and Diſcoveries to Agricola. Upon this his Souldiers, fuſh'd with a
late Victory they had gain’d, cry'd out to be led into Caledonia, That
with a continual Courſe of Conqueſt, they might find out the out moft Bounds
of Britain. They were order'd to March accordingly, and halted
not, till they came in view of a noble and numerous Army of Scots
and Picts, and perhaps ſome of the yet undaunted Britains. The
Scots King Galdus, by Tacitus call’d Galgacus, than whom no Barbari-
an Prince made ever à more ſhining Figure in the Rom'an Hiſtory,
had poſted himſelf on the Head of his Army, ſomewhere in the
Mountains, calld Grampian, now the Braes of Angus
, Mearns, &c.
They fought deſperately on both ſides; but at laſt the Scottiſh Fierce- Defeats the
neſs gave way to the Roman Diſcipline: And had not the Emperor Scots and
Domitian, under whom great Virtue was Criminal, from a mean
Principle of Jealouſy or Envy, recall?d Agricola, dót long after this is recalla
noted Battle; 'tis not to be doubted but he had followed his Blow;
änd
Diſcovers
the Iſlands
Pills,
22
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
The Em-
an comes o-
ver into Brin
and reduced all Britain into the Form of a Roman Province, as he
did the greateſt and richeſt Part of it. Henceforth all the ſucceed-
ing Wars, the Romans carried on in this Iſland, were properly Scot-
tiſh and Pietiſh; for theſe impatient of the dangerous Neighbour-
hood, ceas'd not to embrace all Opportunities of enlarging their own,
and leſſening the Roman Bounds. They prov?d ſo very uneaſy to
peror Hadri- the Governors in South-Britain, that the Emperor Hadrian thought
it neceſſary to come over in Perſon, to ſuppreſs their Incurſions in-
tain, to op- to the Roman part. This he effected with great Difficulty, and Op-
and pias compofition, and finding it impracticable to purſue Men, who retreating
into Woods, Mountains and ſuch like Receſſes, were arm’d and
guarded, with Hunger, Cold, and an obſtinate Love of Liberty, a-
gainſt all further Attempts: He (a) contented himſelf to ſeclude
A. D. 121. them from his Provincial Britains, by means of a deep Foſſey and
mighty Wall he caus’d to be built of Wood and Earth, extending
from the River of Esk on the Frontiers of Scotland and England, to
His Wall.. the Tine in Northumberland, Eighty Miles in length.. Ælius Spartia-
nus a Roman, in his Life of Hadrian, and Herodian a Grecian, in the
Life of Severus, make mention of this famous Rampier; ſome Veſti-
ges of which are at this Day to be ſeen and admir’d. Having thus
ſettled and ſecur’d, ſo far as was thought practicable, the Román
His Return. State, Hadrian return'd in Triumph to the Worlạ's Capital, Romé,
where he gain’d the Title of Reſtorer. of Britain, which, as a Motro,
was ſtamp'd on his Coin : A flagrant Proof, that in thoſe Days, it
was thought no mean Performance, even in a Roman Emperor, to
have preſerved a Part of his own, from the then Invincible Scots :
I ſay, a Part of his own; for 'tis obſervable, that this Wall, built by
the Emperor Hadrian, was near a hundred Miles South from the Neck
fortified by Agricola : So'tis plain, he loſt ſo much Ground, and yet
was thought to have done Wonders.
Hadrian was ſucceeded by Antoninus Pius, whoſe Lieutenant, Lol-
lius Urbicus retaliated upon the Scots and Pięts, the Loſſes ſuſtained
bicus beats by an Overthrow they had but lately given the Románs and Provin-
cial Britains; and having recovered that part of the Roman Province
Hadrián had given up to them, he drove them for the ſecond time
beyond their Firths, where, in purſuance of the Project firſt laid
He built a down by Agricola, he built a Wall over that very Neck of Land,
tween Forth Agricola had only Fortified with Caſtles and Garrifons. This is evi-
and Clyde. dent from the Inſcriptions digged up, many of which are to be ſeen
in the Library of the College of Glaſgow. I ſhall ſet down two of
them for the Satisfaction of the Curious.
Lollius Ur
the Scots and
Piets.
>
IMP.
(a) Camden's Britan. edit. Lond. 1695. p. 919,
L
1
Chap. I.
23
Of the Scots Nation. .
İMP. CAES. TITO. AELIO. HADRIANO. ANTONINO:
AUG. PIO. P. P.
LEG: II. AUG. PER. M. P. III: D. C. LXVIS:
Q. LOLLIO. VR. LEG. AUG. PR: P. R.
.
This Work, as appears by the Remains, was of Stone and Turf:
It began néar Abercorn, and paſſing by Carriden, Kinneil, Invera-
von, Falkirk, along the South-ſide of Forth, it croſſes the Land, and
paffes by Caſtle Ruff, Kirkintilloch, Caſtlecarry, the Barbie, Calder, Bal-
mudy, Caftlebill
, and Duntocher, and ſo ends above Dumbarton, 'near
Kilpatrick, being in Length about thirty. Miles. This is the very
Ground, where Beda tells us, that the Britains long after built a
Wall of Turf; but perhaps he had better ſaid, that they repair'd
that of Lollius Vrbicus. This General had 'no ſooner left Britain, but He leaves
it appear’d whata weak Fence he had rais'd againſt ſo valiant Ene-
mies : The Scots and Picts renew'd their Incurſions, got within the
Wall, over-ran and deſtroy'd the South parts of Britain, as be-
fore: Nay, in the time of Commodus, they carried all before
them, and with reſtleſs Fury knock'd down even the Romaris,
both Captains and Souldiers. This was the State of Affairs in Scot-
land, when Severus aſcended the Imperial Throne : This Emperor A. D. 197.
divided the conquer'd part of Britain into two Governments or Pre-
fe&tures; the South part was committed to Heraclitus, and the Northi,
which was the moſt difficult to manage, to Virius Lúpus, in quality
of Proprætor, where the Scots and Picts ſo infeſted him, that he was
oblig'd to purchaſe a Truce with Money. This Truce,glorious to the
Scots, was religiouſly obſerv'd by their firſt Chriſtian King, Donald, A. D.208.
till the Fifteenth Year of Severus his Reign, when the warlike Em-
peror, tho very Gouty, and above Sixty Years of Age, reſolv'd to
come in Perſon, as Hadrian had done before, with a deſign
to ſecure the South, by an entire Coriqueſt of the North
of Britain ; and the rather, becauſe of the Lewdneſs of his
Two Sons, Caracalla and Geta, debauch'd by the Luxury of
Rome, and the growing Effeminacy of the Souldiers, enervated
by Plenty and Peace. An effectual Cure oftheſe Diftempers he doub-
ted not to find in the hurry of Action and War. Upon his Entrance Comes
into Britain, he left his Son Geta in the Southern parts of the Pro-
vince, and march'd with Caracalla againſt the Caledonians or Scots,
where, with the cutting down of Woods, making of Bridges, drain-
ing of Boggs, the Enemies Ambuſcades,and Sickneſs, he loft no leſs
than Fifty Thouſand Men. The aged Emperor encounter'd theſe His suc:
Miſeries, and unlookt-for Oppoſition, with that Bravery and Refo-cela noć
lution he had expreft, when in the Flower and Vigour of his Youth
or Manhood, yet could neither force nor flatter the Scots or Picks
into a Surrender of their Liberties or Country: And therefore, as he He makes
had the ſame ſucceſs in War, as his Predeceſſor Hadrian, ſo he
F2
made
into Britain
great.
1
Peace.
24 The Martial Atchievements
Book I.
Hadrian's
Wall.
Dies,
made Peace, much upon the ſame Terms, that is, He contented
himſelf with having done what was poſſible for the Security of the
Roman Province: And no doubt, ſeeing the Inconveniency of Orbi-
cus's Fence, by reaſon of the eafie Paſſage of the Firths to get with-
in it, he came to this Agreement with the Scots and Pięts, That upon
their quitting the Country by South the River of Tine, they ſhould
poſſeſs all that lyes North of it : And to ſecure this new Limit of the
Province againſt future Incurſions, he firſt built a Wall from the
Repairs Entry of that River, croſs the Land to the Weſt-Sea, on the ſame
Ground, in all Probability, where Hadrian had made his Fence.
This Structure was ſuitable to the Power and Grandeur of Rome,
and was reckon’d one of the great Works of the Empire; and there
fore by way of Excellency calld The Wall
, and to this Day, by the
Welſh, Gual Severe : For which, and for his ſeveral Victories,
Severus took upon him the Title of Britannicus Maximus ; and not
long after, weakn’d, partly with Ageand Toyl, and partly with
Grief for the fcandalous Life of his eldeſt Son, he Sickn'd and Died
at York.
From the Death of this Emperor to the Reign of Diocletian, and
from thence to that of Conftantius, we do not read of any memorable
Wars between the Romans and the Scots : Nor ſhall I enlarge upon
thoſe carried on at theſe two times : For on the firſt occaſion, the
Scots acted only as Auxiliaries.to Carauſius, who uſurped the Govern-
ment of Britain, and laid Claim to the Empire ; and on the
ſecond, we're only told of fome Incurſions made into the Roman Pro-
vince.' So that for about the fpace of a Hundred Years, it ſeems
the Romans made no direct Attempts upon North-Britain, they had
Work enough beyond Seas, and their Ardour for remote Conqueſts
relented daily, as their Ambition and Deſire of domeſtick Power
increas’d. For they were Oppreſs’d at one time, by no leſs than
Thirty Tyrants that made War againſt one another: And after-
wards Conſtantine the Great, who firſt eſtabliſh'd Chriſtianity in the
Empire by Law, having imprudently, ( I may ſay ſo, at leaſt in
one Senſe) remoy'd his Imperial Seat from Rome to Byzantium, or
Conſtantinople, and drawing many Forces after him to the Eaſtern
parts, made way for Invaſions and Incurſions into the Weſtern.
In the mean time, the Scots and Pięts now mollified and ſoftn’d, in
a great meaſure, by Learning and Religion, and ſecure from being
Affaulted, as formerly, by the Romans, either liv’d quiet, or quar-
reld only among themſelves. The Piets began to be ſo calld aa
bout this time, and that for the Reaſons I hinted at above, and
the Scots formerly deſign’d Caledonians, Brigantes, Scotó-Brigantes, &c.
and but ſeldom Scoti, were at the ſame time deſign’d chiefly, if not
only, by this laſt Denomination. Whence ’tis, that ſome Foreign-
ers, among others, Mr. Echard and Pere D? Orleanszfeem to compute
A: D.340, their firſt Arrival in North-Britain, from this period of Time, viz.
About the Year 340. I have already evinc'd the contrary, and
Thall only obſerve in this place, how improbable ’tis, that thoſe
very
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nation.
25
و
Year 340.
-
very People, I mean the North-Britains, who had lo often withitood, Unaniwe-
and ſo bravely repeld the Roman Attacks ; againſt whom two Em- of the. Scars
perors came over and fought in Perſon, whom even Julius Agricola being feteld
could not beat out of the Mand, and who in fine, after an almoſt before the .
continu'd Strugle, of very nigh 200 Years, from the Reign of Clay-
dius, to that of Severus, had compeld the Conquerors of the Uni-
verſe to ſet Boundaries to their Ambition: How improbable is it, I
fay, that a People ſo obſtinatly Fierce, would have yielded their
Country, incorporated with, or tamely ſubmitted to a Handful of
Pirating Vagabonds, either from Ireland or Scythia? If ſuch a
thing had fallen out, we ſhould have heard of it from Roman Writers.
North-Britain was then divided oniy by a Wall from a Roman
Province, where Learning flouriſh'd ; and the Romans there could
not but know, and take notice of an Event ſo very remarkable. Bea
ſides, it may not be impertinent to ask, What came of theſe nume-
rous North-Britains, whole Fathers had engag'd with, and ſometimes
routed, not only Legions, but Armies of the Romans > The Aniwer
is obvious, they continu'd in North-Britain as before, only now they
were by Foreigners more expreſiy diſtinguiſh'd by the Denomina-
tions of Scots and Picts. Theſe two people ſo near Ally'd to one
another, by Blood, Religion, Laws, Language and Neighbourhood, A. D. 173
had, while they dreaded any Danger from the South-Britains or Ra- The Scots
mans, continu'd to cultivate a ſtrict and unviolated Friendſhip, till and Pitt's
the Reign of Crathilinthus, King of the Scots, in whoſe tiine they firſt about a hun?
quarreld about a hunting Dog, which ſome picts of theRetinue of their ting Dog:
King Thelargus, had ſtoln from a Domeſtick Servant of Crathilinthus,
who, as he was a great Lover of Sport, ſo he cheriſh'd this excellent
Dog in a particular manner. Upon the account of an Accident ſo
very trifling, did theſe fierce People break out, firſt into Scuffles be-
tween Parties, as they chanc'd to Rencounter, and then into a Na-
tional War. Their reſpective Sovereigns did all they could to
cruſh the growing Miſchief in the Bud, with which View 'tis pro-
bable that they hearkn’d to the Overtures made by Carauſius, the
Britiſh Uſurper : For fince, to allay that Heat and unquiet Diſpoſi-
tion of their Subjects, a War was neceffary ; 'twas certainly more
Politick to wage it in the South, than in the North of Britain, and
more reaſonable to ſpend their Martial Ardour againſt the Romans,
rather than to employ it to the Deſtruction of one another. Thus a
Peace was concluded, and the Ancient Alliance renew'd at this
A. D. 348.
time, but was again interrupted and broken about the Year
348. The manner thus.
Anguſanus and Roma: hus, two young Princes, both Nephews, but
by different Brothers, to the brave and wife Crathilinthus,put in their Romachus
Claims to the Crown : Romac!us carried it by Force and Fraud, fup-killed.
ported chiefly by the Pictiſh Intereſt : He wore it three Years, and The Pias
then was by the Angufian Faction cut off: Juftly, ſays Leſly, upon quarrel, and
the double Score of his Uſurpation and Cruelty. However the make War
Pi&ts reſented the Death, Murther they call’d ity of their Ally, Scots.
G
Which
20 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
Battle.
A. D. 366.
,
Britain,
which to Avenge, they invaded the Scottiſh Territories, and fought
A. D.363. with that Eagerneſs, that both their King Nečtanus, and the
the King Scottiſh Angufianus were killd on the Spot. For a confiderable time
of the Scots, after this moſt bloody Engagement, neither People had Peace nor
uus King War: This they could not carry on, by reaſon of the huge Loſs of their
of the Pids, belt Men ;; and that they would not condeſcend to, ſo furiouſly were
they bent upon mutual Revenge. They return'd to Action in the ſecond
Year of the Reign of Fethelmachus, who after he had routed the
Picts in ſeveral Rencounters, and given them at laſt a total Over-
throw in a pitcht Battle, where their King Nečtanus had the Fate
of his Brother, of the fame Name, was, at the Inſtigation of Her-
Fethelmachus giſtus another Pictiſh King, Murther'd by two Pitiſh Villains, and
Murtherd his own Harper or Piper. The Regicides were apprehended, and,
if any earthly Puniſhment can be thought ſuitable or ſufficient to
atone for the Murther of a lawful Sovereign, they receiv'd it ; being
torn to pieces by the contrary Motion of four Horſes, to whom
they were faſtn’d with Ropes.
And now, Magnus Maximus, who commanded for the Romans in
Maximus South-Britain, obſerving the implacable Hatred, and unrelenting
Governour Animofities of the Scots and Picts, conceiv'd a Deſign, great as his
Ambition afterwards appear’d to be: He reſolv'd to attempt the
Conqueſt of the whole Iſland, and doubted not but by a feign'd Shew
of Support and Friendſhip to oneNation, he ſhould ſoon effect the De-
ſtruction of both. In Purſuance of this project, he makes his Applica-
tion to the Pitts, as Matters then ſtood the weakeſt, and conſe-
quently the apteſt to be wrought upon. He was not Miſtaken; for
this People allur’d by his fair Promiſes, improvidently enter'd into
Meaſures, that were ſo exactly calculated for the preſent Diſpoſi-
tion of their angry reſenting Minds
. And now the Pitts, reinforc'd
with a promiſcuous Army of Romans, Gauls, and Britains, invade
Afifts the the Scottiſh Territories, fet upon the frightnd and inferior Énemies,
Pitts againſt nigh the River of Cree in Galloway, and obtaind a Victory, eaſy as
they could wiſh for, yet bloody in the Event : For while the Ro-
mans, contrary to their wonted Maxims of Diſcipline, purſue un-
warily and diſorderly the flying Mob, behold another body of
Men, from Argyle, and the more diſtant Provinces, appear all on a
fudden, charge the Victors, and repel them, with no ſinall Slaugh-
ter of their wandring Souldiers. Nevertheleſs Eugene the Scetih
King, after Enquiry and Deliberation, concluding it impoſſible for
his ſmall Army, which was conſiderably leflen'd by the late Engage-
Fights ment, to ſtand another ſhock, Retreated into Carrick, now a part
of
the Sheriffdom of Air. In the mean time, the Roman General
uncertain. having Advice from the South, of great Commotions in thoſe Parts,
found himſelf oblig'd to march back to his Government. His Re-
treat gave new Life to the dejected Scots, they gather'd again in
great Multitudes, re-attack'd the abandon’d Picts, and left no man-
ner of Cruelty unacted againſt them, their Houſes, Lands, Chil-
dren and Wives. This unexpected Turn of Affairs, was equally
grats
the Scots,
and leaves
the Victory
i
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nation. 27
Battle.
grating and pleaſing to Maximus : He had his own Reaſons to
rejoice upon the Loſſes of his Allies; but then it was an Afront
put upon the Roman Name and Arms; and therefore the next Sum-
mer,
he returns in Perſon, to wipe it off
. The Scots were ſatisfied,
that they muſt needs Fight upon this fatal Occaſion, not at all for
Plunder, Empire or Honour, but for the Preſervation of their For-
tunes, Lives, Country, and what elſe was ever held Dear or Sacred
to Mankind. They came almoſt all in one Body to the Field, Wo-
men as well as Men, unanimouſly reſolv'd to Periſh or Conquer.
They encounter'd the Enemy, not far from the River of Down in
Kyle"; and as Men acted by Rage and Deſpair, fought with utmoſt
Fury, and therefore not long; luch. Violence could not laſt. Their
firft onſet put the Picts and Britains to the Rout, but they were
conftrain’d to fall back again, by the better Order, and fitter Arms,
and greater Numbers of the advancing Romans. The whole Army
of the Scots unwilling to fly, fell, by the Sword, and their undaun-
ted King, unable to ſurvive the lots of his Subjects, threw off his Eugene 1:
Royal Robes, rull’d in where the Slaughter was greateſt
, and brave- killo in
ly died with his Sword in his Hand. His Nobles, leſt it ſhould
be thought they had betray'd their Prince, courted, and had the
Honour to meet with his Fate. And now, nothing remain’d in The Scots
-any Capacity to withſtand the Pictiſh Rage and Roiran Power: That vanquilho
,
ſu'd for, and this granted an Ediet, commanding all Scots Men, Wo- out of the
men and Children into an eternal Exile. They obey'd and withdrew,
whether their blind Fortune call'd them ; forne to the Weſtern
Iſlands call’d Æbuda, others to Ireland, Norway, Denmark, &c. Where
being generally well receiv’d; and humanely us’d by the Inhabitants,
jealous of the Roman Power, which all Nations, at that time, had
conſpir’d to Depreſs : They multiply'd, (for Poverty is ever
fertile in the production of Men) beyond Expectation, and from
thence they never ceas’d, ſometimes by themſelves, and ſometimes
in Conjunction with others, to haraſs the Romans, where ever they
found Opportunities; and thereby to attempt the bringing about of
theirown Reſtoration: Which at laſt they effected, after an Interval of
no leſs than forty four Years, tho ſome reckon fewer:But of theſe things
afterwards.
This grand Revolution, or rather total Eclipſe of the Scottiſh Mo-
narchy, was effected about the Year 359; which was 689 Years af-
ter its firſt Eſtabliſhment by Fergus I. 413 after the firſt Entrance of
Julius Cæſar into this Iſland; 376 fter the Romans firſt got Poſſeſſion
under the Emperor Claudius ; 275 after the full Conqueſt of South-
Britain by Agricola, under Domitian, 238 after the building of
Hadrian's Wall on the Frontiers of Scotland ; and 150 after it was
Repair’d or Re-built by Severus.
,
و
و
Gà
THE
28
Book I.
The Life of Fergus
Τ Η Ε
Life of FERGUS
Τ Η Ε
Firſt King of Scotland.
be
A
His Birth
min,
S moſt Scots Authors have done that Honour to Ireland, as
to derive the more immediate Origination of the Scots Na-
tion from thence, fothey generally agree that FERGUS the
firſt Albanian King, was an Iriſh-man born, and that he was the Son
and Paren- of Ferquhard an Iriſh Monarch. Others again, will needs have Ire-
tage uncer- land to have been firſt Peopld from Britain, and probably from
the North of it, as being by Nature plac'd at no greater diſtance,
than that of a few Miles from the Iriſh Coaſt ; and theſe by conſe-
quence muſt think, that King Fergus was a Native of Britain, as in-
deed I am apt to believe, all the Scots, as well as Picts to have been.
Thoſe neverthelefs, who are of the firſt Opinion, have Tradition
and Hiſtory on their ſide: But it muſt be own'd, that Reaſon and
Conjecture plead ſtrongly for the laſt. The like Uncertainties have
attended the Birth and Parentage of ſeveral great Princes and Le-
giſlators, beſides King Fergus. Who doubts but there was of old,
as there is now, ſuch a City as Rome, and ſuch a Prince as Romulus ?
Yet if we may believe Plutarch, By whom, and for what Reaſon
(the City of Rome, a Name ſo great in Glory, and ſo famous in
the Mouths of all Men, was ſo firſt call’d, Authors do not agree:
Nay, theſe very Writers, who by the cleareſt Reaſons make it
• appear, that Romulus gave Name to that City, do yet ſtrangely
differ concerning the Birth and Family of its Founder.
For ſome
(write, he was Son to Æneas and Dexithea : Others, that Roma,
Daughter of that Trojan Lady, who was Married to Latinus, Te-
lemachus's Son, was Mother to Romulus : Others, that Émilia
Daughter of Æneas and Lavinia, had him by the God Mars : And
others in fine, that he was begot by Amulius, one of the Kings of
* Alba. Nay, of late, the famous Gronovius, has by many Argu-
ments attempted to prove him a Syrian.
I could enlarge upon the like Difficulties that ariſe concerning
the Birth of a great many of the Heroes and Legiſlators of diftant
Antiquity : For all Nations, I mean ſuch as have been of any
conſiderable Duration, muſt own a certain period of Time, Beyond
which, is nothing but monſtrous Fictions. There the Poets, and there the
Inventers of Fables delight to dwell; nor is there any further to be expected,
6
G
C
6
6
oughi
Chap. I. Firſt King of Scotland.
29
.
i
i
ought deſerving of Credit, or that carries any Appearance of Truth. Hence
'tis, that the Scots Genealogiſts do not think they deferve the Blame
Dr. Kennedy (a) Charges them with ; becauſe They ingenuouſly confeſs
,
that they cannot trace or carry up their reſpective Genealogies any further
,
than to this Fergus. And they are certainly in the Right, in re-
ferring themſelves to the Iriſh, for a particular Account of the rest of the
Pedigree, and Number of Generations from him to Milelius :: For who
but the Triſh, can brag to have been ſo Circumſpect, or at ſuch Expence
in Recording and Preſerving Monuments, ſo many. Hundreds of Years
before Learning, or Letters were known in theſe Remoter, and con-
fequently then more Barbarous Parts of the World.
Whoever this Prince was, as to his Country
and Parentage, 'tis The Mara
certain he was a great Man as to his Parts and Performances. The Scots, before
Scots were, in thoſe Days, a wild, unruly, lawleſs Rabble, cqually tion of the
ignorant of Manufactures and Agriculture: They liv'd upon Prey, Monarchy
and rioted in Plunder, Vices but too Natural to ſome of the
more unċiviliz’d Highlanders, their Deſcendants, to this Day. If
they had any Conſtitution or Form of Government at all, ſure that
could could be nothing elſe, but what raw untaught Nature, dictates
to all Mankind. Fathers of Families, and Chiefs of Clans, had
undoubtedly all the Sway: They were like ſo many Kings within
their own Bounds: Their Perſons were Sacred, their Wills were
Laws, and all their Commands Deſpotick. Thus each Family was
a petty State, and the Head of it an abſolute Monarch. But Mo-
narchs ſo ftated, could not fail to Jarr with one another. As thrie
Intereſts were ever different, fo their Feuds were continual, none
yielding where all pretended to have Right to Command. (6) Be-
fides,they were attack'd and like to be undone by Neighbours more
numerous, and as fierce as themſelves. To quell doneſtick Feuds,
repel Foreign Inſults, and to fetch Order out of this Chaos of Con-
fufion, was a Province fit for a Solon or à Lycurgus to enter upon.
Fergus effected the noble Deſign : For at a time, when the Britain's
and Pičts equally powerful by their Numbers and Union, were up
in Arms, and juſt ready to fall upon, and by conſequence to extir-
The Broa
pate the Scottiſh Families; He ſet himſelf upon the Head of theſe tains and
laft
, and found Means to diſunite the two former, and ſo ſtruck up, with thescort
not only a Peace, but a moſt firm and long laſting Alliance with Fergus ſets
the Pišis : In Conjunction with whom, he afterwards gave a total
Overthrow to the fraudulent and unquiet Britains, kill'd their King Head of the
Coilus (from whoſe Name and memorable
. Death, the Country of
Kyle is ſo call’d.) And having thus, by his equal Wiſdom and Va- Makes
lour, ſecur'd himſelf and his people from Foreign Wars, he turn’d the Pias.
his own and their Thoughts upon reaping.the Advantages and End
of Peace. With this View he appointed Governours; no doubt the
Chiefs of Clans, and ſuch as had beſt deſerv'd in the Wars, to re- the Sczes,
fide and take Care of Tracts of Land, which he bounded by certain
Limits, and defign'd by the Names of their reſpective Governors.
H
Thus
(a) Kennedy pag. 6. (6) Boeth, Lell. &c. in vita Fergul, I.
himſelf u-
í
pon the
Scuts
Civilizes
30
The Life of Fergus
Book I.
By what
King.
us,
Thus the Country of Mar was ſo call’d from Marthac, the Chief of
thoſe that inhabited it ; Atbol from Atholus, &c.
This done, his
next Care was, to form and ſuit the Minds and Manners of his
People to the Rules of Civility, at leaſt of Society, and to dif-
courage their domineering Vices, Rapine and Slaughter ; but more
eſpecially Theft, by reaſon that in thoſe early and artleſs Ages,
Locks and Keys were Things unknown; and all had Acceſs to the
Wealth of each. In fine, He is ſaid to have built a Caſtle, Boethius
calls it Berogomum, on the Coaſt of Lochaber, and in View of the
Iſlands, calfd Hebrides, where he appointed Judges to fit and admi-
niſter Juftice, both to the Iſlands, and In-land Continent. Now, if
any ſhall ask, by what Right or Title he modeľd the Infant State
after this manner, I own I am at a loſs to determine.
That he was the Firſt Scots King, and that as ſuch he commanded
means e bebe Armies, and gave Laws, is by all Scots Authors acknowledg’d to be
true : But the Queſtion is, How he came to be King, and how
far did his Royal Prerogative extend ? Boethius, Leſly, Buchanan, &c.
tell That the Scots in Britain, ſenſible of the Ruine deſign’d them
by their envious Neighbours, and of the Neceſſity they lay under of
having a Leader, their Chiftains being unwilling to yield Obe.
dience to one another, call’d Fergus over from Ireland; and by rea-
ſon of his Royal Birth, Valour, Juſtice and Prudence, unanimouſ-
ly Voted him King; and that afterwards of their own Accord, he
himſelf defiring no ſuch thing, they ſolemnly Vow'd for themſelves
and their Pofterity, Obedience and Submiſſion to him and his Po-
ſterity for ever: Adding expreſly, and obliging themſelves and Suc-
ceffors, never to Own or Acknowledge as King, any one not begot
by him,or the Heirs of his Body. Theſe Promiſes ſeal’d by the moſt
dreadful Oaths and Imprecations, in caſe of a Failure on the Subjects
part, were Ingravid, ſay Boethius and Lefly, on Marble Tables, and
conſign’d for Preſervation, into the Cuſtody of the then Prieſts. If
fo, it muſt be own'd, that he was Elected and made King, I do not
fay by the People, for that is not, I ſuppoſe, by any Body pretended;
but at leaſt, by the Nobles or Heads of Families, in whoſe Power
'twas to Un-king themſelves in his Favour: And ſo he became with
reference to all, what they had been, I mean each in his own Fami-
ly, a Father and a Captain General ; that is
, I humbly conceive,
an abſolute Monarch : For ſuch all Fathers then were, and ſuch a
Captain General ſtill is, where he has no Superior. In this Senſe,
King Fergus may be Parallel with the Æmilii or Fabii
, Dictators of
Rome: The Senate and People of that City, tho fix'd and riveted in
a State of Enmity with the very Name of Kings, yet never faild,
how oft their All was at Stake, to truſt this All into the Hands of
one Man, they call’d Dictator. On him they beſtow'd an abſolute,
deſpotick, uncontroulable, and never to be accounted for Command:
And to themſelves they reſerv'd nothing but the Glory of Obeying,
and the Hopes of being deliver'd froni the threatn'd Danger. A
flagrant Teſtimony, that even in the Opinion of the moſt zealous
Repu-
و
1
Chap. II.
31
Firſt King of Scotland.
66
CE
66
Republicans, Monarchy, if Abſolute, 'is the People's beſt Guardian,
againſt Seditions within, or Inſults from without the State. 'Tis
true indeed, that the Roman Dictators were Limited, tho not in their
Power, yet to a Time, their Office being but Temporary. Whereas
King Fergus his Dominion was declar'd Perpetual and Unalterable,
as I narrated but now. Nevertheleſs others, particularly Fordon,
the oldeſt of the Scots Hiſtorians now extant, gives us a different Ac-
count of this moſt eſſentịal Point of the Scots Hiſtory. He ſays,
« That (a) Fergus, a noble Youth of vaſt Merits and royal Paren-
tage, being inform’d, that a People by Deſcent of his own Na-
« tion, were by the Pitts ejected from their Poffeffions, and that
“ they wander'd throw wild Deſarts, and without a Ruler or Head,
was enrag'd at the grating News: Beſides, he was made to be
“ much in love with the Soil
, which by reaſon of its being all at
" that time cover'd and adorn’d with Trees, he believ'd to be
very
« Fertile ; and fir'd with Ambition, and perſuaded by theſe Mo-
" tives, he drew together a great many young Men, came over to
" Albion, ſeparated the Scots from amidſt the Picts, plac'd them and
" thoſe he had brought along with him, in the Weſtern Extremities
“ of the Iſland, and there made himſelf a King, and was the firſt
" that Reign'd over them. Here is no mention either of a Call
from, or Election made by the Chiftains of the People; Far from it,
the King is plainly ſaid to have made himſelf and them. Till now
they had been Slaves to themſelves, I mean to their favage Deſires,
to their Chiftians, whoſe Will was their only Law, and to their en-
Croaching Neighbours, whoſe ſtronger Power they could not with.
ſtand. A ſingle Perſon is rais’d, and undoubtedly acted by deſign-
ing Providence, and he makes them Froc, becauſe he binds them
with Laws, he delivers them com Oppreſſion, by putting them
under Subjection, and rids them of Tyranny, by Conſtituting him
ſelf their King.
As they enjoy'd no Liberty till now, ſo they knew not ſo much as
the Name of Property : If their Goods were not in Common, 'tis
certain however that they were expos’d to all the common Accidents
that muſt needs fall out, where Covetouſneſs, Ambition, Revenge,
Gc. are unbridľd by Authority, and whetted by Power; ſo that
no Man could call ought his own any longer than he had Strength
of Body and Force of Arms to make it ſo. King Fergus by his Laws,
ſet Bounds to Mens Avarice, and effectually reſtrain'd their inbred
Inclination to Robbery and Stealth. And thus it appears, that Li-
berty and Property, Words that ſound fo Charmingly in all our Ears,
and are in reality but Words and Sounds, as they're generally ap-
plyed, were at firſt gifted to the People, by this King Fergus : And
after this he might ſay with Solon, who gave Laws to the Athenians:
What
و
.
H 2
(a) Hiſtor. Britannica Scriptores XX. 2. Vol. comprehen. p. 584. ubi Jo. Ford. habet hæc verba. Ambi-
tione regnandi ſtimulatus, magnam fibi juvenum copiam accumulans, ad Albionem progreffus eſt, 83. Ibi-
dem, Super eos Regem primum fe conftituit
.
32
Book Í
The Life of Fergus
What Power was fit, I did on all beſtow,
Not rais’d too high, nor preſt the Subject low':
The Rich that Ruld, and ev'ry Office bore,
Confin’d by Laws, they could not preſs the Poor:
Al Perſons I fecur'd from lawleſs Might,
And none prevaild upon anothers Right.
::
CG
i
CC
CC
This was a Compliment, for which the then People could make no
Returns, ſince they had nothing to give, but Obedience to the Laws
and Form of Government preſcrib’d; and on this their own Being
and Exiſtence depended : Had they done otherwiſe, they muſt a-
gain relapfe into
all the Miſchiefs and Errors of Anarchy : Perhaps
they might, by Means of a ſucceſsful Rebellion, have Ún-nation'd
themſelves, but they could notUn-king their Prince, TheRight he had
acquir'd over them was Indelible : And had it been otherwiſe; yet
as before, ſo afterwards, he muſt be allow'd to remain a King, at
leaſt in his own Family.
Now, whether the whole Kingdom, and his private Family were
not one and the fame, is a Queſtion decided, in a great meaſure,
by Sir William Temple, and more poſitively by Sir George Mackenzie,
in his Favour. The firſt (a) tells us, That if we deduce (as
“ certainly we muſt) the ſeveral Races of Mankind, in the ſeveral
“ Parts of the World from Generation, we muſt imagine the firſt
" Numbers of them, who in any Place agree upon any civil Con-
- ftitutions, to aſſemble not as ſo many ſingle Heads, but as ſo
many Heads of Families, whom they Repreſent in the Framing
any Compact or common Accord ; and conſequently as Perſons
e who have already an Authority over ſuch Numbers, as their Fa-
.6 milies are compoſed of : For, if we conſider a Man multiplying
“ his Kind by Birth of many Children, and not only the Cares, but
c the Induſtry he is forc'd to, for the neceſſary Suſtenance of his
"helpleſs Brood, either in gathering the natural Fruits, or raiſing
" thoſe which are purchas’d with Labour and Toil: If he be forc':
« for Supply of his Stock to Catch the tamer Creatures, and Hunt
" the wilder, ſometimes to exerciſe his Courage in defending his
" little Family, and fighting with the ſtrong and favage Beaſts,
" that would Prey upon him, as he does upon the Weak and the
“ Mild. If we ſuppoſe him diſpoſing with Diſèretion and Order,
- whatever he gets among his Children, ſometimes laying up for to-
C Morrow, what was more than enough for to-Day; at other times
" Pinching himſelf
, rather than ſuffering any of them ſhould Want,
" and as each of them grows up, and able to ſhare in the common
Support, teaching him both by Leſſon and Example, what he is
now to do as the Son of his family, and what hereafter as the
“ Father of another : And laſtly, among the various Accidents of
"Life, lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, when the Earth affords him
(6
CC
CC
no
(a) Temple’s Eſſay upon Government,
Chap. I.
33
Firſt King of Scotland.
66
(C
&6
CC
CC
no Relief, and having recourſe to a higher Nature, when he finds
" the Frailty of his own. We muſt needs conclude, that the Chil-
á dren of this Man cannot fail of being bred up with a great Opi-
« nion of his Wiſdom, his Goodneſs, his Valour and Piety; and if
“ they fee conftant Plenty in the Family, they will believe well of
his Fortune too. And from all this muſt naturally ariſe a great
« Paternal Authority; and thus the Father by Authority, as well
as by a natural Right, becomes a Governor in this little State:
c And if his Life be long, and his Generations many, (as well as
thoſe of his Children) he grows the Governor or King of a
« Nation, and is indeed a Pater Patrie. Thus, the peculiar Com-
pellation of the King in France, is by the Name of Sire, which in
their ancient Language, is nothing elſe but Father ; and denotės
$C the Prince to be the Father of the Natiun : For a Nation pro-
« perly Signifies a great number of Families deriv'd from the fame
«c Blood, born in the lame Country, and living under the fame Go-
vernment and civil Conſtitutions, as Patria does the Land of our
« Father. And ſo the Dutch by Expreſſions of Dearneſs, inſtead of
our Country, lay our Father-Land. With ſuch Nations, we find
« in Scripture, all the Lands of Judea, and the adjacent Territo-
“ ries were planted of old : With ſuch the many leveral Provin-
ces of Greece and Italy, when they began firſt to appear upon the
6. Records of ancient Story or Tradition ; and with luch was the
6. Main-Land of Gaul, inhabited in the time of Cafar, and Germany
6 in that of Tacitus. Such were the many Branches of the old Brio
“ tiſh Nation, the Scepts among the Iriſh. And ſuch I conclude by
a Parity of Reafon the Scots to have been: So that as all the different
Families or Clans among them were Originally of the fame Stock,
Fergus muſt needs have been the Heir Repreſentative of this Stock;
and by conſequence the Father of them all, that is their King by
his Birth-right. Whether he was born in Ireland or Scotland, it is of
no purpoſe to enquire : It ſeems however, that all the Scots in Albi-
on knew and own'd him to be the Chief of their Families, and the
Fountain of their very Being. Sir George Mackenzie is poſitive as to
the thing, but expreſſes himſelf in other Terms. Ga: helus, (a)
“ (ſays he) was not at all Elected by the People, but was himțelf the
" Son of a King, and all thoſe deſcended from him and his Colo-
" nies, were by Law obliged to obey the eldeſt Son and Repre-
«c ſentative of that Royal Family. Ferquhard is acknowledg’d to
have been his only Succeſlor ; nor did ever any of the Scottiſh
“ Tribes pretend to have the Supremacy: And our Hiſtories bear,
« That none of our Tribes would yield to one another, and the
« fatal Marble Chair that came from Spain, remaining with thoſe
" that went to Ireland, does evince, that the Birth-right remain'd
« with them. And therefore when Fergus the Son of Ferquhard
came over, he brought over with him the Marble Chair, which
was the Mark of Empire
. He adds, And 'tis true,
I.
read
CC
(6
(6
that we
(4) Mackenz. Juft Right of Monarchy.
34
The Life of Fergus
Book 1
LC
66
C
CC
06
1
66
4G
66
“ read nothing at all of the Conſent of the People, but of the Heads
“ of the Tribes, who had no Commiſſion from the People, each
6 of them having by his Birth-right, a Power to Command his
own Tribe : And conſequently the Royal Power was not deriv’d
to Fergus from the People, but had its original from this Birth-
“ right, that was both in them and Fergus. Nor can it be fu-
“ ſtain'd, that the People did in any Nation univerſally Conſent to
« Election. In Poland the only Elective Monarchy.we know, the
« Freeholders only Conſent, and yet every private Man and Wo-
man have as good Intereſt, according to the pretended Laws of
Nature, as they have. Nor have the Commons and mean Peo.
ple any Intereſt in the Election of our Magiſtrates : So that Po-
“pular Freedom by Birth, and the Intereſt of the People in Popu.
"lar Elections, are but meer Chimera's, invented to Cheat the
« Rabble into an Averſion to the eſtabliſh'd Government. Fergus
came then to the Crown, not at all by Election, but he Succeeded in his
own Right, and in the Right thoſe Chiefs had to Command their reſpective
Families. And the Conſent given by the Chiefs of the Clans
" and the People, did not give, but declare the former Right, as
our Confent now does in Aets concerning the Prerogative, and
as the Vote of the Inqueſt does in the Service of Heirs : And
" thus at the Coronation of our Kings, it is ſtill ſaid by our Hiſto-
“ rians, that ſuch a Man was declared King Communi ſuffragio do
« acclamatione. Thus far from Sir George: And thus I have ihewn
the moſt probable Means, by which the Prince, whoſe Life I Write,
came firſt to be King of the Scots in Albion. As to the ſecond Que-
How far ſtion, How far his Royal Prerogative did Extend, I think I have in
tive did ex- a great meaſure anſwer'd it already. I ſhall add, That 'tis moſt
likely, that his Power was Abſolute, from the following Remarks.
As he either made himſelf a King by his own unuſurp'd Authority,
or was ſo by his inherent Birth-right; ſo we find that his new mo-
deld Subjects, tho they oblig’d themſelves under the ſevereſt Pe.
nalties and deepeſt Imprecations imaginable, to continue their Al--
legiance to him and his Heirs for ever ; yet they exacted no Oath,
no Obligation, nor Guarantee whatever, for ought to be perform’d
on his Part to them. Beſides, he had not only the Command of all
Perſons, but was the only Proprietor and Lord of all the Lands and
Seas then Poffeſs’d or Inhabited by Scots-men: And this I ſhall after-
wards have occaſion to evince; and I believe I ſhall do it to a Deo
monſtration. Laſtly, The filial Love, reſpectful Aw, and zealous
blind Obedience, with which each Branch of ancient Names, but
more particularly, thoſe in the Highlands, do to this Day, Reve-
rence and Serve their reſpective Chiefs, is to me a plain Proof of
that abſolute Sway King Fergus had over a People, by Gratitude,
Duty, Conviction and Inclination, his Subjects.
Nor will this ſeem unreaſonable to any one, who will but lay
Prejudice afide for a Minute, and conſider that no Man ever was,
or is born Free, ſave a very few, who by reaſon of the anterior
Death
tend.
Chap. I
35
Firſt King of Scotland.
!
Death of their Fathers, have been born Kings. In the Infancy of
Time, and State of primitive Nature, all Children caine to the
World Subjects to their Parents: And face this Paternal Juriſdicti-
on has in its Succeſſions (lawfully or unlawfully I do not deterinine)
branch'd out into the ſeveral Forms of Governments now eſtabliſh’d
among Men; 'tis plain, that every individual becomes by his very
Birth a Subject to that Government, under which he firtt Breaths.
Now, under all Governments, call them by what Appellation you
pleaſe, the Dominion, as Sir William Temple judicioạily obſerves, is
equally Abſolute, where it is in the laſt Reſort
. The Czar in Mufiony,
and the Sultan at Conſtantinople, can do nothing where they Coin-
mand, but what the Supreme Magiſtrates in Holland, Venice, Poland
or Britain, may. There's every where ſome Power that is not to
be contrould, and on whoſe arbitrary Pleaſure, when expreſs’d or
turn'd into a Law, the Death, Life, Liberty and Property of every
particular Perſon depends
. 'Tis true, thefe Powers that are Su-
preme in the morePolite and Civiliz'dCountries,do.not fo frequently
degenerate into Acts of Injuſtice, Oppreſſion and Cruelty, as thoſe
firſt mention’d : But this is owing only to their better Rules and
Forms of proceeding in matters Criminal and Civil, which for the
moſt part they follow; tho ſometimes, we know, they can, and do
diſpenſe with theſe very Laws, or Forms, we think the Guarran-
tees and Securities of all that's Dear or Sacred to Man. So that,
linee all Men are, and muſt be ſubject to Government, whether
they will or not, and ſince all Governments are equally Delpo-
tick, and may prove equally Tyrannical in their Turns"; If any
ſhall ask, What Form or Conſtitution of Government one ſhould in-
cline to live under, I Anſwer, That, and only That, under which
himſelf and his Anceſtors from time out of Mind have been born,
bred, and protected; That, to which he and they have been Sworn;
and 'That in fine, which firſt made the People a Nation, and has
finice continu'd to make the Nation ſubfift. Such a Government,
whoever goes about to Subvert by Force or Fraud, is undoubtedly
a Rebel, a Traitor, a Parricide, and as ſuch, deſerves to be Puniſh'd.
I ſay, by Force or Fraud, for to give Laws to a People that's Law-
leſs
, or to new-model an unhappy Conſtitution, by meer Dint of
Reaſon, univerſal Conſent, and thorow Conviction ofall concern’d;
This is to re-act a Fergus in Albion, a Numa in Rome, an Athenian
Solon, or a Spartan Lycurgus : Such Men as theſe, Poland and Hun-
gary very much want, and Denmark while Elective wanted. But
again, if one ſhould inſiſt further, and enquire what Form of Go-
vernment is in it ſelf moſt perfect : That undoubtedly which is leaft
imperfe&t: For ’tis equally true of Governments and Meng
/
Vitiis nemo fine naſcitur, optimus ille eft
Qui minimis urgetur :
I.
1
And
30
The Life of Fergus Book Í.
And ſuch an one, I take it, is Monarchy, when alſo Hereditary.
To prove this
, I ſhall grant a very liberal Conceſſion to Republi-
cans,
and others the Abettors of Antimonarchical Principles. Their
Plea' is generally, and indeed I think ’tis to fumm up in one Argu-
ment all theArguments that can be adduc'd againſt myAffertion, That
Kings are like otherMen, Intereſted, Covetous, Infolent, Proud,Revenge-
ful, Cruel, and what not, Witneſs the Nero's of old, and the Caſti-
lian Peters, and Daniſh Chriſtierns, of a later date. Well, I own it,
Veniam dabimus petimuſque viciſim.
Kings are of the Maſs of Mankind, and therefore by Nature
wickedly inclin'd: But then I contend, that they are no more fo,
than that whole Maſs of which they make a part:
Rari quippe boni, numero vix funt totidem quot
Thebarum porta, vel divitis oſtia Nili.
T
Of honeft Men, we find ſo ſmall a Store,
The Gates of Thebes, the Mouths of Nile are more.
.
That is, a good Man is a lonely Creature, he is a Phænix, there's
but one of the kind to be ſeen in the World at once : Nay, I ſhall
ſuppoſe, that, as the Story of the Phænix is but a Fable, ſo the Ex-
iſtence of a good Man is but a Chimera, Nemo eſt juſtus, nemo ufque
ad unum.
If ſo ( and who can doubt it ?) the Senates of Rome,
Lacedemon and Athens, were ſo many Conventions of Fools or Vil
lains, or both. If we talk of the Aſſemblies of their inferior People,
the Aſſertion is ſtill the more uncontrovertible. Now, ſince on the
arbitrary Power of theſe, or ſuch as theſe, there's an abſolute Ne-
ceſſity to depend, whether is the Condition of the People moſt
hopeful, who depends on the mixt Multitude of all theſe, or of
that other who is ſubject to one of them? The laſt to be ſure :
For as all in general, ſo that one Man in particular, who is ſuppos’d
to have the ſupreme Power lodg’d in his Perſon, muſt needs be
likewiſe ſuppos’d, becauſe of the Viciouſneſs of common Nature,
to prefer his private Intereſt to that of all the People in general, and
of each one in particular. If he does ſo, the People are generally
ſecure under his Sway. The People are his Property,his Heritage;
in a word, in every reſpect his own: And why ſhould he deſtroy his
own ? If he extirpate them,over whom ſhall he and his Poſterity after
him domineer? If he impoveriſh them, who ſhall henceforth afford him
Money to gratify his Paſſions, whatever they are ? Who afterwards
will ſupport his Grandeur, guard his Perfon, fight his Battles, pay
his Forces, reduce his Enemies, ſuppreſs Conſpiracies, enrich his
Favorites ? In fine, what an Heritage muſt he leave to his Chil-
dren? An empty Exchequer, a deſolate Kingdom, an enragd
People, and a tottering Crown. Hence 'tis evident, that a Heredi-
tary
Chap. I. Firſt King of Scotland.
37
tary Monarch, tho never fo Vicious, if he is not at the ſame time
Phrenetick or ſtark Mad (in which laft Caſe, He may be acc
ccording
to Sir Thomas Craig, debarr’d not from the Succeſſion, but only from the
Adminiſtration ) will
, for the ſake of his own private Intereſt
, and
that of his Poſterity, take care of the publick Intereſt and Welfare
of his people. Is this the Caſe of an Aſſembly of Men intruft-
ed with the ſame ſupreme Power we have been talking of? By no
means: Their Intereit (and I ſuppoſe all Men are equally intereſted)
is ever different from that of the People, their own Conſtituents:
Such Men are not wont to allow Time, that's the more precious,
becauſe ſhort, to ſlide away in vain : They very well know, that
they're then, or never to be made; they poſt on to Employments,
Penſions and Truſt, as faſt as Avarice can drive.
And were they
liable to no other. Vice, ( and God knows, were their Lives ſifted,
as thoſe of Princes are, we ſhould find them in every Reſpect gene-
rally more Vicious than Princes ;) I ſay, were they liable to no
other Vice, but that of being Brib'd, as generally all private Men
are; it muſt be concluded, that the People intruſted to their Mana-
gery, are for this very Reaſon in a moſt hopeleſs Condition. All was
Venal at Rome, whilſt Rome continu'd a Republick : Cæſar uſurp'd
not, but bought the Empire with his Money: And of tliat State
that's govern'd in the laſt Reſort by many, it may be truly ſaid,
O Regnum cito periturum, ſi emptorem répërerit ! How ſoon ſhall this
Kingdom be undone, if a Buyer can be found?
From all this I conclude, that the Scots were in King Fergus his
Days, happy upon a double Score : Firſt, becauſe Heaven gave them
a good, valiant, and wife Prince : And next, becauſe their Prince
was Hereditary. They thought ſo themſelves, and their Pofterity,
to this Day, are generally of the fame Opinion. For tho the
innate Bounty of moſt Scots Kings, and the various Circumſtances
of Affairs and Times have occafion'd a ſeeming Diminution of the
Royal Prerogative, and made a ſort of mixt Government of King
and States; yet their Monarchs have in all Ages reign'd Abfolute in
the Hearts of almoſt all Scots-men ; and are declar'd füch, not only
in the Writings of their moſt eminent Lawyers, but alſo in the pub-
lick Records of their Church and State : I ſay Abſolute, ſo far as
that they have neither an Equal nor Superior. 'Tis true, that all
Parties and Nations have; in their Turns, been guilty of Rebellions
and Inſurrections againſt their reſpective Princes; and then they
fail'd not to hire an Advocate who would plead the Equity of their
Cauſe: And what Cauſe, tho ever ſo bad, can want Abettors, while
Men remain Men, that is, prone to Sin? But in Oppoſition to theſe,
How many Noble Affertors of the Royal Rights has Scotland pro-
duc'd, and Loyalty inſpir’d. Popery boaſts of a Barclay, Epifco-
pacy of a Sir George Mackenzie; and Presbytery of a Sir Thomas Craig,
than whom, a more ſolid Wit, nor an honeſter Man, no Age, no
Nation perhaps has hitherto been bleſt with : His Book entitl’d,
The Right of Succefſion; &c. as it fixes the Thrones of Kings beyond
K
all
1
38
The Life of Fergus Book I.
1
all Poſſibility of being ſhaken, but by arm'd Force; fo it will
prove a never failing Document to After-ages
, That the Principles of
that Church, of which he was a Member, are not, as is fallly affert-
ed, Dilloyal : He was too Wife to be ignorant of the Effentials of
that Religion he profeſs’d, and too good a Man to diſſemble or és
quivocate, much leſs to contradi&t the Dictates of his Conſcience :
He aſſerted nothing but what was long after acknowledgʻd to be a
Truth, and that in the moſt Authentick Form and Manner imagi-
nable, I mean by the publick Confeſſion of Faith, ratified Anno 1647
Where 'tis declar'd, That even Infidelity (a) or Difference in Religion,
doth not make void the Magiſtrate's juſt and legal Autbority, nor frée thé
People from their due Obedience to him. Thus ’tis evident, that all
Scots-men, however oppoſite as to their other Principles, agree never-
theleſs in this one concerning their Kings, and that after a Tract of
Two Thouſand revolving Years. They are not yet weary'd withi
the Ferguſian Sway, a Bleſſing granted by Heaven to no one Prince or
Family upon Earth, beſides King Fergus and his Sacred Line. In
what Senle the Succeſſion was alter'd after the Death of this Prince,
I have narrated above, and would avoid unneceſſary Repetitions.
After he had thus ſettl’d the Monarchy, ſtrengthen'd it with
Confederacies, and Fenc'd it with Diſcipline and Laws; the Fame
to Freemont of his Wiſdom and Valour muſt needs be great: His Preſence was
therefore intreated, in order to Compoſe and Umpire fome Dif .
ferences between his Allies or Kinſmen in Ireland. Thither he went;
and had the deſir'd Succeſs
. He was upon his Return to Sotland,
Is loſt at when being overtaken by à Storm at Sea, he was unluckily caſt
away near a Rock call’d from his Naine and that ſincerely lamented
A. A.Chr. Accident, Craigfergus. He had Reign'd Twenty Five Years, how
long he liv'd is uncertain. His Character I ſhall tranſcribe from
His Cha- Mr. Johnſton Profeſſor of Philoſophy,his. Inſcriptiones Hiſtoricæ Regum
Scotorum
Sea.
305.
racter.
Regali de ftirpe fatus, patriaque, domoque,
Scotorum primus Martia fceptra adiit :
Qua legum ſtabilit jufto moderamine & armis;
Idem armis, animis, conſiliiſque potens.
Fædere conciliat Pictos, belloque minaces
Brittonas invicto robore fundit agens.
Aufpiciis fælix, meritis illuſtribus aucta
Tranſcribit generi ſceptra tenenda ſuo.
Tollere quem neque fraus potuit, neque Martius enſis,
Obruit Hibernis Ennoligæus aquis.
i
THE
1
(a) Confeflion of Faith, Chap. 23.
Chap. I. The Life of Caractacus, &c.
32
Τ Η Ε
:
2
Life of Caractacus
Τ Η Ε
Eighteenth King of Scotland.
C
1
Scotland.
AR ACT ACUS makes ſo Noble a Figure in the Roman Hi-
ftory, that 'tis no wonder that thofe who woåld deprive
Scotland of ſo many of her ancient Kings, do not allow this
One to have been of the Number. That there was ſuch a Prince, Cara&lacaq
and that he liv'd in that very Time, Scots Authors condeſcend upon, have been
viz. in the Reign of the Emperor Claudius, is acknowledged by e King of
very Body: And I ſee no reaſon to doubt of his being a Scots King,
ſave that South- Britaik was the Theatre, on which he acted his He-
roick Part, and that he Commanded the Silures, á People, fay the
Engliſh, who inhabited the Southern part of Wales. For theſe rea-
fons 'tis, that Buchanan tákes ſo little notice of his Actions, and tells
us, That in his Opinion, Galdus who Reign'd about twenty Years
afterwards, was the firſt Scots King, that Fought againft the Romans
in Perſon: And the judicious and learn’d Gordon of Straloch, iniclines
to believe, that the Renown'd Caraftacus was a Provincial Britain.
They're both miſtaken; yet their Ingenuity deſerves Praiſe, and is
a Proof that 'twas beneath them to Steal their Neighbour's Glories,
wherewith to Adorn themſelves.
That Cara£tacus was not born a Provincial Britain is plain, for
no part of Britain was reduc'd into the Form of a Province, till he
appear'd in Oppoſition to the Deſign. But Scotland was not invaded
by the Romans, till the Reign of Galdus. I have reafon to think other-
wiſe; and were it fo, it does not from thence follow, that no Scots
King before Galdus did think fit to place himfeff upon the Head of
ſuch Auxiliary Troops, às were ſent from North to South-Britain. And
if we ſhall ſuppoſe Caractdcus, or any other, to have been a King of
Sovereign in North-Britain at that time; I mean, wtren Publius Oſto-
rius, (a) had Maſter'd the Severn and Avon, overthrown the ſceni,
that is, the Inhabitants of Northfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and Hunting -
toun; defeated the Cangi, a People about the Irifh Sea; ſuppreſs’u
the Inſurrections of the Brigantes, a People, bý Echard, płac'd in
the North of England; and in a word bad redued all the Southern parts
of the Iſle, into the form of a Province : If we fhrall ſuppofe, I ſay, Carzęta-
ew or any other to have had Sovereign Power in North-Britain at that
K 2
time,
apr.
.نف. نقتنياتi
(4) Echard's Hiſt of England. p. 16. Book. I,
40 The Life of Caractacus Book I.
;
time: Have we not Reaſon to think, that in order to prevent the nea-
ter approach of ſuch a dreadful Enemy to his own Territories, he
could not fail to Affiſt ſuch of the South-Britains, as yet dar'd to Re-
fift? I have already ſhewng that Forces were ſent from the Extre-
mities of the Iſland, to oppoſe Julius Cafar his ſecond Expedition :
And now the Flamę was nearer, and juſt ready to catch hold of his
own Dwelling, is it not reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that the Scots King,
whoever he was, did contribute his Endeavours, in order to extin-
guilh, or at leaſt to remove it? If he was in his right Wits, he
would certainly do it, and if he was a warlike Prince, he would
alſo ſet himſelf on the Head of his Troops : Nay, if his Aſſiſtance
was conſiderable, and his Perſon in Repute, 'tis not unlikely but
that the South-Britains, conſidering the then broken State of their
Affairs, and the ignoble Defection of ſo many of their Cities, and
of ſome of their Kings, Cogidunus in particular, might be induc'd
to pitch upon a neighbouring Prince, Powerful and Brave, to Comi
mand their Armies, in Quality of Captain General
. And thus 'tis
no Matter of Wonder, that Caractacus a Scots King, ſhould have
been, as he really was, prefer'd to all the Britiſh Generals; and
have appear’d on the Head, not only of his own more Northern Sub-
jects, but alſo of the Brigantes and Silures of South-Britain. But here
again I muſt obſerve, that thoſe Authors err, who ſay, that the
Brigantes were a People in the North of England, and the Silures the
Inhabitants of South Wales: For tho both may have extended them-
The Silures ſelves to theſe Places; yet ’tis undoubtedly true, and I have elle-
and Brigan- where prov'd it from Seneca, that the Brigantes made a part of the
part of the Scots Nation; whence they were callid Scoto-Brigantes, and that
they Inhabited the Countries of Nithſdale and Annandale in Scotland,
as well as Cumberland, Westmorland, Tork/bire and Wales, extending
themſelves all-along the Weſt-Side of the Iſland, from Galloway to
Cheſhire. . As for the Silures, as they were Neighbours, and of Kin to
the Brigantes, (for Roman Authors derive them both from a Spaniſh
Origination) ſo they alſo Inhabited a part of Scotland, as may be
evinc'd from Pliny (a) who tells us,
co That Ireland is but twenty
“ Miles diſtant from the Nation of the Silures: If ſo, the Silures Inha-
bited the Countries adjacent to Port-Patrick in Scotland, which is in-
deed but twenty Miles diſtant from Donachydee in Ireland. The
like cannot be ſaid of any part in South-Britain, and the neareſt of
theſe Engliſh Counties, which Camden ſuppoſes to have been Inha-
bited by the Silures, is at leaſt fifty Miles diſtant froin any part of
Ireland. So that, as we know not diſtinctly how far the Pictiſ and
Scottiſh Dominions might, in thoſe Days, have been extended over
that part of Britain, which was afterwards call’d England: So we are
not ſure but the King of Scots had a juſt Title to Command the
Silures, or as his natural Subjects, or as his Allies, both by Confan-
guinity and Treaties. I conclude then, that there's no reaſon to
deny
و
Scots Nacion.
!
(a) Plin. lib. 4. cap. 16. Nàt. Hift. habet hæc verba. Super eam (Britanniam) hæc (Hibernia) fita, abeſt
breviffimo tranſitu a Silurum gente XX. M. P.
Chap. I.
Eighteenth King of Scotland.
41
his Birth.
dallanus,
deny the Scots King Caractacus, to have been one and the ſame with
the ſo much Renown'd Britain, of that Name. And ſince Buchanan, as
well as all other Scots Hiſtorians, not only reckon a Cara&tacùs in the
Catalogue of Scots Monarchs, but alſo place him in the very
ſame period of Time, when the Britiſh Caracłacus is own'd to have
liv’d; 'Tis, in my opinion, injudicious and unconſequential to di-
vide their perſons, and to allow of two, where one fuffices to AC
count for all the Performances and Atchievements of either:
This Prince was born in Carrick, a City, ſays Boethius, (a) taken caráłtacus
notice of by Ptolemæus Alexandrinus, Verimundus, and others. It was
the Capital of all thoſe other Towns, which belong'd to the Silures,
and has given its Name to the Country wherein įt ſtood. He ſuc-
ceeded to the Crown in Right of his Mother Europeia, who was Si-
fter to Metellanus the late King. The brave and wiſe Cudalanus was He was the
his Father. Of this great Man's and the Nation's Loyalty in thoſe Son of ca-
Days, we have a remarkable Document upon Record. About
twelve Years before the Birth of our Saviour, Scotland was curſt with
a King, Evenus was his Name, in Tyranny equal to Nero; and to KEvents
Heliogabulus in Luft
. His own Palace he made a Seraglio, where no King.
leſs than a hundred Concubines were entertain'd. He did more; for
by a Law, not entirely Abrogated for many hundreds of years af-
terwards, he gave all Men a Right to Enjoy at their Pleaſure the
Wives and Brides of their Servants, Tenants, and Vaffals : And as
he was Superior to all his Subjects, nay, and Proprietor of all their
Lands ; ſo by this Means he made it lawful for himſelf to Attempt
upon any Woman, whatever unbridld Deſire could Prompt him
to, and unlawful for them to Refift. Thus, Chaſtity the Glory and
capital Vertue of the lovelier Sex, became Criminal in Law, and
'twas their Duty to Sin. Nothing is more Rapacious, nothing more
Cruel than Luft: 'Tis unſatiable as well in Avarice as in Deſire, and
therefore this wicked Prince to defray the neceſſary Expence
and Charges of Infamy, muſt needs ſeife upon the Wealth of his
Subjects, when his own was exhauſted. For this purpoſe, Crimes
were Forg’d, rich Men executed, and their Goods confiicated to the
King, that is to Proſtitutes and Pimps. In a Word, Evenus came
at laſt to that height of Wickedneſs, that he was reputed a Chiftain
of Robbers, and a Co-partner with Thieves: So that in his Reign,
no Man could call his Goods, his Child, his Wife, or his Life, his
own. This was down-right Madneſs: For we all know; that Luft is
in ſome People a Diſeaſe, and a Diſeaſe retaining to Madneſs. There
fore, even in the Opinion of Sir Thomas Craig, 'twas to be cur’d; by
removing the Sovereign fo Affected, not from the Title to, but pre-
ſent Uſe of the Adminiſtration. The then Barbarous and Pagan
Scots underſtood this Diſtinction; they remov'd their diſtracted
King from the Helm of Affairs, appointed a Vice-Roy in his Room; Cadalanis
Catallanus was the Man, the King's own Brother-in-Law. To oblige Vice-Roy.
and advance him or his Son ſo much nearer to the Crown, or to re-
L
taliate
(a) Boeth, in vita Caract.
42 The Life of Caractacus Book I.
Evenus
1
His Siſter
taliate ſome Injury receiv’d, a Villain, ſure, as he thought, of Im-
punity, Murther’d the impriſon d Prince. But he was Miſtaken, for
Cadallanus Rewarded the Regicide as he deſerv'd, that is, he put
Murther’d,
him to Death, and every one applauded the Act : So much,ſays Leſly,
(a) did our Anceſtors reſent the Death of a King, whoſe Life had been the
object of their Hatred and Contempt. But to return to the Hero, that
afterwards ſucceeded.
Càractacus had no ſooner attain'd to the Throne, but he fix'd it
A. D. 29. in Peace, by ſuppreſſing an Inſurrection of the turbulent Iſlanders,
Caractaceans whoſe Chiftains he cut off
, partly in the Field, and partly on Scaf-
He fup- folds. The reſt of his Reign was all Heroick, yet ſtrangely vary'd
Rebellion. with different Succeſſes: Foras Tacitus has it, Innumerable adverſe, and
as many proſperous Events, had rais’d him to that height of Reputation,
that he was preferr'd to all the Britiſh Generals. Arviragus a Britiſh
King at firſt oppos’d the Incroachments made upon his Subjects,
with great Valour, but little Succeſs. He was vanquiſh’d, yielded
to the Victor's, eſpous’d their Quarrel, and to ſecure their Friend-
ſhip, after having ignominiouſly Divorc'd his lawful Wife Voada or
repudiated Boadicea, who was Caract acus his Siſter, He took Genila a Roman
Kia British Lady to his Bed. By this means, moſt part of South-Britain became
Tributary and Subſervient to the Invaders : They were Maſters of
Camelodunum, a City in Elex, now Maldon, ſay the Engliſh; in
Stirling-ſhire, where the Remains and Veſtiges of a large and not ir-
regular Town are yet to be ſeen, ſay the Scots. However, they
were advancing apace towards the Pictiſh and Scottiſh Frontiers;
He reſents and Caračtacus, in good Policy, could not ly by an idle Spectator, till
the Indig it ſhould come to his Turn to be undone. Beſides, he had other
to his Siſter. Incentives to puſh him on, the Indignity done to his Siſter, the
Danger hisNephew run of being outed from the Succeſſion by the
Children of Geniſa, his own warlike Temper and aſpiring Genius.
'Twas Glorious for one Prince to have the Command of ſo many di-
ftinct and independentNations. Had he retriev'd their loft Liberties,
who in Britain could have Rivald him in Grandeur or Fame
Fir’d with theſe Motives, He made a vigorous and laſtingOppoſition,
He is in- of no leſs than Nine Years Continuance, to the Roman Power, and
Britiſh Treachery. He fought with, and ſometimes foil'd Veſpaſian,
Plautius and Oftorius, all three Commanders of celebrated Conduct
and Courage. I have elſewhere hinted at their Exploits, and
conſequently at thoſe of their nobleſt Antagoniſt, Caract acus. We
have a particular Account of each Action from Hector Boethius : I
doubt not but he had his Vouchers, but I haften to Ages leſs diſtant
from our own, and ſhall particularize no farther, than I am war-
ranted by Authois uncontraverted, I mean the Romans.
'
Tho moſt of the Nations in South-Britain were either conquer'd,
and com- of won over to the conquering fide; nevertheleſs the Silures re-
folv'd to ftänd it out to the laſt: (b) They rely'd upon their own
in-
(a) In vita Even. (6) Tacitus lib: 12, habet hæc verba
ſuper propriam ferociamCaractaci
Viribus con los
duc'd to
inake War
upon the
Romans.
He joins
mands the
Silures.
1
1
Silures
.
Chap. I. Eighteenth King of Scotland,
43
a
.fo
innate Courage, but more upon the Auxiliary Forces of Caračtacus :
And He, tho his Army was Inferior yet prov'd Superior in Conduct;
ſo far as to remove the Seat of the War into the Territories of He en-
the Ordovices, as more convenient for his Deſigns. He encamp'd cioully.
Camps judis
judicioully in a place where Acceſs and Regreſs were equally un-
Tafe, by reaſon of the craigy Rocks and high Mountains : Beſides,
he was Defended on the one ſide by a Wall of Stones, and on t'o-
ther by a River, not eaſily Fordable. And now the Chiefs of theſe
Confederate Nations went about among their Men, Exhorting, En-
couraging, giving Hope, removing Fear, and uſing all the Per- Makes
ſwafives, they could think on to the purpoſe. Caractacus, ſeem'd e- the soul,
very where at the ſame time : He told the Souldiers, 46 That that diers.
very Day muſt needs retrieve their Liberties, or aſcertain their
« Servitude: That their Anceſtors had driven even Julius Cæſar from
€C the Iſle : That to them was owing their Deliverance from Taxes
" and Tributes, as well as the Enjoyment of their unviolated Wives
« and Children. The Souldiers animated by this Speech, bound
themſelves by the moſt folemn and facred Tyes, and unanimouſly
Swore, that neither Wounds nor Weapons ſhould make them yield:
Their reſolute Behaviour, and the Difficulties that muſt be conquerid,
I mean the Mountains, Rocks,and Rampiers, diſcourag'd at firſt the
Roman General ; but his Souldiers cry'd out to be led on, and that
Valour would force a Way to the Enemies Camp: Their Officers
us'd the like Expreſſions, and the Ardour of the Army was incredible with the
march'd to, and got over the River, but at the Wall he met with manded by
more Oppoſition, and the Britains with their Darts did great Execu- Oftorius.
tion among his Men, while they fought at a diſtance : But theſe
getting in at laſt, and coming to Blows, had the better of Men
naked, and who knew not the uſe of defenſive Arms, ſuch as Breaſt-
plates and Helmets. They retreated to the Tops of the adjacent
Mountains; and thither alſo did the Romans purſue them, and gall
them ſo(theLegionaries with their Swords and Javelins and the Auxi-
liaries with their broad two-handed Swords that they could reſiſt on Loſes the
neither ſide. Thus the Britains were intirely routed : Caract acus, Reges
his Wife, Daughter, and Brothers were inade Priſoners, and He
himſelf with great difficulty eſcap'd. He fled to his Mother in Law,
Cartumandua, who had formerly been Married with his Father Cas
dallanus, and was now the Wife of one Venuſius a great Man, ſays Boe-
thius,but Cunning and Deceitful. One ſhould have thought, that
the diſtreſs’d Prince would have been ſafe here, at leaſt till the Enemy Betray
had overtaken him, and maſter'd the Countrey; but no body can momento e
be ſafe in Adverſity. Cartunandua treacherouſly bound and deliver’d Step-mo-
him up to the Conqueror, after he had nobly reſiſted the Roinari
Power, Difcipline and Valour, during Nine Years, fince the War
firſt broke out.
Notwithſtanding this Mallieur, Carackacus his Fame ſpread fiuch
wider than before : This Iſland and the adjacent Provinces, nay Italy
L 2
anch
Engages
ther.
44 The Life of Caractacus, &c. Book I.
--
Is brought
to Reme.
CC
(L
CC
(C
and Rome it ſelf celebrated his Praiſes : All coveted the Sight of that
Man, who had ſo long contemn'd the Roman Forces; and the Em-
peror Claudius, while he extoll’d his own, made the Captive's Glory
İhine ſo much the brighter. The People of Rome were ſummond
as to the fight of ſome publick Games and Spectacles : The Empe-
ror's Guards were ranked in Order, and he himſelf ſeated on his
Tribunal; the Vallals and Retinue of the captive King went firſt;
the Capariſons and other Spoils of War follow'd after, then his Bro-
thers, his Wife, and Daughter; and laſt of all Caraftacus himſelf was
brought before the People, in a Habit which to them could
Is admir’d. but ſeem very odd. As that and his fierce undaunted Countenance
drew all Eyes upon him, ſo the noble Bravery, with which he ſpoke
to the Emperor, rais'd Wonder and begot Efteėm.
Tacitus tells us, that he deliver'd himſelf much in theſe Terms.
If my Moderation in Proſperity, had been equal to my Birth and
Fortune, I had come rather as a Friend into this City, than a
“ Captive: Nor do I think you had Dildain’d to receive me, with
66 Articles of Alliance ; ſince by Birth I was a Prince, and by For-
tune preferr'd to the Command of ſeveral Nations. As for my
preſent Circumſtances, as they are Low and Diſhonourable to me,
ſo to you they're Triumphant and Glorious. I was once Maſter
of Horſes, Men, Arms and Wealth: What wonder is it, if I
+ ſhould ſtruggle hard before I loſt them? But if the Deſtinies
have Decre'd, that you ſhould give Laws to the Univerſe; 'tis
66 certain that all Mankind muſt ſubmit to the Yoke: Yet had I
come under it without Reſiſtance, neither my Fortune, nor your
“ Glory would have been, as they now are, Conſpicuous; and Ob-
66 livion would have attended my Diſgrace. However, as Matters
ſtand, if you are yet ſo Generous as to ſave me, I ſhall prove a
never to be forgotten Document of your Bounty.
Claudius was mov'd with the pathetick Speech and noble Behavi-
He is fre’d our : He pitied the hard Fate of fo Brave a Man, and frankly Par-
from Capti. don'd him, his Wife and Relations: They were all unbound by the
Emperor's Orders, and waited on the Empreſs Agrippina, with that
Relpet the preſent Exigency requir'd. After this, the Senate was
aſſembled, and the Fathers fail'd not to Congratulate the Occaſion,
in Harangues as Pompous as Flattery could make them. The Praiſes
heap'd on the Roman Emperor, came back by way of Reflection on the
Scottiſh King : For they declar’d, That bis Captivity was no leſs Honou-
rable, than when the Great Scipio expos’d Syphax, and L. Paulus
brought Perſeus to Rome. _In fine, Oſtorius, tho ſtill in Britain, was
Returns to decre’d the Honour of a Triumph ; and Caratacus, now a Friend
and Ally to the Roman People, return’d to Scotland, where he was
Welcom’d by the moſt ſincere and hearty Acclamations, not only of
his own Subjects, but alſo of all thoſe Britains, who were not yet
A. D. 54. broken by the Weight of the Roman Yoke, But he liv'd not long to
reap the Fruits of his Glories, and their good Wilhes; for he died
within two Years after this, his Spirits being ſpent more by Fatigue
and
CG
C6
CC
CC
vity.
Scoiland,
+
Dies.
Chap. I The Life of Corbredus Galdus, 45
and Hardſhips, than by Sickneſs or Age. His Reign laſted twenty
one Years; but his Reputation will ſtand upon Record; while Let-
ters are known, or Courage is honour'd. His Actions; as deſcrib’d
by Tacitus, after whom I have copied, Characterize him to the full
:
And I need add no Colours to thoſe of fo fam’d a Maſter: For, as
Johnſton has it, addreſſing the Diſcourſe to Caraftacus himſelf,
Quod fi te vero Tacitus cognomine narrat,
Nemo in Romana eſt clarior Hiſtoria,
:
:
1
.
more
The LIFE of
Corbredus Galdus
...
:
Τ Η Ε
:
Twenty firſt King of Scotland:
C
FORBR EDVS the Second, was one of thoſe Perſonages,
whom Birth, Education and Nature, ſeem to Cut out and
to Shape into. Heroes. He was Nephew to the Great Gäldus hi
Caračtacus, by his Father Corbredus the Firſt ; and his Mother was. Birth.
a Daughter of the Piltih King. To theſe he ow'd his Birth-right
and Title to the Crown: But his Aunt Voada or Boadicea taught him
thoſe Leſſons, and ſet before his Eyes thoſe Examples which made
him Worthy to Wear it. This celebrated Lady, the Siſter of Ca-
rałtacus and Corbredus , had been Married with Arviragus a Britiſh
King of the Iceni, by the Romans call’d Praſutagus ; He us’d her ill,
as I obferv’d. elſewhere; but afterwards made Amends, by retaking
her to his Bed, and rejecting her Riyal Geniſſa : He did more, for
Revolting from the Romans, he join'd his Brother-in-Law Carata-
cus his Forces, and ſhar'd in the Glories as well as Calamities of this
Prince. But he was again forc'd to beg Pardon, and hold his ſubject
Scepter of the Conqueror's Generoſity. By his laſt Will he made Nero,
at that time Emperor of Rome, Co-heir with his two Daughters.;
hoping by this means to preferve his Kingdom and Family from
Oppreffion or Inſults. But in this lie was miſtaken, for his Kingdom
was ſeis’d by the Roman Captains, his Houſe. Pillag'd by under-Offi-
cers, his Daughters Ravilh'd, and his Widow Voada Scourg’d. She
had too high a Spirit to brook the inhumane Affront. The Britains
M
all
46 The Life of Corbredus Galdus Book I.
7
all over the Roman Province, met with many the like Provocations :
And The laid hold on the Opportunity offer’d, to raiſe that mighty
Struggle they then made, about the Year of our Lord 61; to regain
A. D. 61. their Liberties, and revenge the Injuries ſuſtain’d. Never were the
Romans ſo hard put to it in Britain, nor perhaps any where elſe;
above eighty thouſand of them and their Allies were cut to Pieces,
as Dion aſſures us, and I have already narrated. But that which is
wonderful, Dux femina fačti; Voada Commanded in Chief the Re-
volted Britains, and Auxiliary Scots and Picts. Her Army was al-
moft Numberleſs, but Rude and Undiſciplin'd; and therefore was
at laſt Worſted by the Roman General Suetonius : His irritated Soul-
diers gave no Quarter, not ſo much as to the Women, for theſe too
had come to the Field, and were plac'd in Carts in the outmoſt part
of the Plain,to ſee the Battle;and by their Preſence to Animate their
Husbands and Sons, but in vain. 'About eighty thouſand Britains
were ſlain, and not above four hundred Romans, and Voada diſdain-
ing to ſurvive her diſhonourable Stripes, and fatal Defeat, Poiſon'd
her ſelf, according to Tacitus ; or, as others ſay, died of Grief and
Sickneſs
. I could not forbear giving this ſhort Account of the Life
and Death of a Scots Heroine: And the rather becauſe all Scots Hiſto-
rians agree in this, that Corbredus was indebted to her for theſe
Rudiments of Heroiciſm, of which He ſhew'd himſelf afterwards fo
great a Mafter. For, when a Child, he was ſent to her Court,
His Edu- where, by reaſon of its Neighbourhood to the Roman Province and
South-Bria People, Politeneſs was in Repute, and Arts began to be Modiſh.
For this Reaſon’tis, that he was ever afterwards firnam'd Galdus,
Whence or which is much the ſame, by Roman Writers, Galgacus : For
call’d. Galdu in theſe Days, and fince, the Scots call’d Foreigners
, or ſuch
as had got foreign Education, Galdos or Gailos ; which is as much
· as Wales or Welſh in the German Idiom.
After, or not long before the defeat and death of his Aunt, he
His Re- retir’d to the Iſle of Man ; and there under the Eyes of the Druids,
tirement to and Conduct of fit Governors, was brought up in ſuch a Manner, as
the then Times and Circumſtances preſcrib’d. In the mean time
Dardanus, firnam'd the Fat, reign’d in Scotland, by vertue of that ab-
uſive Law, which appointed the neareſt Couſin of the Minor-Heir
to fit on his Pupil's Throne. This was not ſufficient to ſatiate
the Ambition of Dardanus: He was one of thoſe, (and many ſuch are
found) who would trample on all the Dictates of Nature and Rea-
ſon, ſo he could ſecurely enjoy, and by any Means whatever,
tranſmit to his own Off-Spring, the nobleſt Object of humane De-
fire, Royal Authority. But the Scots, ever impatient of Uſurpation,
were not like to break through their own Vows and Obligations, to
refcind their ancient Conſtitution, to diſinherit the Son of the
Great Corbredus, and Nephew of the Greater Caráctacus ; and there-
by to draw upon themſelves, and entail on their Pofterity, a War
unjuſt on their part, and laſting as the Seed of the Righteous Heirs:
And all this in favour of a Prince, whoſe repeated Acts of Inju-
ſtice,
tain.
or Galgacus,
Man,
Chap. I. Twenty firſt King of Scotland :
47
He is in
$
He purà
ſtice, Covetouſneſs, and Cruelty; had made him. Odious to his
Neighbours and Subjects. What Dardanus could not effect with
Conſent; he attempted by Fraud ; for he ſent fit Agents, among dance to
the reſt,one Cormorak to the Iſle of Man, with Orders to cut off being Mur-
Galdus and his two Brothers,Fulcan and Brek, that ſo none ſhould re-Dardanus
main in any Capacity to diſpute his, or liis Poſterity's uſurp'd Title the Guar-
to the Throne of their Anceſtors. A remarkable Inſtance of what of Scotlanå.
Ambition dares do, and ſuch as would not be Credited, had not even
Chriſtian Ages beheld the fame Scenes of Horror and Abomination:
For it is not ſo very long, ſince a Richard King of England re-acted
the unnatural Part, He Murther'd his Infant Nephews, and ufurp’d
the Crown; but Divine Juſtice.dog’d him at the Heels, and he loft
both it and hisLife,too honourably indeed, ſince in the Field of Battle.
As Dardanus was not ſo Succesful in the Attempt; fo he was yet inore
Unfortunate in the Event: For the Villain Cormorak was apprehend-
ed with his Dagger in his Hand, juſt as he was going about to give
the Blow. He confeſs’d the Orders receiv’d, and Murther premedi--
tated. Which how ſoon it was nois’d Abroad, the Loyaliſts arm’d,
ſet their Natural King Galdus on their Head, march'd ſtraight.a-
gainſt the hated Court, and Titulary King. And he being now a- his Guar-
bandon’d by the Inſtruments of his Wickedneſs, and not being dien to
guarded from Puniſhment by Law nor Reaſon, ſince really no King,
was by the Mouth of Galdus, the righteous Heir, commarded
This done, Galdus mounted the Throne with ſo much the greater
Joy and Satisfaction of the People and Nobles, that he had been is own’d
but lately reſcu'd from the Danger of being, by a moſt inhumane
Parricide,put by it. He gave publick Thanks to his Subjects for
their affectionate Loyalty expreſs’d to him : In return to which,
He promis'd to Govern the Kingdom with the Advice ask'd of, and
Confent given by his Nobles. Of theſe he is ſaid to have call'd
a Council or Convention, and in it enacted many good Laws, and Makes
abrogated others, particularly that infamous One,that gave Maſters good Lavis:
a Title to the Beds of their Inferiors: Then he Proſecuted and Pu-
niſh’d the Minions and Accomplices of His and the Kingdom's un-
worthy Guardian, Dardanus. And laſtly, having ſuppreſs’d ſome
Commotions in the Iſlands, and taken effectual Meaſures for pre-
venting Robberies, he gave Peace and procur’d Plenty to his Sub-
jects. But this laſted not long, for the renown’d Agricola, after ha-
ving ſettl’d and ſecur’d the Roman Province more by Conduct and
Policy, than by force of Arms ; and after having extended
the hounds of his Command, in ſpite of allOppoſition, as far North
Agricola
as the Firths of Forth and Clyde; He bethought himſelf at laſt, how invades scola
;
to hem in the Scots and Picts; and to deprive them of all Corre-
ſpondence with, or Afliſtance from ſuch of the South-Britains as he
had not won over to the Roman Intereſt. This he effected, by buil-
ding Forts and placing Garriſons in convenient Places, particularly,
between theſe two Rivers. Which done, he Maſterd the Seas with a
Noble
to Die.
King
A. D. 75.
land.
M 2
1
48 The Life of Corbredus Galdus Book I.
by Galdus,
i
Galdus
Defeats a
gion.
Noble Fleet, and march?d his Land Army to the Country, properly
call’dCaledonia, by-north the Forth. As Galdus had not been idle be-
fore, ſo, now the Enemy was not only at hand, but in the very
Is oppos’d Heart of his and the Pictiſh Dominions, He thought it high time to
exert his utmoſt Efforts towards their Extruſion. They advanc’d
upon him, but ſtill he diſputed every Inch of the Ground : They
gain’d, and now reſolv'd to have at all
. He drew ſuch Numbers to-
gether, and made ſo formidable an Appearance, that moſt of the
Roman Officers, equally terrified by reaion of the huge Multitudes
they ſaw from afar, and of the Vigour that's inſpird by Deſpair
,
Roman Le thought fit to Retreat. But Agricola was not to be Diſcourag’d. He
was advis’d that the Scots and Picts were approaching in different
and diſtinct Bodies, and therefore divided allo his Army in three.
This had almoſt prov'd fatal to him: For Galdus having got Notice of
it, brought all his Men together in the Night, and on their Head
charg’d and cut off a whole Legion : Nay, he had almoſt taken the
Roman Camp,but was diſappointed; for the remanent Bodies of the
Enemy came up with him early in the Morning, and forc'd him to
draw offto the adjacent Mountains. This fell out in the Seventh
Year of Agricola’s Adminiſtration.
The Scots and Picts (Tacitus calls them Britains, as indeed they
were, ſince Inhabitants of Britain ) were not dejected, notwith-
ſtanding their late Overthrow, and the Loſs of ſo much of their
Country. They attributed the Roman Succeſſes to the good Fortune
and Conduct of their General, and not at all to the Valour of his
Souldiers: Wherefore they proceeded anew to arm their Youth,
to convoy their Wives and Children into ſafe Places, and to im
plore the Protection of their Gods, by Aſſemblies and Religious
Rites. And thus having nothing before their Eyes, but Revenge or
Slavery, the following Year they Mufter'd up their whole Power,
to the number of about Thirty Thouſand Arm’d Men, beſides great
Numbers of Youth and vigorous Old Men ( who had been inur’d
to War, and ſtill retain’d the Scars and Badges of their Bravery )
flock'd in daily to the Aſſiſtance of their Kings, and Defence of
their Countries. They lay in the beſt order they were capable of
on the Edge of one of the Grampian Hills, when the Roman Army
came in their View. Upon whoſe Approach, Galdus is, by Tacitus,
ſaid to have harangu'd his Souldiers, as follows.
« fider the Cauſe of this War, and our preſent Urgency, I have
HisSpeech « Reaſon to preſume that your Reſolution, and the work of this
Day, will give Birth to the reviv'd Liberties of the whole INand.
« For all of us here preſent, have yet been unacquainted with
“ Servitude, and there are no remote Lands, to which we can Re-
treat : Nay, the Sea it ſelf, commanded by the Enemy's Fleet,
can afford us no Means of Eſcaping. Wherefore, as brave. Men
« will at any time, ſo Cowards, if there were any ſuch among us,
"muſt Fight on this Occaſion. The Britains by South of us, have
fought againſt the fameEnemy with various Succeſſes, but all their
Hopes
16 When I con-
to his Soul
diers.
(6
66
60
EC
CC
Chap. I. Twenty firſt King of Scotland.
49
OC
now
cĆ
66
66
CG
< Hopes of Victory or Relief were and are plac'd in our Arms :
And the Reaſon is plain; for,as we are the Nobleſt People in Bri-
" tain, ſo we are Seated in the innermoſt Regions ; and our Eyes,
( hitherto unpolluted, and free from the contagion of Foreign
“ Power, have not yet beheld their ſubject Shoars. This ſecret
“ Receſs unknown to Fame, makes our Habitation the laſt
, and our
- felves the only free Men that are to be found in the World. And
the Romans have the outmoſt Bounds of Britain in their
« View: What they know leaſt, they value moſt: Théy fancy
mighty Things to themſelves from further Conqueſts; but they're
« miſtaken: For beyond us is no Nation, nothing but Waves and
Rocks, and on that fide, nothing but Bondage and Slavery to be
“ look’d for from them. No Submiſſion, no Čivilities can bridle or
“ moderate their Infolence. Thoſe Ravagers of the Univerſe, now
ic the exhauſted Earth can no more furniſh their Rapines, endea-
vour to Rifle the very Ocean. Their inſatiable Luſts, and un-
is 6 bounded Ambition find every where ſome Matter to feed on,
" When they meet with opulent Enemies, their Avarice prompts
" them to Cruelty ; when with Poor, their deſire of Conqueſt
« has the fame Effect. The Eaſt and Weft, immenſe as they are;
cannot ſatisfy their voracious Minds. They, and they alone,
“ with equal Greedineſs, graſp at the Riches and Poverty of alſ
« Nations. Devaſtations, Murthers
, and Rapinės paſs with them
" under the falſe Names of Empire and Government; and they
“ boaſt of eſtabliſhing Peace in thoſe Provinces, they have depopu
6 lated with War. Nature it ſelf commands Love in all Mankind
ci towards their Children and Relations; and thoſe the Romans,
Co where they are Maſters, pick out at their Pleaſure, to be em
ploy’d in Foreign Services. The Chaſtity of Mens Wives and
“ Daughters may be preſerv'd from their Violence, when Enemies,
“ but can be by no Means ſecure from their laſcivious Friendſhip
< how ſoon they come to be admitted as Gueſts. The Goods of
( the Conquer'd are their Tribute ; Corns, wherever found, are
( their Proviſions : Nay; the Hands and Bodies of all other
"Men are made Tools of by thein, in the Drudgeries of draining
" of Waters, and cutting of Woods, and the Rewards of ſo hard
( Labour are Reproaches and Stripes. Other Slaves, whom Na
ture or Fortune has deſtin'd to Servitude; may be bought, but
ce then they're Nouriſhid by the Purchaſer, but the Britains buy
( their own Bondage, and feed the Authors of their Miſery. Aş
« in private Families new Servants are the Subject of Mirth and
Laughter to the Old; ſo in this old Family of the World, we
“ being newly diſcover’d, and conſider'd as Vile; are equally
fought out, for Deſtruction and Scorn. We have nofields, Minės,or
“ Ports in which we may be refery’d to drudge. The Valour and Reſo-
" lution of Subjects are generally Diftaftful to their jealous Maſters,
" and our Diſtance and Privacy, which have hitherto kept us Safe,
will henceforth lay us the more open to Suſpicion : So that if
N.
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we
50 The Life of Corbredus Galdus, Book I.
(
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66
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“ we are Vanquiſh’d, we need look for no Mercy. Let us therefore
« act as Men, that value both Glory and Liberty. The Brigantes,
e led by a Woman, burnt the Roman Colony, took their Forts;
« and had not Succeſs made them Careleſs, they might have
6C broken the hated Yoke. We are as yet entire, unconquer'dı
Śc born Free, and reſolv'd to remain fo. Our very firſt Onfet, i
hope, ſhall ſhew what Men Caledonia has yet in Store. Do not
" think, that the Enemies Proweſs in War is equal to their Licen-
" tiouſneſs in Peace: No, they're Succeſsful, only becauſe we were
not unanimous. Their Glory is all owing to the Faults and Over-
" fights of thoſe they had to do with : And as the ſeveral Nations,
" which make up their Army, are kept together by Proſperity ;
“ ſo they will Diffolve and Disband, how ſoon they ſhall feel the
« firſt Blows of Adverſity. This muſt needs fall out, unleſs we
ſuppoſe the Gauls and Germans ; nay, I Bluſh to naine them,
« and moſt of the Britains to be fo villainouſly Prodigal of their own
Blood, as to let it out in the Ufurper's Quarrel. It cannot be
thought that Enemies, for ſuch they really are to the Romans,
" will continue longer Faithful and Affectionate than Servants.
6. The feeble Bonds of their Love arę Fear and Terror ; were theſe
remov'd, they'll begin to Hate thoſe Tyrants, they have no more
" Reaſon to Dread. All the encouraging Motives, which uſe to
"force Victory, are plainly on our ſide. The Romans have no
Wives, no Parents to upbraid their Flight. And in fine, they
“ have no Country to Defend; or if they have, 'tis remote from
« this. They're but few in Number, and their being unacquaint-
" ed with every thing about them, muſt needs diſtract them with
< Fear. Whatever they Spy, is ſtrange to their Eyes, and terrify-
ing to their Minds: They know neither our Seas; nor our Woods;
nay, nor the Firriament it felf.
And 'tis plain that the Gods,
at laſt Propitious, have deliver'd them into our Hands, in ſome
" Meaſure pent up and bound. Do not fear the gawdy Shew of their
" Silver and Gold, that can neither Defend them, nor Wound you.
« We ſhall meet with Friends in the midſt of our Enemies; the Bri-
“ tains will remember their Country, but lately loft, nor can the
" Gauls forget their former Liberty ; and, like the UſipianCohort,the
" Germans will defert. We have nothing more to Dread;theirGarri.
“ fons are Drain'd ; their Colonies are made up of old Men, ſome
obeying but faintly, others commanding unjuftly, while their
66. Towns are at Variance and Diſorder among themſelves. To
" conclude, here you have a General and an Army, there you'll
“ find Tributes, Mines, and whatever elfe is Slaviſh or Bafe.
« Think whether you had beſt ſubmit to all theſe irretrievable
" Miſeries, or, now you have an Opportunity, to cut off all thoſe
" that bring them to you, on this Spot. I very well know, that
you'll chufe to Fight : Fall on then, and at once remember your
* Anceſtor's Glory, and Pofterity's Fate.
CC
06
CC
CC
(G
This
Chap. I. Twenty firft King of Scotland . 5 i
it
06
16
This Speech, ſo much admir’d by Criticks; I have Tranſlated al-
moſt Literally; not that I think it was really deliver’d by. Galdus,
(Fierce, tho Poliſh'd by his Education, almoſt Roman) in ſuch ele-
gant Térms, as thoſe Tacitus has wrapt it in, and tranſmitted
down to us.
But to fhew that this Author, whoſe Veracity in a
Matter of this kind, is not to be doubted, underſtood Galdus to have
been a Scot's or Pictiſh King; or which is the ſame thing, a Prince
in North-Britain, and his Army to have been compos'd of none but
his Subjects or Allies of North-Britain. The whole Series of the
Diſcourſe makes this Plain; and I was ſurpriz’d to find the Senſe of
ſeveral Paſſages in it inverted and turn’d, ſo as to give but a vague
and indeterminate Idea, at leaſt of the Country concern’d, by two
Engliſh Pens. From thoſe I had tranſcrib'd it Word by Word, had
they ſeem'd as fair Tranſlators, as they are Elegant and Polite.
However,
The Speech was deliver'd with great Fierceneſs, and receiv’d
with univerſal Joy, and the confus'd Acclamations of the whole
Army. Agricola on the other ſide, fail'd not to encourage his Men,
with all the Force and Charms of that commanding Eloquence, the
Romans were ſo much Mafters. of. He told them, " That this Agricola’s
was the eight Year, ſince truſting to their Valour, and the au- the romans
ſpicious Fortune of the Roman Empire, he firſt attempted the before their
“ Conqueſt of Britain. That in ſo many Expeditions, and bloody with the
« Battles, where Nature it ſelf oppos’d, and was to be Conquer’d,
" he had abundantly experienc'd their Patience and Labour. That
" it was his good Luck to Command fạch Souldiers; and he hop'd
" they grudg’d not at his being their Leader. That on their Head
” he had outdone preceeding Generals,by his farther Advances in-
to the Country. That now they poffefs’d the End of Britain. ,
not by Fame only or Report, but that they had actually ſeis’d
« it with their Pavilions and Arms. That Britain was found be-
« fore, but was now as good as Conquer’d. That when fa-
tigu'd with Boggs, Mountains, or Rivers, he had often heard
« the Brave and moſt Daring cry out and complaini, that they
" could find no Enemy: That now they had their Deſire: That
" the Enemy was forc'd at laſt from their Receſſes and lurking
6 Holes. That all things would prove eaſy and yielding to them,
cc if Victors; if vanquiſh’d, croſs and deſtructive. That to have
“ finiſh'd ſuch tedious Journeys, to have evaded ſuch Forreſts, and
croft ſo many Arms of the Sea, was Noble and Glorious : But
" that if they turn'd their Backs, theſe Advantages would prove
6 their Danger, and their own Advances would intercept their
" Retreat. That they had no knowledge of the Country. That
e their Provifions were ſcarce. That it was in every Reſpect
fafer to Fight than to Retreat. That an honourable Death was
< preferable to an ignoble Life. That Safety and Honour went
c Hand in Hand. That they had Swords and Hands, and there-
“fore All. That after all, it could not be inglorious to fall, if Fate
Scots
co
66
See
N2
66 had
52 The Life of Corbredus Galdus, Book I.
66
i
" had decre’d it fo, on the outmoſt Confines of Earth and Na-
« ture. That they had not a new Nation, nor an untry'd, for to
e deal with. That the Enemy they beheld was the ſame, who,
" by Stealth, and under the Shades of Night, had but laſt Year
e aſſaulted the Ninth Legion ; but was frighted and foild, with
" the very Noiſe of their Arms and Voices. That theſe were of all
« the Britains the apteſt to fly; and were therefore as yet alive.
“ That the Braveſt and Beſt had fallen already: And that the baſe
« ignoble Reſt would never ſtand their Ground, againſt Men ac-
to cuſtom'd to vanquiſh. In fine, he exhorted them to put an end
to their Labours : To finiſh in one Day the Work of fifty Years;
" and to convince the Republick, that neither the Cauſes, nor the
“? length of the War, could be charg’d upon the Army.
Agricola’s Words heightn’d the Deſire his Army had of ending the
War, glorious indeed, but fatiguing and unprofitable. For to
tell the Truth, Scotland' in thoſe Days can ſcarcely be thought to
have been worth the contending for; eſpecially at the Expence of
ſo much Roman Blood. The General took Care to have as little
of this expended as was poſſible: For he placed the Legions be-
fore the Trenches, and kept them as a Reſerve, in caſe of a Re-
pulſe : Eight thouſand Auxiliary Foot he Rank'd in the middle,
and two thouſand Horſe on the two Wings. Galdus drew up his
Army on the higher Ground, both for Shew and Terror. His
foremoſt Battalions ſtood on the Level, the reſt riſing one above a-
nother with the Hill. The Chariots and Horſemen filld the mid-
dle
part
of the Field with their Din and Clatter as they whirld
up and down. This Diſpoſition of the Scots made Agricola to ob-
ſerve the Superiority of their Numbers: And therefore fearing to
be Flank'd, he drew out his Front to the outmoſt length, and ad-
A Battle be- vànc'd himſelf at the Head of his Foot. The Battle began, while
both Armies were yet at ſome diſtance from one another; and the
Scots ſhew'd a great deal of Art, as well as Reſolution: For by
means of their broad Swords, and ſhort Bucklers (Weapons peculiar
to the Highlanders to this Day) they at once bore off the Darts of
their Enemies, and upon them pour’d down repeated Showrs of
their own. To prevent this Inconveniency, Agricola order'd three
Batavian Cohorts, and two Tungrians to advance, and to engage in
à cloſe Fight. Theſe were old Souldiers, and had a double Advan-
tage, firſt by Reaſon of their order and Diſcipline, but more parti-
cularly becauſe the ſmall Targets, and broad but pointlefs Swords of
the Scots, were unſerviceable againſt their better Weapons. The
Batavians gave furious Blows with the Boſſes of their Bucklers, and
ſo battered, bruis’d and mangld the Faces of ſuch as oppos’d them;
that they began to give way, and to abandon the even Ground, re-
ing up the Hill. This Succeſs was ſeconded by the Emu-
lation and joint Vigour of the other Cohorts, who furiouſly bore
down all before them; and were ſo eager in the purſuit, that to ha-
ften the Victory, they would leave Men half dead behind them,
and
tween Gal.
-dus and A.
gricola,
و
;
...
Chap. I Twenty firſt King of Scotland, . 53.
Galdus lores
and others untouch'd. The Horſe were afterwards conítraind to
flee : For tho the Chariots, which it ſeems the then Scots made uſe
of, after the Manner of the South-Britains, gave at firſt a new
Terror by mingling with the Roman Infantry; yet their Carier
was ſoon ſtop'd by the unequal Ground and cloſe Ranks. The
Drivers were by theſe means diſplac'd, and wandring Chariots with
looſe and frighted Horſes, over-run Friend and Foe. Thoſe of the Scots
who had been poſted on the Tops of the Hills, and had not yet ſhar'd
in the Engagement, began now to deſcend by degrees, with a De-
ſign to Envelop the hitherto prevailing, but otherwiſe inferior Ar-
my. But their General perceiv'd the Contrivance, and detach'd
four Squadrons of Horſe, which were kept for a Reſerve, to op-
poſe them. They did it with that Skill and Succeſs, that the Scots
at laſt over-power'd, retir'd with Precipitation. Some Squadrons who the Battle,
fought in the Front, were commanded to purſue the Chaſe. There
was a diſinal Spectacle to be ſeen in the Fields, whilft many un-
arm'd ran deſperately upon their Enemy's Swords : Others betook
themſelves to Flight, leaving the Plains and Mountains diſmally
ftrew'd with heaps of Arms, Carcaffes, mangled Limbs, and Tor-
rents of Blood. Many, tho breathing their låſt, yet retain'd in their
Eyes and Faces, an Air of Fierceneſs and Bravery. Neither were
the ſurviving entirely daunted: For as they approach'd the Woods,
unknown to the Purſuerse they rally’d, fac'd about, ſurrounded
and cut off the moft forward. But, as Galdus on the one ſide, ſo
Agricola on the other, was always preſerit, where the Danger was
Toft apparent. He order'd fome of the Horſe to diſmount, and
ſearch the thickeſt, whilſt the reſt ſcour'd the thinneſt Parts of the
Wood. The Foot came up regularly and in good Order; and
Galdus being no longer able to contain his flying Souldiers in Troops
as before ; they began now to ſeparate, and to take each apart,
füch Path or By-way for his Security, as Danger or Fear dire-
eted. Night and Wearineſs put an end to the Chaſe, and Victo-
ry made it pleaſant to the Romans : But the Scots and Picts; Meni
and Women, wandring in a deplorable manner, ſpent it in calling
their loft Friends, dragging along the Wounded, burning their
Houſes out of Deſpair, and ſhifting from Corner to Corner. Some-
times they conſulted together, and began to entertain freſh Hopes :
Then again they were broken with Pity and Sorrow; but oftner
with Rage and Madneſs, at the ſight of their Wives and Children:
And thoſe many were ſo Mad, as to diſpatch with their own Hands,
out of a Principle, as they thought, of Compaffion. The next
Day made a fuller diſcovery of the Victory
gain'd, and Loffes fuf
tain'd: A profound Silence reign'd every where; the Mountains
Were defolate; the Simoak of the burning Houſes was ſeen from a-
får ; and the Scouts of the Romans met no Body in the Fields: Nor
could they deſcry any thing, but the uncertain Tra&t of their Ene-
meis Flight. The Lofs of the Scots and Picts was computed to be
ten thouſand Men. But;
This
$
54 The Life of Corbredus Galdus Book I.
S
.
Agricola re-
Britain.
This Victory, ſignal as it was, did not, as Mr. Echard (a) is
pleas'd to expreſs himſelf
, put a ſtop to all future Reſiſtance ; nor was
the further part of Britain left to the Barbarians, as neither Pleaſant nor
Fruitful. For we all know, and I have already ſhewn, that after
this, Emperors in Perſon have thought it worth their while, to
attempt the Conqueſt of that barren and unpleaſant Part. Nor did
Agricola himſelf imagine, that he was to meet with no future Reſi-
ſtan:e : For Tacitus tells us, (b) That the Summer being ſpent, He could
not then extend the War any farther. Hence ?tis evident, that he
thought not the War to be quite finiſh'd : And had he dreaded no
Reſiſtance at all, he might, even in that Seaſon, have march'd his
Army by Land much farther North, at leaſt, through the low Coun-
tries, as eaſily as he ſent a Fleet by Sea, with Orders to fail round
the Iſland. But inſtead of this, he led his Men back to the Borders
of the Horviſtians, that is to Angus, by low and gentle Marches;
that he might thereby ſtrike the but'lately conquerd Inhabitants with
the greater Fear. I doubt not after all, but another Campaign
would have compleated the Conqueſt of Scotland, had Agricola been
left to manage the War. But his Succeſſes were become Criminal
cald from in the Eyes of his envious Maſter Domitian, and he was recald in
ſhew to Triumph, and in effect to Die : So dangerous ’tis ſometimes
to Excel, and ſo improper in a David to kill more of the Philiſtines,
than his Maſter Saul,
Domitian's Injuſtice to Agricola, gave an Opportunity to the un-
weary'd Galdus, of retrieving his Loffes: For he was advis'd, that the
trieves his Roman Souldiers had in ſeveral places mutiny'd againſt their Com-
mander's : That theſe laſt had not that due Subordination that's ſo
neceſſary in Armies; and that their Diſcipline was loſt with their
General. Encourag’d with the glad Tidings, he not only rousd up
the dejected Courage of the Scots and Piets : But likewiſe found
ineans to engage ſeverals of the South Britains, in a Cauſe that was
Common to them all. His firſt Attempts were made by few, but
the moſt daring of his Men: And theſe being Succesful, were ſo
many Incitements to greater; and now he attack'd the Roman For-
treſſes, and put ſeveral Garriſons to the Sword. And laſtly, he
drew Armies together, and had the good Luck to give three great
Overthrows to the declining Romans : The firſt near the River of
Tay; the fecond not far from Dunkeld: And the laſt, where Garna-
dus King of the Piets was preſent, in Kyle. The Enemy loſt about
thirty thouſand Men in theſe Battles, and were fain to ſue for a
Peace. Galdus granted it upon their evacuating all the Places they
were poffeſs’d of, within this and the Pictiſh Territories
. And thus
having by his indefatigable Diligence, undaunted Courage, and
Conduct, beyond what could have have been expected from a Barba-
Ilis death. rian Prince, reduc'd all things to their priſtine State. He died in.
the Thirty fifth Year of a Reign, troubleſome indeed, but glorious
as any anterior or ſucceeding. From the many Victories (c) he ob-
tain'd
Galdus re-
Lofles.
1
(«) Echard's Hiſ. of England. p. 25. (6) Tacit, in vità Agricol. (c) Chamb. dans la vie de Galdus,
Chap. I: Twenty firſt King of Scotland. .
55
5
And Ch
tain'd among the Scato-Brigantes : Their Country is ſaid to have
been call'd from him Galda, and from theñce Galloway.
I need give no further Character of him: 'Tis enough we krrow,
that he was the great Object of Agricola's Valour. In this he was rater
.
happy upon many Accounts; for by this Means he has the good
Fortune to have Tacitus for his Panegyriſt and Hiſtorian; to have
his Actions 'credited by lateſt Poſterity, and his Fame extended as
wide as that of a Rival; by whom 'twas honourable for a Prince of
his ſmall Command, and finaller Revenues, to be worſted. Mr.
Johnſton ſpeaks thus of him.
Marte gravis valide Aufonidum legionibus inftat,
Et pene in caſtris hoſtica figna capit.
Ancipitique diu pugnatur marte, reſumptis
Viribus, inſtaurant prelia utrinque duces:
At pulſos hoftes ſociorum viribus auctus,
Exigit, ő pátriam vindicat interitu.
Pacat Abudas, jus, fas disfatque facitque;
Nemo armis major, confliiſque prior,
And again,
J
Vi&trices Aquilæ atque acies, quds maximus orbis
Obſtupuit, vires obſtupuere meas,
?
C H A P. II.
From the Reſtoration of the SCOTS MONARCHY, to the
Deſtruction of that of the PICTS
Containing the ſpace of about 479 Years
;
T
H E ſame concurring Cauſes, which ſhook and tore into ·
peices the Roman Empire, and on its Ruins rais’d ſo many TheCaufes
Noble; and to this Day flouriſhing States in Europe and
elſewhere, made way to the Reſtoration of the Scots Monarchy in the Scots
Monarchy
Britain.
of the Re-
ſtoration of
OZ
50
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
barous Na
tions:
Britain, The Northern Countries, ever Fertile in the Production
of Men, were overſtock'd with Numbers: The barren and unculti-
vated Soil could no longer furniſh the Neceſſaries of Life.: And
craving Nature forc’d the Inhabitants upon means of Subliſtance.
They Stary'd in the midſt of their frozen Seas and uncomfortable
Mountains, whilſt the too happy Roman Provincials
wallow'd inPlenty,
and fatten'd with Eaſe. Hence ’tis, that hụge Swarms of Men, e-
qually Emboldn'd by their own Wants, and their Neighbours
The Ro. Wealth, pour'd in upon the Roman Territories, under the various
man Pro Denominations of Goths, Vandals, Francs, Hunns, Saxons, &c. 'Tis
run by bar- true, that the ſtanding Armies, which the Emperors kept always on
foot, were ſufficient to ſecure them and the Provinces they Com
manded, from any Encroachment whatever : But thoſe very
Armies, that ſhould have guarded them from Harm, were the prin-
cipal Agents in their Deſtruction. They were Weak on certain
Occaſions, becauſe too powerful on others, accuſtom’d to make
and unmake their own and the World's Maſter at their pleaſure.
They would ſet up whom they pleas’d, and they were ſeldom or
never pleas'd with the ſame Perſon : So that more Blood and Trea-
ſure was often exhauſted, before one Cæſar could be fix’d, without
a Rival, on the Imperial Throne, than had been neceſſary to have
fubdu'd the known Univerſe. Beſides, the Conſtitution, bad as it
was in the Beginning, was grown worſe, and became crazy with
old Age : And the publick Spirit of Ancient Rome, had degenerated
into the intereſted Effeminacy of Modern Greece
. 'Tis probable,
that GOD Almighty, who out of His unſearchable Wiſdom, had
beſtow'd that Conſtancy, Magnanimity, Conduct and Forecaſt upon
the firſt Romans, which froin the meaneſt Beginnings, enabled their
one City to give Laws to ſo many Kingdoms and Commonwealths,
Commanded them in their Turn, when at the Height of humane
Grandeur, to ſtoop below Men, they could ſcarcely allow to be of
the ſame Nature or Kind with themſelves; and all this for Ends as
great as good. To inſtance in one: Had thoſe vaſt Countries, and
numberleſs Inhabitants that were Subject to the Roman Empire,
been as much divided in Intereſt, Language, Cuſtoms, and Govern
ment, as they now are : Or had they been United, as they were
formerly under the Command of a Senate and People; Chriſtianity
had, in all probability, ſtruggld much harder and longer e're it
had conquer'd
ſo many, and ſo widely diflenting Nations, or princi-
pal Rulers. 'Twas therefore fit, that one Monarch ſhould Govern
all, that all might be ſav'd through the Converſion of that one. But
there were other Nations beſides that; ſtill remain’d in Ignorance
and Barbarity; and theſe muſt needs be tam'd by Converſation,
Civility, and Society, before they could be made capable of higher
Matters. They were by no means fitted for Chriſtianity, till they
learn'd Humanity: And they had no fooper ſubdu'd the Power of
Rome, but they themfelves fubmitted to that of the Goſpel. Thus
it appears that whatever vain Debauchees,or emptier Wits, may talk
of
Chap. II.
57
Of the Scots Nation.
The Goths
in to the
of an unactive Frovidence, or of a lazy unconcern'd Deity : : 'Tis
ſtill true, there's a deſigning and over-ruling Power, who at laſt
brings Order from Confuſion, Light from Darkneſs, and Good
from Evil. But to return to my Subject.
About, or a little before this time, the Hunns, a Nation hither-
to almoſt unknown, inhabiting that part of Scythia which lay be- A. D. 376.
yond the Fens of Mæotis, now Tartary, attack'd their Neighbours
the Alans, a People as inhumane and unpoliſh'd as themſelves.
After they had exerted all the Barbarities Fancy can imagine upon
one another, they united their joint Forces, and fell with incredible
Impetuoſity upon the Gothick Nations. And theſe, after the Death
of one of their Princes, and the Flight of another, withdrew from
the irreſiſtible Storm, ſeis'd on the Banks of the Danube, and beg'd
leave of the Emperor Valens to be admitted into Thrace, promiſing
all peaceable Submiffion, and a perpetual Supply of their Men,
towards the Recruiting of his Armies. He catch'd at the imagi-
nary Proſpect of, Advantage, and they came over in ſuch Multitudes,
as exceeded, ſaith Ammianus, the Sands of the Libyan Shoar. As it
was moſt impolitick to receive ſuch ſwarms of Barbarians into the admitted
Heart of the Empire ; ſo it was an equal or great piece of Madneſs
Empire.
to Provoke and Exaſperate them, after they were admitted. The
Provcations they met with animated them to Revenge: They gave
a ſignal Overthrow to the Roman Commander Lupicinus, near Mar- Make
tianopolis, furniſh'd themſelves with the Arms of the Slain, then Wat upon
march’d, and laid Siege to Hadrianople. But being unaccuſtom’d to
make War with Walls, they afterwards thought fit to turn
the Siege into a Blockade. And in the mean time growing daily
ſtronger by the Acceſſion of freſh Numbers that came into them,
they rang'd all over Thrace, plunder’d that wealthy Province, put
all the Inhabitants to the Sword, Men, Women and Children, in ſo
much that they ſeem'd moſt Miſerable, whom Fortune permitted
to Die laſt. Not long after this, the Goths prevaild with the fore- Åre join’d
mention’d Hunns and Alans to join with them, and then like a mighty andhalanis
,
Flood they bore down all before them, forc'd all Oppoſition, and
ſcatter'd Deſtruction on every ſide. To oppoſe this Torrent, the
Emperor Gratian, who Commanded in the Weſt, as Valens did in
the Eaſt, detach'd ſome Forces from Gaul ; and the Germans, belie. And fer
ving the Roman Frontier on that fide to remain unguarded, took the Germans
Arms to the Number of Forty Thouſand, paſt over the Rhine u-
pon the Ice, and broke into the Borders of Gaul. But Grataian met
them at Colmar, and gave them ſo entire a Defeat, that not above
Five Thouſand eſcap’d. Then he march'd upon the Head of his The Em
victorious Army to the Aſſiſtance of his Uncle Valens : But this laſt peror Gra-
would not ſtay for him ; either becauſe he thought his own Reputa- the Germans
tion eclips'd by that of his young Nephew, or becauſe the Paſſioni
he had to be Reveng’d on the inſulting Goths made him Deaf to
good Counſel. The Goths took Advantage of his Imprudence, de-
feated his Cavalry iſ an Ambuſcade, and charg’d his Infantry in a
P
nara
the Romansi
58 The Martial Atchievements Book 1
peror.
Drains
narrow Paſs, of whom the greater part were Slain, and the reſt
The Em- put to the Flight. Valens himſelf being Wounded, retir’d into a
peror Valens Houſe, to which the purſuing Goths ſet Fire, and the Emperor by
A. D.378. this Accident was burnt to Death. Gratian receiv'd the unlucky
News as he was on his March to the Eaſt, he proſecuted his firit
Deſign, and being arriv'd at Conſtantinople. He cali’d Theodoſius, the
Son of that other Theodoſius, who Commanded with Succeſs in Bri-
tain and Africk, out of Spain, and gave him the Command of an
Army againſt the Alans, Hunns, and Goths. When this General
had made War with all the Succeſs that might be expected from
Theodofius
one of his Reputation, he was declar’d Auguſtus by Gratian, who
made Em- gave him the Eaſt with Thrace, and went himſelf from Hungary to
Gaul, where he began to neglect all Affairs of Importance, prefer-
ring Hunting and Gaming to the moſt urgent Buſineſs.
Maximus who Commanded at that time in Britain, and had but
Maxiusus lately expeld the Scots, after the manner I have already narrated,
fets up for thought his mighty Services undervalu'd, and conſider'd the Ho-
nour done to Theodoſius, as an Affront put upon himſelf: Spurr'd
on by Envy, and willing to make his Advantage of the Negli-
gence of Gratian, and Diſtance of Theodoſius, he aſſum'd the Purple,
was faluted Emperor, and not only quitted the Iſle in order to re-
cure his Uſurpation by the Overthrow of his Maſter, but drew
Britain of over moſt of the Roman Forces from thence, and the beſt of the
Britiſh Youth to his Affiftance. Gratian was in a Condition to
Repel him : But his Roman Souldiers diſtaſted by reaſon of his ha-
ving preferr'd ſome Mercenary Alans to them were wrought upon to
Delért him, and revolt to Maximus. This Defection of the
Army made the Emperor flee from Triers to Paris, and from thence
to Lions. Maximus follow'd him cloſe upon the Heels, but cou'd
not deſtroy him by plain Force, and therefore had Recourſe to a
Stratagem, in which he ſucceeded. He order'd Andragathus his
Admiral to go and meet Gratian, after he had ſpread a Report
that the Empreſs Conftantia Fauſtina was coming to ſee the Em
Kills Gra. peror : And as he went to receive her, Andragathus, all on a fud-
den, ſprang out of the Litter where Gratian expected to have ſeen
A. D.383. his Wife, and kill'd him. This done, Maximus pafs’d the Alps,
and furpris’d Valentinian the Younger, who Reign'd in Italy, and
was ſtill legal Co-partner in the Empire with Theodofius. From
this laſt, the former, now at Theſſalonica, whether he had fled from
the raging Storm, ask'd and obtain'd Áffiſtance. Theodoſius re-ac-
companied him back to Milan, ſought out Maximus, defeated his
Army, purſu'd his Victory, and found the Uſurper ſhut up in A-
quileia. The Garriſon defended themſelves at firft with much
Bravery, but obſerving Maximus to Deſpond, and as it were to
ſhake off that Sovereignty he had ſo tyrannically aſſum'd, they ſeisid
upon him, ſtripthim of his Imperial Ornaments, bound and pre-
fented him to Theodoſius ; who, they ſay, out of a feeling Senſe of
Fortune's Inconſtancy, would have Pardon'd him, had he not been
its Youth
diers.
tian.
re-
Chap. li. Of the Scots Nation:
59
Is Sliin,
renoy'd from his fight, and Beheaded by thoſe about the Emperor.
Andragathus hearing of the Tyrant's Defeat, as he was Cruizing to
and fro upon the fonian Bay, loft all Hopes, and in Deſpair threw
himſelf headlong into the Sea, and ſo receivd part of the Reward
that's due to the infamous Miniſters of Rebellion and Parricide.
Eugenius a Gaul, who afterwards uſurp'd the Empire of the Weſt
, A. D.395:
and Argobaſtus a Goth, who having firſt Murther'd the Emperor Eugenius
Valentinian, encourag’d him to it, and was the priine Author of all an ufurper
his Violences andCruelties, had much the fäine Fate. After their pire kill’d: .
Army had been routed in Battle, the firſt was taken and Beheaded
by Theodoſius his Orders, and the ſecond Killd himſelf. The
Victory obtain'd over Eugenius, was in a great meaſure owing to
the voluntary Succours of Barbarians inhabiting the other ſide of
the Danube and Euxine Sea, under the Conduct of Alaric the Goth:
This Prince, afterwards fo Famous, had on this occaſion an Oppor-
tunity of viewing the Roman Territories, of obſerving the moſt ad-
vantageous Paffes, the Fruitfulneſs of the Soil, ſtrength of the State,
and Number of the Inhabitants; and therefore was not long after
this the more eaſily wrought upon by the ſecret Practices of Ruf-
finus, to invade the Empire. Ruffinus had his own Deſigns, per-
haps he aim'd at the Purple himſelf, at leaſt he hop'd to bear
down the growing Authority of his Rival in the Miniſtry, Stilicho;
who under Honorius govern'd the Weſt with as Defpotick a Sway,as
Ruffinus rul'd in the Name of Arcadius in the Eaſt. Whatever were
Rufinus his Incitements to the moſt horrid Treachery, Alaric reap'd Goth invades
the Fruits of it. He quitted Thrace, enter'd through Macedon into Territories
Theſſaly; paſs’d the Straits of Thermopyle, and eaſily took the moſt
conſiderable Cities of Peloponneſus. Stilicho upon this News em-
bark'd, and join'd his Army to that of the Eaſt; and had undoub-
tedly repell'd the Storm, but was diverted from Fighting by prohi-
bitory Letters, procur'd by Ruffinus and ſent by Arcadiu, who re-
cald the Oriental Troops, under Pretence of reſtraining the Hunns,
and defending the Seat of the Empire Conſtantinople, againſt their
Menaces.
This redoubld Villany coſt Rufinus his Life, which he, and afs
terwards his Perſécutor Gaines loſt, by Means too tedious to relate;
and too forreign to my Subject. And now Alaric emboldn'd with
Succeſs, after he had haraſs’d ang depopulated all Greece, Epirus,
and Pannonia, began to bend his Thoughts towards Italy it felf. · Ac-
cordingly he quitted the Lower and march'd into the Upper Pannonia,
now Auſtria; from thence to Noricum or Bavaria, and ſo on to Li-
guria and to Aſt, where he was inform’d the Emperor Honorius then
lay. Stilicho reliev'd his Maſter; firſt by breaking through the Bar- 19 defeated
barian Camp, and afterwards by giving them two conſiderable by Stilicho,
Overthrows; one at Pollentia, t'other at Verora. Upon this a Peace Peace.
was concluded, and Alaric, tho vanquiſh’d, was nevertheleſs re-
ceiv'd into Confederacy with the Romans. Thiş encourag'd Rada- Radagas-
gaiſus, another Goibiſh King, to the like Attempt: He advanc'd as a. D. 406.
far
Alaric the
,
A. D. 404
P2
бо The Martial Atchievements Book 1.
Stilicho,
The Bri
tains ſet up
perors.
far as Florence, and there Stilicho fell upon his Rear, with ſuch Con-
feated by c- duet and Bravery, that no leſs than an hundred thouſand of his Men
were cut off, without the Loſs of but one Man on the Roman ſide.
Radagaiſus, while he endeavour'd to make his Eſcape, was taken
Godegiſil a and put to Death. In the mean time Godegiſil King of the Vandals,
vades Gaul. ſeeing Italy diſtracted with Wars on every fide, thought he had
now a fit Opportunity to invade Gaul. Accordingly he march'd a
numerous Army of his own Vandals, and others; particularly the
Alans and Quadi from Scythia, through Sarmatia and Germany,
paſs’d the Rhine, and over-run Gaul, as far as the Sea-coaſts about
Calais and Bologne, Sacking and Pillaging all the Towns and Villa-
ges he met with in his Way. This Misfortune brought on another;
for the Inhabitants of, and the Troops that were Quarter'd in Bri-
A. D. 407. tain, fearing to be alſo attack’d, in a Sedition elected one Marcus
to be their Emperor ; but ſoon after diſpatch'd him, and ſet up
ſeveral Em-one Gratian, whom, after four Months Reign, they alſo depriv'd of
his Life and Empire. After this Conſtantine a common Souldier,
for no other Realon nor Merit, but that of his Natħe, which the
Britains conſider'd as Fortunate, was declar'd Emperor : And he
taking with him the Remainder of the Britiſh Forces, and Strength
that Maximus had left, paſs’d over into Gaul, took Bologne, and made
himſelf Mafter, in a ſhort time, of all Gallia Celtica, and a great
part of Aquitain. Omenius Præfe&tus Prætorio, and Cariobandes Ge-
neral of the Foot, unable to reſiſt both the revolted Britains, and
invading Vandals, fled into Italy, and left Gaul a Prey to the double
the Britij Plague. The Uſurper Constantine and Invader Godegifil enter'd
ufurper in, into a private Agreement: Both enter'd Spain, tho by different
ways;
and whilſt Constans the Son of Conſtantine over-run the Eaſtern Parts,
the Barbarians feiſed on the Weſt. The Vandals took and ſettled
themſelves in Gallicia, as the Sueves and Alans did in Portugal and An-
daluña. About the ſame time, Alaric impatient of Eaſe, and per-
haps forc'd by the Clamours of his necefſitous Souldiers, advanc’d
Alaric in a hoſtile Manner from Epirus to Bavaria, and ſent to demand of
the Emperor Money to Pay his Army, and defray the Charges of
his Expedition. By Stilicho's Advice, the Requeſt
, tho unmanner-
ly, was granted. But Stilicho being ſuſpected to have created all theſe
Wars, with a View of making himſelf Neceffary, and of Meriting,
by his unequald Service, no leſs than a Seat on the Imperial
Throne, was ſoon after kill d, together with his Wife Serena, and
Stilicho put Son Eucherius, at the Command of Honorius. The. Souldiers that
were Quarter'd in Italy, no ſooner heard of this Turn of Affairs at
Court, but they flew to Arms, and inhumanely Murther d all the
Goths, who upon Stilicho's Account had enter'd into the Emperor's
Pay. This Cruelty was univerſally Reſented by the Barbarians ;
and Alaric upon the Head of a mighty Army, made up of ſeveral
vades Italy. Nations, enter'd Italy a ſecond time: And his Overtures of Peace,
being by Honorius his imprudent Councils rejected, he march'd di-
rectly to Rome, but was prevaild with to raiſe the Seige, by means
of
vades Gaul
and Spain.
breaks the
Peace,
to death.
Alaric in-
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. OI
Dies?
of an immenſe Sum of Money he received from the Citizens. All
this while Honorius would hearken to no Terms of Accomodation :
Wherefore Alaric again beſiegʻd the City, and the periſhing, Inhabi-
tants at laſt confented to his Propoſals : Which were, That Attalus
Prefect of Rome, ſhould be declar'd Auguftus, and himlelf General
of the Army under the upſtart Emperor. But this laſt, proving un-
equal to the Charge, was by his Creator Alaric depos’d, and a
Peace patcht up at the ſame time with Honorius. The Accomoda-
tion was eluded by one Sarus, who had Reaſons of his own for
pro-
longing the War. Upon this Alaric once more beſieged, and at
lalt took Rome : And that City, which for ſo many Ages had given Takes Rome.
Laws to the Univerſe, Pillaged the reſt of the World, and En-
rich'd her ſelf with the Spoils of other Nations ; was now in her
Turn Subjected and Sack'd by Barbarians. Nevertheleſs, they quit- A. D. 410
ted it on the third Day, of their own accord: And being loadn'd
with Plunder, they follow'd King Alaric into Campania di Roma,
where he died. He was ſucceeded by Adolphus his Siſter's Son,
who married his Priſoner Gålla Placidia; Honorius's Siſter. This
was a lucky Match for the declining Romans : For Adolphus was re-
folv'd to have raz’d Rome to the very Foundation, and by the
Name of Gothia to build it in another Place; had not Placidia by her
Entreaties diſſuaded him from the barbarous Deſign. She did
much more ; for ſhe prevaild with the King her Husband, to leave
all Italy to Honorius, and to go and ſettle himſelf in Gallia Narbo-
nenhs.
This had ſecur'd the publick Peace, at leaſt for ſome time; but
the Uſurper Conſtantine, whom Honorius conftrain’d by Neceſſity,
and allurid with fair but falſe Promiſes, had receiv'd into a Part-
nerſhip of the Empire, broke out anew, in Hopes of feifing Italy, in
the midſt of ſo many Confufions. Honoriús fent Conſtantius, a noble
Roman with a powerful Army againſt him: And this fortunate and
brave General, not only ſeis'd him at Arles, but alſo reduc'd Maxi-. Conftantine
mus another Tyrant, who had ſet up in Spain, and Jovinus á Gaul : is ſeis’d.
Who by the Aſliſtance of the united Francs, Burgundians and Ger-
mans, had in Imitation of others, made bold with the Imperial Ti-
tle. Heraclian, who at the ſame time uſurped in Africk, had the A. D. 413
like Fate : And Adolphus the Gothiſh King made Attalus to re-act the
Emperor a ſecond time. But both theſe were forcd to flee into
Spain, in which they ſeis’d on Barcelona, where Adolphus was ſlain by
his owri Souldiers; and Attalus laid in Chains and ſent to the Empe.
ror. Upon this the renown'd Conftantius was married to Placidia the Á. D. 417)
Widow of Adolphus, and created Auguftus : A Reward as great as
Ambition could deſire, or Merit obtain.
Not long after this, the Francs, who inhabited the Coaſts of
Beginning
Friezeland, and who had already made themſelves known, took Tre- af the French
ves or Triers; having been call'd in by a Senator, whoſe Wife had
been taken from him by Luciüs the Governor of the Citý. The A. D. 418,
Dow French date their Monarchy from the taking of this City. Their
Q
firſt
1
Monarchy.
:
62
The Martial Atchievements Book 1
firſt King was Pharamond, according to moſt Hiſtorians, tho others
ſay he was but the ſeventh.
I have dwelt much longer on theſe important Tranſactions, than
I at firſt intended : Not ſo much to thew, by what Steps the nobleſt
Empire that ever gave Laws to the World, was brought to receive
them from others : But more particularly, by Reaſon that to all
theſe jarring Circumſtances, but concurring Cauſes, were owing the
Reſtoration of the Scots to Albion, their conſequential Succeſies a-
gainſt the Roman Provincials, and laſtly, the Eſtabliſhment of
their ever ſince over-toping Rivals the Engliſh in Britain. For,
as the firſt Invaſions of the Hunns, Alans and Goths made way to the
Preferment of the Great Theodohus ; fo this again gave Riſe" to the
Uſurpation of Maximus, who having exhauſted Britain of its Soul-
diers and Youth, left it more open to the Scots Attempts. Never-
theleſs, 'tis not probable they could have reſettld themſelves, had
not Conſtantine, encourag’d by the after and greater Confuſions of
the Empire, re-acted Maximus his Rebellious Part. By theſe Means,
Ptis plain that the Roman Province muſt needs be extreamly weak-
ned. The Scots diſpers'd through Norway, Denmark, Ireland, and
the Iſlands adjacent to Scotland, făild not to Catch at all. Opportu-
nities. Some of them, particularly the Heir of their Crown Fergus
II, aſſiſted and ſignaliz’d themſelves in the various Expeditions of
the Francs and Goths ; while others, tho they wanted a Chiftain,
made no ſmall Efforts to regain their native Country.
Gillo, Lord of the Weſtern Iſlands call’d Æbude, (a) was the firſt
The Scots that dar'd to Refent the Ruin of the Nation : His Men were then,
as now,. Fierce, Turbulent, and at the ſame time Poor, becauſe
Lazy; and therefore the fitter for ſuch an Exploit as he deſign’d.
Great numbers of theſe came over in long Boats to Argyle, where,
only intent upon Plunder and Booty, they over-ran the depopula-
ted Country. The Pictiſh Garriſons gave way to the Devaſtations
they made; but in the mean time ſeis’d their Boats, and cut off
their Retreat, ſo that not one got Home again, to give an Account
of their ill Conduct, and deſerv'd Puniſhment
. Not long after this,
the Iriſh were prevail'd with to Affift their baniſh'd Neighbours and
Kindred, with an Army of ten thouſand Men.. They landed in;
or near Kintyre, ravag’d the Country, and enrich'd themſelves with
Booty. The Scots acquainted with the Roman Diſcipline and Con-
duct, and perſwaded that ſuch an Enemy might be haraſs?d by
frequent Onſets, but was not to be foild by open Force, advis’d the
Iriſh to return contented with their preſent Advantage. But theſe
Aluſh'd with Victory, and back'd with the concurring Opinion of
ſome Scots, who urg'd, that they came not thither to Retreat, but to
Repoſſeſs their own, reſolv’dto ſtand their Ground, and to make
good their Conqueſts: But to their Coft, for they were over-
thrown near Stirling ; and the Body of the Irish Nation dreading
the Reſentment of the as yet prevailing Romans, fent Ambaſſadors
attempt
their Reſto-
ration,
to
(s) Buchan. Chamb. of Ormond, &c.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation,
03
CY
:
to Maximus, and ſu'd for Peace.
He granted it; becauſe now aſ-
piring at higher Matters than the Reduction of a new Kingdom, he
was fàtisfied with ſecuring the Subjection of that he had already
Conquer'd.
He was ſucceeded in his Government by Victorinus, who de
firous to equal the Glory of his Predeceſſor, began to pick Quar-
rels with the picts, whom he us’d no more as Allies, but as Sub-
jects to Rome.
He preſcrib'd new Laws to them, preſs’d their
Youth for Recruits to his Legions, and impos’d. Tributes upon a
People accuftom'd to ſerve their Natural Sovereigns more with
their Perſons than Goods. Their King Hergeſtus now. ſenſible,
when ?twas too late, of the Error he had conimitted by the Breach i Hergefius
of his Alliance with Scotland.: And. unwilling to Obey where he pies op-
was wont to Command, kill'd himſelf in a Rage. Victorinus upon recognis
this, iſſu'd out his Orders to the Pictiſh Nation, commanding them kills himſelf
to own no King henceforth but Cæfar... Notwithſtanding which,
they acknowledg’d. Durftus the Son of Hergeftus, and ſo broke out
into an open Rebellion, as the Romans term'd it. The. Scots from
Ireland and elſewhere, affifted their formerly injurious, but now in
jur'd, and therefore repenting Friends : And the Strugle they
made to regain their Liberties, muſt needs have been Great and Við-
lent ; fince it ſeems that no meaner Perſonage than the great Stilicho
was able to ſuppreſs them. Heor ſome other ſent by him did it ef-
fe&tually. The Pictiſh King Durftus was taken Priſoner at Camelo-
dunun, and ſent in Chains to Rome. Severals of his Nobles were
firſt Scourg’d; then Executed. The Commonalty were employ'd
in ſervile and laborious Works, particularly in the building of a
huge Rampart between Abercorn and Dumbartoun. Thus their Silicho
.
Kingdom was made a Province, and they the Inſtruments of their
own Subje&tion. One ſhould have thought that theſe Methods
would have broken the Spirits of the Picts, and cut off all future
Hopes of the Scots : But they had a quite contrary. Effect. The Re- bij Ferguson II:
putation of Fergus Heir of the Scottiſh.Crown, was ſpread as wide as vitation of a
the Roman Empire, or Gothick Invaſions. The Picts invited him 0-4.0.472.
ver to the Throne of his Anceſtors and he landed in Argyle, with a Landed in
numerous Train of his own Subjects, and ſome Foreigners; before
either the Roman's or Britains were aware of the Delign.'. Theſe
laſt aſtoniſh'd to ſee their ancient Enemy at hand, and that in ſuch
a Juncture of Time; when the Country was deſtitute both of its
own Inhabitants, and Roman. Legions, endeavour'd by Negotiation
to detatch the Picts from a Nation, they had ſo highly injur'd before,
that noAtonement could ever ſuffice to work a hearty Reconciliation,
but in vain. The Britiſh Envoys had no ſooner return’d, but they Attacka :
the
got notice, that a conſiderable Army of the Confederate Nations
had taken the Fields, and that Deftruction and Deſolation attended
their March, The Confternation of the Britains was Univerſal: (a)
Wherefore they ſent and beg’d Aſſiſtance from their old Maſters the
02
Ros
(a) Leil, in vita Ferguſ. II.
-
.
The Piats
ſubdu'd by
I.
:i.
64. The Martial Atchievements Book I.
tain.
Romans. And altho Honorius had formerly diſcharg'd them of their
Allegiance ; yet luckily for them, Aetius, a noble Commander, who
having but yet lately driven the French from Gaul, found 'him-
ſelf able to ſpare a Legion; which accordingly came over to Britain,
and gave a Rutfle to the Scots and Picts.
But the Legion being in-
ftantly re-call’d, by reaſon of the then Urgency of Affairs, they en-
ter'd the Province anew ; and being join'd by ſome revolting Bri-
tains under the Conduct of Dionethus, who had taken upon himſelf
the Title of King, they reſolv'd to divide the whole Iſland
amongſt themſelves. They had effected the Thing, had not freſh
Is killa Supplies from the Roman Army in Gaul been ſent againſt them.
in Battle. Theſe gave Vigour and Life to the diſpirited Britains, and the
united Kings loſt a Battle, wherein Fergus King of the Scots, and
Durſtus King of the Picts were killd. This Defeat ſtruck the
Minds of all People with incredible Terror; and they began to
fore-bode to themſelves all the recurring Miſeries of Exile or Slavery.
But the brave Græme, who was made Guardian to the young King
Eugene II, rous'd up by his Wiſdom and Valour their drooping
Courage : And the Romans, unable to purſue their Victory for the
A.D.435. Reaſons abovemention’d, were conſtraind to take their laſt Farewell
leave Brian of a People, they could no longer Protect. (a) But before they went
off, they caus’d re-build the famous Wall of Severus, not of Turf, as
before, but of ſolid Stone, twelve Foot high, and eight in Breadth,
with many '[owers, croſſing the Ife in a direct Line from Eaft to
Weſt. And, that nothirig might be omitted, towards ſecuring the
Nation from Incurſions, Deſcents,or Conqueſts; Fortreſſes and Block-
houſes were alſo built, at convenient Diſtances, in ſeveral parts of
the Sea-Coafts. This done, the Romans, who came not to Govern
or Refide, but to lend their Charitable Aſſiſtance to the diſtreſs'd
Britains, let them to underſtand : That they were not to expect any
more Succours from them: That the State of the Empire could not
allow of it ; that therefore they muſt needs for the future ſtand up
in their own Defence, learn the Art of War, and give early Leſſons
A. D. 435. of Courage and Fortitude to their Youth. For this purpoſe they
left Patterns of their Roman Arins and Weapons behind them, and
fo Embark'd for Spain, whether they were callʻd by Orders from the
Emperor.
The Removal of the Roman Forces, and the Diſorder of their
Affairs in Africk, made the Scots and Picts. forget their former Loſſes,
and hope for future Succeſſes. They were not miſtaken;! for the
Britains never expreſt ſuch cowardly Weakneſs, as on this occaſion :
Their Guards ſtood trembling on the Wall at the Approach of their
Eneny,and tamely fuffer'd themſelves to be pluck'd down headlong,
with the long Hooks of the half Naked Picts: So Mr. Echard, af-
ter the Angry Gildas, is pleas’d to expreſs himſelf, as if he knew not
that the Scots Highlanders, tho half Naked, even in our Days, put
و
to
(a) Bed. Gild.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 65
to the Rout well arm’d, and well pay'd regular Forces, both Scots
and Engliſh. They are not alham'd of a Garb that fits their Bodies
for all Šorts of manly Exerciſes and Exploits. The fame Author
tells us, (2)That the Scots and Picts, like Flies and Vermine in the Heat of
Summer, in prodigious Swarms iſſued out of their narrow Holes and Caves,
and without Reſiſtance took poleſion of the Wall. We muſt excuſe Gildas
for theſe and the like Expreſſions: He was in Wrath when he
wrote his doleful Story, and could neither Pardon the Scots, becauſe
Victorious, nor the Britains his Country-men, becauſe they were
vanquiſh'd. But to me 'tis ſurpriſing, that an Author of ſo emi-
nent a Character as Mr. . Echard, ſhould now a-days when National
Animofities are laid aſide, and good Manners are faſhionable, de-
ſcend ſo low from the Majeſty of his Subject and Stile, and Sully his
own otherwiſe polite Pen, to indulge the mean Humour of reviling
preſent Friends, becauſe Foes of old. But to the purpoſe, theſe Na-
tions fo Deſpicable in his Eyes, were not ſo in the Eyes of the then
South-Britains . They raz’d the Fortreffes, and level'd the Wall with
the Ground: From which A&tion, and the Author of it Græme
'tis to this Day call’d Græmes Dyke. They did more, for piercing
into the very Heart of the Country, they drove the Inhabitants be-
fore them, and return'd more wearied than ſatiated with the Spoils
and Miſeries of the Enemy. And now, (b) they began to entertain
Thoughts of a laſting Settlement in thoſe fertile Parts they had already
depopulated: For this purpoſe, huge Swarms of the formerly ex-
ild Scots and other Foreigners, whom either Poverty pinch’d, or
Ambition fir’d, flock'd from all Places to ſhare both in the Danger
and Profit of the intended Conqueft. Nevertheleſs, Græme (c)
prefer'd a ſolid Peace to the uncertain Events of a War, which Governor
perhaps he conſider'd as none of the juſteſt. Beſides, he was wil- of Scotland,
ling to gain Time for reviving of Laws, and reducing the diſorder'd with the
State, and confus’d Multitudes into Form and Rule The Britains vanquiſh'd
by theſe means began to Breath in a free Air : But this laſted not
long ; for Eugene having taken upon himſelf the Adminiſtration of
Affairs, and ſeeing the uncultivated Soil in fome meaſure over-
ſtock’d with the multiplying Youth, he reſolv'd to try their Cou-
rage, and beget Eſteem to himſelf. With this View, he ſends an
Embafly to the Britih Nation, requiring that they would yield to upon the
him ſuch Lands as had formerly belong to Græme his Grand-father. Britains,
Upon this the Britains,never in any thing well united among them-
ſelves, had almoſt come to an open Rupture and Civil War. Conon,
a Man of eminent Quality and Parts, advis’d them to comply with
the Requeſts of the Scots, but was by the diſſenting Rabble" inhu-
manely Murther’d on the Spot. Nevertheleſs, after more mature
Deliberation, they ſent and offer'd advantageous Terms of Peace to
the Scots. But the King was certainly inform’d, that this was but a
Trick, and that while Peace was pretended, a War was deſign’d.
For this Reaſon the Scots and Picts, equally encourag’d by the Bri-
R
till
() Echard. Hit. of Eng. pag. 35. (b) Hift. Gild. Edic, Oxog, (c) Buchan. in vita Eug. II.
Grame the
Britains.
و
Eugene II.
makes Wai
66 The Martial Atchievements Book 1
Battle.
tains have
again Re-
courſe to
.
66
(6
G
66
tiſh Calamities, and their own Succeſſes, enter'd the Borders with
their joint Forces: And the Britains now daring to meet them in
the open Fields, a Battle enſu'd near the Humber, which was
fought with incredible Obſtinacy, and no ſmall Conduct on both
Gains a fides. At laſt the Scots and Picts prevaild, with the Loſs of about
Four Thouſand of their Men : That of the Britains was computed
to Fourteen Thouſand. The braveſt of their Youth were entirely
cut off. And we may judge of the miſerable Condition of their
The Bric Affairs, by the moving Letter they wrote to Aetius on this occaſion;
wherein they once more beg'd his and his Maſters Protection. 'Twas
directed thus, (a) To Aetius thrice Conſul; The Groans of the Britains,
the Romans, The Words of the Letter it ſelf are theſe : In this the moſt de.
plorable State we were ever reduc'd to, we beg Aſliſtance from
you to the Roman Province, to our Native Country, our Wives
A. D. 446.
" and Children. The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, and the Sea
to drives us back to the Barbarians: Plac'd as we are between two
“ Deaths, we can only chooſe whether we had beſt be Slaughter'd
by the Sword, or Drown'd in the Ocean. Againſt theſe inevi-
<table Miſchiefs,we can look for no Remedy, but from your
Com-
paſſion and Goodneſs.
Some ſuſpect that Aetius was at Bottom no Friend to the Emperor
Valentinian, and that pleas’d with the Misfortunes of his Reign, he
deny'd the Succours deſir’d. But this is an improbable Conjecture,
and altogether unworthy of the Character of ſo great a Man, who
ftill continud to ſhew the moſt lively Remains of Roman Heroiciſm.
The Truth is, that the Empire, grievouſly infeſted at that time by
the Hunns and Vandals, was in no Condition to ſupport the Britains ;
who not daring either to keep the Fields or defend their Villages
and Towns, either lurk'd in hidden Receſſes and Mountainous Places;
or, as 'tis own’d by the beſt of Engliſh Hiſtorians, (b) yielded them-
ſelves to the Diſpoſal of the Enemy. The Scots" and Picts might have
ſettld themſelves in, and compleated the Conqueſt of South-Britain,
But whether mov’d by Compaſſion, or that they had not ſufficient
Numbers to ſecure a Dominion of ſo large an Extent, and bear down
a Nation, by far more Populous than their own; they contented
themſelves to make theſe Tributaries, who offer'd Subjection or
any thing, ſo they were but allow'd to live. The Articles of Ac-
quer'd by commodation were theſe;" That henceforth the Britains ſhould call
a in no Romans, nor any other Foreigners to the Iſland. That
Triberament they ſhould make no War nor Peace with, or ſend Auxiliaries to
any State whatever, without Liberty granted by the Scots and
" Pičts. That they fhould be ready to give Aſſiſtance to theſe laſt
« when requir’d. That they ſhould yield to them all the Country
North the River Humber. That they ſhould pay the Sum of
« Sixty Thouſand Crowns ready Money, to be diſtributed among
« the Scots and Pietiſh Souldiers, with a yearly Tribute of Twenty
« Thouſand in all Times coming : And laſtly, That a Hundred
Hoſta
South-Bri.
tain con-
Eugene II.
and made
and Pists, GC
CC
by
(a) Gild.Echard. Buch. P.D'Orleans, &c. (b)Echard's Hift. of Eng. p. 36. & vol. 1. of the Hift. of Eng. prinit.
Lond. in 8vo. 1701, p. 35.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 67
46
و
1
od
Hoſtages ſhould inſtantly be deliver'd as Guarantees and Pledges
" of their good Behaviour.
Theſe Conditions were hard, yet tolerable as Matters ſtood, and
Neceſſity, which forc'd them to be accepted, exacted likewiſe the
Obſervation of them for ſome Years. (a) All the Scots Hiſtorians
give the fame Account of this Tranſaction, fo Glorious to their
Anceſtors. And fince the Engliſh acknowledge, that all the Britains
ſubmitted, ſave thoſe that retir'd to Caves and Woods: And ſince
even theſe laft are callid Rebels by Gildas ; for his Words imply
no leſs: (6) And the rather, becauſe he makes it plain, that the
Scots were at that time abfolute Maſters of the whole Country; and
that all the Magazines, Granaries and Stores, were in their Hands,
and by them diſpos’d of; elſe How ſhould Hunger have compeld tbe Bri-
tains to ſubmit, and to crave no other Conditions, but Viftuals to en-
tertain their Lives? Since in fine, Alcuin an Engliſh-man, who fou-
riſh'd in the Year 780, tells us plainly, (c) That the Britains at
this time, lay under the Weight of Servitude and were of themſelves unable
to retrieve their Liberties: I feeno Reaſon to doubt but the Terms of their
Submiſſion were ſuch, as I have tranſcrib’d from my Vouchers.
That the Britains did ſoon after get free of the Yoke impos’d up-
on them, is certain ; but by what Means is not ſo plain. Mr.
Echard (d) and others of the Engliſh, unwilling to own their to-
tal Subjection, tell us, “ That the more Hardy and Reſolute
ſupported themſelves with what Woods and Forreſts would af-
“ ford: And oftentimes as their Neceſſities urg'd, or Advantage
« united them, would make Sallies upon their Enemies, and that
« with good Succeſs, led on, as may be conceived, by ſome wor-
thy Commander ; who advis'd them not to confide in their own
Power, but in the divine Aſſiſtance. And that the Scots and Picts
« finding ſuch ſtout Refiftance, retir’d Home; the latter to their
new Habitations about the Wall, and the former to Ireland. He
çites Gildas for this, as if the Scots had not at this time of the Day
Been ſettled any where but in Ireland: An Infinuation ſo Ground-
leſs, that it ſcarcely deſerves to be taken notice of. For whoever
doubted of the Scots Monarchy's being fairly and finally eſtabliſh'd
and fix'd in the North of Britain, by King Fergus II. And this fell
R 2
(a) Boeth. Lell. Buchan. Chamber's, 6c, in vita Eugen. II. (b) Gild. ubi hac verba, Interea fames dira
ac famoſiflima vagis ac nutabundis (Britannis) hæret, quæ multos eorum cruentis compellié prædonibus (Scores
& Pi&tx) fine dilatione victas dare manus, ut pauxillum ad refocillandam animam cibi caperent ; alios verd
nuſquam, quin potius de ipfis montibus, ſpeluncis ac falt
bus dumis conſertis, continue rebellabant. (c) Scriptor.
XV. Edit. Oxon. p. 703. ubi Alcuinus de Pont. & Sanct. Eccl. Ebor. habet hos verlus:
gens pigra Britonum,
Que fere continuis Pictorum preſſa duellis,
Servitii pondus, tandem vaſtata ſubivit ;
Nec valuit propriis patriam defendere ſcutis,
Vel libertatem gladiis revocare páternam.
(C
(6
CC
CC
out
i
?'
(d) Pag. 10,-
:,:
ܙ | ܀ ܙ
.
: .1!!
.
2
68 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
tain
out, about the ſixteenth Year of the Reign of his Son Eugene. As
to the Expreſſion made uſe of by Gildas, (a) it proves no more than
what I have elſewhere aſſerted, viz. That about this Time, Scotland
and Ireland were Terms applicable to either of the Countries: Or, if
the Iriſh muſt needs be ſaid to have return'd Home, that may be
allow'd in a literal Senſe ; ſince 'tis probable ſeverals of them
might have come over, and for Motives of Intereſt, join'd with the
prevailing Scots their Allies and Friends.
Pere D Orleans in his Hiſtory of the Revolutions of England, gives
a more ſatisfying Account of this Turn of Affairs. He lays, That
the South-Britains, when reduc'd to the laſt Extremitas, had recourſe
to their Kinſmen in Little-Britany ør Bretagne. For 'tis true, that
great Numbers of thoſe Britains, who follow'd the two Uſurpers,
Maximus and Conſtantine into Gaul, ſettl'd in that Part of it, call’d
Armorica; which afterwards from them had the Name it ſtill enjoys.
Aldroene reignd in Little-Britany at this time, who movd with
Compaſſion at the Calamities of a. People, to whom he and moſt of
his Subjects own' their Origine, promis'd all the Affiſtance in his
Power ; upon Condition, that his Brother Conftantine, ſhould be de-
Conſtantine clard King. The Biſhop of London Plenipotentiary for the Britiſh
of south. Biri Nation, agreed to the Propoſal: And Conſtantine came over to Bria
tain with a conſiderable Reinforcement of Men and Arms. Upon
his Arrival, the diſpersed Britains flock'd in to him from all Parts,
and in a ſhort time he had the pleaſure to ſee himſelf upon the
Head of a gallant Army, with which he routed the Scots and Picts.
The Scots aſſert the contrary : They ſay, That as this Conſtantine,
having a due regard to the State of Britain, equally broken by fo-
reign Wars and inteſtine Broils, thought fit to cultivate Peace. (6)
So the Britains remaind Tributaries (c) full thirty Years: When
nother Conſtantine King of Scotland, a Prince in every Reſpect un-
deſerving of the high Poft his Nephew's Nonage had advancd him
to, ſold the annual Tribute for a preſent Sum, and baſely gave up
theſe Fortreſſes he poſſeſs’d in Northumberland. However, this is
certain, that the Scots and Picts ceas'd not long after this to renew
their Pretenſions upon Britain. They invaded it again and again
(d) threatning Deſtruction to the whole Iſland, and deſigning to
Plant themſelves from one End to the other. Germanus Biſhop of
Auxerre in France, who had come over into Britain, in order to de-
feat the Pelagian Hereſy, is ſaid to have alſo defeated an Army of
the Confederates. They return'd ſoon after with greater Preparati-
ons than ever : And it was lucky for the Britains on this Occaſion,
that a moſt dreadful Peſtilence rag'd in the Country : By it vaſt
Numbers of the Inhabitants were ſwept away, yet the Land was
preſerv'd to thoſe that ſurviv'd : For the victorious Invaders dread-
ing the Contagion, durft not engage too far in the Inland
Countries.
About
a-
1
(a) Hiſt. Gild. ubi funt hæc verba. Revertuntur impudentes Graffatores ad Hibernas domos poft non mul-
tum temporis reverſuri. (b) Buchan. in vita Eugen. II. (6) Led. in vita Conſtant. (d) Echard. Hiſt. Engl. p. 37,
Chap. II.
09
Of the Scots Nation.
Vortigern
66
About this time Vortigern had by Election, or Treaton, or both,
afcended the Britiſh Throne. This Prince, who had great Vices, King of
was not quite deftitute of good Qualifications. At firſt, ſays Pere D' Britain.
Orleans, (a)
• He evidenc’d himſelf worthy of the Scepter he
“ Sway'd : For he defeated the Scots and Picts, (which by the by, the
" Scots Hiſtorians deny) and the Britains might thereby have got is wörlied
6 Leiſure to breath in Peace, had they had to do with an Enemy by the Scors.
« leſs obſtinately bent upon their Ruin. Theſe victorious Nati-
ons return'd again with freſh Vigour, and purſud their Advan-
“ tages ſo clolly, that Vortigern finding it impracticable to preſerve
« the periſhing State without Aſſiſtance from abroad, took the fa-
« tal Reſolution of introducing a foreign Power into the Iſland.
" With this View, (b) he ſummond a grand Council, (adds Mr. E-
o chard) where all being in a manner Infatuated, they agreed upon
« ſuch a Defence, as after prov'd their Deſtruction : Which was,
66 That the Heathen Saxons, then hateful to God and Man, whom Invites the
« abſent they dreaded like Death it felf, ſhould be ſent for to repel Arlistance
,
to the Northern Nations.
Thus the Scots and Pictiſh Valour conſtrain’d the South-Britains
for the third time, to have Recourſe to different Foreigners: Happy
if thote laſt had prov'd as the Romans, Charitable and Diſintere-
fted : Or like thoſe of Little-Britany, Moderate and Juft. But as
this was not to be expected from a barbarous Multitude, whoſe
Bodies were fitted for their wonted Employment, Piracy and
Slaughter; and Minds, for want of Education and Religion, diſ-
pos’d to all the Exceſſes of lawleſs Power : So the Britains deſervd
no better Treatment, than that they receiv'd from them.
This wretch'd Nation, whoſe Enormities of all kinds, the long-
ſuffering Juſtice of Almighty God could no longer endure
, was not
only haraſs’d by a foreign War, 'twas not impoſſible to have put an
end to, on Terms ſuch as they had once accepted and now rejected;
but was alſo divided into two domeſtick Factions. Vortigern had
found means to cut off his Predeceffor Conſtantine, and get himſelf e-
lected King in his Stead, to the Prejudice of the lawful Heirs. (c)
The more loyal Britains had ftill an Eye to their exild Princes,
and their Return from beyond Seas was as much wilh'd for by one
Party, as 'twas dreaded by t’other. To prevent this, as much as
to ſuppreſs Invaſions from the North, the Saxons were ſent for from
Germany. They yielded immediately to the pleaſing Requeſt,
rigg’d out three long Galleys : And a choſen Company of their
moſt
warlike Youth, under the Conduct of two Brothers Hengiſt and Horſa,
ſet fail and landed in the Iſle of Thanet: And the Conſequence of their A. D. 449.
welcome Arrival was this. The Scots and Picts, who after all had,
by a juſt War againſt the Romans, a Right to Conquer, and The Saxons
by Conqueſt ſome Title to the Dominion of Britain, were repulsid sepel the
to the North of Severus's Wall. The undoubted Heirs of the late
S
law-
(a Hiftor. des Revol. d’Angl. p. 12. & 13. (6) Echard p. 37. (c) P, D' Orleans. Buchan. Lell. Matth. of
Weltminit. 3c
70
The Martial Atchievements Book 1.
lawful Sovereign, were at firſt kept from, and at laſt, notwithſtand-
ing their noble Efforts and violenţ Struggles, diſpoſſeſs’d of the In-
heritance due to their Blood and Merits. The Uſurper Vortigern
and his Poſterity, were depriv'd of the Fruits of their Treaſon;
the Britiſh Nation was extirpated, and a new Race of People that
had no Right to ſo much as an Açre of Land in the Iſland, by
Fraud, Violence and Isreligion, came at laſt to Poſſeſs the better
Part of it. They purpos'd no leſs to themſelves, upon their firſt
Arrival, but not daring as yet to attempt any thing by Force, Hen-
gift very uſefully employ'd that Cunning and Policy, of which he
muſt be own’d to have been a great Mafter. He affected a ſingular
regard for, and attachment to the King's Perſon; and having dex-
troully removd all Occaſions of Diffidence or Jealouſy, he render'd
him incapable of Precaution or Forecaſt. Hengiſt his great Deſign
was to appear Neceſſary, and ſo to get more Forces call d over, un-
der Pretence to Support, but in Effect to Over-turn the State. With
this View, he took all Opportunities of Infinuating to the King,
“ That he had more than one Enemy to deal with; and that the
6 Scots and Picts who were thought ſo very terrible, were not
“ really ſo, if compar'd with others. You ſit upon a Throne, Sir,
" ſaid he, by the Peoples Choice; which tho Glorious to you, and
“ Juſt in it felf, yet may be attended with dangerous Conſequences.
“ Your Predeceffor left Children behind him, and theſe Children
" make no mean Appearance where they reſide. Your Subjects
e talk of their pretended Deſervings with Pleaſure ; and no_ Body
" thinks they'l live quiet abroad, while the Scepter their Father
« held, is in the Hands of another. I muſt tell you ſomething
more,
and am ſurpriz’d, thoſe about you are ſo Ignorant them-
" ſelves, or ſo Treacherous as to keep you in the dark. Aurelius
" Ambrofus the eldeļt of theſe Princes has a Party at Home; nay,
" there are in your Court, who Flatter his early Ambition with fu-
" ture Hopes. You ſtand in need of Perſons devoted to your In-
tereſt, ſuch as I am my ſelf, and ſuch are thoſe under my Coma
«. mand : But our Numbers are inconſiderable, and we cannot ſup-
preſs Inſurrections, and repel Invaſions at once. Your Security
« calls for larger Supplies. Germany has ſtore of Men at your Ser-
" vice: You run the greateſt Hazard imaginable, if you call them
not, and none at all if you do. As for
As for us, whom you have alrea-
" dy ſo highly Oblig’d, and ſo nobly Rewarded, let us but know
your Pleaſure, and, as 'tis our Intereſt and Duty, ſo we ſhall
" reckon it our Glory to Obey.
Theſe Suggeſtions fail'd not of the intended Effect: For as Uſur-
Captain of pation is ever attended by that cruciating Tyrant Jealouſie, ſo the
the Saxons King went headlong into the Sentiments of Hengift: And this laſt,
immediately ſent home to invite greater Numbers of his Coun-
out of Ger try-men
to ſhare in his future Succels and Expectations. He did
more ; for adding a ſecond piece of Policy to the former, he ap-
pointed his Daughter Rowena, a Lady of admirable Beauty, to be
brought
CC
CC
CC
CG
G6
gets leave to
call for
more Men
many.
1
Chap. II. Of the Scots Nation.
70
brought along with the Fleet. He had obſerv'd Vortigern’s Inclina-
tion to Love, and doubted not but the fair Heathen would charm
the feeble Heart of fodiſſolute a Chriſtian, into a Compliance with
what further might be deſir’d.
The Orders of Hengiſt were punctually obey'd, Seventeen freſh
Vefſels arriv'd in Britain, and in them great Numbers of new Ad-
venturers, who came over with Joy into a Country, where they were
to find a healthful Air, pleaſant Habitations, and a Land aboun-
ding in all things conducing to Pleaſure, or neceſſary to. Life. Ro- His Daugh:
wena was not forgotten ; ſhe had with her a Train of Women fuit- ter Rowena
able to her Birth, which was truly Illuſtrious : For Hengiſt, as all to Britaine,
the Royal Family of the Saxons, was deſcended from the Ancient
Woden; whom for his great A&tions that Idolatrous People had
placd in the Number of their Gods.
The King would needs ſee and welcome his Gueſts upon their
firſt Landing. Hengiſt invited him to a lplendid Entertainment; in
the midſt of which, when Wine and Mirth had prediſpos’d and
fitted the Mind of the unfortunate Monarch, for thoſe Impreſſions
defign’d by the Saxon ; Rowena appear’d, and diſplay'd ſuch Graces,
as dazld the Eyes of all preſent. Never had Poiſon a more preſent is Mar-
Effect: Vortigern fuck'd it in greedily, and, altho a Chriſtian, and ried to Voréti
already Married, immediately offer'd and gave his Hand to the en-gorn,
chanting Heathen.
This Mirth had all the Succeſs Hengiſt could wiſh for, that is
,
it made him,and ruin'd the King : The latter became in an inſtant
the Object of Hatred and Contempt of all good or thinking Men. Vortigern
He was Excommunicated by the Biſhops, and abandon’d by the his cronaby
Nobles. Nay, his own Son Vortimer deſerted him, and under the Nobles. .
plauſible Notion of defending the Chriſtian Faith, took upon him
the
Management of Affairs, and Title of King.
This unnatural Uſurpation feem'd neceſſary at the time, and
therefore Juſt : For Vortigern, whoſe Intereſt was now linked to that
of his Father-in-law, ſuffer'd himſelf to be over-ruld by him in e-
very thing. More Saxons were callid over, and a ſecret Peace
was made with the Picts. (a) This done, the Saxon Commander's
began to find occaſions of Quarrels with their Landlords the Bri-
tains ; and ſuddenly turning their Arms againſt them, waſted the The Saxonis
Country with Fire and Sword, after a barbarous and unheard of Arms a.
Manner. Thoſe ſtately Edifices the Romans had built with ſuch gainſt the
Art and Coft were deinoliſh'd. The Cities (and Beda tells us,
that there were in theſe times Twenty Eight moſt noble ones in
Britain ) were turn’d into Rubbiſh, the Chriſtian Prieſts were Nain
very Altars, and the Biſhops Maſſacr'd without Reſpect, to-
gether with infinite Numbers of People of all Ages and Ranks:
pretended
Vortimer oppos'd this Torrent of Confuſion and Deſolation: He tain.
ſought and obtain’d Afiftance from the Scots, (b) and in a ſhort Time
put himſelf on the Head of an Army which had nothing of the
S2
(a) Echard. Pag. 39. Orleans pag. 19.(b) Buchan. in vita Dongard,
come
Britains,
at the
Vortimer
King of Brico
Bria
72
The Martial Atchievement's Book I.
He Dies.
gern in
Chainsand
his Nobles.
Britiſh Weakneſs. The War was long and bloody; and as the Events
A. D. 497. were various, ſo they are uncertainly related. The Saxons it ſeems
were worfted in four Battles, but recruited again upon the Death
of the brave Vortimer, who had he not aſſum'd the Title, had all the
Reaſon in the World to Exerce, as he did, the Office of the diſtracted
King his Father. Nevertheleſs
, Vortigern rous’d, I know not by
what Means, from his Lethargick Madneſs, re-aſſum'd the Govern-
ment, and for ſome time maintaind the War, but was wheedid
into a Treaty, and the Treaty brought on an Interview with the
treacherous Hengift. This laſt appointed thoſe of his Retinue to be
ſecretly Arm’d, and acquainted them to what purpoſe. The Watch
Word was, Nemet eour Saxes, that is, Pull out your Daggers; which
they obſerving, the Britiſh Nobility, when heated with Wine,were
ſtabb’d, to the Number of Three Hundred. Vortigern himſelf
puts vortis was kept alive, but put in Chains and conſtrain’d for his Ranſom,
to ſurrender to Hengiſt ſuch Countries as he thought fit to demand,
Murther'd as an additional Strength to the new Kingdom of Kent, which he
formerly poſſeſt. He might have extorted much more, but luckily
for Britain, the long look'd and wiſh'd for Aurelius Ambroſius, the
Son and Heir of Conſtantine, arriv'd from France, accompany'd
with the Favour of Heaven, and a numerous Retinue of brave Vo-
lunteers. He claim'd the Throne of his Father, and, as Buchanan
(a) relates the Story, immediatly ſuppreſs’d his Rival Vortigern in
Wales. And Leſly (6) ſays, That having compeld him, his preten-
Vortigern ded Wife Rowena, and their Children, to ſhut themſelves up in a
Caſtle ; he fet Fire to it, and they were conſum'd to Aſhes. But
others tell us, That the avenging Fire fell from Heaven upon the
Head of this Inceſtous Prince: For to his other Crimes, he added
that of begetting a Child with his own Daughter.
Aurelius his next Care (C) was to diſpatch an Embaſſy to the Scots
and Picts, defiring their Friendſhip and joint Aſſiſtance againſt the
Heathens. The Picts rejected the Propoſal, and continued their
Alliance with the Saxons. * The Scots took other Meaſures, they
He makes renew'd their Treaty formerly made with Conſtantine the Father of
Aurelius. In purſuance of which, their King Congallus kept his
Poffeffion of Weſtmoreland, and ſent Auxiliaries to Aurelius, and
by frequent Incurſions from his own, upon the Saxon Territories,
made ſuch a Diverſion, (d) as very much contributed to the Victories
of his Ally.
Aurelius, whoſe Name and Origine were Roman, was alſo endu'd
with Virtues equal to his Birth and Dignity. He was not long u-
Beats the pon the Throne, before he gave a ſignal Overthrow to the Saxons.
He is ſaid to have beat them afterwards by North the Humber,
and a third time near York. And, 'tis probable, that he had driven
them out of the Illand, had not one of Vortigern's Sons, nam’d
Paſcentius, by aſpiring to the Throne, his Father and Brother had U-
ſurp'd,
(a) In vita. Conſtantin. (b) In vita Congall. (c) Buchan, in vita Conſtantin. & Congall. (d) Buchanı. in vi:
ta Congall. & D'Orleans Hiſt. P. 21.
burnt to
Death:
Aurelius
King of
Britain.
an Alliance
with the
Scots,
Saxons,
1
)
Chap. II. Of the Scots Nation:
7 3
Scotland;
Pias
ſurpd, diverted his conquering Arms.. This ſhews how dangerous
'tis to ſet up another Sovereign in a State,beſides the legal Heir
: The
Pofterity of each never fail to keep up their Pretenſions, and neither
Party can miſs of Favourers and Friends. Gilloman King of Ireland
fupported the Claim of Pafcentius, but they were both defeated and
kill'd in the firſt Battle they fought againit Aurelius:Tho others ſay, Other Pena
that this fell not out till the Reign of his Brother Other Pendragon: BritiſKing
This laſt by ſome Hiſtorians call’d Nazallod, had ſhar'd in all the fipported
glorious Aations of the former Reign. Upon his firſt Acceſſion to Goranus
the Throne, he renew'd the Alliance Aurelius had made with the King of
Scots. Their Pious and Wiſe King Goranus (a) gave a hearty
Compliance. He did much more, for he prevaild with the Pictiſh
And by the
King Lothus, a Prince inferior to none of that Age, in all thoſe
Qualities that adorn the Body or Mind, to break off from the Bar-
barians; and with Other to give his Siſter Anna in Marriage to Lothus.
By this means a triple League was concluded between the Scots,
Picts, and Britains; and the War was proſecuted againſt the com-
mon Enemy, with that Succeſs, that the Saxons, foild in a great them onts
Vanquiſh'd
many Rencounters, had almoſt given their Conqueſts for loft, and
Vther had been rank'd among the moſt Fortunate and beſt of Kings,
had not his many Virtues been darken’d by a horrible Crime. Be
fore he was King, he lov’d one. Igerne the Wife of Gorlois
Earl of Cornwall. But the Chaſtity of this Beautiful Lady was not
eaſily Conquerd. He left nothing unattempted, and at laſt by the
Artifices of the famous Magician or Prophet Merlin prevaild. Other is
Some ſay, that he was Metamorphos’d into the Shape and Appear- with Ternei
ance of Gorlois, at leaſt it was given out fo, no doubt, to ex- Debaucher
tenuate the Infamy of the thing. Igerne deluded by Magick, or
overcome by Paſſion, Conceiv'd, and was afterwards brought to
Bed of the famous Arthur. In the mean time Other's Wife Died,
and his Love for Igerne continuing, he reſolv'd to remove the only
Obſtacle that croſs’d his Deſire. With this View he went inPerſon,
(ſuch is the Fury of improvident Luft) Beſieg’d.the. Earl in one of
his Caſtles, and killd him : Some ſay, in a Sally; others, that the
Caſtle being ſurrender'd, he causd him to be Executed in the way And kills
of Juſtice. Be this as it will, tis certain, that he Married Igerne,
and acknowledg’d Arthur as his lawful Succeffor. This was an Inju-
ftice done to thoſe Children, the Pictiſh King Lothus had by Other's
Sifter. Accordingly he put in his Claim, and Complain’d, that.
a Baſtard begot in Adultry, ſhould be prefer'd to the righteous Heirs.
But in vain : The Britains were Charm’d with the growing Excel-
lencies of their Darling Arthur.. They pleaded, That he was
Baſtard, ſince fairly Legitimated by the ſubſequent Marriage of his par days
Father and Mother. Lothus convinc'd by the Reaſon,or unwilling to to the
enter into War,which muſt needs. terminate to the Advantage of none; Britain
.
but the infidel Saxons, gave up his Childrens Pretenſions, and Re-
cogniz'd the Title of King Arthur. The Confederacy was renewid
T
be-
(a) Buchan. in vita Gorani,
her.
her Hur.
band.
Lochus
no King of the
74
The Martial Atchievements Book 1.
Lothus,
Two Bat-
the Scotsand
Pias
between the three Chriſtian Nations, and Arthur back'd with the
Arthur a Scots and Pictiſ Auxiliaries, Atchiev'd ſuch mighty Things, as
prefered to have been darkn'd by the additional Fables of Romantick Authors;
who,unluckily for his Meinory, fix'd on him as the nobleſt Champion
of the Britiſb Nation : And fo by making an imaginary, unmade in
fome meaſure the real Hero. For ſuch fabulous Nonlenfe has been
written concerning this Prince, that fome have doubted, whether
there ever was ſuch a Perfon. This Doubt is unreaſonable after all,
for (a) in the Reign of Henry II. of Englænd, fome Perſons, di-
rected in their Search by old Britiſh Songs, fought for and diſcover'd
his Tomb in the Church-yard of Glaftenbury, where ſome Remains
of Bones were ſeen, with an Inſcription or Epitaph applicable to
tles fough none but him. Beſides, (b) the generality of Writers agree, that
by. Arthur. there was ſuch a Man, and that he made a powerful Reliftance a-
tain, and gainſt the Pagan Saxons. Buchanan (c) gives an Account of two
his Allies Battles wherein theſe laſt were foil'd. The firſt was fought not far
from the Humber. The Scots and the Picts were plac'd on the Wings,
and King Arthur with his Britains ſtood in the Center. The Scots
had the good Luck to put thoſe they engag’d with to the Rout at the
very firſt Onſet : For their Chiftain Childerick being killd, his
Men betook themſelves to the Flight. The Pists met with greater
Oppoſition : Their King Lothus was by the ſudden Charge of the
SaxonColgern diſmounted from his Horſe.ButColgern pay'd dear for his
improvident Fury.He had advanc'd too far to eſcape, and was at the
ſame time pierc'd on both ſides with the Spears of two Pičtilh Soul-
vanquinhas diers. By theſe Accidents, bath Wings of the Enemy gave way,
again, and and thoſe in their Center, who had hitherto Fought with great
Bravery againſt King Arthur, fearing to be Flank'd by the prevail-
ing Scots and Picts, retir'd with Precipitation. · Occa, the Son of
another of that Name, who commanded in Chief, was dangeroully
Wounded, yet fled to the Sea-Coaſt with the Remains of his Army;
where finding fame Ships in Readineſs to put to Sea, he ſet Sail
for Germany. Such of the remaining Saxons as embrac'd the Chri-
ſtian Religion, were by the Conquerors preſerv'd, the reſt were put
to the Sword. Nevertheleſs, the more Eaſtern parts of South-Bri-
tain, were ſtill in the Enemies hands. Againſt thoſe the Confederate
Army march'd in three Bodies the next Summer. They advanc'd un-
warily, and were in the Night ſurpris’d by the whole Saxon Army.
Mordredus, the Son of Lothus, who Commanded his Father's Sub-
jects, did Wonders, but at laſt was forc'd to take Horſe and flee to
King Arthur. This Prince and Congallus the Son of Eugene II. who
Commanded the Scots, not at all terrified with the Overthrow
given to their Allies, march'd in all Hafte, and in there Turn ſur-
priz’d and cut to pieces the triumphing Enémy. The Picts irritat-
ed by their Loſſes, are ſaid to have done the greateſt Execution.
'Tis probable, that theſe were two of the twelve Victories gaind o-
ver the Saxons by King Arthur. Nennius, who liv'd about Three
hundred
The Saxons
again.
.
(a) P. D’Orleans Pag. 26.(b) Echard. pag. 41. (c) In vita. Gorani,
T
. Of the Scots Nation.
75
1
Britain.
hundred Years after him, reckons up no fewer : Which if true, what
Mr. Echard writes from Higden to me ſeems moſt improbable ; viz.
That King Cerdick fighting often with Arthur, tho he was overcome;
yet ſtill he came on with new Forces, till Artbur being wearied out,
at length ſurrendr’d thoſe Countries, which made up the Kingdom
of the Weſt-Saxons: Or, if he did, he was it ſeems conftrain'd there-
to, not ſo much by the raw undiſciplin’d Recruits of an Enemy,
ſo often Foil'd, as by his unjuſt and impolitick Quarreling with the
Authors of his Glories, the Scats and Picts. For if we may believe
Buchanan, (a) he went about to deprive the abovemention'd Mordres
dus, of the Title he had to the Succeſſion, in Right of his Mother
Anna King Arthur's Aunt, and to ſet up one Conſtantine in his Room.
This Conftantine had no other Pretenſion to it, but that he was by
Birth a Britain, and was therefore to his Country-Men the more
acceptable. Mordredus was not of Humour to forgo his Birth-right Mordredne
for the ſecond time, meerly becauſe the Injuſtice of King Arthur, the son of
and Caprice of the People, would have it ſo. The more thinking Claim to the
Britains openly declar'd themſelves in his Favour. They foreſaw Crown of
the Conſequences of Uſurpation, and dreaded domeſtick Preten-
ders, more than foreign Enemies. Beſides, 'twas furmis'd, that
Vanora the Wife of King Arthur, was no un-friend to Mordredus.
He was a gallant Youth, and the Freedoms ſhe allow'd him were
the Subject at leaſt of idle Diſcourſe. Perhaps King Arthur had
heard ſoine Tales; and that Jealouſy prompted his reſenting Huz-
mour to that Act of Injuſtice, which coſt him his Life. He perfifted
in his Reſolution to have Conſtantine acknowledg’d his Succeſſor,
Upon which Mordredus, affifted by the Scots, and join'd by not a
few Britains, march'd to the Humber, where King Arthur met him. And in Con:
Both Armies were in View of one another, when Methods of Con- with the
cord were propos’d by the Biſhops of both Countries ; but to no the Britain's
purpoſe: They engag‘d with great Reſolution, and at laſt the Con-
federates prevaild. Two things contributed to their Victory: Thę
firſt was, the Situation of the Ground; for the Britains had much
ado to get over a Moraſs, which defended the Enemy's Camp;
And then when they had made the beſt of their Way, and were
now in the Heat of the Action, a fellow brib’d for that Purpoſe, cry'd
out, that King Arthur was Slain, and that the Day was loft. The
Britains ſtruck with Terror at the diſmal Şound, threw away their
Weapons and fled. The Slaughter was terrible on both Şides, and
the Conquerors had no great Reaſon to Rejoyce ; for the brave King an
Mordredus was kill'd in the field of Battle, and the renown'd King+burº Slain,
Arthur died not long after of his Wounds,
As this unlucky Conteſt and fatal Engagement divided the
Minds, ſo they weakn’d the Forces of the Chriſtian Nations; and
the Scots and Picts tho hitherto Victorious, yet by reaſon of the
great Numbers of Men their very Victories had cut off, thought fit
to ſtand Neuters for the future ; Or, if at any Time concern'd in the
Affairs
Both he and
A. D. 547
T?
(a) In vita Gorani.
76 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
The Scots
vided.
prevail in
South-Brin
tain.
Affairs of South-Britäin, 'twas in Oppoſition to one another: The
and Pias di- Scots for the moſt part ſiding with the Britains; and the Picts on the
contrary with the Saxons. The Britains alſo divided among them-
ſelves, and as at other times, ſo now they ſet up and acknowledg’d
ſeveral Kings, (a) and theſe generally Weak or Wicked. Thus
Britain became the Field of Fortune: New Adventurers came daily
from Germany, and being Conducted by warlike and daring Leaders,
The Saxons and meeting with little or but faint Reſiſtance, by Degrees they
Poſſelt almoſt the whole Country, under the different Names of
Saxons, Jutes and Angles; and in it form’d the famous Heptarchy,
conſiſting of ſeven different States, or petty Kingdoms. As theſe
had been Founded by different Conquerors, ſo they had each their
reſpective Kings. By theſe the miſerable Britains were gradually
forc'd out of their ancient Seats. Some continu'd themſelves in Corna
wal; others fled to their Country-Men in Armorica, or Little-Brita-
ny; but moſt of them withdrew to the Craigy and Mountainous
Places in the Weſt, now Wales; which being naturally Fenc'd with
Hills, and the Inlets of the Sea, their ravenous Enemies could not
eaſily follow them. There they eſtabliſh'd a Form of Government
among themſelves; and being inhardn’d in the midſt of their Rocks,
they ſeem'd Invincible, now that having nothing to Loſe, they
were no more apprehenſive of being Vanquiſh’d. The poor Re-
mains that were ſcatter'd among the Saxons, were made Slaves by
their outragious Conquerors, and kept to the meaneſt and moſt fer-
vile Offices. After this Manner, a new Body of People poſſeſs’d
Barbárity themſelves of almoſt all South-Britain, and introduc'd a general
introduc'd Change (b) of Names, Language, Cuftoms, Manners, Arms, Dif-
Britain, by cipline, Religion; nay, and of the whole Face of Nature throughout
the conque. the Nation. Saxons ſucceeded to Romans, the German to the Latin
and Britiſh Tongues, Barbarity to Politeneſs, Rudeneſs to Decency,
Ignorance to Learning, and Idolatry to Chriſtianity. Nevertheleis,
there were ſtill ſome Remains of Learning and Religion preſerv'd in
Wales, and both theſe continu'd to flouriſh with no leſs, if not
more Luſtre in Scotland; than at any Time before or ſince. They
had been driven by the prevailing Arms of the Barbarians, almoſt
from the Weſtern World, and may be ſaid to have retreated into
this unconquer'd Corner as to a Sanctuary, where they lurk’d a while,
till the Storm being very near ſpent, they came Abroad again,
Re-poſſeſsid their old Habitations in Italy and France, and gain'd
Learning new Ones, not only in neighbouring Ireland; but which was a har-
and Piety der Task, both in old and new Saxony ; I mean Germany and England.
For to ſay, nothing of the Univerſities of Paris and Pavia, Founded
tain by the by Scotſ-men; (c) nor of the Converſion of Ireland by St. Patrick,
whom Dr. Mackenzie (d) has ſo plainly prov'd to have been of the
faine
ringSaxons,
reſtor'd in
South-Bri-
Scots.
(a) Echard. p. 43. (b) Echard p. 42. vol 1. (c) Spotſwood. Hift. of the Ch. of Scotl. p. 22. Mackenz. Lives
of the Scots Writers vol. i. in the Lives of Albin and Clement. (d) His Lives of the Scots Writers vol. I.
p. 346.
Chap. II.
77
Of the Scots Nation.
in Scotland.
fame Nation ; nor of the Bonifacii, Galli, Chiliani, doc. (a) the
Apoſtles, for ſo they may be call’d, of Switzerland and Germany. 'Tis
certain; that to the joint, tho in ſome practical Opinions, jarring
Endeavours of. Auſtin and his fellow Monks ſent by Pope Gregory,
and of the Scots Biſhops, Aidan, Finan, Colman, &c. (6) fent Mif-
lionaries from Scotland, was owing the Converſion of the Saxons ;
and conſequently the return of Letters
, Civility and Humanity to
South-Britain. Theſe, and ſuch Men as theſe, Eminent for their
undoubted Sanctity, and unqueſtionable Erudition, had ſuch Inte-
reſt with the Kings, and ſo much Authority over the People,
that nothing conſiderable was tranſacted without their Advice or
Approbation. Hence ’tis, that the Minds of theſe bleſſed Ages be-
ing ſet upon religious Duties, as Wars broke out more ſeldom, lo
they were neither Bloody nor Laſting : So that together with Cha-
rity and Faith, Peace may be ſaid to have dwelt in Scotland, for the Long Peace
Space of about two hundred and ninty fix Years, viz. from the
Reign of Goranus, to that of Alpin, and his Son Kenneth II.
'I is true, that the Scots and Picts having quarreld in the Reign
of Aidan, as they were at other times wont to do, about Trifles,
they had ſome ſharp Rencounters; but their Fury was in a great
Meaſure allay'd, by the Mediation and wiſe Conduct of St. Columba :
And at length the Picts were overcome, as well as their Saxon Auxi-
liaries.
Colman was yet more ſuccesful on a ſubſequent Occaſion of the
higheſt Importance. Ferquhard II, who afcended the Throne in the
Year 646, prov'd a moſt wicked Prince : (c) His Avarice was infa- Ferquhard
,
tiable as his Luft; his Cruelty ſpar'd no Man ; nay, he attack'd King .
the God-Head it ſelf with his blaſphemous and facrilegious Acts :
To ſay all in two Words, he Ravilh'd his Daughter, and Murther’d
his Wife. The pious Clergy of thoſe Times did their Duty; they
reprehended him, firſt privately, then openly: And when nothing
elle would do, they pronounc'd a Sentence of Excommunication
againſt him, but all to no purpoſe. The injur’d Nobles and ſcan-
daliz’d People, began to meditate an Inſurrection, and to talk of De-
poſing the King. They had done ſo by his Father Ferquhard I. for
the like Enormities, who, unable to bear the Humiliation of his
Confinement, had kill'd himſelf. But this was a Precedent rather
to be deteſted than imitated, in the Judgment of the then Clergy:
Neither did good Policy allow, what the Principles of Religion con-
demn’d. A civil War might have enſu’d, and with it, as is ordina-
ry, more Miſchief than Tyranny it ſelf can Work. Wherefore St.
Colmán interpos’d that Authority with the Subjects, which the
Sovereign deſpis’d. He told them, (d) That the Puniſhment of Kings
belong’d to God; and that be, ere. it were long, would take Vengeance of
the Prince's Wickedneſs. He prov'd to be no falſe Prophet ; for the
King after a few Days being at Hunting, chanc'd to be Bitten by
u
a
(a) Spotiſwood p. 11, 19, 20: (b)/Spotiſwood p. 14 and 15. (c) Spotiſwood's Hiſt, of the Church, Buchan;
in vita Ferchardi II. (d) Spotifwood, ibid,
.
78
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
Dics Peni.
tent.
a Wolf: To the Wound ſucceeded a Fever ; and to the Fever a
Gangrene, which affected his whole Body. Reduc'd to this dif:
mal Condition, he was ſtruck with Remorſe, recald St. Colman to
the Court, made a publick Confeſſion of his Sins, receiv’d Abſolu-
tion, and ſhortly after yielded up the Ghoſt.
Adamannus, another Biſhop, by Beda ſaid to be Vir unitatis Zoo
pacis ftudiofifſimus, a Man moſt careful to preſerve Unity and Peace,
us'd afterwards the like Endeavours, and fail'd not of the like Suc-
ceſs. As at other times, ſo in the Days of Malduin, about the Year
690, ſome learnd and religious Monks (a) of the Scots Nation,
continu'd with indefatigable Labour and Zeal to ſpread the Chri-
ftian Doctrine among the Saxons. And now their Youth, in their
own Conceit ſufficiently Learn'd, began to vye with their Maſters :
They would give Leſſons to their Country-Men,but ſcorn’d to receive
any from Foreigners. In a word, their Envy and Ingratitude was
ſuch, that the Scots Monks were forc'd to withdraw. The Nation
reſented the Affront done to them : And had not the Chriſtian Hu.
mility and Patience of the Perſons injurd interpos’d, a War had been
declar'd: Nevertheleſs, Incurſions were made on both Sides, and forme
Dammage was done : When Egfrid King of Northumberland, having
win over the Piets to his Intereſt, invaded Scotland upon the Head
of a conſiderable Army, and ravag'd the Country of Galloway. But
this coſt him dear; for Eugene V. march'd againſt him, gave him,
Battle near the River Luce; and the Picts, I know not for what
Reaſon, thinking fit to ly by as unconcern'd Spectators, the Saxons
were put the Rout, and are ſaid to have loft no leſs than twenty
frid King of thouſand Men on the ſpot; (b) Egfrid himſelf was dangerouſly
Northumber- Wounded. The next Year, no doubt in order to revenge the Pičt-
iſh Treachery, he invaded their Country, and they by counterfeit-
ing Fear, and making a ſhew of flying before him, drew him into
a diſadvantagious Pals, where they fac’d about all on a ſudden, and
The Pias ſo cut off himſelf and his whole Army. This done, they enter'd
kiliking Northumberland in Conjunction with the Scots, and reduc'd a great
Part of it to the Obedience of their King Brudus. This Prince had
either ſubjected the whole, or laid it waſte, had not the Rea-
ſons and Intreaties of the Biſhops Cuthbert and Adamannus reſtrain'd
his Fury. They us’d the like () _Endeavours towards compo-
fing of Differences betwixt him and Eugene, who at that time may
be laid, neither to have liv’d in Peace, nor to have had War with
one another. For theſe jarring Nations were continually haraſſing
one another with Incurſions and Depredations, yet Armies were
not drawn out to the Fields, nor Battles fought, till afterwards;
when Garnardus King of the Pitts, laying hold on the Opportunity
offer'd, through the Male-adminiſtration of the Scots King Amber-
keleth, put himſelf on the Head of confiderable Forces, with a De-
ſign to attack the Scots. But in the mean time Amberkeſeth was
killid,
و
Eugene V.
defeats Eg-
land,
!a) Buchan. in vita Malduini. (b) Lell. & Chamb, in vita Eugea. V. (®) Buchan. in vita Eugen: V,
Chap. II.
79
Of the Scots Nation .
و
Piits
Eugene Vit.
05
kill’d, by whom is uncertain ; probably by a Body of Picts, whom
, Amber-
he had purſu'd too eagerly into a Wood. (a) His Brother Eugene of the scores
VII. imindeiately fucceded, and a Peace was concluded, chiefly by Biltide in
the Mediation of the above mention’d Biſhop Adamannus ; (b) and at gainſt the
the fame time Eugene was married to Spondana the Daughter of the
Piftifh King. This young Queen had it ſeems, a great deal of makes Peace
Merit ; for ſhe was univerſally lov’d and reſpected, but unluckily weights
,
was kill'd in her Bed by two Villains, who deſigning to Murther Spondana
the King, gave her the Blow. The Circumſtances of the Thing Murther d.
.
made the King himſelf to be ſuſpected. Upon this the Piets threatnd
a War, the People murmur’d, and a Faction of the Nobles had the
unprecedented Boldneſs (ſay ſome Hiſtorians, tho others, particu-
larly my Lord Ormond, Biſhop Lefly, and Fördon, deny or disbelieve
this Matter of Fact) to compel their Sovereign to appear in Judg- Eugene faid
ment, and plead his Innocence.. 'Tis true, that before and linee this broughtinto
Time, we read of many Kings impriſon'd and put to death by their Judgment
offended or rebellious Subjects: Nay, the Fact when done, has fre- bles.
quently been pardon'd, and ſometimes by the Succeſſor approvd of.
But I no where find, till now, that a Scots King was judicially Ar-
raign,d and brought to the Bar in Quality of a Pannel
. If this is
allow'd, Contradiction muſt paſs for good Senſe, and Inconſiſtency
for Reaſon and Law: For this is to be a Sovereign and no Sovereign
at one and the ſame time. If Subjects can Sentence or Acquit their
Kings, then thoſe are no Subjects, and theſe no Kings: And this is
another Inconſiſtency. Nay, the Nature of Government will admit of
no ſuch thing. For, as Sir Thomas Craig very well argues ;
66 With
w what Courage could ſuch a precarious King puniſh Crimes, if he
« himſelf may be compeld to undergo their Sentence; whoſe Pa-
rents, Sons, Brothers, and near Kinſmen he has puniſh'd, tho
never ſo juſtly? Will he not be afraid of the People's Reſentment?
c Will he not dare to diſpleaſe that Multitude, to whoſe Judg-
ment he himſelf is made ſubject ?-To whom ſhall the Multi-
tude be accountable for their Doings, if Kings are accountable
to them? The Multitude are oftner in the wrong than the
« worſt of Kings.—And can that be juſt in the Multitude, which
" is unjuſt in the King ? Again, If ſo great Power be allow'd the
" People over ſupream Magiſtrates; by the fame Reaſon, the faine
o Power is to be allow'd of in leſſer Families, and then Children
will fit as Judges on their Father, Servants on their Maſter, and
“ Souldiers on their General. I could ſay much more from the es
minent Lawyer I have cited. But to return to the Hiſtory:
Eugene is, by Buchanan, Spotiſwood, and ſome others, ſaid to have
been compeld to undergo the Indignity ()' I mention'd ; but the
Authors of the Crime being at the ſame time apprehended, con-
victed and puniſh'd, the Kings Innocence was thereby ſufficiently He fefents
clear’d. But his Majeſty was les’d, and he reſolv'd upon revenge: the Indigni.
((
CC
i
(G
CC
CC
u 2.
This ty.
(a) Buchan. in vita Amberkeleth. (6) Spotiſwood p. 18 & 19...Craig of the Succeſſion print, Lond. 1703:
p. 197. (c) Boeth, in vita Eugen. VII. Spotiſwood p. 19.
80
The Martial Atchievements Book I.
nus.
i
chang’d.
This, adds Spotiſwood, rais’d a great Stir, and had doubtleſs burft forth
bles and men into a civil War, if Adamannus by his wiſdom had not mitigated the
King, and wrought the Subjects Reconcilment. From theſe few Inſtan-
ces, it appears, that Churchmen in thoſe happier Ages, were not
the firſt Authors of Diſcord, Deſolations and Wars: They ſtif’d
but never ſow'd the Seeds of Diſſention : They allay'd, in ſtead of rai-
fing the heat and vehemency of humane Paſſions, and that lovely
ineſtimable treaſure, Peace, was the grand Object of their Wiſhes,
Vows and Exhortations.
From the Death of Eugene to the Reign of Achaius, I find no
memorable War upon Record, and by conſequence nothing ſuited
to the Deſign of this Book. But by this time the Face of Affairs was
mightily chang’d from what it had been all over the World.
There was now no ſuch Thing as a Roman Empire in the Weſt;
The Face (a) the very Name of it had fallen long ſince, viz. in the Year 576,
of Europe in the Perſon of its Emperor Mamillus or Auguſtulus, and he too was
the Son of Oreſtes, by Nation a Goth. The Saxons had erected their
Heptarchy in South-Britain ; Spain was pofleft by the Goths and Su-
éves, or over-run by the Saracens ; the French
were Maſters of Gaul,
and the Lombards of moſt Part of Italy: The Eaſtern Emperors dege-
nerating daily from the Roman Fortitude, had nothing left them in
it, but Rome it felf, and ſome adjacent Territories, then call’d the Ex-
archate. And even this ſınall ſpot of Ground they could not eaſily en-
joy. For the neighbouring Lombards laid hold on all Opportunities
of ſeifing theſe inconſiderable Remains of the Imperial Sway. They
had done it effectually; but the then Popes, pretending I know not
A. D. 457. what Title, to at leaſt a part of the Exarchate, oppos'd their en-
croaching Deſigns : And to this effect, call'd into italy the victorious
Arms of Pepin the King of France. This great Monarch recover'd
bare for ancient Rome and the Exarchate from the Lombards; and taking that to be
at his own diſpoſal, which he had purchased by a juft War, made
makes the them over to the Apoſtles St. Peter and St. Paul" (ſo did the Stile of
poral Prince theſe Times run) that is, to the Popes. And thus the Biſhop of
Rome became a Temporal Prince, with what Juſtice and Reaſon, I
ſhall not determine: For ’tis not my Province to enter upon Contro.
verſies of this kind. However, the ſucceeding King of the Lom-
bards, Deſiderius or Didier, did not, it ſeems, account it a Sacrilege
to make bold, with what was now calld St. Peter's Patrimony.
He renew'd the Attempts his Predeceſſors had made upon the Exar-
chate,but to his Coft
. Charles the Great the Son of Pepin, eſpous'd the
A. D. 77.1. Pope's Quarrel, he routed Didier at Verceil
, afterwards took him
eſpouſes the Priſoner, baniſh'd him to Leige or Lyons, poſſeſs’d himſelf of his
Pope's quar- whole Kingdom; and laſtly confirm’d the Donations
his Father had
the Lombards made to the See of Rome. He did much more in favour of that
See: For he afterwards went in Perſon to Quell the Sedition rais'd
in the City againſt Pope Leo III. Upon his arrival, (b) he causd
an
Pepin King
defeats the
Lombards, &
A. D. 800.
(a) M. Chevreaux Hift. of the World vol, 3. print. Lond. 1703; p. 116. (6) Mr. Savage in his Life of
Charles the Great, print. Lond. 1702. p. 23.
Chap. II.
81
Of the Scots Nation:
1
an Aſſembly of Biſhops and others to be conveen'd in St. Peter's
Church, in order to the Tryal of the Pope, who had been accuſed
of enormous Crimes : But no Proſecutors appearing, he was acquit-
ted. In conſideration of this, and the many Favours he and his
Father had heap'd on the See of Rome, Leo inclin’d the Italians, who
could hope for no further Protection from the Greek Emperors, to
deſire him for Emperor of the Weſt
. Accordingly he was by the
Pope crown'd, and by the People faluted Cafar Auguſtus is by the
in St. Peter's Church on Chriſtmaſs-day : And ſome Authors Pope made
tell us, that he was ſo little ſolicitous of the new Dignity, that he
was heard to ſay, That if he had known what the Pope would have done,
and the People deſir’d, he would not have gone to Maſs that Day. Mr.
Savage gives us this Account of that remarkable Tranſaction, and
Mr. Chevreaux (a) obſerves, That tho he had not deſerv'd the Em-
pire by his Piety, Juſtice, Courage and underſtanding, yet his
Right to it was unqueſtionable. For Irene the Empreſs made a Grant
of it to him, and this Grant was confirm’d by Nicephorus and Micha- His Title
el her Succeſſors. Beſides, upon the overthrow of Didier, Italy be. pire reputed
came Subject to him, and the Romans, who muſt be own'd to have juſt,
had as much Power, as either the Army or People of Conſtantinople,
who Elected their Emperors, unanimoully chooſe him.
I
may further add, that the vaſt Extent of his Dominions made
him in effect Emperor of the Weſt, tho he had not been dignified
with that high Sounding, but otherwiſe uſeleſs Title : For, beſides
his paternal Inheritance, (b) which comprehended all thoſé Terri-
tories that ly between the Rhine, the Loire and the Ocean in France ;
And thoſe in Germany, that reach from the Rhine to the Danube, he
had Conquerd (and all his Conqueſts were fair and juſt ; fince ?tis
own’d, (c) That he never engag’d in War, out of Ambition, vain Glory
or Avarice; but only to Protect the Chriſtian Religion, and Defend his own
Subjects) not only the Provinces of Aquitain, Gaſcony and Catalonia,
as far as the River Ebro, together with the Kirgdom of Lombardy,
and almoſt all Italy; but alſo the Countries of Swabia, Bavaria, Fran- The large
conia, both the Saxonies, Hungary, Tranſilvania, Iſtria, Croatić, Dal- extent of his
matia, and part of Poland. So that it may be truly faid, that the and Con:
Roman Eagle extended her Wings farther in thoſe Weſtern Parts at
queſts.
this time, than ſhe had done under any of the Caſars, who by Birth
were Roman. Nor is it amiſs to obſerve, that now again Rome had
the Pleaſure to ſee her ſelf reveng'd on thoſe inſulting Nations that
had humbl’d her : She re-conquer'd her own Conquerors, ſince by
the Arms of her Emperor, themſelves on the one and their Mother-
Countries on t'other ſide of the Rhine, were conſtrain’d to ſubmit to
her Yoke.
The Saxons in Germany were thoſe who with the greateſt Vigour
withſtood the irreſiſtible Power of his Arms. He wag'd War with
them full thirty Years, ere he could bring them to an entire Sub-
X
jection.
---
(a) Chevr. Hiſt. of the World vol. 3. print. Lond. 1703. 8. 225. (b) Savage p. 24. (c) Savage p. 26.
82 The Martial Atchievements Book Í
Germany.
A
jection. Upon the firſt Approach of his terrifying Forces (a) they
yielded, and gave Hoftages as Guarantees of their Fidelity. Notwith-
ſtanding which they Revolțed again and again: Wherefore he marchºd
againſt them in the Year 775, (b) and in two notable Battles killd
He reduces above eighty thouſand of their Men; caus’d above twenty thouſand
the Saxons in of their beſt Families to be tranſported into Italy and France, and
gave ſuch Laws to the reſt as he thought fit: The principal was;
That they ſhould for ever renounce Idolatry, and become Chriſtians. They
remain'd ſuch, juſt as long as Neceſſity compeld them : (c) For in
782, they not only Revolted, but cut off an Army he had ſent to
Reduce them, under the Conduct of his Couſin Thierry; but beg'd
Pardon how ſoon he came in Perſon to their Country : He granted
it to the Generality, yet thought fit to cauſe the Heads of ſome four
or five thouſand of the more Turbulent to be ſtruck off. This ter-
rible Execution had not the intended effect, they took Arms after-
wards in the Year 783, 784, and 785, but were as often compeld
to ſubmit. In fine, this obſtinate and perfidious People, could not
be tam'd till the Year 795, when Charles, ſo often incens:d, and but
lately provok’d, .made all Saxony to feel the Indignation of a victori.
ous Maſter; who as he had always been able to Conquer, fo at laſt
had reſolv'd to Deſtroy. They experienc'd it accordingly (d) to the
toſs of above thirty thouſand of their Number.
Several concurring Circumſtances, too foreign to my purpoſe,
contributed to the relentleſs Obſtinacy of the German Saxons; but
is oppos’d nothing perhaps more, than the Correſpondence they kept with,and
ons in Eng- the Diverſion made by their Kinſmen in South-Britain. For all the
Scots Hiſtorians (e) tell us, that theſe laſt already aſpiring to a Su-
periority over all other Nations at Sea, not only rigg’d out Fleets;
and exerc'd all manner of Piracies upon the German Ocean and
French Coaſts; but alſo made frequent Deſcents into France, pillag-
ing and laying waſte luch Countries as lay open to their Incurſions.
By this Means the French Trade was very nigh ruin'd, and their,
Merchants were equally unſafe, whether they Traffiqued by Land
or Sea. 'Tis probable the Saxons had ſome nobler End, than
that of enriching themſelves with Plunder and Rapine. Perhaps
they did it out of a Maxime of State, by Politicians in all Ages
thought juft, to bear down the growing Power of an ambitious
Neighbour. Perhaps they had enter'd in an Alliance with the Spa-
niſh Saracens, or at leaſt the Saxon Germans: And that they meant
not to Rob for the ſake of Robbing, but to curb the French Grani-
deur, by Means of a fair War carried on in Conjunction with thoſe
States, that no doubt complain’d of bypaſt, and dreaded future In-
croachments. Be this as it will
, we certainly know from foreign
Authors as well as Scots, that there was a Rupture between Charles
and the Saxons in Britain : Nay, Conradus Urſpergenſis (f) tells us,
That he ſent an Army into Britain, under the Conduct of Audolphus,
againſt
Land.
ora
(a) Savage p.7. (b) p.9 and 10. (c) p. 11. (d) p. 19. (e) Bocth. Buchan. Lçfl, &c. in vita Achaii.
Urſperg. Chron. 0.174. ad. Ans Dom. 786,
If
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
8 3.
C
againſt the Engliſh and Saxons: That this General gave a ſudden Check
to the Inſolence of that perfidious Nation, and compeld them to give Hoftages,
mhom, together with ſeverals of their Nobles, he preſented to his Maſter at
Wormes. Theſe Quarrels with the Saxons here and beyond Seas,
as well as the other Wars Charlemaigne was ever
engag’d in, occaſion'd
that Monarch, ( who, according to the Character given of himn by
Eginardus (a) a cotemporary Writer, and generally believ'd to have
been his Son-in-law, and Chancellour,.“ Was; of all Kings of that
"s Age, the greateſt for Prudence and Magnaminity, uncapable
to decline any Enterprize whatever, or upon the account
C6 of the Labour, or of the Danger attending it. ) Theſe
Wars; I ſay, occaſion'd Charlemaigne to enter into a great
many Foreign Alliances, and amongſt others to contract that
early, and till of late thought indiſſolvable League with the Scots. He makes
Theſe laſt ſay, (b) that to effect this, He ſent Ambaſſadors a League
both to them and to the Piłts: That the Picts rejected the Overture: Scots
, i
But that the Scots, after a great deal of Reaſoning, at length, to
the great Satisfaction of all Ranks of People, comply’d. The French,
after Eginardus, acknowledge the Tranſaction, but relate it different
ly. For, fay they, (c) The King of the Scots charm’d by the Magni-
ficence and Liberatity of Charles, devoted themſelves to his Intereſt
, and
in their Letters ( which by the bý were extant when Eginard wrote
the Life of that great Monarch ) gave him the Title of Lord, and Sub-
fcrib’d themſelves his muſt humble Servants. They add, (e) That the
League was concluded in the Year 790, and that in Purſuance there-
of, Charles ſent Four Thouſand Men to the Alliſtance of King
Achajus : Another Proof that there was a War betwixt the Freni
Charlemaign and the Saxons in Britain. Nevertheleſs the Scots Hifto-
rians make no where mention of theſe Auxiliaries : And their Sie
lence in that matter makes me incline to believe, that theſe Four
Thouſand Men were thoſe that came, not to the North; but to
the South of Britain,under the Command of Audolphus. That they're
calld Auxiliaries or Succours ſent to Achaius, is no matter of Won-
der, for ſince they gave a Check to the Inſolence of the Saxons, they
prov’d Effectual Succours to the Scots. However, 'tis undeniable,
that King Achaius ( e ) in his Turn, ſent Forces to France ; that his
Brother William commanded them; that they ſhar'd in all the Glo-
ries of his Reign, particularly in the numerous Victories he gaind
over the Lon.bards in Italy, (f) and Saxons in Germany. (g) And that
in fine, they were nobly rewarded for their great Services, being;
as Paulus Æmilius, an Eminent French Hiſtorian tells us, For their no-
ted Fidelity and Valour, prefer’d to the moſt eminent Dignities and Magi-
ftracies of conquerid Saxony. For theſe Reaſons 'tis that I humbly
conceive I have not digreſs’d from my Subject, by giving an Ac-
X 2
A. D. 7902
count
(a) ln vita Carol. Mag. Édit. Colon. An. 1561. (6) Lell. in vit. Achaii. (c) Eginard. in vit. Car. de
Anonymus Arnulpho Imperatori equalis, cited by Bonavent. Strach. in his M S. German. Chriſtian. (d) Me-
zeray at the Year 790. (c) Boet. Lell Chambers, &c. (f) Sanlovino Origine e fatti delle famiglie illuftri Dº
Iralia from Umbertus Locatus in the Chronicle of Placentia. (8) Paulus Æmilius de Reb. Geſt. Franc. p. 42.
84 The Martial Atchievements Book I
The Scots
and Picts
count of the Riſe, Progreſs and End of theſe Wars; which, as they
alter'd the face of Affairs over all Europe in thoſe Days, ſo they gave
an early beginning to that Reputation of Military Courage, the
Scots have ever ſince been Poſſeſsed of beyond Seas, as well as in their
Native Iſland.
They were engag’d in the Reign of Achaius in Wars leſs Foreign
than the Carlovegian, firſt againſt Ireland, and afterwards againſt A-
thelſtan King of the Weſt Saxons. As the Iriſh War, had no juſt
Cauſe, ſo it produc'd no memorable Effects. That, againſt Athel-
ſtan deſerves to be Recorded. This Prince, (a) having Uſurpd u-
pon ſeverals of his Neighbours, and enlargʻd his Dominions by ſub-
make War duing the Northumbers, intended likewiſe the Conqueſt of that part
Sian King of the Pictiſh Kingdom that lay next to his own. Hungus
, a Prince
of the Weſt whoſe Piety as well as Courage Hiſtory very much commends,
reign'd over the Piets at this time. He dreaded the approaching
Storm, and apply'd to King Achaius for Succours. Achaius was no
Favourer of the Saxon Intereſt, and therefore ſent Ten Thouſand
Men under the Conduct of Prince Alpin, his Son, to the Aſſiſtance
of his Ally and Brother-in-law King Hungus. Buth Armies being
United, march'd into the Enemies Country ; where having made
great Depredations, they return'd home loadn'd with Booty. A-
thelſtan had not been an idle Spectator of the Dammage done to his
Subjects, he had rais’d a numerous Army, upon the Head of which,
he followed the retreating Confederates, and overtook them at á
Village not far from Hadingtoun. A great many of Hungus's Men
(now the Expedition was over ) had gone home with hopes.of en-
joying the Wealth they had purchasd. This terrify'd the good King;
nevertheleſs he ſaw that he muſt needs Fight, ſince it was im-
practicable and unſafe to Retreat : Wherefore he reſolv’d to come
to an Engagement the next Day. And having iffu'd out his Or-
ders accordingly, he betook himſelf to Prayer, in which Exerciſe
he ſpent moſt Part of the Night. About the dawning of the Morn,
he fell into a Slumber, and as St. Andrew was peculiarly honour'd
by the Picts, ſince the Year 370, when, as Spotiſwood (6) tells us, His
Relicks were brought by Regulus toFife; ſo heDream'd that thisApoſtle
ſtood by him, encourag’d him to Battle, and aſſur’d him of Victory.
The Army was of purpoſe inform’d of the fortunate Omen, and the
Souldiers thereby Encourag’d, prepar’d for A&tion with the greater
Alacrity. The Hiſtory adds, believe it who will, That they no
ſooner Engag’d, but there appear'd in the Air a Croſs, in form of
And de the Letter X.This ſtrange Viſion gave Vigour to the Picts, but ſtruck
feated him the Saxons with Terror. Theſe laſt were totally Routed ; amongſt
the reſt King Atheiſtan was killd: And from his memorable Death,
the Place on which the Battel was fought, retains the Name of
Alftain-ford.
Hungus, to expreſs his Gratitude for the Victory obtain'd, gave
to the Church of Regulus, which he appointed to be henceforth
call’d
1
N
(a) Spotiſwood. p. 28, Buchan, in vit. Achaii. (b) Pag. 5.
Chap. II. Of the Scots Nation.
85
Com-
call'd St. Andrews, a great many valuable Preſents, as Chalices, Ba-
fors, the Image of Chriſt in Gold, and of the twelve Apoſtles in
Silver; as alſo a Caſe of beaten Gold for preſerving the elique of
St. Andrew. Himſelf he fix'd upon as Patron, and his Croſs as the
Badge and Cognizance of the Pitts
. The Scots did afterwards the
fame, and ſome write, (a) that the once celebrated, and ſtill moſt
honourable Order of Knighthood nam'd of St. Andrew or the Thiſtle, mencement
had its Original at this Time, viz. about the Year 800: If ſo," "tis of the Or-
undoubtedly the moſt Ancient in the World. For that of St. George, Andrew.
or the Garter, was not inſtituted till 1345. (6) That of the Star of
Bleſs’d Virgin, not till the Year 1022.
That of St. Michael not till
14.28, and that of the Golden Fleece in the Year 1429. This Story
has ſomething in it that looks like a Legend, and I had not related
thoſe Circumſtances, had I not a Buchanan and a Spotifwood for my
Vouchers. After all, I believe 'tis much of a piece with what we
are told by Euſebius (c) Socrates, (d) Sozomene, (e) and others, con-
cerning the firſt Chriſtian Emperor Conſtantine. They ſay, thať
whilethis Prince was at the Entreaty of the Senate and People of
Rome on his March, in order to ſuppreſs the Tyranny of Maxentius :
And being doubtful of the Succeſs, and therefore afraid of the Dan-
ger of ſuch an Expedition, he perceiv'd a burning Croſs in the Hea-
vens, with three Greek Words, which fignified, that this ſhould be
a ſign of his Victory. They add, that upon this Aſſurance, he
caus’d the figure of the Croſs, juſt as he had ſeen it, to be ſet in
Gold upon the Imperial Standard, and then ſet forward and pro-
ſper'd. Now, whether either, or both of theſe Miracles have been
wrought by deſigning Providence, or if they ought not to be rank'd
among the pious Cheats of Church Mountebanks, I leave it to the
more Curious to Examine. This is certain, Conſtantine overthrew
Maxentius, and Hungus defeated Athelſtane.
Hungus died ſome Years after this glorious Action, and his eldeſt
Son Dorftologus ought to have ſucceeded to the Crown his Father
had Honour'd by wearing it: But he was Murther’d, whether by the the king of
prepoſterous Ambition,
or unbridl'd Luſt of his Brother Eganus, is dies, and is
uncertain.
· For this laſt, to the Crimes of Uſurpation and Par- fucceeded
ricide, added that of Inceſt. He compeld Brema his Brother's
Widow to enter his Bed, and calld that Marriage, which was pers.
worſe than Adultery. : The Lady it ſeems was not to be forc'd into
Love, ſhe comply'd, but with a deſign to be ſoon rid of the hated
Embraces. And accordingly, when the Tyrant was in Bed, ſhe
took her Opportunity and diſpatcht him with her own Hands.
Thus the Male Line of of the Pictiſh Kings faild in the Perſon of
Eganus. Upon which, Prince Alpine the Son of Achaius claim’d the
Crown in Right of his Mother Ferguſiana the Siſter of Hungus, and
Y.
Aunt
(a) Hist...of the Picts print. Edin. 1700. (D) Selden his iities of Honour p. 460. & 401. (c) Eulebius
de vit. Conſtant. lib. 1. c. 29. (d) Hift. Eccl. lib. I.C.2. (e) Lib. 1. C. 3.
3
Hungus
by Tyrants
and uſur-
1
86 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
England.
Aunt of the Murther’d Princes. His Title was unqueſtionable: Ne-
vertheleſs the Piłts ſet up an Uſurper in his Room, for what Reaſon
we know not;o ſave that Prince Alpine was a Scots-man.
As this was
unjuſt, ſo it was impolitical to the higheſt Degree: For, had the
Pičts at that time acknowledg’d the lawful Heir, the two Nations
henceforth united under one Sovereign, might have been happy at
Egbert I. Home and formidable Abroad. About this time Egbert King of
Monarch of the Weſt Saxons in South-Britain, had either ſubdu'd the Heptarchy,
and reduc'd all thoſe petty States into one fair and potent King-
dom, or he had at leaſt made great Advances to that purpoſe. Mr.
Echard tells us, (a) that he was folemnly Crown'd King of all Bri-
tain in 828, (he means, of all South-Britain, to be ſure,) and that by
an Ediet or Proclamation he commanded that the whole Heptar-
chy, now a Monarchy, ſhould hereafter be call?d Englond or Eng-
land, from the Angles, the moſt Numerous and Valiant of the
three Nations, which came over with Heng iſt. This was a recent
Example of the Uncertainty of War : One State had conquer'd Six,
and one Prince had by Force of Arms poſſeſs’d himſelf of theſe Ter-
ritories, which ſuffic'd not only to the Entertainment, but to the
Grandeur of ſo many others his Equals. The Picts, if in their
right Wits, would thereby have been warn’d of their own Danger ;
and they ought not by ſuch a plain Act of injuſtice, to have
drawn upon themſelves the Arms of a neighbouring People, in Con-
junction with whom, they had probably been able to have curb’d,
or depreſs’d the Uſurp'd, and conſequently unſettld Power of the
Engliſh Monarch. Beſides, they could not but forſee that the Quar-
rel they engag’d in, muſt needs terminate, or in the Ruin of their
whole Nation, or in the Extirpation of the whole Race of the S:0t-
tiſ Kings. Prince Alpine might be overthrown or cut off, but
Prince Alpine had Children: And theſe down to the remoteft Futuri-
ty, muſt needs preſerve the inherent and unalienable Right of their
Blood. The Picts were ſufficiently aware of this, and therefore
A. D. 830. propos’d (6) nothing leſs than the Extermination of the Scots Na-
tion and Name, as well as of the Race of their Kings.
Alpine, now King of the Scots, by the unfortunate Death of his
worthy Predeceſſor Dongallus, who having made great Preparations
for the intended War, was Drown'd, as he was croſſing the moſt ia-
pid River of Spey: Alpine, I ſay, ſought out, and found his Rival
Alpine de Feredeth ( this was the Name of the Pictiſh Uſurper ) at Reſtoneth in
the Plains of Angus. They fought with incredible Obſtinacy from
Morning till Night : Fatigue and Darkneſs put an end to the Reci-
procal Slaughter; and it had remain'd a doubt who had the Day,
but that Feredeth back'd by aTroop of the braveſt Youth having pierc'd
through the Scottiſh Ranks, was envelop'd and cut off. To him fuc-
ceeded his Son Brudus, a Prince of no great Hopes, and of as little
Performance. He took no care to put his Subjects in a Poſture of
Defence : And they haraſs’d by the Depredations made in their
Cou-
King
fears the
Piets and
kills their
King.
و
(a) Hift. of Eng. pol. 1. p. 62. (b) Spotiſwood. Book 1. p. 24.
ty
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
87
Country, and incens'd at the Negligence of their Maſter, mutiny'd
and kill'd him. His Brother Kenneth, as he had the faine Cowardli-
neſs in his Temper, fo he had the like Fate. He came in view of
the Scots Army, but their Afpect was too terrible to his daftardly
Courage : He withdrew privately from the Camp: A Peaſant, noe
knowing his Quality, upbraided his unmanly Retreat, and froin
Words proceeding to Blows, knock'd him down to the Ground,
and left him for Dead. Upon this the Pills disbanded before the
News could reach their Enemy. When at Home, they ſet up ano-
ther Brudus, whoſe Valour deſerv'd the Preferment, had he not ac-
cepted of it to the Prejudice of a jufter Claim.
This Prince applied to the Engliſh for Succours, which ſays, Bucha-
nan (a) were very readily promis’d; but when defir'd to perform,
the Engliſh excus'd themſelves, upon the Account of their dome-
ſtick Broils. Chambers of Ormond (6) gives another Reaſon for this
Breach of Promiſe on the Engliſh part : He tells us, that in Purſu-
ance of the League made by Charlemaign, Lewis firnam’d the Gracious,
King of France, and Emperor of Rome, dealt effectually with them to
forbear giving Aſliſtance againſt his Allies the Scots. Notwithſtanding
of this Diſappointment, the Piets took the Fields in prodigious Num-
bers, no Body ſtaying at Home that was able to carry Arms.
They march'd ſtraight to the Scots Camp, and engag'd near Dundee,
with that Fury which was natural to both Nations, and was now
ſharpn’d by ancient Hatred, recent Anger, mutual Slaughters, and
immenfe Dammages occaſion'd by the preſent War. Uncertain Vi-
Etory ſeem'd doubtful in whoſe Favour ſhe was to declare; when
a huge Multitude of Women and Boys 'that attended the Pietiſh
Army, appear'd on the Top of the neighbouring Hills, and made a
Shew as if they meant to fetch a Circuit, and fall on the Rear of the
Scots. This daunted the Courage of theſe laft, they fled and left
their King Alpine a Priſoner in the Hands of his Enemy. Brudus
made an inglorious Uſe of the noble Victory: He caus'd the King King Alpine
to be Slain, and his Head to be affix'd on a Pole and expos’d, and kill'd by
fome ſay, in the City of Abernethy, others in that of Camelon, to the the Pias.
Derifion and Scorn of the inſolent Rabble. The Village where King
Alpine was beheaded, was henceforth callid Pas Alpine, or Mors Alpini,
now Pittalpie.
Brudus liv'd not long after this, to enjoy the Fruits of his igno-
ble Parricide : I may call it ſo, ſince Alpine was really his Sovereign.
Drusken ſucceeded to the Pictiſh, and Kenneth to the Scottiſh Crown:
The firſt was animated by his Brother's late Succeſs and his own A. D. 834
Ambition; the ſecond by the Equity of his Cauſe, his juſt Refent-
ment and innate Courage. But the Scots diſcourag’d by their
former Loſſes, could not eaſily be prevaild upon to proſecute the
War; yet it was beneath them to defire a Peace. The Picts on the
other hand, had fallen out among themſelves; fo that, by the tacite
Conſent of both People, Hoftilities ceas'd for the ſpace of three
Y 2
Years.
(a) Buchan, in vita Alp. (6) In the Life of Alp.p. 100. and the cloſe of his Hiſtory p. 229.
88 The Martial Atchievements Book I.
Kenneth II.
engages his
Subjects to
make War
upon tlie
Piets by a
Stratageme.
Years. All this while Kenneth facrific’d his martial Inclination, to
the Neceſſity of his Affairs, and the Advice of his Nobles. (a) 'But
in the fourth Year of his Reign, he bethought himſelf of a Wile to
roufe up their Spirits. 'Twas in vain to call a Council; he knew that
they would not go heartily into his Meaſures : Therefore he
preten-
ded nothing but Divertiſement and Mirth. In order to which, he
invited the Chiefs of Clans and leading Men, to an Entertainment
in his own Palace. Thither they came, and were Regal'd after the
Faſhion of theſe Times, courſly perhaps, but plentifully. When
Supper was 'ended, the Nobles were conducted to a ſpacious Room,
where (ſuch was the Simplicity or Barbarity of our yet uneffemina-
ted Anceſtors) they lay as each had a Mind; not upon twilted Ma-
traffes and Beds of Down, but on ſweet ſmelling Heath, and green
Herbs. The manly Exerciſes of the Day aſcertain’d their Repoſe
at Night, and healthful robuſt Nature ſtood in no need of thoſe Su.
perfluities, the Luxury, as well as Vanity, of degenerate after-Ages
has made not only Modiſh, but Neceflary. Whilſt the Nobles
ſlept, their King was awake: He appointed one of his Dometicks
to Dreſs himſelf up in the Skins of dry Fiſhes. The Scales of theſe
diſpel Darkneſs, and emit ſuch Rays of Light, as ſurpriſe and
dazle the Eye. In one Hand he had a Rod of putrified Wood,
which Shines with the fame Luſtre as the Scales of Fishes; and ini
the other, a large Horn artificially pierc'd from one Extremity to
the other. In this Equipage did the Servant ſteal in among the re-
poſing Nobles, and letting the Horn to his Mouth, he cry'd aloud,
To Arms, to Arms ; for ſuch was the pleaſure of Almighty God. The
terrifying Voice awaken'd all thoſe in the Room; it ſounded like
ſomething more than Humane in their Ears; and their Eyes being
at the fame time ſurpris'd with the ſhining Light, they were ſtruck
with a ſort of religious Terror. Their wonder was heightn’d, when
the Servant withdrawing himſelf on a ſudden, through a Paſſage to
them unknown, the Viſion ſeem'd to evaniſh in a Minute. The
next Morning every one gave an Account of what had been ſeen
and heard : And to be ſure the Prodigy was not lefſen'd by being
inuch diſcours'd of. The King own'd he had had a Viſion of the
ſame kind. They conclude, that the Heavens had decreed the De-
ſtruction of their perfidious Enemy; and therefore unanimouſly pre-
par'd for a War, they thought themſelves in Conſcience oblig'd to
renew.
Great Armies were foon drawn out on both Sides, and they no
ſooner came in view of one another, but they fell on' with Fury.
As they had long’d for the Opportunity ; ſo now 'twas offer'd, they
catch'd at it, without waiting for the Word of Command. Nor
did they fight with leſs Ardour, than they had with’d for an Op-
portunity of Fighting. But thoſe_Succours which prop'd the
Hopes of the Picts, prov'd their Deſtruction. For the Engliſh
Auxiliaries ſeeing that no Order was obſerv'd, and dreading the
uſual
.
1) Boeth. Buchan. in vita Kenet. II.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 89
-
He defeats
uſual Conſequences of raſh Confuſion, withdrew from the Danger
that threatn'd their Friends, and retreated to the adjacent Moun-
tains. On the other. fide; that which added Fury to the Scors, and
haſtend their Victory, was the Watch-Word that went about among
them: For every one to incenſe his Comrad, cry'd out; Be mindful
of Alpine. The Memory of that excellent Prince his unfair Death
inſpir’d them with that Rage, that fav’d the ſcatter'd Engliſh, and
Remains of the flying Picts. For the Scots were ſo intent upon Re-
venge, that they gave time to thoſe to Eſcape, whilſt they unmer-
cifully Butcher'd luch as fell in their Hands. The Conſequence of the pia:
this Battle was, that King Kenneth made himſelf Maſter of all the
Pictiſh Territories by North the River of Forth. Upon this; Condi-
tions of Peace were offer'd; but he would accept of none, but
one, and thât was, the Subje&tion of all the Reft.
The ſucceeding Campaign compleated his Wiſhes : For Drusker
drew together the whole Strength of the Nation, march'd over the
Forth at Stirling, and encamp'd on the Banks of Taj near Scoon.
'Twas not long before the Scots came up with them. And here a-
gain a Treaty was ſet on Foot, but in vain: Kenneth infifted upon Propofat
his Title to the whole, and the Pitts would yield but that Part they of peace re-
had already loft. Since nothing but Force of Arms could decide diated by
the Controverſy, Neceſſity brought on a Battle: And the Picts.
knowing that now their laſt Stake was to be win or loſt, exerted
their utinoft Vigour. Nevertheleſs, they were put to the Rout ;
but being animated by the Prelence and Speeches of their King, they He gains
rally'd no leſs than ſeven Times in one Day,and were as often defea- ſeveral Vi-
ted by the relentleſs Scots. At laſt they fled to the Tay, and there
Drusken, not being able to get over the River, was killed, and with
him all his Nobles. After this, nothing but Walls and Fortreſſes
could withſtand the purſuing Conqueror. He ſubjected the whole
Country, as faſt as his Army could march through it. The City
of Camelon is ſaid to have made a long and noble Defence; but after
four Months Siege was taken by Storm: And the remanent Fortreſ-
ſes, particularly the Caſtle of Edinburgh, were deferted by the Gar-
riſons, who; having no Hopes of Relief, made the beſt of their
way to Northumberland and elſewhere. Great numbers of the fur-. Conquers
viving Inhabitants of the conquerd Countries did the like. And Kingdom.
thus ended the Pitiſh Kingdom in Britain, in the Year of our Lord
839, about 49 Years after the offenſive and defenſive League was A. D. 839
concluded between the Scots and French; 389 ſince the Britains
were made Tributaries to the Scots and Picts; 417 fince the Refto-
ration of the Scots Monarchy; and 1168 fince its firſt Foundation in
Albion.
him.
Stories.
2
THE
:
---
90:
Book I
The Life of Fergus II.
Τ Η Ε
Life of Fergus II
Τ Η Ε
1
Fortieth King of Scotland.
A
His* Paren-
LL Hiſtorians agree in the Accounts they give of King Fergus
II. his royal Parentage, and undoubted Right to the Scottiſh
Crown; but they differin this. Some ſay (a) that he was born
in Denmark, and that his Mother was a Daniſh Lady, callid Rocha, who
tage certain, had been married to Erth, Nephew of the late Scots King Eugene. O-
his Birth ºthers (b) tell us, that this Prince having been kill'd by the Romans, as I
uncertain. have elſewhere related; and his Subjects being afterwards expeld
from their Country, his Brother Echadius,or Ethodius, was involv'd in
the common Calamity; and therefore purchas'd or ſeis'd a Veſſel, and
taking along with him his Son Erth, and his Grandchild Fergus,
he ſet fail : And truſting theſe, the only Remains of that Royal and
Brave, tho ſometimes unfortunate Family, which After-ages have
ſeen more than once in the like Danger, to the Winds and Waves,
he chanc'd (for Chance, or, to ſpeak more piouſly, Providence
muſt now determine his Fate) to land in Denmark. If ſo, King
Fergus ow'd his Birth, as well as Blood, to Scotland; and was an Ex-
ile but about twenty ſeven Years: Too long a Time for Uſurpation
to thrive, and Right to be banilh’d.
This is the Opinion of Buchanan, () who tells us from the not
much differing Computations of the Black Book of Pailly and ſome
others, that as the Scots were Expeld in the Year 377, ſo they were
Reſtor’d in 403, or 404. For my part, I have reckon'd otherwiſe,
with Boethius, Elphinſton, Lelly, Chambers, Turner and others; who
continua from their more ancient Vouchers, particularly Verimund cited by
Boethius, (d) do not date the Re-eſtabliſhment of the Monarchy, till
about the Year 422, and conſequently allow that Interval of Time
that paſt between its Diffolution and Reſtoration, to have lafted no
leſs than forty, four Years. This, I take it, is no material Difference,
conſidering the valt Diſtance of Time, and general Miſtakes of, or
Controverlies that ariſe among Chronologers of all Nations and Ages
:
For what was true in Plutarch's Time remains ſtill to: Thouſands
have
How long
the Scots
Monarchy
diffolv'd
uncertain
(a) Lell. in vita Eugen. I. ſub fin. Chamber. dans la vie d' Eugen. Boeth. 1.7. p. 114. (b) Buchan. ad inie:
lib, x. (c) Euchan, in vita Ferg. II. (d) Boeth. lib. 7.P. 114.
Chap. II. The Fortieth King of Scotland.
bave endeavourd to regulate fome Chronological Canons, and yet co
this day could never bring the differing Opinions to any Argeement
:
This ſhews how far Mr. Kennedy (a) is out, when from a trifling
Uncertainty of this kind, he would render Uncertain thoſe Mat-
ters of Fact, concerning which all our Hiſtorians are agreed. He
is as wide from the Mark, when he tells us, that according to the nedy refuted.
Computations above mention’d, The heroick Ačtions of Stilicho in re-
fsuing Britain from ſinking, muſt have fallen out within the Time the
Scotch Writers' pretend their Sovereignty was diſſolu’d. And concludes,
that this totally ſubverts Sir George Mackenzie's vain Syſtem, whió
from the following Verfes. of Claudian, proves the Scots were then a
ſettld Nation in Albàny.
Dr. Kerja
ܝ
maduerunt Saxone fuſo
Orcades, incaluit Pictorum ſanguine Thule
Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis lerne.
1
And,
Albin Scots:
Me quoquè vicinis pereuntem gentibus,inquit,
Munivit Stilicho, totam cum Scotus' lerneri
Movit, infefto ſpumavit remige Tethys.
Sir George is in the Right : For he ſays not, that the Scots were
then a ſettl'd Nation; but that what is ſaid here and elſewhere to Verſes of
the ſame purpoſe, is only applicable to the Albin Scots, and that Claudian
upon a double Score. Firſt, becauſe he ſuppoſes, and had by other cable to the
Arguments prov'd the Scots to have been ſettld in Albion long be-
fore this time ; and conſequently concluded, that they were the
People chiefly concern'd in thoſe Battles which are own’d to have
The Roc
been fought in the Iſle. And in the next place, becauſe we no mans never
where Read, that ever the Romans invaded Ireland, or wag’d War land.
with the Iriſh as a Nation. Their own Writers make no mention of
any ſuch War. There's no Roman Coin to be found, no Roman
Camps to be ſeen, no Veſtiges of Roman Monuments to be diſcoverd
in Ireland: Nevertheleſs ’tis true, that in that very Period of Time,
when the Scots Monarchy was diffolved,
invaded Ire
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Jerne.
The Scots
For 'tis own’d, as I have from Scots Authors already related,
that ſome Thouſands of Iriſh Adventurers, Volunteers, or others,
whether Authoriz’d by their then Government or no,
]
cannot tell, attenipt
did come over and aſſiſt the exild Scots, in ſome Attempts they their Reſto-
made towards their Reſtoration. Beſides, 'tis probable, that the re-ring the
peated Loſſes of the Albin Scots, who in great Numbers had retir'd time of their
to Ireland, were ſuch as made them to be regrated in that Country, were defeat-
Z 2
See his Differt, of the Family of the Stuarts, p. 160, 161,
Thus cho.
ed by Stili-
+
92
The Life of Fergus II Book I.
1
Camp in
Strathern,
Thus far am I willing to indulge the Vanity of an Author, who from
chimerical Conjectures, fabulous Legends, and muſty Manu-
ſcripts that have not yet ſeen the light of Day, and perhaps had
never a Being, but in forging Fancy, preſumes to the Detriment
of a Neighbour Nation to give the Lie to Men and Authors of e-
ſtabliſh'd Reputation and Honour: Tho, to tell the Truth, I am
not of Opinion, that the word lerne; as here plac’d, is to be under-
A Roman ſtood of Ireland, properly ſo call?d: For there's a Country in Scot-
land call’d ferna, near to which the Romans had a noble Camp, as
is plain from the Veſtiges yet extánt, and the Stones which are
daily found,with Roman Inſcriptions deſigning the Stations of their
Legions. And the Epithet Glacialis is certainly more applicable
to Strathern, where the Froſt is ſtrong and continues long, than to
the more moderate Climate of Ireland. So that 'tis probable, that the
Scots diſpers’d through Norway, Denmark, and others the Mother-
Countries of the Saxons; may have gather'd together : And being
aſſiſted by Saxon Adventurers, a People then beginning to be fa-
mous for Exploits of this kind, landed in or near the lands
of Orkney, and were defeated by Stilicho or his Lieutenants in Strath-
And thus, without having Recourſe to the Iriſh, who before
that time had been repuls’d by, and made Peace with Maximus;
twill be literally true, that
ern.
4
maduerunt: Saxone fuſo
Orcades, incaluit Pictorum ſanguine. Thule,
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Jerne.
Fergus
Francs into
Gaul.
In the mean Time, Prince Fergus finding that the Endeavours of
his Subjects and Saxon Friends, as well as thoſe of the new revolted
Picts (I have elſewhere told for what Reaſons they did revolt, )
were not like to be ſuccesful in Britain, reſolv'd nevertheleſs, (a) to
leaves Den. ſeek out all means of depreſſing the Roman Power, and by conſe-
follows the quence of regaining his own. With this View he left the Daniſh
Court, and follow'd the Francs in one of their Attempts upon Gaul
.
Goes vvith They faild of Succeſs that time, and he was oblig'd to wait another
King of the Opportunity. He got it ere 'twas long. Alarick was upon his
Goths toItaly March to Italy : Thither he went, equally deſirous of Honour and
Revenge. He attain’d to both; for he had the pleaſure to ſee Rome
taken and ſack’d, and, which was more, to be a main Inſtrument in
taking of promoting its Ruin. For Alarick is ſaid to have truſted him with
to ſmall Command in the Army, and to have ſent him over upon
the Head of a Detachment to Sicily
. But this Expedition did not luc-
ceed, by reaſon of a Tempeſt that deſtroy'd ſome of his Ships, and
oblig'd him to return to Italy with the Remainder.
He had the like Honoui confer'd upon him by Audolphus, who
by Audolphus ſucceeded to Alarick in the Gothick Throne. And now his Repu-
Reputation.
Puede i eat tation was eſtabliſh'd every were, and he was accounted one of the
braveſt
(A) Buchan, Lell, Boeth. &c. in vit, Fergu.
Is at the
Rome.
Is honour'd
Chap. Il. I be Fortieth King of Scotland. 93
Scotland
Is wel
and Piats
$.
bravelt Princes in the World. The Hopes of his long lutfering Sub-
jects began to revive. The Picts almoſt equally Diſtreſs’d, look'd
on him as a Deliverer deſtin’d by Heaven to retrieve their Lofles. He is in-
They invited him back to his Dominions, and the Foreign Princes, to Scotlands
with whom he had been Converſant in the Wars, were all willing
to affiſt in the Reſtoration of an injurd Monarch, they could not
but Pity ; and the rather, becauſe they knew he merited nct the
Male-treatment he met with.
The King of Denmark, in whoſe Court he had been Educated,
ſupply'd him with Shipping; and a great many of the Daniſh Nation
thought fit to venture their Perſons upon his Fortune. His Friends Lands in
in Ireland, and the adjacent IIands, were by fit Agents pre-adver-
tis’d of his intended Return, and they fail'd not to attend him in
great Numbers, how foon he Landed. Some were acted with
Principles of Loyalty, others by hopes of Gain, and all, or moſt
part, by the promiſing Aſpect of a new Revolution. The ancient
Alliance with the Picts was inſtantly renew'd, and the South-Bri-
tains,who attempted to impede it, and to perpetuate the Breach, comby
were themſelves divided into two Factions. The one continu'd to the Scots
favour the Roman Intereſt, which they conſider'd as their own; and
they could not but think that Government lawful, under which
they and their Anceſtors had liv'd for ſome hundreds of Years by. "The Ëris
part. To it they ow'd their noble Cities, ſtately Edifices, amazing ed among
High ways, delicious Baths, impregnable Fortreffes ; as alſo their themſelves;
Learning, Eloquence, Civility, Manners, Arts, Laws, Religion ;
together with ſuch Plenty, and ſo long a Peace, that their Bodies
were enervated with Pleaſures, and their minds debauch'd by Se-
curity and Eaſe. They therefore concluded themſelves by Honour,
Gratitude, Intereſt, Duty and Conſcience oblig'd to continue their
Allegiance to their Righteous, tho Foreign Maſters. T'other
Faction talk'd big of Liberty, as if Liberty could be wanting,
where all the Pleaſures and Neceſſaries of Life abounded. They
complain’d with more Reaſon, that of late their Country had been
left Naked, and was exhauſted of its braveſt Youth, by the ſucceed-
ing Uſurpations of their Governour Maximus, and Creature Con- makes him-
ſtantine : And to remedy this Evil, they judg’d it convenient to
bring on a greater. Dionethus, a Noble Britain, was upon the
Head of this laft Party, and he to remove the Miſchiefs Uſurpation
had occaſion’d, Uſurp'd in his Turn, and aſſuming the Purple,
call’d himſelf King.
The War commenc'd by King Fergus againſt the Romans was
undoubtedly Juſt and Pious: He had all the reaſon in the World
to attempt the Recovery of of his own Inheritance. In order to
which, as well as for Reparation of Dammages fuſtain'd, 'twas ne-
cefiary to invade his Enemy's Territories; and lawful to Conquer,if Diemerhus
he could. To compaſs this end, how far he might be allow'd to enter into
join his Arms with thoſe of a Rebel, I ſhall not determine : Twas
certainly good Policy, and Politicians are feldom found to let Op-
pora
.
Diotët but
ſelf King of
Britain.
Fergus and
a League:
Aa
94 The Life of Fergus II. Book I.
Over-runs
Britain.
Crown'd
Marble
Chair.
the War.
portunities flip, becaute Conſcience oppoſes. Perhaps this Prince,
who was otherwiſe a ſincere Chriſtian, tho educated among Hea-
thens, had Divines about him, who thought it lawful to purſue a good
Cauſe, tho by Means otherwiſe unlawful. However
, "'tis certain, that
Fergus: re- Fergus improv'd the Opportunity : He not only recover'd his own
Kingdom. Kingdom by Dint of Sword, but, in Conjunction with the revolted
Piets and Rebellious Britains, over-ran a great part of the Roman
Province: And tho in the End he chanc'd to fall in the Field of
Battle, yet he left his Subjects fo ſpirited with Reſolution, and his
Enemies in ſuch a daftardly and broken Condition, that they after-
wards became a Prey to his Son Eugene II. and render'd them-
ſelves Tributaries to the Scepter he had Sway’d.
Immediately after his Landing in the Firth of Murray, he march'd
to Argyle, where it ſeeins the fatal Chair of Marble, ſaid to have
King in the been brought by Fergus I. from Ireland, was ſtill preſerv’d. He
plac'd himſelf in it, and was Crown'd with the uſual Ceremonies.
This done,he ſet himſelf to the Proſecution of the War : And while
Proſecutes free from the Hurry and Confuſion of Arms, he divided the Lands
he had conquer'd among his ancient Subjects, and thoſe Strangers
His Piety. that had follow'd him. The Churches that were ruin'd or defac'd,
he caus'd to be repair’d, reſtor’d the Church-men to their Livings;
Encourages
Learning and in the Ine Jona or Icolmkill, erected a Religious Houſe, with a
ſtately Church, where afterwards his Succeflors were buried, and
a Library furniſh'd with inany" valuable Books; which Hiſtorians
ſay, (a) he receiv'd from the Barbarous Souldiers at the ſacking of
Rome, and took care to preſerve for the Encouragement of
Learning, and Advancement of Religion in his Country. To be
ſhort, he re-order'd all things according to the ancient Form
Scotia Name and Conſtitution of Government, both in Church and State. He
might have done otherwiſe : For as 'twas in his Power, ſo he had
Right to preſcribe ſuch Laws, and eſtabliſh ſuch a Form of Govern-
ment as he pleas'd. Had he not been King by his Birth, he had
made himſelt to, or rather God Almighty, by whom Kings reign, had
rais'd hi'n to be his Vicegerent.Sure, thoſe vagrant, helpleſs, hungry
Adventurers, who by him were gather’d, united, ſupported, and
pard with made a People, were in all Reſpects oblig'd to receive, and in no
Dido and o- one had the leaſt ſhadow of Pretence to give Laws. What Virgil
Founders of ſaid of Queen Dido, as ’tis by Sir Thomas Craig (6) moſt judiciouſly
apply'd to the firſt Founders of all Monarchies, fo 'tis applicable
in a peculiar manner to the Reſtorer of the Scottiſh :
Makes the
tion.
Is con-
of States.
1
His commota fugam Dido, focioſ que parabat :
Conveniunt, quibus aut odium crudele Tyranni,
Aut metus acer erat ; naveş quæ forte parata
Corripiunt, onerantque auro, dux famina fafti.
Movid
(•) Booth, in vit. Ferguſ. Il. Spotiſwood p. 6; (b) Craig, of the Succeflion. Book 1. Chap. 17.
Chap. II. lbe Fortieth King of Scotland
95
Mov’d by theſe things, her truſty Friends unite;
And join with Dido, and affiſt her fight :
Some mov'd with Fear, and ſome intam'd with Hate,
With weighty Gold a ready Fleet they freight :
Off goes Pigmalion's Hope; a Woman's Mind
That gallant Act and brave Revenge deſign d.
The People then follow her, adds Sir Thomas, but pray what People ?
Even ſuch as thoſe that follow'd this King ; I mean, Juch is couli not
live in their Country for Tyranny and Oppreſjon. But if we would know,
whether the People gave Laws to their Que:ni, or the Queen give Laws tó
the People, we may be clearly refolu'd in that point out of the Same Book ;
For Dido, as Virgil lays,
Septa armis, folioque alte fubnira reſedit,
Jura dabat, legeſque viris
, operumque laborem
Partibus æquabat juftis, aut forte trahebat: .
!
Beſet with Guards, ſhe took the lofty Throne,
Intent on Strength and growing Empires, thence
Her Orders right and equal Laws diſpenſe.
Her prudent Cares their proper Tasks iinpoſe,
And each his Duty and Employment knows.
Æneas reſtor’d the Kingdom of the Trojans, or rather reard up'a neto
Kingdom in Italy, as Fergus did in Britain. Did either get their
Right and Empire from the People? Virgil anſwers plainly in the
Negative, for fays he, ſpeaking in the Perſon of Æneas,
Atque hic ingentem comitum affluxiſſe novorum
Invenio admirans numerum: matreſque viroſque,
Colle&tam exilio pubem, miferabile vulgus
Undique convenere animis opibuſque parati,
In quaſcunque velim pelago deducere terras.
And here, I with a ſtrange Amazement found
My former Crew with vaſt Acceſſions crown'd,
Husbands and Wives, and helpleſs Infants Aled,
A wretched Mob by common Dangers led :
Each ready with his Heart and ſmall Eſtate,
O’re Lands and Oceans to attend my Fate.
1
And above, ſpeaking of the Erecting of that Kingdom,
Belum ingens geret Italia, populofque feroces
Contundet, moreſque viris de mania poneta
Aa 2
He'll
ܝܪܐ
90
The Life of Fergus II. Book I.
He'll wage great Wars in Italy, fubdue
Fierce Tribes, and give them Laws and Cities new.
And elſewhere,
Æneadaſque meo nomen de nomine fingo.
And then for them a proper Title frame,
And them Æneans from Æneas Name.
Romulus did the like ;
..
Romulus accipiet gentem, & Mạvortia condet
Mænia Romanoſque ſuo de nomine dicet.
Thence Romulus ſhall take
A ſtout Brigade, and Alba’s Walls forſake,
Build a new martial Fortreſs, and proclaim
Them Romans from his own immortal Name.
In all theſe Inſtances, 'tis plain, that the People were made hy,
and receiv'd Laws from the Author of their Being, the King; and
the King was not made fuch, nor did he receive Laws from the
People. Sir Thomas goes on, and proves at large, that this is equal-
ly true, with reference to Hengiſt the firſt Commander and Sovereign
of the Engliſh Saxons in Britain; to Rollo another Founder of the
Engliſh or Norman Kingdom; to his Succeſſor William the Conquer-
or of England; to. Pharamond who gave a Being to the French Mo-
narchy; to Pelagius the firſt King of Gallicia and Aſturia; to Garcias
Ximenes firſt King of Navarre; to Henry of Lorrain, firſt King of Por-
tugal; to Robert Guiſcard firſt King of Naples and Sicily: And in a
word, to all the Founders and Reſtorers of States and Monarchies
we read of, either in facred or prophane Hiſtory.
If this is true of all, it cannot be falſe of our King Fergus II. as
well as I. Nay Buchanan is of Opinion, that the II. is preferable in
this ; that the former poſſeſs’d himſelf of Lands almoſt defart, and
that too with Conſent of the neighbouring Piets: And that he had
King Fer. not to do with the victorious Romans, but only with the Britains ;
gw his Cha. a People not inuch ſuperior in Means, and by much inferior to his
own Subjects in the Exerciſe of, and Labour annex'd to War:
Whereas, this Prince had almoſt inſurmountable Difficulties to Con-
quer : His Subjects numbers were lefſen'd, and their Spirits broken
by their preceeding Loffes. He had been Educated, fome ſay,
Born in a foreign Soil ; confequently was unacquainted with his
Country-Men : His Army wascompos'd of a confus’d Multitude of
different Nations : And to fumm up all in a word, he had to do
with the Romans. 'Tis true, that Providence, that had inſpir’d the
Reſo-
racter
1
Chap. II. The Fortieth King of Scotland.
97
Relolution, took care at the ſame time to prediſpoſe the Means of
his Succeſs by innuinerable favouring Circuinſtances: Had not thefe
concurr’d to his Reſtoration, the very Attempt had been accounted
an Effect of Madneſs. However, as he had the Courage to Dare, ſo
he had the Wit to Nick the Opportunity. His Education in the
Wars abroad tàught him, no doubt, the Arts of War: And we
have reaſon to believe, that the Air and Converſation of Chriſtian
Italy, preſervd
his Religion entire, notwithſtanding his Dependence
on the Arian Goths and Pågan. Danės. To the fame Converſation
he was indebted for his good Manners, and Love of Letters and
learn:d Men. 'Tis certain, that there was a noble Library at
Iculmkill: Boethius (a) in the Year 1525, had ſeveral molt ancient Library of
Fragments of Books, wri
: ten in the Latin Tongue concerning the Iculmkin.
Roman Affairs, and of an excellent Character, tranſmitted from
thence to him. 'Twas generally reported, that Fergus had brought
theſe along with him from Rome: And Æneas Silvius, afterwards
Pope Pius II. while here in Scorland in the Reign of King James T.
being told the Story, reſolv'd to have gone to the Weſtern Ilands,
in order to diſcover the Truth; and particularly to'enquire, whe-
ther the lolt Books of Titus Livius might not be recover'd from
thenice. But Boct'vius lays, that thoſe Fragments he faw, had more
of the Stile of 31:uſt than of Livy. Tis a pity that the valuable
Treaſure, ſo I call the very Fragmeuts of Roman Books, which this
Prinçe is ſaid to have reſcu'd from early Deſtruction, ſhould have
fince perifhd through the Iniquities of the Times, or Negligence of
the Keepers of that Library.
King Fergus was kill'd in the ſixteenth Year after his Reſtoration : King Ferd
He left behind him three Sons, as yet in their Nonage ; Eugene,
who afterwards very nigh equal'd his Father's Glories, Dongard, His Pe.
who degenerated from neither, and Conſtantius. Mr. Johnſton cele
brates his Prailes in this Manner.
gus kill'd.
.
His Praiſes
celebrated
by Mr. Febno
ſton.
Fata manu geſtans patria, domitorque minaci
Fortuna, antiquum ſuſcitat imperium.
Ignea quid poffit virtus, quid vivida bello
Dextera, Mars quoties mifit in arma viros,
Novit Arai, Rhodanus, pugnax de Francia, & audax
Cimber, Garmiferi Teutonis ora ſoli :
Romulidum ftupuere duces, ſtupuere cohortes,
Et fufi bellis Brittones ante tribus,
Vincere pro patria, aut vinci virtute decorum :
Dulci pro patria prodigit ergo animam.
And again.
Nilii animis, nullique aufis, nec Marte ſecundus,
Nec tibi, Ferguti magne, ſecundus eram.
Cedunt fata tibi, imperii tu maximus auctor,
invitis fatis, conditor alter ego.
Въ
THE
(a) Boeth. lib.7. P. 114.
98
The Life of Aidan
Book I.
.'
Τ Η Ε
!
Life of Aidan
1
!
Τ Η Ε
Forty ninth King of Scotland.
A
Vanu.
ther'd.
ID AN, one of the Beſt and Braveſt of thoſe many excellent
Kings that have ſway'd the Scottiſh Scepter, was the Son of
a Father, whoſe auftere Vertue and exemplary Juſtice gavę
King Ai- occaſion to a wicked Few(for great Vertueś may be unleaſonable, and
of King Go. are ever odious to the Licentious) to deprive him of his Life, and
endanger the Succeſſion of his righteous Heir. Hiſtorians generally
ſay, that he was cut off by the Rage of thoſe, who after having
diſpatch'd his Miniſter or Lord Chief Juſtice, Toncerus, for no other
cambio de eReaſon, but becauſe this laſt did his Duty, that is, ſuppreſs’d Vice,
and executed Juſtice, could look for impunity from nothing elſe, but
the Murther of their Prince, and that they effected it, to the great
Grief of all honeſt or thinking Men.
Buchanan differs a little from all, or moſt other Writers, in his
way of telling the Story: Who has been his Voucher I know not,
but ’tis probable, he thought that Rebellion is ever attended by ſome
Provocation given, or juſtice done ; if not by the Sovereign, at leaſt
by his Officers; and that the oppreſs’d King is ſtill more or leſs Faul-
ty, and the rebelling. Subject in ſome meaſure Excuſable.
knowledges, “That Goranus(this was the Name of the injur'd Prince)
« Govern'd the Kingdom. with great Juſtice and Piety. That he
protected the Weakneſs of the Poor, curb’d the Licentiouſneſs of
the Rich, put the Laws in Execution, follow'd the Examples of
« his beſt Predeceſſors, and was himſelf a Pattern to his Succeffors.
" That beſides, he was Reſolute and Brave, that by the way of Ne-
" gotiation he reconcild the Pi&tiſh King Lothus with the Chriſtian
Britains, united their unanimous Forces againſt their common
“ Enemy the Pagañ Saxons : Was a conſiderable Sharer in all the
e Glories of the famous Arthur, while Arthur continu'd juſt and
" faithful ; and when injurious to his Kindred, and a plain Viola-
tor of the inoſt ſolemn Treaties and Conſtitution of his Country;
« That then, and not till then, Goranus became a principal Author
" of his Depreſſion and Fall : But, that notwithſtanding all theſe
" remarkable Actions and noted Qualifications, he had a cruel and
covetous Miniſter Toncetus, who acted as Lord Chief Juſtice un-
He ac-
CC
CG
06
66 der
Chap. II. The Forty ninth King of Scotland. 99
CG
ic
CC
< der him. That this Man having gain’d the King's Favour, by in-
(s venting means of railing his Revenues, and filling the Exche-
quer, and therefore ſecure of Impunity, made bold with the
« Lives and Fortunes of the Wealthy, whom he treated moſt out-
ragioully. That the People thereby incens'd, could not get eafy
“ Acceſs to their ag'd and valetudinary Sovereign : And tho they
could, that their Addreſſes and Complaints, becauſe made againſt
a Favorite, were diſregarded. That for this Reaſon they kull’d
« Toncetus in a Tumult : And that'afterwards, when in cold Blood;
they began to reflect on the Crime in which they were involvid,
< they deſpair’d of Pardon, and to turn’d their Hatred and Animo-
« fity again't the Perſon of the King, who they alſo diſpatch’d,
cc being by one Donald encourag'd to the fact, and let in to the
56 Palace:
Thus 'tis plain, that the uglieſt of Faces may be colour'd with
Varniſh, and the worſt of Villanies palliated or lefſen'd by a ſeem-
ing Excuſe. Here the Rich were Oppieſt by an Avaricicus Favo-
rite. The People, that is, the Poor, reſent this: Notwithſtanding
'tis own'd, they were by the Sovereign Power protected froin In-
jury: What ſhall the angry People do ? Addrets the King for Re
dreſs of the inſufferable Abule. But he was ſickly, and well ſtruck
in Years; beſides, he was perſwaded by the Artifices of his Favo-
rite, that the Commons had no reaſon to complain, becauſe the
Nobles durft not invade their Rights. They're" enrag‘d upon this
(Had they not Reaſon ?) and lo fall foul upon the King's Officer
and kill him.
But then, when they return to their right Wits;
and bėgin to think, they politically, and in cold Blood, reſolve u
pon dilpatching the King himſelf; that fo, by means of a Parricide,
they may evade the Puniſhment that was due to Rebellion and
Murther:
Eugene lll. the Son of Congallus, fucceeded in the Throne, but
took no Care, notwithſtanding he was much urg'd to it by the
Loyal Subjects, to have the Parricides try'd and executed according
to Juſtice and Law. Nay, he admitted the villainous Donald into
his Favour, and kept hiin about his Perſon. This was no mighty Eugene III.
Wonder, their Crime had made him a King: And his After-reign the Murther
was ſuch, as convinc'd the World, that tho he may not have been of hisPrede
over-griev'd at the Cauſe of his Preferment, yet he could not rea-
fonably be thought to have contriv'd or countenanc'd the Thing.
Nevertheleſs
, he was ſhrewdly ſuſpected, becauſe of his Remiſels
in proſecuting the real Authors and Abettors of ſuch a Crime: And
if he himſelf was not guilty of the Sin of Commiffion in this Cafe,
ſure none can offer to free him from that, at leaſt, of Oniſfion;
which, tho a leſſer, was ſtill a moſt crying piece of Iniquity, and
was accordingly conſider'd as ſuch.
The Widow of Goranus took the Alarm, and fearing, withReaſon,
that theſe Traitors who had embru'd their Hands in the Father'sBlood,
might for their further Security proceed to the like Outrages againſt
B b 2
his
100 The Life of Aidan Book I.
Aidan con-
Infancy.
Congallus 86
an excellent
CE
King.
made King.
his Children, ſhe fled with them to Ireland. Thus Aidan, as yet an
Infant, was compeld to take Sanctuary in a foreign Soil, where he
liv'd, and for his growing Vertues was adinir’d, during the whole
more on helse Reign of Eugene, which laſted full twenty three Years
. All this
time we read of no Attempts that were made towards his Reſtora-
tion : The Reaſon is obvious, for Eugene by the then Cuftoin of
Law, was, as being the nearest in Blood to the Infant Heir, the re-
puted Righteous and legal King: To him ſucceeded his Brother Con-
gallus, a Prince, ſays Buchanan (a) “ Whole
. Memory, for the
Eminency of his Vertues, ought to be Sacred and Venerable to all
at fucceeding Generations. For, Befides his Equity in the Admini-
A. D. 568. 6 ſtration of Juſtice, and his invincible Mind that was proof againſt
at all Incitements to Avarice ; his Sobriety and Moderation was
“ ſuch, that he vy'd even with the Monks, a Set of Religious
“ Men, who in thoſe Days obferv’d a inoſt ſtriết Difeipline. This
Character. he deſerv'd the rather, Becauſe he was eaſily prevail'd u-
pon, by Nature as well as Grace, to recall his exil'd Kindred, in
Order to their Reſtoration to thát Throne their Father had
fat on
Columba, then a Biſhop, afterwards Sainted, and by all acknow.
1. D. 578. ledg’d to have been an eininent Pillar of the Scortiſh, as well as Iriſh
Kinnatellus and Britiſh Churches, was fent to freland (b) on the agreeableErrand,
but ère he rętürn'd-the King was, Dead, and his Brother Rinnatellus
was plac'd jó his Room. This unforſeen Accident put Columba to a
ſtand. If he ſhould remit the Royal Children, he fear'd Kinna-
tellus might interpret that piece of Conduct to proceed, as it really
did, from Diftruit of his Equity and Affection towards thoſe Rela-
tions, who being now.ofAge, ſhould have been prefer:d to his re-
möter Claim. On the other hand, it was unſafe to go on, and
not improbable, but the faine Ambition that made Kinnatellus ſo for-
ward to catch at the Opportunity of being made King, might alſo
pronipt him to make away with thoſe Succeſſors, by whom his
own Ofspring was fairly 1 recluded. YetColumba reſolv’d to hold for-
ward, and accordingly. ca ne and boldly preſented his Pupils to the
King. They were, contrary to Expectation, receiv'd with open Arms,
and all thoſe Demonſtrations of Tenderneſs that are uſually ſhew'n
between near Relations after a long Abſence. The King did more:
He gáve preſent Aſſurances of his Diſpoſition to do then Juſtice,
and told Ailan, that ere long he would put him in the actual Pof-
Aidan his feſfion of his Birth-right. He was as good as his Word, for hence-
Co-partner forthi he made him his Co-partner in Power, truſted him with the
vernment. Management of Affairs, and only reſerv’d to himſelf the Title of
King: And that he likewiſe laid down together, with his Life, not
full fifteen Months after he had aſſum'd it. A rare Example of Mo-
deration, Juſtice and Naturality ; and ſuch, ás but few, and
thoſe the very beſt of Princes had given before, or have ſince iini-
tated.
Makes
No
(a) la vit. Congall. (b) Spusilwood lib. 1. p. 9. & 10,
Chap.II. The Forty ninth King of Scotland. 101
the Crownli
ز
No body could queftion Aidan's Title to the Succeffion : Never-
theleſs, if we can give any Credit to the Writings of Adamannsus
, (a)
(who is certainly the oldeſt Scots Hiſtorian now extant: Beſides, , Aidan
he is ownd (b) to have been a folid judicious Man, a Lover of Re-fucceed- to
ligion and Peace, Pious beyond the common reach of Mankind; and
at the fame Time a great Admirer of the Monaſtick Life ; for which
Reaſon, as he wrote, fo he too eaſily gave Credit to miraculous
Legends: If I fay, we may believe one of this Character ;) Columbaz
as great a Saint as he is ſaid to have been, (c) had conceiv’d, I know
not what a partial fort of liking for fogenanus the younger Brother,
whom, if his Inclination could have prevaild, he had preferd to
the Crown, inſtead of the elder Brother Aidan. No doubt, this
Byas of his Mind had fome plauſible Pretence: But he came to be un-
deceiv'd in this ſtrange manner. I ſhall tranſlate Adamannus's words:
« Whilſt the Holy Man, ſays he was in the Illand Himbria; he fell
one Night into an Extaſy, and perceived an Angel of the Lord
66 with a Book in his Hand. (He calls it Vitreus ordinationis Regum
" liber ) The Book was preſented to him by the Angel, and after
« Peruſal, he found, that he was commanded to ordain Aidan King.
But he was more in Love with his Brother, and therefore de-
c clin'd the Province. Upon this the Angel extended his Hand,
as and gave him à Blow, and the Impreſſion made thereby on his
“ Side was viſible while he liv'd. He was threatn’d with greater
Severity,unleſs he inſtantly comply'd with the Pleaſure ofAlmighty is confe-
6 God. He had the ſame Viſion, ſaw the ſame Book, and re- gated Bing
“ceiv'd Orders to the fame purpoſe three Nights ſucceſſively. He lumba,
" Obey'd at laſt, went to the Inand of Jona or Hy, and there
" meeting with Aidan, put his Hand on his Head, and ordain’d
66
66 hiin King
I have a double Reaſon to relate this Legendary Story: The firſt
is, becauſe it is no leſs credible than thoſe reported by the French
and Engliſh, with reference to the Anointing of their reſpective
Kings. The firſt ſay, (d) That a Dove was ſent from Heaven to
St. Remy, with the Sainte Ampoulle, that is, à Viol full of Oyl:
And that the Saint,in Obedience to the Command receiv'd, anointed
King Clovis I. with this Oyl ; which, tho it has ſerv’d to the anointa
ing of all the Kings of France from that Time, yet is not at all waſted,
nor ſo much as diminiſh'd to this Day. If ſo, we muſt acknow-
ledge, that the Kings of France have been Anointed about 94
Years
before this Ceremony was introduc'd in Scotland ; for Clovis began
his Reign in the Year 485. and Aidan not till 5 19. But then in this point
we have thePrecedency of the Engliſh by very far. Theſe laſt tell us, (d)
that The Bleſs’d Virgin gave to Thomas
Archbiſhop of Canterbury, (being
in Baniſhment under Henry II.) a Golden Eagle full of precious Oyl,
inclos'd in a Stone Velel, commanding him to preſerve it for Ancinting of
Сс
the
ܪ
(a) Dr. Mackenzie in his Life of Adamannus vol. 1. p. 356. (b) Mackenzie ibid. & Spotilwood lib. i p.
19. Alcuin in Bib. Bertin. poem 246. (c) Adamannu's viť. St. Columb. lib. 3. c. 5. Dr. Mackenzie loco cit.
Selden's Titles of Honour, i Part, p.118 (d). Selden ut ſupra.
IO2 The Life of Aidan Book I.
nus.
the Engliſh Kings. This King Herry was Crown'd in the Year 1154;
a great Length of Time after the Scots Aidan. I believe none will
think that I mean to beget Credit to any of theſe Stories from the
refind Age I write in. Nevertheleſs (a) both the Kings of France
and England, as alſo thoſe of Jeruſalem and Sicily, have
valu'd them-
ſelves upon their being Anointed, and the Quatuor Uncti (fo theſe
laſt four were commonly deſign'd) pretended, to, I know not what,
Priviledges or Pre-eminence above all others, who, by the old Pro-
vinciale Romanum, were not dignify'd with that Honour.
But, un-
der Favour, they were in a Miſtake : Moſt if not all Chriſtian
Kings have been Anointed as well as they, and the Kings of Scot-
land among the earlieſt,as is plain from the above mention'd Adaman-
He gives us a Legend 'tis true, but this very Legend proves
the Antiquity of the Cultom that had obtain'd before his Time; and
he was born in the Year 624. 'Tis alſo true, that whether the
then Kings were Conſecrated or Anointed with Oyly or otherwiſe,
it appears not froin the expreſs Words of the Story : Yet, as Selleń
very well obſerves, Becauſe it belongs to the Marter of Inauguration of
Kings in Scotland, it may be interpreted for Anointing among the reſt.
And certainly there was a Ceremonial, for regal Benediction or Ordina-
tion, usd in thoſe Days, whether deliver'd by an Angel, or by credu-
lous Imagination to St. Columba, I do not determine, Let
every
Man's
Faith in theſe things be, for me, at his own Pleaſure, ſays the eminently
Learn’d and Judicious Selden, and ſo ſay I.
Aidan now Crown'd, and by Columba Anointed or Confecrated
King, began to give early Proofs of that Skill he was ſo much Ma-
forms A. ſter of, in governing the People. In order to a thorough Reformation
of Abuſes, (6) he Viſited (as his Anceſtors were wont to do, and I
humbly think all Kings ſhould ) all the Provinces of his Kingdom ;
and in Galloway, Cathneſs, and Lochaber ſettl’d Courts for the future
Adininiſtration of Juſtice. To theſe the Neighbouring People re-
forted with conveniency and Eaſe, and with Equity, Plenty and
Peace continu'd to flouriſh. Galloway was at that time infeſted with
Robbers, and theſe ſtubborn, arm’d, and numerous : They had ſet
themſelves above the Law, and would ſubmit to nothing but Force.
The King march'd againſt them in Perſon, beat them, ſeis’d,
and put to Death their Leaders. And thus all things were brought
Suppreſſes to Order. The Commonalty liv'd ſecure at Home, and the Gen-
try had Leiſure to divert their Minds, and exercis'd their Bodies
with the noble Divertiſements of Hunting and Sport. Several
Matches were made to that Purpoſe ; and at one of them an Ac-
cident fell out, that was follow'd by fatal Conſequences. They
Quarreld, I cannot tell for what, and as Scots-mens Quarrels are
ſeldoin terminated without Blood-ſhed, or Attempts to that Effect;
ſo this one occafion'd a great Slaughter. The Authors of it dread-
ing the Rigour of Law, ( for they knew that the King was a ſevere
Adminiſtrator of Juſtice ) fled for Protection to Brudeus the King
of
Herec
a Rebellion
1
(a) Selden ur fupra. (b) Scriptores XX. Oxon. edit. p. 638.
Chap. II. The Forty ninth King of Scotland. 103
Peace.
of the Pičks. Aidan re-demanded his Subjects; conform to the Con-
ditions of a League enter'd into by both Nations. His Requeſt was
put off by Delays for ſome time ; and at laſt flatly rejected. The He makes
Scots King could not fit down with the Affront. He threatn’d and the Pian?
commenc'd a War. Both Armies met and engag'd near Dunkeld.
The Scots won the Day, tho the Picts fought bravely ; and thereo Defeats
fore a great deal of Miſchief was done. The pious Columba, them.
heartily griev'd that ſo much Blood ſhould have been ſpilt for whać
he thought a Trifle, ſpoke very bold, but Chriſtian Language;
to both Kings. He was ſo angry with Aidan, that after a ſharp
Reproof, he offer'd to be gone, ſeeiningly in a Huff. The good
King caught him by the Hand, acknowledg'd bis Rallneſs, and
beg'd his Advice towards Repairing what had been done amiſs.
He angrily reply'd, That what w is done could not be repair’d. This
drew Tears from the Eyes of the King: And Colimba, mov’d with
that feeling Demonſtration of Sorrow, wept alſo; and after a ſhort
Silence, faid, That he would counſel him to make Peace. This was Makes
eaſily agreed to by Aidan, and the Matter being afterwards mov'd
to Brudeus, he likewiſe comply'd. Thus the Flame was cover’d;
but not extinguiſh'd : For,
The reſpective Subjects of both Kingdoms could not sardon
their mutual Loſſes to one another. This Ethelfrid the Saxon King
of Northumberland was ſenſible of. He was a powerful, cunning and
avaritious Prince, had encroaching Projects upon all his Neigh-
boucs, and could not let ſuch an Opportunity ſlip, of ſetting them
by the Ears. He prevaild upon the Picts to make freſh Incurſions
upon
the Scots Territories; and their King was by this Means com
peld, or to puniſh them with the utmoſt Severity, which was dan-
gerous, conſidering the ferment and heat of their Minds at the
Î'ime, or to renew the War. He reſolv’d upon this laſt Expedi- Makes War
ent, the rather becauſe Ethelfrid and his Ally Cenlinus, another King Saxons and
of the Weſt Saxons, aſſur'd him of all the Aſſiſtance in their Power: Pias.
Both theſe, as Fordon tells us, (a) had attack'd the Britiſh King Mal-
ge:
And he, mov'd by the great Reputation, Probity and Chriſtian
Zeal of Aidan, had in Purſuance of a League formerly enter'd into
by their Predeceflors, ſent and entreated Affiſtance againſt their
Heathen Enemies. Aidan was far from rejecting the realonable Re,
queſt: He immediately rais:d an Army, and ſent it to the Britiſh
Borders, under the Conduct of Prince Griffin his Soni, (others call
him Arthur;) and Brenden his Nephew, then Lord of Eubonia or Man.
They were join’d on their March by the Britiſh Forces, and the
third Day after they had enter'd Northumberland, they came in view
of the Enemy,and engag’d them at a Place call’d Fethánleg. Cenlinus
Commanded the Saxons in Chief, and his Son Cutha their Vanguard.
It was the Fate of this laſt, as well as all thoſe about him, to be cut
off, after an obftinate Fight, which laſted a conſiderable Part of the
Day. The Chriſtians concluded their Vi&tory certain, but
Сс Ċ 2
(4) Scriptores XX. Oxon, edit. p. 638.
were
104 The Life of Aidan 1
Book I.
Loſes a
Battle.
were miſtaken : For Ethelfrid, who hadi layn at fome diſtance upon
the Rear, came up ere the field was quite loſt, upon the Head of
numerous and freſh Troops. Upon this Cenlinus's Men rally’d, the
Fight was renew'd, and the Scots and Britains worn out with Fa-
tigue, and over-powerd by Numbers, were at length put to the Rout.
Their chief Commanders Griffin and Brenden fell on the Spot. On
the other ſide, Ethelfrid receiv'd a dangerous Wound, and loſt an
Eye; and Brudeus likewife wounded, was to the great terror of his
Subjects carried off the field of Battel, and given over for dead,
but he afterwards recover'd.
Ethelfrid opend the fucceeding Campaign by invading Galloway,
where he was reinforc'd by his Confederates the Piets. They expected
to meet with little or no Oppoſition, by reaſon of the Lofles the Scots
had ſuſtain'd but laſt Summer : Wherefore they ſuffer'd their Souldiers
to range through the Country at their Pleaſure, as if they had not
an Eneiny to fear. But Aidan taught them to obſerve better Dif-
cipline: He ſurprised their ſcatter'd Troops, and beat them into
their Camp; which not thinking himſelf able to Force, he negle-
Eted, and inarch'd into Annandale, and there was met by the Britains.
The Enemy follow'd cloſe upon his Heels; and having poffefs’d
themielves of all the Paffes that led to the Sea-ſide, where he lay
encampd, thought to have ſtarv'd his Army into a willing Sur
render. In the mean Time, he ſet all Hands to Work, and caus’d
Fortify the Camp with ſtrong Intrenchments : And while the Sax-
ons and Picts concluded froin thence, that he reſolv'd to ly ſtill
there, he took his Opportunity in the Night: And the Sea being
then at a low Ebb, he march'd upon the Head of his Army, along
the unſtable, but dry Sands, and ſo got ſafe, firſt into Cumberland, and
Inyades then into Northumberland, raiſing Contributions, or laying waſte all
before and behind him. The Enemy follow'd him as before ; and
came up with him at laſt at Wodenysborth: A Battle immediately en-
ſu’d, and the Scots and Britains, being Commanded and Encourag’d,
not only by their reſpective Kings, whoſe Preſence was of great ule;
but alſo by four more principal Officers, Calen and Mordac two
Gains a Scots-mañ, and Conſtantine and Mecrin, Britains, gain’d a compleat
Victory
Victory. Cealin, Quichelm and Crida, three noted Officers under
Cenlinus were kill'd, as was almoſt all the Army of that unhappy
Prince, who, notwithſtanding of his Wounds, made a Shift to get
off; but was afterwards dethron'd.
St. Columba was all this while in his Morraſtery of Hy, (a) the
Mother and Superior of no leſs than a hundred. more ; which he
himſelf had procur’d to be Built, and given Rules to, in Ireland and
Britain. In this folitary Retirement, he never teas'd offering up his
Prayers, and cauſing his numerous Monks to do the like, for the Pro-
ſperity of the King's Arms. They were all together inthe Church bu-
fied in the pious and dutiful Exerciſe, the fame Hour when the Battle
was Fought at Wodenysborth, a Place diſtant at leaſt 200 Miles from
the
Northumber
land.
compleat
1
1
(a) Dr. Mackenz, in the Life of Columb. p. 354. Spotiſwood lib. 1. p. 10.
Chap. II. I be Forty ninth King of Scotland. 105
Is again
the Iland of Hy: And 'tis reported, (a) that, after Prayers, Cole.ba
told the Religious, That, at that very Minute the Barbarians were fly-
ing ; that God Almighty had given the Victory to the King, and that it
coſt him but the Loſs of 303 of his Men. He therefore deſir’d them to
turn their Supplications into Thanks, and initead of Praying, to
Praiſe the Lord of Hofts, upon whom alone depends the Fate of
Armies and States.
Nevertheleſs, Aidan was not ſo Succesful the ſucceeding Cam-
paign : He had made confiderable Preparations during the Winter,
and, tho now an old Man, he would needs Command the Army in
Perſon. Accordingly he enter'd the Enemy's Territories, where he
expected to have been join’d by his Britiſh Allies; but they came
not at the appointed Time, and the ſubtile Ethelfrid fail'd not to
take Advantage from this miſſion. He attack'd the Scots at Deg-
Saſtan, with that Succeſs, that but few of them eſcap’d. But his
Victory was dear bought; for his Brother Theobald, and all thoſe defeated.
under his Command were cut off in the beginning of the Action.
Aidan, as Reſolute as he was, could not eatily bear the Defeat and
Loſs of ſo many of his Subjects: He could never forget the Battle at
Degfaftan. The Britains had faild him; but the Britains were Chri-
ſtians; and he forſaw, with unconſclable Sorrow, the Hardships
they muſt henceforth undergo from theſe inſulting Barbarians. Be-
fides, St. Columba was now dead, and in him the King had loſt a
Comrad, a Friend, a Director of his Conſcience, and a Counſellor
of State. Full of theſe and the like melancholy Conſiderations, he
languiſh'd away, and having attain’d to the Age of very nigh four-
ſcore, died in Kintyre, two Years after his latt unfortunate Expedi- Dies
tion, in the Year of our Lord 604, or 606, after a troubleſome, yet
happy and pious Reign of twenty four Years; and, contrary to the
Cuftom of his Predeceſſors, was buried at Ky.cheran.
'Twas lucky for him, that he had met with early Perfecutions :
The Hardíhips he ſuffer'd during his Exile, made him an honest His Cha-
Man: And the Education he receiv'd from the worthy Columba,
made him a good Chriſtian. His own Affli&tion's taught him to
commiferate thoſe of his Subjècts; he lov'd them and was lovd by
them. He was a ſevere Juſticiary, not through Cruelty, but Com-
paffion: And if he puniſń'd a few, 'twas but to ſecure and ſave all
.
He was naturally Brave, and his robuſt Body and healthful Contti-
tution fitted him for the Exerciſes of War: Nevertheleſs it was
his Choice to live in Peace; and but for his firſt hafty Quarrelling
with the Pitts, for which he made a ſufficient Atonement, 'tis plain,
that he never drew his Sword, nor fhed Blood, but in Defence of
Religion and Juſtice. He had no Enemies but thoſe of Chriſt, and
the auftere Columba approv'd of his fighting the Saxons; that the Re-
mains of Britain might be preſerv’d. His Arms were not always
Succesful; for his Allies were weak, and his Ene,nies ſtrong, bold,
Dd
racter.
.
cun-
a) Buchan. in vita Aidan. Spotilwood lib. 1. p. 10. Adaman. in vita Columb-Columb. his own Wrica
ings cited by Fordon. Scriptor. XX. edit. Oxon. p. 639.
106
The Life of Aidan, dc. Book 1:
1
::
cunning and numerous: Nevertheleſs, he had the better of them for
the moſt part. Never did fincere and ſimple unaffected Piety flou-
riſh any where more glorioully than it did in Scotland, during the
Reign of this King: Neither were ever the truly Religious and
Learn'd in greater Veneration, and defërvedly: For thele holy
Men, ſuch as Columba, Kentigern, Bathunut, comin, Cbthac, Ethernan,
Baldred, Droſtan, and many inore, too numerous to be here inſer
ted, liv’d retir'd from the World and its Vanities, without Ambiti-
on, Covetouſneſs or Pride; intent upon nothing but the Service of
God, and the yet unſpotted Church. They never ſtirrd abroad;
but to gain Souls
. They Preach'd more by Example than Word of
Mouth. The Simplicity of their Garb, Geſture and Behaviour,
was irreſiſtibly Eloquent. They did Good to every Body, and
ſought no Reward: "Preferments, Cabals, Intrigues, Diviſion, Se-
dition were Things unknown to then. There were Biſhops a-
mong them, but no Lords ; Presbyters, but no Stipends, or very
finall ones; Monks, truly fuch, Humble, Retir'd, Poor, Chaft
, so
ber and Zealous. In a word, they were, in a literal Senſe, Saints.
Only one Error they and that Age in general are charg’d with;
which is, that they were over Credulous, and that they gave too
much Credit and Vogue to the legendary Stories or Miracles pre-
tended to have been wrought in thoſe Days : And yet it would be
hard to think that ſuch Men as theſe, ſhould have invented them,
or that they would have impos'd upon the Ignorance of the deluded
People : Whom if they did deceive, 'tis probable they themſelves
had been deceiv'd before. This was the Fault of their Judgments,
not of their Wills; and if they were Miltaken, 'twas their Weak-
neſs, and not their Malice. Many Stories are related of them,
which will meet with no Credit at this time of Day. I ſhall In-
ſtance in one, becauſe it concerns the King, whoſe Life I have writ-
ten. He was curious to know, who of his three Sons, (a) Arthur,
Eochodius Find, or Dongartus, ſhould fucceed him in the Throne.
He put the Queſtion to Columba, who, he believ'd, had the Gift of
Prophecy, as well as that of working Miracles. The holy Man re-
ply'd, That none of thoſe would ever come to be King, but would
all three be cut off in Battle, as their eldeſt Brother Prince Griffin
had been; but he deſir'd that the King would call his younger Chil-
dren into the Room, adding, that one of them would inſtantly run
into his Einbraces, and that that one was deſtin'd by Heaven for
Empire, and his Offspring after him. They were accordingly
brought in, and Eochodius or Eugenius Buyd, as yet an Infant, flew
upon Columba as he had foretold. The good Prelate kiſs’d him, gave
hiin his Bleſſing, and repeated the Prediction, which was afterwards
accompliſh’d. For he lucceeded to Kenneth Keré, in the Year 606;
and as he had been Religiouſly brought up and Educated by the
ſame Columba, ſo he reign'd Happy and Glorious, according to moſt
Hiſto
(a Adaman, in vita Columb. cited by Fordon, Scripror. XX. cdit. Oxon. p. 640;
H Tbe Life of Achaius, &c.
107
Hiſtorians; tho others ſay. (@) he deviated a little from thele Lef-
fons he had learn’d in his Youth;that hisCommands were harſh and
Imperious ; and, in ſtead of being(as Boethius, Leſly,&c. write) a•Paci-
fick Prince, that he delighted in War
, and by continual Incurſions
never ceas'd to annoy and haraſs the neighbouring States. His
three Brothers above mentiond were kill'd, conform to Columbi's
Prediction, Eochodiús Find and Dongart in theWar or Battle,call’d by
Fordon Maychorum, and Arthur in that againīt the Saxons. And this
is all we read in Hiſtory concerning the Children of King Aidan.
So that I have done with his Life, how ſoon I have transcrib'd the
Elogium given him by Mr. Johnſton.
Nec genus aut Virtus
, nec fpes præfaga fefellit
,
Quin ſuperat meritis Spemque fidemque fuis
Palantum incurſus primo compeſcit in ortu,
Atque alios alia fub ditione domat.
Bella ſüsb affiduis fignis cum Saxone & Anglo,
Et Pietis, dubio marte, cruenta gerit.
Jam fenio gravi, bo curis confe&tus iniqui
Occidit, aternas linquit & beu lacrymas
!
And again,
Qua juvenem, aut matura virum, deceantve ſenectando
Et Patrem de Regem, hæc omnia folus habet:
Т НЕ
Life of Achaius
Τ Η Ε
Sixty Fifth King of Scotland.
CH AIUS; or (a) Eohal, a Pritiče whoſe Memory muſt
A needs laſt while Scots or French Records ſhall be preſerv'd,
was the Son of King Etfin. And 'twas the Nation's King Acha?
double Misfortune, that he was neither the Eldeft; nor of Åge to of K. Erfin.
Dd 2
Govern
() Liber Palleten: cited by Buchan, in vita Eugen. IV. (6) Chr. de Mailros ad An. 884
108 The Life of Achaius
Book I.
.
Eugene VIII.
King.
Govern, when his Father and Brother died. (a) His Father was,
Character.' ſays Buchanan, like his more immediate Predeceſſors, Mor dac and
Eugene . VII. a moſt excellent Prince: He Reign'd full thirty Years,
and, till broken by Infirmities and old Age, he was forc’d to truſt
the Management of Affairs to others, always in Peace. He was ſuc-
ceeded by Eugene VHII. the Son of King Mordac, who, during the
three Years of his Adminiſtration, did but one gcod Action, that
a vicious is, he ſuppreſs’d the Commotions rais'd in the end of the former
Reign, but then freed, as he thought, from Oppolition, he indulg’d
himſelf in all the Exceſſes of Avarice and Luit, inſomuch that a
Faction of his Nobles, animated by their own Reſentment (and pro-
bably by the forward Ambition of the next Succeſſor, confequently
Murther’a by the aflur'd Hopes, if not of Reward, at leaſt of Impunity) enter'd
by his Sub- into a Conſpiracy, and us’d him, as the Roman Senators did Julius
Cæfar, that is, they attack'd and murther’d him, while with them-
ſelves he ſat in Council. His Flatterers and Parafites they alſo
put
to Death: But to perſwade the People, that the Violence offer'd to
the King was neceſſary, by way of Jultice : Nay, had not Loyal
Men, 'out of Reſpect to the Blood Royal, interpos’d, they had left
his Corps,or expos’d to the common Air, or iinmers'd in Ordure.
But notwith tanding the prevalency of the Faction, and no doubt
Afſent of the next, tho legal, Succeffor Fergus III. their Fury was
reſtrain’d, and the Tyrant, becauſe at the ſame time a King, was
royally Interrd.
This Fergus III. a Prince in all Senſes unlike to the firſt and ſe-
cond of that memorable Name, was the eldeſt Son of King Erfin,
and Brother of King Achaius : He Reign'd, as his immediate Prede-
ceſſor Eugene, three Years. And as he had Vices that provd e-
qually fatal to his Perſon and Wife, his Incontinency was the great-
eft: Which tho his Subjects would not, or durft not openly quar-
rel, his injur'd and jealous Wife could by no means endure. She
did all in her Power to Reclaim himn: But, as is ordinary in the like
Caſes, had no Charms about her, his vagrant Luft could perceive.
All Women were lovely in his Eyes, but ſhe alone that had Right
to his Bed, but from thence was extruded, nay compeld to ſervile
Offices, while ſhe had the cutting Mortification to ſee always ſome
one or other of her inſulting Rivals.ſet up in her own Room, carefs’d
as a Miſtreſs, and ſerv'd as a Wife. Womens Paſſions run ever u-
pon Extreams; when good, they're very much ſo; when ill, nothing
can be worſe: But Love loſt upon faithleſs Husbands, is an Outrage
the very beſt of the fair Sex can ſcarcely put up. This Queen
was thought no ill Woman, yet overcome with Jealouſie, Reſent-
ment and Indignation, fhe laid violent Hands upon her Husband,
a vicious and, while alleep,ſtrangld him to Death. The Crime was inſtantly
Phence mur- divulg’d, yet ( 10 well was the Queen's Reputation eſtabliſh'd in the
World) no Body ſuſpected the Criminal. Others were: And of theſe
a great many being apprehended, their Innocence was like to prove
but
1
Fergus III.
his own
Wife.
(a) Boeth. Buchan, în vit. Etfa. Eugen. VIII. Ferguf. III. Solvar. 8 Achaii.
1
Chap 1l. The Fortieth King of Scotland. 109
aius
A. D. 787
but a ſlender Defence againſt the Zeal of a Loyal People, who, tho
they wilh'd the King's Death,yet would needs have Juſtice done u-
pon the Authors of it. In this the Behaviour of the Nation was
different from what it had been but three Years before upon the Mur-
ther of Eugene. Whether they repented of that formerCrime, or that
Eugene being but a Guardian King,they thought him liable to Puniſh-
ment, I know not. However,as Fergus was undoubtedly their lawful So-
vereign, tho a very one, ſo they reſolv'd to revenge the Parricide
com nitted upon his Perfon.This the Queen his Wife perceiv’d, and Who alſó
being ſtruck with an erroneous fort of Remorſe, and unwilling that felf.
the Innocent ſhould ſuffer the Death ſhe deſerv’d, ſhe appear'd in
Publick, own’d the Fact, and more like a Roman. Lucretia, than a
Penitent Magdalen, Stab’d her ſelf upon the Spot.
The next Succeſſor was Solvathius the Son of Eugene VIII. a good;
but gouty and valetudinary Prince. The Infirmities of his Body, Solvathius
a goodKing.
and Mile-adminiſtration of his lateſt Predeceffors, occaſion d ſeveral
Rebellions : But his Mind was vigorous, and he was well ſerv'd by
his two Lieutenants,Culan of Arg yie, and Douchal of Aihole. By their
good Conduct and Activity, both Donald Bane, who had revolted
and aflumd to himſelf the Title of King of the Illes, and Gilcolumb, King Acha
à noted Oppreſſor of the People in Galloway, were vanquiſh'd and
deſervedly cut off. Yet their Friends and Abettors ſtill liv'd; and the
Nobility was miferably divided and ſplit in Parties and factions.
When Aihaius came to aſcend the Throne, he had been a nice Ob-
ſerver both of the ſecret Springs, and obvious Cauſes of all thoſe E.
vents that fell out, ſince the Death of King Etfin his Father: And it
may be ſaid of him, that his great Wiſdom was not the tardive
Product of numerous Years. He got Experience in his very Youth.
Nor did he buy it, as is ordinary, at his own Coſt or Charges, but
found it in the Miſmanagement of his Brøther. Fergus III
. and
Eugene VIII. who Govern'd during his Minority. And being
then,and afterwards in the Reign of Solvithius, but in a private Sta-
tion, he was let into all the Intrigues, Deſigns, and Quarrels of the
jarring Factions. He knew what each of the Leading
Men proposed
to himſelf, and what in Reaſon each could pretend to. He there-
fore iinmediately upon his Acceſſion to the Crown, callid an Af- Sertles
ſembly of the Nobles to attend him: And after exhorting them to
Concord and Amity, and diſcuſſing their various Intereſts, he at Subjects.
once reaſon'd, brib’d, and commanded them into an Oblivion of all
Injuries bypaſt, and a laſting Reconciliation for the future.
His nextCare was to diſlipate a Storm that was likely to come
from another Illand. Some Iriſh Pirates, encouragʻd by the dif- threatn’d
orderly State of Affairs during the laſt three tumultuous Reigns, had
niore than once preſum'd to make Deſcents upon the Coafts of
Scotland, where they Robb’d and Plunder'd at pleaſure. The Scots
Iſlanders did the like : And þoth meeting with Booty and Impuni-
tý, chanc'd at the ſame time to Land in the Peninſula of Kintyre a-
bout the End of the laſt, or Beginning of this King's Reign. Their
Еe
num-
Peace a.
mong his
He is
with a War
from Ireland,
ILO The Life of Achaius Book I
ſo many Robbers.
ܪ
.
numbers were conſiderable ( Buchanan ſays, that they had great
Armies,) and the Spoils of that Country,none of the beſt cultivated,
could not ſuffice to the Subſiſtence, much leſs to the Covetouſneſs of
Robbers. They met, whether by Chance or Deſign I
know not, quarreld about the Plunder, came to Blows, and fought
fo deſperately, that all the Iriſh, and moſt of the Scots Iſlanders
were cut off. The Iriſh Nation ( they had no King, or he was a
Minor at the time,) reſented this, and threatn’d an Invaſion upon
the Illands call'd Æbude. Achaius had another Senſe of the Thing:
He caus’d tell them, that there was no Provocation given by either
Nation to the other, nor was it to be grudg’d that Pirates and Rob-
bers had fallen by the Ears together ; but rather to be regrated that
any one ſhould have eſcap'd that Death they all deſerv’d, and that
for his Part, he was willing, and would for his own Sake and the Se-
curity of his Subjects, as well as to gratify the Reſentment of the
Iriſh, cauſe the ſurviving Robbers to be apprehended and executed.
This was done accordingly : Nevertheleſs the Iriſh, who, it ſeems,
wanted but a Pretence for War, would not be ſatisfied with this
Act of Juſtice. They requir'd Reparation, for I know not what
Dammages, and rigg’d out a Fleet to make good their Demands.
But this Fleet was providentially diſpers’d, and moſt of the Men
and Ships caſt away, by aStorm at Sea;providentially,l fay for the Iriſh
reckon'd it fo,and becoming Religious, as is ordinary in Adverſity,
Peacemoshe they beg’d with Humility, what they had but lately rejected with
Scorn: Yet obtain’d their Requeſt,which was, That all Injuries ſhould
be forgotten, and a laſting Peace continu'd between both Nations.
King Achaius had another War with the Saxons, which as it was
carried on with more Vigour, ſo it produc'd more conſiderable
Effects: But becauſe his Ally, Hungus the King of the Piets, was the
Perſon chiefly concern’d in it, I have thought fit to give an Ac-
count of the remarkable Circumſtances that attended it elſewhere.
'Tis true, that ſome write, (a) that the Succeſs of that deciſiveBattle
fought at Arleſtaneford, was principally owing to the Courage of
Aihaius : But this I find not ſufficiently Documented, and air not
willing to rob the brave Hungus of the Glories he ſo deſerv’dly ac-
quir'd.
Achaius had Merit enough of his own, and to celebrate
him, we need not detract from others. What contributed
chiefly to eternize his Memory, was the League he made with
into a peras Charlemaign. The occaſion of that fo famous Tranſaction, I have
already related : Nay, I have from foreign Authors prov'd, ſo far as
with France, the Nature and Stile of a Narration would allow, that it is not Sup-
pofititious. Nevertheleſs, becauſe the Envy, to ſay no worſe of
our Neighbours, has of late call'd it in Queſtion, l'fhall once for
all, and I think this is the proper Place, demonſtrate the Truth of
this Matter of fact, and at the ſame time account for its Nature and
Conſequences. The moſt Learn’d and Indefatigable Sir Robert Sib-
bald M. D. has in one of his Letters printed at Edinburgh 1704, to
the
Iriſa.
He enters
perual
League
a) Hiliory of the Picts. print, Edin. 1706. p. 48.
Chap. II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 111
the right Reverend the Lord Biſhop of Carlile, put the Queition out
of doubt; and I ſhall need but to hint at a few of his many, and
thoſe moſt convincing Arguments.
That Leagues were before and at that Time uſual, is plain from
all Hiſtories facred and prophane, as well as from the Nature of
the Thing it felf. As Ambition and Covetouſneſs, did ſince the
very firſt Being of that corrupted and intereſted Creature; Manz
prompt the Powerful and Strong, to encroach upon the weaker Fa-
milies or States ; fo Reaſon and Self-preſervation always inclin'd
theſe laft to Affociate together, and enter into Confederacies for
mutual Defence and Support
. Hence 'tis that Cities and States
came at firſt to be ſuch, by Means of Confederacies and Leagues.
Abraham and Lot enter'd into a League to prevent Quarrels airiong
their Herd-men. The independing and often jarring Repu-
blicks and Kingdoms of Greece united always in Oppolition to the
Kings of Perſia. The Romans, in the very Infancy of their Govern-
ment, found it neceſſary to a make a League with the Sabines and
others; and afterwards by the Help of Leagues, as much as by the
Force of Arms, they Conquer'd the known World. The Karba-
rians were not at all Times wanting to themſelves in this point nei-
ther: Did not the otherwiſe divided Britains in Cafar’s time, with
common Conſent unite, and commit the ſupreain Command of
their joint Forces to Caffivellaunus? (a) Did not our Anceſtors the
Caledonians the ſame thing, when attack'd by Julius Agricola ? (6)
Were not the Scots and Picts united by Means of a League, when at
different times they invaded, over-ran, and at laſt ſubjected South
Britain? (c) And when the more numerous Saxons had difpofleſs'd
them of their Conqueſt, and by reiterated Attempts endeavour'd
their Deſtruction, as they had effected that of their Land-lords and
Pay-Maſters the Britains, had not the ſame Scots very good Rea-
ſon to dread, and guard themſelves againſt the growing Power of ſo
dangerous Neighbours? And by what more plain and obvious Means
ſhould they do this, thani by entering into a League with the then
French, who were actually engagʻd in a War with theſe Neigh-
bours? If the Scots had Wit enough (and who will doubt it ?) to
deſire the Thing, 'tis certain the French could not be ſo mad as to
decline their Suit
. Charlemaign knew the Intereſt of his Crown,
perhaps as well as any of his Predeceffors or Succeffors : And 'tis
probable he underſtood the Art of making Leagues; no worſe than
King Edward I. of England, as much as this laſt is celebrated
upon this Score ; at leaſt Eginardus, Charlemaigns Chancellor and League be-
Son-in-Law; if we may credit Voffius; (d) tells us fo. (c) He enter'd (ween Scut-
into Leagues with Aldefonſus King of Caſtile, with Airn King of Perſia, France
with the Emperors of the Eaſt, Nicephorus, Michael and L:0; and prord to
laſtly with the Scots, whoſe Kings, fays Eginardus, devoted themſelves made by A-
entirely to his Intereſt, calld bim Lord in the Letters they wrote to him,
i Charlem aign.
and
chaius and
Ee. 2
(a) Cæfar. Comment.l. 5. (6) Tacit in vita Agricol. (c) Hiſtor. Gild. (d) Voflius de Hilt. Latin. p. 301. (e)
Vita Carol. Mag. per Eginard. p. 329. edit. Colon. A. 1561.
Í I 2
The Life of Achaius Book I.
and ſubcrib'd themſeives, his moſt humble Servants. But ſays Dr. Kenne-
dy, (a) This was but an Alliance of Friendſhip, or rather a friendly Corre-
ſpondence ſettl'd between him and the King of the Iriſh, in thoſe Days
call'd Scots
. A ridiculous Affertion, and fit to be adduc'd only by
this Author, who, one would think, has put Pen to Paper, with
a ſettl:d Deſign to traduce that Country, and to derogate from the
Glories of that Family he pretends to extoll.
That the Iriſh were call’d Scots in thoſe Days, I mean about the
Year 800, is, I believe, more than he can by any Author then living
evince. Ifidorus Hiſpalenſis, who liv’d very nigh 200 Years before,
viz. in the ſeventh Century, about the Year 620, is, for ought í
know, the lateſt of thoſe Authors that give Ireland the Name of Scot-
land; as Orohus, who wrote in the Year 417, is among the firſt.
The reaſon why in this Interval of Time, the Iriſh were by ſome
calld Scoti, and the Scots Hiberni, is plainly this
. The Scots, ſo
call'd by ſome Roman Authors and Foreigners (for they did not De-
ſign themſelves by that Appellation) were expeld the Illand of Bri-
tain, about the Year 359, or, as others fay, 379: But returning af-
terwards from Ireland, whither moſt of them had withdrawn, and
making frequent Incurſions, in Conjunction with ſome Iriſh Auxili-
aries, upon the Roman Province, and both ſpeaking the fame Lan-
guage, wearing the ſame Faſhion of Cloaths, fighting with the ſame
Weapons, and their Cuſtoms and Manners not much differing; Fo.
reigners for theſe Reaſons confider'd them, as much the ſame Peo-
ple, and therefore call’d them both indifferently Soti and Hiberni.
But the Britiſh or Albin Scuts, had been by Seneca, Hegefippus, Por-
phyry, &c. fo ca!led, long before this Time. For I have elſewhere
Thewn, that what theſe Authors fay of the then Scots, is only appli-
cable to the Britiſh. So that theſe muſt needs have communicated
the Name of Scoti, to the inhabitants of Ireland, to whoſe Country
they retir’d, and receiv'd that of Hiberni from them; becauſe of
their retiring from thence, and of their frequent Intercourſe, and
ſettld Correſpondence together. I have allo evinc'd, that what
is farther ſaid by after-Authors, viz. Ammianus, Claudian, Pacatius,
Gildas, Beda, &c. concerning the Scoti and Hiberni their 'Reſettle
ment in A bion, their Struggle with the declining Romans, and Vi-
etories over the South-Britains, muſt needs be likewiſe underſtood of
the Albin Scots. And 'tis no matter whether Ireland was by fome call’d
Scotland in thoſe latter Days, I mean during the Reign of King Achaius,
or no. I make good my Deſign, if I prove in the next place, that
the friendly Correſpondence ſettld between the French and Scots at that
Time, was really a League ; and that this League was enter'd into
by the Scuts in Britain : That therefore Mr. Kennedy's Affertion, is
built, like the reſt of his Allegiances, upon Chimeras and Non-enti-
ties; and conſequently, that the Character given, I think unjuſtly,
of his Nation, holds very true, if apply'd to himſelf: 'Tis compre-
hended in the following Verſe.
Gens
(a) Diſſertation of the Stewarts, print, Paris 1705. p. 181. (b) Fordon. Buchan. &c. in vita Achaii,
.
Chap. II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 113
Gens ratione furens, & mentem påfta Chimeris.
Charlemaign had not only a long and moſt bloody War with the
Şaxons in Germany, but alſo with theſe in Britain ; who by their
continual Piracies inſulted the French Coafts and German Seas: (a)
Nay, he is ſaid by Conradus Urſpergenfis a foreign Author, to have
fent
' an Army into Britain againſt the Engliſh and Saxons, and to have
given a Check to the infolencies of that perfidious Nation. Beſides, the
famous Hiftorian Mezeray (b), afferts politively; Thit be ſent four
thouſand Men to the Aſſiſtance of King Achaius. Had not this laſt
Author been ſo poſitive as he is
, nevertheleſs froin Charlemaign his
Concern; and Quarrels with the Engliſh Saxons, every unbyaſs’d
Reader muſt needs conclude, that ſince he made a League with the
Scots, he muſt have made it with thoſe in Britain; by reaſon that
they had the like Quarrels, and were by their Intereſt and Situation
in a Condition to be uieful to him. For this Reaſon it is, that he
courted them by Preſents and Compliments : And bis Magnificence
(0) and the liberal Preferments and Honours he beftowed on the Learnd,
as well as Souldiers of that Nation, fo endear’d him to their Kings, that they
devoted themſelves to his Intereſt or Pleaſure. Now, that this was a
League, is evident: For Mezeray calls it L'Alliance indiſſoluble, and
ſays that it commenc'd in anno 790. And Dupleix (d) another emi-
nent Author, calls it Notable Alliancé entretenue de ſe long tems entre la
France & l' Eſcoffe:
The French then underſtood this to have been ſomething more
than a friendly Correſpondence ; and they never dream'd, that ſuch å
friendly Correſpondence was ſettl'd between Charleinaign and the King of
the Irish. The ſame Truth is made out by Bonaventure Strachan in his
MS. entituld Germania Chriſtiana, which is to be ſeen in the Advo-
cates Library, Edinburgh. He cites for his Vouchers, Anonymus Ara
nulpho Ian:peratori æqualis, Conradus Trſpergenſis, Paulus Æmilius, Polydo
ru Vergilius, Paulus Jovius, Poilippus Belleforeſtius, Demochares, Rena-
tus Chopinus, Zangovinus, Raimundusz Marlianus, Joannes Carion, &c.
And my Lord Ormond, in his Hiſtoire abrege de tous les Roys de
France, Angleterre & Efcoffe, has a ſhort Diſcourſe to the ſame
Purpoſé, extracted not only from Verimund, Campbel, Turgot, Winton,
and all ancient Scots Hiſtorians; but alſo from Paulus Æmilius, Gagu-
inus, Arnoldus Ferronius, Guielmus Paradin, Guichardin, and Paulus
Jovius. So that to contradict the Authority of ſo many and ſuch
Men, and that in a Matter of fact, which can only be prov'd by
Authority, to me ſeems more the Effect of Folly, than of Prejudice or
Envy: For at this rate, what is it, but may be doubted of? I'm
ſure we have no more credible Vouchers for the Being of a Macedo-
nian Alexander, or a Roman Cæfar: And yet if any one would ſeri-
ouſly go about to invalidate the Authority of ſuch Authors, as write
Ff
of
(a; Chronic. p. 174. (6) Abrege Chronologique de l'Hiſtoire de France ad An. 790. (c) Eginard loc. cita
& Paul. Æmil. p. 42. Gaguini Annal. Franc. rer. geſt. lib.:3:8:54. (d) in the Life of Charlemaign,
114 The Life of Achaius Book I:
of them, he ſhould be thought to ſtand in need of ſome Doſes of
Helleboré.
Well, but (a) there's a very ancient Piece of Tapeſtry, in the Inner
Hall of Audience in Monſieur de Chamillard's Apartments at Verſailles,
where the King of Ireland is ſtanding in the Row of the Princes, in Amitý
with. Charlemaign, and drawn with the Iriſh Harp by his right Side, as
a Mark of Diſtin&tion. A concluſive Argument no doubt, and who
can reſiſt the Authority of ſuch an authentick Piece of Tapeſtry:
Had the Iriſh been fam'd for Manufactories of this kind, one would
have been almoſt tempted to think, that it had been made by ſome
Artiſt of that Country : But be this as it will,
Pi&toribus, atque Poetis
Quidlibet audendi, femper fuit æqua poteftas:
Mr. Atwood argues a little, and to tell the truth, but very little beta
ter: When he; in Oppofition to the beſt, even of English Hiſtorians;
particularly of Polydore Vergil, and the Earl of Westmorland, cited at
length by Sir Robert Sibbald in his Letter abovemention’d; ſeems
to own, that there was ſomething like a League between France and
Scotland, as old as Alexander II
. and John BaliolKings of Scotland;
but from thence infers, that that of Charlemaign and Achaius muſt
needs be Chimerical; ſince in the ſpace of 400 Years, no Opporo
tunity was found of renewing it, till this very Nick of Time. Who
tells him that no Opportunity was found ? Ancient Charters are fi-
lent as to this point. But ancient Charters may by length of
Time be loſt. But we have fufficient Documents beſides; I mean;
the concurring Teſtimonies of ſo many Vouchers as I have mentio-
ned. I may add, that 'tis a miſtake, that, during that Space of
Time, the League was not as good as renew'd : For (b) Lewis the
Son of Charlemaign, as well as Charles the Groſs, Kings of France,
ownd their Alliance with Scotland, in a very ſolemn Manner, and
on moſt urgent
urgent Occaſions. Malcolm Canmore aſſiſted the French with
Men, as did afterward his two Sons Malcolm the Maiden, and Wili.
am, by the Diverſions they made at the Defire, and in Favour of
France. The French alſo fent Auxiliaries to theſe Kings, and to
King David: And that we do not read of more reciprocal Aſiſtances,
during the Period of Time condeſcended on; is no Matter of Won-
der: The French had all this while few or no Quarrels with Eng-
land, nor indeed with any other State whatever: Their Monarchy
was diſmember'd, and their beſt Provinces, as Normandy, Burgundy,
Dauphiny, Provence, Aquitaine, Angiers, Britany, oc, had been torn
from the Statė : So that they needed not ſeek, nor could they give
Supplies to their Scots Confederates; notwithſtanding theſe laſt were
embaraſs’d, firſt with the Pictiſh, and afterwards with the Daniſh
Wars:
But
(a) Kennedy's Hilt, of the Stewarts, p. 181.(b) My Lord Ormond fur la fin de fon Hiſtoire Abregee. p. 230,
Chap II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 115
may be
But, continues Mr. Atwood, there was a League betwixt Alexan-
der II. of Scotland and Henry III. of England, by virtue of which, the
Kings of Scotland are bound to enter into no Alliance with the Ene-
mies of the Kings of England: . A plain Proof, that in thoſe
Days; they knew nothing of any ſuch League with France, as is pre-
tended. The Anſwer is as plain. For, in the firſt place, it
deny’d; that King Alexander made ſuch a League with King Henry.
Scots Hiſtorians tell us nothing about it ; the Engliſh do. But Sir
Robert Sibbald, Sir James Dalrymple, Mr. Anderſon and others, have
demonſtrated, that ſome Engliſh have, to ſerve a Turn, more than
once forg’d Papers, or added fictitious Clauſes to real ones. Never-
theleſs, we need not in this Cale have Recourſe to that Defence;
tho we might with a great deal of Probability. Alexander made a
League with Henry. Why not? But this League was inconfiftent
with the French League. By no means : For France and England
had noWar nor Enmity at that Time; and the Condition expreſs’d
in the League with England, Niſi nos injufte gravent, did ſufficient
ly provide againſt the Violation of that other with Francé. To In-
jure France, as Matters then ſtood; was to injure Scotland; which if
the Englif had attempted to do, the League with them diſſolv'd of
Courie; and this they ever found to be true in Fact:
As for the Objection made againſt that League, which, all Scots
Hiſtorians tell us, was renew'd betwixt the Tame King Alexander
and Philip King of France, at Bologne ; 'Tis ſuch, as ſcarcely deſerves
a Reply. Lewis the Son of King Philip, was call'd over, declar'd,
and at London Crown'd King of England by the Barons of that King-
dom, who at the Time were in Arms againſt their then acknow-
ledg’d. Sovereign King John. They ask'd and obtain’d Afliſtance
from King Alexander : And in Conſideration of this, made over to
him the Counties of Northumberland, Weſtmorland and Cumberland,
formerly poſſeſs?d and holden of the Crown of England; by his Pre-
deceſſors Kings of Scotland. Lewis, when on the Engliſh Throne,
ratified this Agreement and Aſſignment of the Barons, and in Com-
pany with King Alexander;return’d to France, and witneſs’d the re-
newing of the Scots, and French League : Which, ſays Mr. Atwood, is
ridiculous, ſince this was to declare that the French and Scots would
remain perpetual and ſworn Enemies to Lewis, and his Subjects
of Eng and. An egregious Miſtake : For in this Cafe, 'twas the
Intereſt of the Engliſh, at leaſt of ſuch as own'd Lewis's Title to
their Crown, that the French and Scots ſhould be united, fince
both were by this and other Treaties oblig’d to ſupport that Intereſt
and Cauſe the Barons fought for.
I have heard of no more Objections of any force farted againſt
the Antiquity of the League in queſtion, ſave that After-Treatie
and Agreements do not retroſpect to the Carlovegian; . This again
is a wilful Miſtake, and Sir Roberto Sibbald has evinc'd it to be ſuch; }
beyond all poffibility of a Reply. He has been at the pains, to
tranſcribe the very Words of After-Treaties; as that beween John
Ff2
Baliol
1
**
i
116. The Life of Achaius Book I.
Baliol, Robert Bruice, David Bruce, Robert II. Robert III. ſeverals of the
James's Kings of Scotland, &c. and the Kings of France, their re-
ſpective Cotemporaries : All which do plainly retroſpect to more
ancient ones of the fame Kind, as whoever pleaſes to caſt an Eye
upon the Letter I have mention’d, muſt preſently acknow-
ledge
Theſe Treaties and Confirmations of Leagues and mutual Privi-
leges, now are in the Hands of every Body : The French have made
them Publick by Printing them, together with ſuch other Treaties
às that Nation has made from Time to Time with Foreigners.
And I ſhould but loſe Time, waſte Paper, and tyre the Pa-
tience of my Reader, Thould I enlarge further on a Subject, that's ſo
univerſally known, and ſo thoroughly underſtood. 'Í'is true then,
that there was a League cöncluded between Charlemaign and King
Achaius. The Articles were theſe. (a)
I. That there fhall be an inviolable Friendſhip and Confederacy
between Frane and Scotland for ever.
11. That the Injury offer’d by the Engliſh to either of the Kings
or Nations, ſhall be repuls'd by the united Forces of both.
II. That the Auxiliaries ſent by the King of Scots to France ſhall
be entertain'd at the Charges of the King of France.
IV. That Scotland, if attack'd by England, ſhall be Succour’d, not
only with an Army from France, but alſo with Money ſufficient to
keep them in Pay.
V. That if any of the Subjects of either Kingdom ſhall preſume
to Affiſt or ſupport the Engliſh in Enmity with t'other, by giving
Arms, Counſel, or Victuals; the Delinquent ſhall be judg'd guilty
of High Treaſon againſt his own Sovereign, and if apprehended
in either Kingdom, ſhall be puniſh'd accordingly.
Theſe Articles were often ratified, and ſometimes amplify'd by
ſucceeding Monarchs, particularly by Lewis VIII. of France, and
Alexander II. of Scotland, who agreed. (6)
VI. That neither of the two ſhall admit within his Dominions,
either the foreign Enemy, or rebellious Subject of one another.
King Robert II. and Charles V. of France, added theſe remark-
able Clauſes to the ancient League. (c)
VII. That, neither of the Kings ſhall enter into any Truce, nor
conclude a Peace with the King of England, without the expreſs Con-
ſent of both.
VIII. 'That if for want of Iflue of the King of Scotland's Body,
the Right of Succeſſion ſhould come to be conteſted, in this Cafe,
the King of France ſhall leave the Deciſion to be made by the Pre-
lates and the other Grandees of the Kingdom of Scotland, according
to the Laws, Rights and Statutes of the ſame, and whoever the
greateſt and beſt Part do approve of for King, the ſaid King of
France
1
aj My Lord Ormond. Hiſtoire Abrege ad An. 789. p. 96 The Earl of Weſtmorland MS, in French, cit-
ed by Sir Robert Sibbald. (6) Mr. Houſton his Étcoffe francoiſe towards the Beginning. ) Sir Robert
Sibbald, his Letter to the Biſh, of Carlile. print. Edin. 1704. p. 45.
1
1
Chap. II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 117
-
France, his Heirs and Succeſſors ſhall own, and with all his Might
ſupport and maintain, againſt the King of England, or any Adver-
ſary whatever.
ÎX. That if the Pope, of his own free Will and proper Motion, or
at the Inſtances and Defire of any other Perſon or Perions ſhould ab-
folve the King of France, or the King of Scotland, their Heirs and
Succeffors from the Obligation of the Oath already taken, or to be
taken, for the due and faithful Obligation of the faid Alliance; or
the foreſaid Oath annull: In this Caſe, neither of the Kings fore-
ſaid, their Heirs and Succeffors, ſhall ſeek or take any Advantage
or Benefit, from ſuch Abfolution, but will fdithfully and abſolutely
keep and obſerve this Alliance in every Point thereof; without
Fraud or Trick ; and will no more either Act or Say any thing to
the contrary, than if there had never been any ſuchº Abſolution or
Annulinent
This is the Subſtance of that ſo famous League, which reckoning
from the Reign of Achaius, to the firſt Declaration of War between
Scotland and France, continu'd unviolated during the ſpace of very
nigh nine hundred Years : A prodigious Length of Time, and the
more remarkable, that there's nothing like this to be met with in
Hiſtory or Romance. The Reaſons are nevertheleſs obvious : Scot-
land had leen Conquer'd again and again by the united Power of
England, Ireland, and ſeveral Frenih Provinces, had not this League
aſcertain’d its Independency: And France had probably never wreſt-
ed ſo many of its fertile Provinces from the Hands of the fame En-
gliſh, had not the Lyon Rampant been aſſiſting to the Flour-de-Luce.
This is own’d by Mr. Atwood, who tells us, that,
But for the Scot, to name no higher Powers,
Still Gaſcoign Wine, and Bourdeaux had been ours.
The three Nations had been ſo well ſatisfied with this undoubted
Truth, that, as the Engliſh,in all Ages convincd, that,
He that would France win,
Muft at Scotland firſt begin,
bent the whole Strength of their Arms and Politicks to break the
League; fo the French and Scots took Care to renew it from time
to time, and by innumerable good Offices done to one another, to
fix it againſt all Temptations, but that which at length prevail’d,
the Acceſſion of a Scots King to the Engliſh Throne. This, and
only this, could unty the Guardion Knot ; and After-ages can on-
ly judge who ſhall ſuitain the Lofs, or reap the Advantage of its
Diffolution. Perhaps the Scots had better been united with England
fome hundred Years bypaſt : But then they muſt have been united
by Conqueft; whereas the French League, by preſerving them in a
State of Independeney, enabld them to ſtand their Ground, and
G
g
to
:
118
The Life of Achaius Book I.
to treat upon Terms. And in this Senſe they owe even their late
Union with England, to their old Alliance with France. So muchi
I thought my ſelf oblig'd to ſay in this place, to the Honour of the
firſt Authør of it, King Achaius, whoſe Life I write. Whoever de-
fires to be further inform’d of the Privileges, Honours, Poſſeſſions,
Preferments, Commerce, Riches, Qc. that Scotland and Scots-men
attain’d to, by means of the League, he needs but to peruſe the
Preface to Mr. Beauge's Hiſtory of the Campaigns, 1 548,and 1549,
Engliſh'd in the Year 1707; I return to the more immediate Ef-
feets, which enſu'd upon its being at firft concluded.
To render it, or at leaſt its Memory, perpetual, King Achaius is
faid to have added the Double Treſſure to the ancient Arms of his
Anceſtors Kings of Scotland. 'Tis true, ſome Foreigners have con-
tended, that this was not done till that period of Time froin.whence
they would fain have the League to take its Date, viz. about the
Reign of the Baliol or Bruce, a moſt groundleſs, and therefore in-
jurious Conjecture. Many Records are yet extant, both in Erig-
land and Scotland (the Earl of Winton's Charter-Cheſt contains
one of them, and that of Sir Thomas Kirkpatrick of Closburn another)
which tho granted long before this time, have Seals appended tó
them: And thoſe Seals, like the more modern, have the Double
Treſſure ſurrounding the Lyon Witneſs Sir Robert Sibbald, Mr. An-
derſon, and Mr. Nisbet : And this I take it, is no ſmall Proof of
theCarlovegian League ; at leaſt, I hope, it will Counter-ballance the
boaſted of Tapeſtry at Verſailes.
Henceforth an interrupted Correſpondence commenc'd between
both Nations: And this Correſpondence occaſion'd the Return of Leta
ters and Knowledge to France. For, as Bu.hanan has it,
Scotia, cum Latium quateret Mars barbarus orbem,
Sola prope expulfis fuit hoſpita terra Camænis :
D
Hinć Sophiæ Graia Sophia decreta Latina,
Doctoreſque rudis formatoreſ que juventa
Carolus ad Celtas traduxit
.
2
When barb'rous Foes the Roman World o’rſpread,
The gentle Muſes all to Scotland fled :
Hence Greek and Roman Learning in full Store
By Charlemaign to France was wafted o're
And planted throve, as on their native Shoar.
The moſt fam'd of thoſe that went over in Obedience to Achaius's
Commands, and Charlemaign's Intreaty, (a) are, Joannes Scotus,
Claulius Clemens, Rabanus Maurus, and Flaccus Albinus : Albin, fo
call’d from his being born in Albion,as Dr. Mackenzie and Fordon have
evinc'd from Notkerus Balbus, and diſtinguiſh'd from the Engliſhman
Alcuin, has the double Honour of being thought the Author of the
Books
1
(a) Spotilyood. lib. 1. p. 22.
Chap II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 119
Books call’d Caroline, and the Founder of the Univerſity of Pavia; as
Clement is likewiſe ſaid to have founded that of Paris. Tis certain,
that he firſt taught publickly, in that City: And to theſe Beginnings
the Univerſity is, and will be ever obligd for thoſe Streams of
Knowledge, that ſtill continue to flow from thence. Of Rabånus
Maurus, who, for the Eminency of his Learning and Piety; was
prefer'd to the Archbiſhoprick of Mentz, it was ſaid, Quod nec Ita-
lia fimilem, nec Germania æqualem peperit : Nor Italy nor Germany did
ever produce his Equal
. Scotus was inferior, perhaps, to none of
the three : Some Authors have conſider’d hiin as a Prodigy,and be-
liev'd that he could not have been ſo great a Maſter, eſpecially of
Languages, but by Inſpiration. Now that theſe were all Scots-men,
Dr. Mackenzie (a) has prov’d to a Demonſtration, in their reſpective
Lives.
King Achaius did more in Favour of his Ally Charlemaign : (6) He
fent over his Brother William or Guiellerm (the Fren.b Annals call
him i Eſcot) upon the Head of four thouſand Men, and theſe had
the indelible Honour, to ſhare in all the tranſcending Glories of the
French in thoſe Days. The Saracens were routed in Spain, and the
Lombards in Italy, and the Saxons in Germany were not only Routed
but Conquer'd. It ſeems the Scots ſignaliz’d themſelves chiefly in
thoſe Countries I mention'd laſt. In Italy Prince William is ſaid to
have Commanded the French Army in Chief, and in this Quality to
have reſtor’d the noble City of Florence to its Liberties and Splen-
dour. Whence ʼtis, that by a Law enacted in Memory of the good
Office done them, real Lyons, becauſe repreſented in the Scots
Arms, were ever afterwards to be entertain’d in and at the publick
Charge of that City.
The Scots did no worſe Service in Germany, and were repayd as
their Merit deſervd: Their Valour and Fidelity (c) bat eminently con-
tributed towards the Reduction of the Saxons, and th.refore Charle-
maign beſtow'd the chief Magiſtracies and Government of that Nation on
them. Prince William was a principal Favourite of the Emperor,
we may be ſure, fince he was poſſeſs’d of ſo much Treaſure, as en-
abl-d him to Found no leſs than fifteen Abbeys and Hoſpitals, (d) all
which he endow'd with a reaſonable Proportion of Revenues and
Lands : A flagrant proof that Piety and Bravery are not incompa-
tible. The Iriſh have challeng’d ſome Title to theſe Monaſteries: For
no other Reaſon, for ought I know, but becauſe there was a Tiine
when ſome Writers called them Scoti; and perhaps becauſe (contrary
to an expreſs Próviſo made by the Founder, That none ſhould be ad-
mitted into theſe religious Houſes, but Seots-men born) ſomie Iriſh have
nevertheleſs found Means to get in. How groundleſs their Plea is,
ſeverals have been at the Pains to inform the World, particularly
Bonaventure Strachan in his MS. entituld Germania Chriſtiana per
Scotos : And that their Reaſons are concluding, is evident from
this,
G g 2
(a) Dr. Mackenzie's Lives, vol. 1. p. 63.-Script. XX. edit. Oxon. p. 653. (b) My Lord Ormond. Leſl.
Boeth. Fordon in vita Achaii. (c) Paul. Æmit. de rebus geſt. Francorum. p. 42. (d) Spotiſwood lib. 1. p.23.
120 The Life of Achaius Book I.
this, that to this Day, notwithſtanding the length of Time, and
frequency of Revolutions, both in Church and State, ſome of theſe
Houſes are, conform to their firſt Inſtitution, poſſeſs'd only by the
Scots : And Du Cange a Foreigner tells us (a) That he is miſtaken, if
either an Engliſh or Iriſh-man can be admitted into thoſe Houſes. And
I beg pardon to ſay, that this Regulation is juſt, with reference to
the li iſh, ſo long as the Humour of encroaching ſhall continue to
prevail over Reaſon and Juſtice. The German Equity had never
Outed them, if their Plea had been tenible : And we very well
know, that had King James VII. (for his Proteſtant Predeceſſors did
not think it worth their while to concern themſelves in that Aqair)
poſſets’d the Britiſh Crown but ſome few Years longer, the Scots, Í
mean the Albin Scots, had been repon’d to the Poſſeſſion of the ſe no-
ble Structures and large Revenues, the Paucity of their Numbers
occaſion'd them to loole. Thoſe they are ſtill Maſters of, may (to
uſe the Expreſſions of Archbiſhop Spotiſwood) decay, yet the Magni-
ficence of that noble Prince William their Founder; ſhall ever be recorded
to his everlaſting Honour.
Thus I have thought fit to give an Account of thoſe remarkable
Tranſactions the Scots were concern'd in, during the Reign of King
Achaius: And the rather, becauſe, if the Scots Valour began to be
ſeen and felt beyond Seas : If Scots Chiftains attain’d to Glory and
Wealth, above what the Bounds of any Iſand coull afford: If Scots
Learning and Piety were diffus'd through the known World : If
Hoſpitals and religious Houſes were founded, even in the midſt of
Paganiſin, by and in favour of Scots Chriſtians : lf Italy to this
Day has ſeveral moſt Illuſtrious Families, that boaſt their Origine
from the then Scots: If Germany acknowledges its being Converted and
Govern’d by Scots Magiſtrates and Prelates: If France has in all after-
Ages confider'd the Scots as Denizons of France: And, in fine, if Scot-
land has been hitherto unconquer'd, and at laſt upon equal Terms
united with England: All theſe Advantages are owing to King Achaius,
as being the firſt Author of the now broken, but never to be forgot-
ten League. 'Tis true, this League was attended, as all Things
on Earth beſides, with its own Inconveniences: For, as 'tis true,
that,
Sine milite Scoto,
Nulla unquam Francis fulfit victoria caſtris.
So it muſt likewiſe be own'd, that
Nulla unquan Hectoridas ſine Scoto ſanguine clades
Se vior opprifit ; tulit hæc com n.uniter omnes
Fortuna gens una vices, Franciſque minantes
S.epe in fe vertit gladios. Scit belliger Anglus,
Scit ferus hoc Batavus, teſtis Phaetonias unda,
Nec femel infauftis repetita Neapolis aimů.
'Tis
(a) Du Cange Glof. med. & inf. lat. vol. 2. p. 778. Germ. edit.
Chap. II. The Sixty Fifth King of Scotland. 12 I
P. Made them as
'Tis evident then, that in the French Quarrel, which the Scots
were bound to conſider as their own, they ſuſtain'd conſiderable
Loſſes, both at home and abroad: Their Country has been over-
run, their Cities burnt, their Lands laid waſte, their Armies routed,
fome of their Kings made Priloners, and others killed : But then,
they retrievd their Loffes, reconquerd their Country, ravagd their
Neighbours
, ſav'd their Allies, gain'd Battles, won Fame, got,
Riches, were preferd to Dignities, the higheſt that Emperors and
Kings can give, and enjoy’d that Trade, which had they improvd;
Powerful as Glorious. Theſe Advantages may be thought to coun-
terballance the Dammages they ſuſtain'd: Which, after all, they
could not ſhun, unleſs they had made an ignoble Surrender of their
Liberties, to their topping Foes; who, by this, and no other Means,
could in thoſe Days become their Friends: And even then they
muſt Fight, and ſometimes be Defeated as before. Wars have ever
bzen; they're neceſſary ſometimes, but always Calamitous to one
or t’other Party. The Scots are by Nature fitted for the noble
Employment ; and, tho they need to Fight no Battles of their
own, yet they'll ever be courted or compeld to ſhare in the Quar-
rels and Dangers of others: Happy, if alſo in the Honour and
Profit.
Beſides, the Glory that returns upon Achaius from this League,
his Reign was alſo memorable by the Succeſs his, and the Pičtiſh
Arms had over the Saxons ; otherwiſe he liv'd in a profound Peace, King Achás
fat on the Throne thirty two Years, and died in the Year of our ius's Death,
Lord 819. Mr. Johnſton praiſes him thus,
Foederis æterni deđeram incunabulá, noſtro
Am fpicio mufas Gallia docta fovet.
Major ego his, propiorque Deo, mihi milität æther,
Éedit & iratus Mars mibi Marte novo.
нь
THE
i
1 22
Book I.
The Life of Kenneth II.
Τ Η Ε
Life of Kenneth II.
Τ Η. Ε .
Sixty Ninth King of Scotland.
I
liis Birthi.
T has been doubted and diſputed, who of the three, I mean
Fergus I. Fergus II. and Kenneth Il. ought to be reckond the
Founder of the Scots Monarchy. Buchanan is of Opinion, that
each of them has merited the glorious Title. · The I. made ſome-
thing out of what was next to nothing at all; that is, he gave Laws
to a Rabble, and in ſome meaſure may be ſaid to have Created a
Kingdom. But this Kingdom was Annihilated (I beg pardon for the
bold Expreſſions) and Fergus II. Spirited it with new Life. Both
had Difficulties, and theſe very great to ſurmount: Yet Circum-
ſtances were favourable; and what theſe were I have ſhewn in their
Kenneth II. reſpective Lives. Kenneth did ſomething more ; he was the lawful
Son and Heir of his Father Alpine, a magnanimous but unfortunate
Prince, who aiming at the Poffeffion of a Kingdom he had Right
to, loſt his Life, and almoſt all that he was poſſeſs’d of. Kenneth
fucceeded: But to what? To a War entaild upon him, and in all
humane Probability upon his Pofterity for ever. He could not
give up his juſt Title to the Pictiſh Throne; and if he had, his
uſurping Rival had never truſted him. Nothing but the Extirpa-
tion, not only of the Perſon, but of the whole Race and neareſt
Couſins of a lawful, and at the ſame time hereditary Sovereign, can
fecure a Government, whatever it be, that ſtands not upon its anci-
ent Foundation. This Drusken the Pictiſh uſurper was ſenſible
of: He therefore took care, not only to unite the Minds and Perſons
of his own divided Subjects by all Means and Arguments, that uſe
to take on the like Occaſions, but alſo to over-aw the diſaffected,
and ſtrengthen the moſt zealous Affertors of his Right, by foreign
Ailiances and Engliſh Auxiliaries. Beſides, his Men were fluhd
with Victory, and emboldn'd by Succeſs: Every one of them confi-
der'd himſelf as a Match for perhaps two or three of the then diſpi-
rited Scots. Theſe laſt (a) had been totally routed near Dundee,
His hard
Circum-
Itances.
14) Swaii, Duchan. Ormond, &c. in vita Alpin.
their
Chap.II. The Sixty Ninth King of Scotland. 123
their Chiftains butcher'd, and their King beheaded. The Remains
of the broken Nation durft not ſo much as look in the face of their
inſulting fuperior Enemies: Nay, their Timidity was ſuch, that
even their Nobles acknowledg’d, (a) That ſhould an Angel be ſent
from Heaven, commanding them to affert their Sovereign's Right, together
with their own Liberties, they could not ſay, that they would have the Coue
rage to obey. This recalls to my Memory a very remarkable Piece
of Conduct, related by Plutarch in the Life of Solon; he tells us,
that
" When the Athenians, ( otherwiſe no daftardly People ) were tyr'd
« with a tedious and difficult War, that they manag'd againſt the
“ Megarenfians; for the Iſland Salamis, they made a Law, That
66 it ſhould be Death for any Man by Writing or Speaking to aſſert,
« that the City ought to attempt its Recovery. Solon, vext at the
“ Diſgrace, and perceiving Thouſands of the Youth wilh for ſome
• Body to begin, but did not dare to ſtir firſt, for fear of the Law:
« Hecounterfeited a Diſtraction,and by his own Family it was ſpread
« abroad the City, that he was Mad. He fecretly compos’d ani
“ Elegy; and getting it by Heart, that it might ſeem ez ten porez
« he ran out into the Mercat-Place with a Cap upon his Head, and,
" the People gathering about him, got up upon the Standing of
" the Cryer, and Sang that Elegy, which begins thus,
From Salamis, that glorious Iſle, I come,
And bring you News, and noble Verſes home.
« Now whilft he Sang, his Friends commended it, and exhorted
" the Citizens to obey bis Directions, infomuch that they recall’d
« the Law, and renew'd the War under Solon's Conduct.
Kenneth acted not the part of a Madman, as Solon, but caus'd a
Servant to Perſonate an Angel from Heaven, and by this ingenious
Stratagem ( which I have already related, ) ſo far prevail'd, that
his Nobles reaſſum'd their Courage in an Inſtant, and unanimouſly His Wif
reſolv'd to proſecute the War. They did it with that Vigour and
Succeſs, that after two great Battles fought in two different Cam-
paigns,ſeveral Fortreſſes and Cities taken, and (if we may credit His Victo:
For In ) after ſeven Victories gain'd in one Day, King Kenneth re-ries & Con-
duc’d, and put a final Period to the Pictiſh Name and Nation, united the Picts.
the two Kingdoms, and made that the Center, which had been the
remoteſt Point of his Territories.
For this Reaſon 'tis that he is accounted the third Founder of
the Scots Monarchy ; nay, and thought preferable to the former
two; in ſo far, that all or moſt concurring Circumſtances favour'd
them, and croſs’d him; eſpecially that of the Reſolution of their
Men, and the Backwardneſs, or rather Pufillanimity of his. For
after all, that a General or Prince back'd with a numerous Army,
and that well paid, and compos’d of veteran Souldiers and choſen
Recruits, ſhould take Towns and gain Battles, is ordinary, bạt
H h 2
that
dom
(«, Fordon in vit. Kenneth,
I 24 The Life of Kenneth II.
Book I.
that a broken Army and a diſcourag'd Nation, ſhould by the Con-
duct or Bravery of one Man, be brought not only to rally, but to
fight and overcome their Conquerors, is certainly wonderful, and
but feldown to be paralleld.
Nevertheleſs, this was not the greateſt of King Kenneth's
Actions. To Conquer in a juft War, is Glorious, but to give Laws
to reſtrain Vice, to ſuppreſs Violence, to eſtabliſh Juſtice, and to
inake even the Conquer'd happy, is much more fo. The Mackal-
pine Laws, ſo calld, becauſe Kenneth the Son of Alpine, either con-
leht Laws.- firm'd or made them, made the Nation to flouriſh during a great
many ſucceeding Generations. 'Tis not my Province to tranfcribe
them: 1 return to the Hiſtory.
Beſides theſe Laws wiſely deſignd for the generalGood of his Sub.
jects, this Politick, as well as Martial Prince, did ſeveral things
HisPolicy. that contributed to ſecure his Conqueſt
. For he not only planted
the Pictiſh Territories with his own Subječts, but alſo gave
new Names to their Provinces and Towns: For Example, the
Country callid Horeſt before, was now nam’d Angus and Merns, from
Æneas and Mernus two Brothers, who were prefer'd to the greateſt
Coinmand in thoſe Parts. The Peninſula of Fyfe,formerly Roſs, had
its Name from Fifus, a brave Officer, whoſe Sirname,they fay, was
Duff: In the fame manner Dumbạr, was ſo call'd from Bar, another
Officer of Reputation. Lothian nevertheleſs retain'd its former
Name, which was an Effect of the Conquerors Naturality and
roſity.
Honour, who, tho he endeavour'd by all means to bury in per-
petual Oblivion, all the Monuments and Remains of that hated
People, yet was willing that the Memory of their excellent King
Lothus, who gave his Name to Lothian, and from whom he him-
felf was lineally deſcended, ſhould never be forgotten.
Some have thought that the whole Nation of the Picts were to-
gether, with their Names, Monuments, and Writings, either extir-
pated by the Sword, or compeld to fly into foreign Countries, par-
ticularly into England, Denmark and Norway : But this is a Miſtake.
Kenneth was not ſo cruelly Politick, but that he ſpar’d, ſays Fordon,
(a)all thoſe that ask'd Peace and laid down their Arms.Nay,ſome are of
Opinion that the Body of the People continu'd of the Pietijh Race, that
moſt of thoſe that at this Day inhabit the lowCountries of Scotland,
are deſcended from that originalStock,and that their Language, which
is conjectur'd to have been the old Saxın, is the ſame we yet ſpeak
and write ; and conſequently that 'tis erroneous to think that the
modern Scots have borrow'd their Language from the Engliſh Saxons.
Be this as it will, it cannot be deny’d, but that there was a ter-
rible Havock irade of the unfortunate Picts : But then they muſt
blame their own Obſtinacy, more than the Inhumanity of the Coun-
fels or Humour of King Kenneth. For a great many of them,
even after they had been tinally routed, and their Country reduc'd
to Obedience, at leaſt in Show, had, notwithſtanding the Confidence
HisGene-
or
(9) Scriptor. XX. edir. Qxon, p. 662,
Chap.Il. The Sixty Ninth King of Scotland. 125
ya
or Courage to ſet up a new Phantom of a King, (Hiſtory does not
condeſcend on his Name ) and to follow him in ſpite of Right and
Realon, and, which is much more, of Victory. it ſelf. This was
like the laſt Effort of expiring Nature. A Detachment of Foot fell
upon the unthinking Rabble, and cut them off, together with the
pretended King they had ſet upon their Head.' The Relidue wan-
derd long in mountainous and lonely. Places, and would foine-
tines fally out for Plunder and Suſtenance to their miſerable Lives.
Thus they were neither for Peace, nor could they wage a War: But
at length weary'd out with Hardſhips of all ſorts, they retir’d to
foreign Countries, and there never ceasd to plot and contrive what
Miſchief they could to thoſe they conlider'd as the unjuſt Poſſeſſors
of their native Soil. But their Efſays were vain, while this King
reignd.
He went on ſettling the State, and fixing the Throne; to which
Purpoſes he was exact in the leaſt Minuties, Buchanan ſays
, to the
degree of Superltition. To inſtance in one, the Kings his Pre-
deceſſor, had ever been in ule to fit in a Marble Chair, while the
Ceremony of their Coronation was performing. Sinion Bresus is He Cauſes
faid to have brought this Chair from Spain to Ireland, and Fergus I. Chair to be
from Ireland to Scotland; fince which time it had been preſerv'd traseported
ſomewhere in Argyle : And now, this King Kenneth caus'd it be
tranſported from thence to Scoon, a Place ſituated near the River of
Tay, which formerly had belong’d to the Picts. There he himſelf
was Crown’d anew : And, by his Appointment, all the ſucceeding
Kings of Scotland, till the Days of Edward I. of England. This late
having over-run all Scotland, as it ſhall be told in its proper place,
thought fit to feiſe on the Marble Chair, and to have it convey'd
to Weſtminſter, where it is ſtill to be ſeen. Now there was a Belief
rivetted in the Opinion of the Scots, and by Tradition handed down
from the earlieſt to the lateſt Generations, that wherever this
Chair 1hould be plac'd by Chance or Deſign, there the Fates, or ra-
ther Providence had decreed the Scots to domineer. To this pur-
poſe, and to give the more Credit to the Thing, King Kenneth
caus'd the following uncouth Verſes to be engraven on the Chair,
from thence thought and callid Fatal.
Ni fallat fatum, Scoti quocunque locatum
Invenient lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem.
the fatal
Scots-men be ſure, where e're you find this Stone,
If Fates fail not, there fixt muſt be your Throne.
There were thoſe, who in hopes of the Prophecy's being one
day accompliſh’d, had ſome Satisfaction to find that the Chair was
tranſported to England: And there are ſtill who think, that the
Thing came actually to paſs, when a Scots King tiift mounted
the Engliſh "Throne; tho malt Scots-nien have ſince been of Opinion,
I i
that
126 The Life of Kenneth II. Book I.
The two
1
06
6
CC
66
CC
that they had better wanted the Great, but Fatal Honour, fo ſay
they, we may term it, in its genuine Senſe. However, in my
humble Opinion, this Piece of Conduct in King Kenneth, was not
at all the Effect of his Superſtition, but was rather a Reach of
Wiſdom and Policy above the common Strain.
great Hinges, upon which all Governments turn, are Authority
and Power. “But this laſt ariſing from Strength, ( as Sir William
“ Temple. very well obſerves ) is always in thoſe that are Govern’d,
C who are many. So that, wereit not for the Authority that is in
“ the Governours ( who are few) no State could be of any Dura-
« tion. Now, this Authority may arife from ſeveral Sources, as
" from the Opinion the Multitude conceives of the Wifdom,
Goodneſs, Valour, Right, &c. of their Princes or Magiſtrates,
“ but from nothingſo much as from the Opinion of Divine Fa-
vour or Deſignation of the Perſon, or of the Races that Govern.
“ This made the Kings among the Heathens, ever derive themſelves
or their Anceſtors, from ſome of their Gods, and by this means
wrought a Belief in the Minds of the People, of their being pe-
culiarly protected by the Deity that gave them their Being. -
" thers join'd the Mitre to the Crown, and thereby the Reverence
of Divine, to the Reſpect of Civil Power. Thus the Caliphs of
" Perha and Egypt derivd themſelves by ſeveral Branches,from their
great Prophet Mahomet, the Yncas of Peru from the Sun, and the
“ Ottoman Race is ſtill in ſome meaſure ador'd among the Turks, as
“ deſign'd by Heaven for perpetual Empire. Nay, the Sacring of
« the Kings of France (as Loyſel tells us ) is the Sign of their Prieſt-
“ hood, as well as Kingdom: And the Saint ampoulle, is said, and
« by ſome believ'd to have been brought by an Angel to St. Remy to
« be forever preſerv’d for the appointed Uſe. The Belief of theſe and
the like Conceits may be thought Superſtitious in the People; but
ftill Princes are in the Right to hold faſt the Advantage, that is ſo
very uſeful towards begetting Reſpect and Eſteem for their Perſons
and Government. It follows then, that King Kenneth had Reaſon
to ſet all the Value he could upon the believ'd Prophecy and fatal
Chair: And this was none of the moſt unlikely means he employ'd
to ſecure the Conquer'd Kingdom to himſelf, and tranſmitted it, as
if warranted by Heaven, to his remoteſt Pofterity. So much for his
Policy, Wiſdom, Valour, and Fortune. His other Actions pro-
claim him alſo a Religious Prince. For,
To the Church he gave another Face (a) and a greater Splen-
His Piety. dour,outward at leaſt, than the foregoing Ages had feen. The E-
piſcopal See ( which, whilſt the Pictiſh Kingdom ſtood, was ſettld
in Abernethy ) he tranſlated to the Church of St. Ruel, and ordaind
it from henceforth to be call’d the Church of St. Andrews, and the
Biſhop thereof to be deſignd Maximus Scotorum Epifcopus,The princi-
pal Biſhop of Scotland. Churches, Chapels and Oratories, with their
Prieſts and all ſorts of Religious Men he caus’d to be paid with
great
(a) Spotiſwood. lib. 1. p. 24.
Chap.II. The Sixty Ninth King of Scotland. 127
great
Reverence: And, in a word, did fo nobly perform all Actions
both of War and Peace, that he muſt needs be plac'd amongſt
the wifeſt
, braveſt
, and beſt of Kings
. He reign’d twenty Years,
and died in the Year of our Lord 855: Hiſtorians give him ſome-
times the firmame of Viętoriofus, fometimes of Magnus, and Mr. John-
ſton celebrates his Praiſes, as follows :
Arte Deum fimalans, trepidis Mavortia corda
Adfpirat, vires fufficiente Deo.
Si referam, quis credat ? Septem uno agmina fundit
Vi&ta die, Piętos exitioque premit.
Fas do jura dedit populis, vi&toribus arva,
Adjunxit regnis Pi&tica regna fuis.
Altior humanis cæleftia munera abire
Eft aufus ; nec quo progrediatur habet.
-
Ii 2
THE
:
0.
1
1
t
ܕ
܀
ܝܪܫ.܀
;
129
Τ Η Ε
Martial Atchievements
OF THE
SCOTS NATION
BOOK II.
From the Diſſolution of the Pi&iſh Kingdom,
to the Death of Alexander III.
i
Containing the space of 447 Tears.
CH A P. I.
From the Diſſolution of the PICTISH Kingdom, to the Reſtoration
of King MALCOLM KENMORE.
.
Containing the space of about 218 Tears.
A. D,
855.
"COTLAND was now in a moft flouriſhing and hopeful Con-
dition : Its Extent was double what it had been in former
Times : Juſtice was impartially adminiſtred to all Ranks of
People, and Peace had reign'd together with the Victorious Ken-
neth, during the Space of lixteen Years : A great number of the
Picts had ſubmitted, and liv'd happy under the lawful Govern-
ment: The more turbulent had retir'd to, and were ſcatter'd here
and there through foreign countries. Theſe laſt had no doubt
their Correſpondences at Home; and when advertis’d of Opportuni- Pias endea-
ties offer’d, ceas’d not to raiſe Enemies to the Scots Nation abroad.
They made the Governors of ſuch Countries as they had retir’d to,
to believe that they had been firſt Perſecuted, then Expeld out of
their Country, contrary to all the Laws of Religion and Reaſon ;
that they futter’d, becauſe good Patriots; that the Scots were a law-
léfs encroaching People; that in a ſhort Time their Ambition and
Kk
Covet-
The Exil'd
و
vour their
Reſtoration.
130
I be Martial Archievements Book II.
them.
Are defea-
ted by King
Covetouſneſs would be heightnd by their former Succeſſes, and ſtill
multiplying Numbers : But that hitherto they had not recover'd the
Loffes lultain'd in Proſecution of the Violences they had acted a-
gainſt the Picts; And that thoſe of this laſt Nation who had ſubmit-
ted to the Yoke, look'd for nothing ſo much as an Opportunity of
ſhaking it off: That therefore now the warlike and provident King
Kenneth was dead, and ſucceeded by his Brother Donald V. a Prince,
for his many Vices, and idle luxurious Temper, odious even to his
own Subjects, a fina!l Force would be iufficient to effect great
Things; and that 'twas as eaſy to Conquer as to Attack that unjuſt
Nation, and its daftardly Sovereign.
Theſe and the like Arguments prevaild ſo far with Osbrecht and Ella,
Perſwade two of the Saxon Kings; (whether Independent, or in ſome meafure
the Saxons Subſervient to the Eng'iſh Monarch Egbert is uncertain) that they
together with their Britiſh Allies reſolv'd to attempt the Reſtorati-
on of the Refugees, and Conqueſt of Scotland. Accordingly they
invaded the Kingdom, and advanc'd upon the Head of a numerous
Army, as far as fedburgh in Teviotdale. Here they encounter'd with
Donald the King of the Scots, and by him were put to the Rout.
This effeminate and unwary Prince purſu'd his Victory no farther
Donald V. than the Town of Berwick, which he eaſily retook; and at the ſame
time ſeis'd upon all the Ships in the Road or Harbour, and ſo made
himſelf Maſter of all the Ammunition, Proviſions and Treaſure, de-
fign’d for the Entertainment of the vanquiſh'd Enemy. This large
Buoty prov'd his Bane: For returning to the vicious Habits be had
contracted, he laid afide all Thoughts of Bufineſs, and gave him-
ſelf up to Idling and Luxury. Upon this the ſcatter'd Saxons gathe-
red again into one Body, and being inform’d by Spies or Correſpon-
dents, of the proper Time, attack'd and enter'd the Town in the
Retrieve Night, cut off the ſurpris’d Garriſon, and made a Priſoner of the
and make a unthinking King. This done, they divided their Army into two Bo-
Priſoner of dies: The one march'd to the Firth of Forth, feis’d on ſuch Boats or
Ships as they found on the Southern Shore, and embark'd and ſet fail
for the Northern; but by a ſudden Storm were forc'd back or caſt a.
way in the River. Thoſe that eſcap'd march'd by Land to Stir-
ling, where being join'd by the reſt of the Army, they paſs’d over
the Forth upon a Bridge. The Scots had got together by this time
in conſiderable Numbers; but they had more the Appearance and
Shew, than the Strength and Order of an Army. They therefore
ſent off Commiſſioners to negotiate a Peace. The Saxons and Bri-
tains were by Reaſon of their Overthrow at Fedburgh, and their late
The Saxons Shipwrack, eaſily induc'd to Terms of Accommodation; and theſe
neglect time were, That the Scots ſhould make over to them, all thoſe Territo-
Piås, but ries that ly between Severus's Wall, and the firths of Clyde and
Forth. Hence Dumbarton or Britannodunum is ſaid to be ſo call’d, by
reaſon that the Britains took Poffeffion of that Place, and the adja-
cent Country near Clyde, by South the Forth, fell to the Englilh
Share :
.
King Do-
nald.
1
make Peace
with the
Scots,
(a) Buchan. Boeth, in vita Donaldı V.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. . 131
King Doc
ſelf accord-
ing to fome
Share. And ſome ſay, I think fallly, that theſe laſt having repair’d
the Caſtle of Stirling, firſt coin'd in it that ſort of Money we call
Sterling to this Day. Others add, (a) (for I deſign to conceal no-
thing, that can contribute to Illuſtrate the real Glories of the Engiiſh
Nation) that by this Treaty, the King was relievd, upon Condi-
tion that he ſhould pay a certain Sum of Money for his Ranſom ; nald v. re-
and that this has been call?d a Tribute. If lo(for the Matter of lievd.
Fact is denied by Buchanan and moſt part of the Scots Hiſtorians)
theſe Articles muſt needs have been very grating to the Nation, as
indeed it ſeems they were : For, not long after this, they Impriſo-
ned their King; and he unable to brook the Affront, and unwilling
to out-live the Power he had made ſuch an inglorious Uſe of,
killd himſelf with his own Sword or Dagger. Boethius, Leſly, Buch- Kills him-
anan and Chambers, in their reſpective Lives of this Prince, give
much the ſame Accounts of his unhappy Reign and infamous Death, Authors.
from what Memoirs or Vouchers I cannot tell. But Fordon an elder
Hiſtorian, and whom I hunby conceive, they ſhould have fol-
low'd, cited or refuted, gives a quite different, nay, a plain con-
tradiétory Idea of this Prince, as well as of all the Tranfactions of
his Time. The Author (b) of the Extracta de Chronicis Scotiæ, and
Andrew Winton, both Hiſtorians, as much to be rely'd on as any we
have, agree with Fordon (c) upon the Main. They tell us, that
this ſame King Donald was a Captain of great Reputation, that he Others
was equally Valiant, Active and Vigilant, underſtood perfectly the make him
Art of War, had ſhar'd in all the Glories of his Brother's Conqueft, happy
gaind Battles, and defeated the Picts as often as he met with them: Prince.
That when he attain'd to the Throne, he governd his People with
Moderation, had a ſpecial Regard to his Kindred and Brothers,
and cultivated Peace with his Neighbours: That upon the death of
King Kenneth, the Engliſh, perſwaded by the
Piet fb Refugees, broke
the Truce that had been formerly concluded, and invaded his Do-
minions ; but that by his Prudence and the Fidelity exprefs’d to
him by thoſe Picts that had ſubmitted to the Government, he foon
diſſipated the Storm, and in the ſpace of but one Year, lettld and
quieted the State: In fine, that he died in Peace (the two laſt ſay,
he was murther’d) at Scoon, and was interrd in Icolmkill in the Year
858. To make this good, I ſhall tranſcribe the Words of Andrero
Winton, who, by the by, liv'd in the Reign of Robert III. and wrote
his Hiſtory long before Boethius or Buchanan . He ſays, ſpeaking of
this King Donald, That,
In Icolmkill there lyes he,
And there thir Verſes Men may ſee.
Rex Donienaldus erat in Scotia quatuor annis
In bello miles ftrenuus ille fuit.
K k 2
Regis
(a) Leſl. in vita Donaldi V. (6) In Bibliothec. Juridic, Edin. (c) Scriptor. XX. cdit. Oxon, 1691. p. 667
132
The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
Regis prædiéti frater fuit ille Kenedi,
Qui Sconæ fertur ſubditus elle neci.
j
I muſt acknowledge, that to me 'tis Matter of Wonder, that
grave and judicious Authors, and thoſe of the ſame Nation, ſhould
differ ſo widely from one another. It cannot be doubted, but that
both Fordon and Boethius have had their Vouchers; but theſe have
probably been acted by the various Reports of differing Parties.
Thus the two Mary's of Sco:land and England, are by ſome repreſeri-
ted to Poſterity, as vertuous Heroines, by others, as Queens memo-
rable only for Bigotry and Sin. The like may be ſaid, even of the
ſo much celebrated Queen Elizabeth of England, and of moſt, if not
all her Succeſſors : So that, or Fordon or Boethius, and after this laft,
the ſucceeding Herd of Authors, have probably been milled by the
Spirit of that Party, whoſe Writings have fallen into their Hands.
For
my part, I very much incline to believe Fordon : He is the el-
delt Hiſtorian of the two, and he wrote in an Age (about the Year
1360) when Parliamentary Power was almoſt unknown, and Sub-
jects pretended no Right to limit the Royal Prerogative. But af-
terwards Parliaments became Faſhionable and were thought not only
Neceſſary but Eſſential to the Conſtitution of Scotland. Boethius, and
after him moſt of our Hiſtorians, was of this Opinion, which to
ſupport, they never fail to catch at all Opportunities of expoſing
the Failings of Kings, and Authoriſing the Encroachments made up-
on them by the factious Nobles: Their Meetings and Deliberati-
ons they repreſent as Legal and Parliamentary; tho 'tis certain, that
Parliaments, properly ſo call’d, are of a very modern Date in Scot-
land: They were not introduc'd till about, or after the Reign of
King Robert the Bruce, and that for Reaſons I ſhall elſewhere relate.
Till then, the People had no Concern in the Government at all:
The Nobles had, but only by way of Counſel and Advice, nor that
neither, unleſs call?d for by the King. They often preſum'd upon
more, but then they acted lllegally; and by impartial Hiſtorians
muſt be term’d Rebels. Nevertheleſs after-Ages, enamourd with
Parliaments have palliated their Crimes, and miſrepreſented Kings
to vindicate the Nobles, or rather to derive from them that Autho-
rity which Parliaments afterwards obtain'd. Fordon, Winton, &c.
had no ſuch Views, and therefore met with none, or but
vicious Princes: And their Accounts of King Donald I. I credit the
The Victo- rather, becauſe there is not ſo much as one old Engliſh Hiſtorian that
L'echt and mentions the Conqueſt made by Osbrecht and Ella, nor the Captivi-
ty of King Donald, nor any thing relative to the Story. A late Au-
thor (a) complains of the Silence of his Country-Men, with reference
to that inemorable Tranſaction and Conqueſt, and acknowledges that
'tis only to be found in Scots Authors. Holinſhed has it likewiſe from
the Scots; and from the whole draws an Argument for the preten.
ded Homage due by Scotland to England. But there was no ſuch
thing
(a) Hiftor. of England print. Lond. 1701, vol. 1. p.51.
very few
Ella uncer-
tain
Chap. I. Of the Scots Nation.
133
The Pitts
by the Sax-
10s and Bria
Encourage
thing as Homage known in Britain, nor perhaps elſewhere in thoſe
Days. The Feudal Law was not yet well Eſtablith'd in the world;
and tho it had been, yet 'tis unfair to add to, or pervert a Story,
which if true, is of it felf abundantly Glorious to the Engliſh Nati-
on: And the Scots deſerve a more obliging Return ; ſince they; and
they alone, have preſervd the Memory of it, and tranſmitted it
down to Pofterity. But be this as it will
, 'tis certain that the P.8ts
,
who had rais’d the Storin, made no Advantage by it: For when
the Treaty of Peace was let on Foot, their Intereſt was not to much
as mentiond: Nay, ſome write, (a) that their Engliſh and Britiſh
Friends, to ſecure their Lands and Poſſeſſions to thenſelves; killid
great Numbers of that unfortunate People. The Remainder retir'd maic-treated
to Norway and Denmark, and there, by their Perſwafions, very much
contributed to that Miſchief which had almoit overwhelu'd the tains,
whole Iſland.
Theſe Northern Regions, barren in every thing elſe, were yet ſo
fertile in Men, that neither their own Lands nor the neighbouring the Danes &
Seas were able to afford them the Neceſſaries of Life. Celibacy Norwegians
was thought no Vertue amongſt them, and Polygamy no Crime: the Mand :
Tveir Conſciences and Defires were never at odds, n; manner of
Reſtraint being put upon them: They were by Variety incited, and
could not fail of a numerous Iflue, whilft many Women, confin'd to
the Bed of a ſingle Husband, conceivd as toon as they came to be
known. Hence 'tis, that they multiply'd beyond belief; and
therefore the Youth was by the Laws of their Country oblig'd to go
abroad in ſearch of Fortune : (b) The Heir of each Family ſtay'd
at Home ; but the Cadets were numerous enough to make up
whole Armies of Adventurers; and theſe Swarms of Barbarians,
Young, Daring, Licentious, Cruel and Lawleſs, brought Defolati-
on wherever they came. They began at firſt to Infeft the Seas, and
at length the Lands of the Belgick, Gallick and Britiſh Shores. Some
of them over-run thoſe Provinces that ly towards the Mouth of the
Rhine, and gave to thoſe Parts next the Sea the new Names of
Holland and Zeland. France was invaded by others, and yielded
at laſt the large Country call’d Normandy, from the Noi thern People
that had Conquer'd it; yet were willing to hold it of the Crown of
France. Ireland is the only Country I have read of, to which they
did Good. For, whereas they deſtroy'd the Monuments, Edifices
and Cities of other Places; here they were the firſt (c) who either
Built or Peopl’d a Town. The ſluggiſh Natives more Savage, thơ
Chriſtians, than thoſe very Barbarians; being incapable to perform
ſo good a Work, much leſs, I hunbly conceive, to cultivate Learn-
ing, erect Academies, preſerve Records, write Hiſtories ; and thoſe
ſo Authentick, as to outvye the Scottiſh, and all others beſides, as
Dr. Kennedy and ſome others have the groundleſs Vanity to Affert.
L1
The
(a) My Lord Ormond dans la vie de Donald. (6) Orleans Hiſtoir. des Revolut. d'Angl. lib. 1. p. 31.---
Echard Hift
. of Engl. lib. 1. p. 64. Baker, &c. (c) Sir John Davis his Appendix to Sir James Ware his Hiltor.
of Ireland, p. 37. edit. Dubl. 1704
134 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
The firſt Attempt upon Ireland was made (a) in anno 795; They
fought with various Succeſſes: But the Danes, Norvegians, &c. for
the moſt part prevaild; and one of their Commanders callid Tur.
geſius, govern’d moſt of the Country with an arbitrary tyranni-
cal Sway, during the Space of 30 Years: But he and inoſt of his
Men were in anno 845 cut off by a Conſpiracy of the Iriſh. In 85.1,
having recruited their Forces, they poffefs'd themſelves of the
Country adjacent to Dublin, from them call’d Fingal: For the anci-
ent Iriſh call'd all Foreigners Gauls, and the North Suburbs of Dub-
lin retain the Name of Oſtman or Oxman-Town to this Day ; from
theſe Oftmans or Eaſterlings, ſo deſign'd by Reaſon of Norway and
Denmark's being Situated towards the Eaſt with reſpect to Ireland.
In 853, they built three Cities, Dublin, Waterford Limrick ; and
in proceſs of Time proceeded to build more, particulary Maritime
ones : All which they loſt and repoſſeſs’d by Turns. So that till the
Year 1170, when the Engliſh firſt invaded Ireland, the Sovereignty
of that unhappy Country was ſometimes ufurp'd by one Prince
ſometimes, and for the moſt part, divided among many, and thoſe
ever contending with, and encroaching upon one another.
England ſufferd no leſs, and was not in the leaſt improv'd by
theſe Barbarians. They began to make Deſcents and Inroads into that
A. D. 832. fruitful and now again happy Kingdom, (b) in the Reign of its firſt
Engliſh Monarch the brave King Egbert : Nor did they give it any
long reſpite for above 230 Years. Egbert was once worſted by them,
and this was the only Check of Fortune, we read of, that he ever
receiv’d. But, tho the Enemy kept the Field of Battle, he even then
made ſuch a Retreat, as, in the Opinion of wiſe Men, was as Glori-
ous as a Victory: And two Years after, they having invaded his Do-
Egbert repels minions anew, he gave them a total Overthrow, and freed his
Kingdom at that Time from the Invaſion of an Enemy more fierce
and barbarous than the Saxons before them.
Ethelwulf ſucceeded his Father King Egbert in the Engliſh Throne,
and his unwarlike Diſpoſition gave both Encouragement and En-
trance to the returning Danes. They made ſeveral Deſcents in diffe-
rent Places at the ſame Time; fo that the Inhabitants were confoun-
ded and at a loſs, how to make any Reſiſtance. The King did what
he could. He divided his Forces under the Conduct of his different
Lieutenants. And theſe had as various Succeſſes, vanquiſhing fome-
ti nes, and being as often foil'd. At length, after the inhumane In-
vaders had barbaroully waſted the Nation, over-run large Countries,
taken and pillagd both Canterbury and London, they were met by
A. D. 851. the King in Perſon, at Oakley in Surrey, and afterwards by his Bro-
ther Athelſtane at Sándwich, and on both Occaſions were defeated;
yet not ſo entirely, but that they made good their Winter-quarters
in England: Froin whence this King, notwithſtanding of all the Vi-
Stories
the Danes,
Ethelwulf.
(a) Sir James (Vare his Hiſtory of the Antiquities of Ireland, edit
. Dubl: 1704. p. 56,57, 58. &c. (6) E-
chard, D’Orleans, Baker, &c. in the Life of Egbert and his Succeffors,
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation.
135
Ethelbald,
Ecbelied.
A. D. 866,
Osbrecht and
Ella fluin by
at York
Stories he and his Lieutenants had gain’d, could never expel them
in his Time.
His two eldeſt Sons and immediate Succeſſors, Ethelbald and Ethel-
bert, maintain’d the Kingdom much in the fame State they found
it. 'But his third Son Ethelred was not ſo lucky. His Reign was
more tempeſtuous than any before him, being but one continu'd Ethelbest
;
Conflict with the fame Danes, who ſeem'd to multiply upon their
being defeated, and to increaſe as ſoon as cut off. He had no ſooner
aſcended the Throne, but a vaſt Army of theſe Ravagers under the
Conduct of Hinguar and Hubba landed in the North, whither pro-
bably the Pictiſh Refugees directed them: For Osbrecht or Ella, or
both, reign’d in thoſe Parts; and how theſe two Princes had ſerv’d
the Bifts after their Expedition in Scotland, I have already related.
Againſt them the Danes march'd as far as York, which being then
but tlenderly Wall’d, the Northu.nbrians were terribly ſlaughter’d,
both within and without, their two Kings ſlain, and the City The Kings
burut. The victorious Danes, in the following Year, paſs'd over
into Mercia, winter'd at Nottingham, and forc'd the Inhabitants to the Danes
accept of Articles of Truce. But this Truce they perfidiouſly broke,
paſs’d over the Humber into Lindſey, miſerably waſted the Coun-
try, conſuming all things with Fire and Sword ; and particularly
deſtroy'd the famous Monaſtery.of Bardney, where they Kill'd all
the Monks in the Church without Mercy. Thoſe of Crowland,
Peterborough, Ely and Huntington had the fame Fate in their Turns. mitted cum
And the Nuns of Coldingham, to avoid the barbarous Pollutions of heard of
theſe Pagans, had the Reſolution to cut off their Noſes and Upper- in England,
lips : A rare Example of Chriſtianity and Fortitude, and yet ſuch
as I ſhould think not inimitable to womanly Vertue,if attack'd by Men
loathſome and barbarous, as the Danes are repreſented to have been
in thoſe Days. Monks and Nuns were not the only Objects of their
Cruelty. Kings, when overcome, met with no greater Civility: Wit-
nels St. Elmund, a King of the Eaſt-Angles: For hitherto the Monarchy
was not compleated, inferior and lubject Lords ſtill retaining the
Title, and ſome thing like the Power of Kings. This Ednund was
put to flight, taken at Hoxon, and ſet up as a Butt to ſhoot at;
where calling upon God, and profelfing himſelf a Martyr, he was
firſt Scourg’d,then Shot through with many Arrows,and at length,Be-
headed.
All this while the Engliſh were not wanting to themſelves, nor to
their Countrey. The valiant Algar, Earl of Holland gave Battle to gliſh ſtrugle
the Danes in Lincolnſhire, ſlew great Multitudes of them, and amongſt their Liber-
theſe, three of their Kings ; and being the next Day attack'd by ties in Op-
five more Kings, and as many Earls, he died at length, as did all the Danes.
the Commanders about him, upon Heaps of the Naughter'd Aggreſ-
ſors
. Ethelwulf
, another Earl, fought and defeated them at Engle-
field: And King Ethelred is ſaid to have engagéd the ſame Enemy, no
leſs than nine times in one Year. He was Victorious for the moſt
Part, but was at length worſted and kill'd in 872.
LI 2
The
Who com
The En.
130
I be Martial Atchievements Book II.
1
Conſtan
Prince.
The King of the Scots, Conſtantine Il. had much the fame Fate. (a)
He was the Son of the Victorious Kenneth, and had ſucceeded in the
sine II King Throne to King Donald V. This Conſtantine prov'd an excellent
an excellent Prince : He fet about the Reformation, both of Church and State,
with Vigour. To Churchinen he gave many good Laws, and con-
A. D. 858
fining them to the Buſineſs of their Vocation, he itridly prohibited
their concerning in, or medling with fecular Affairs, thoſe of the
State particularly. Drunkenneſs in all Men he puniſh'd with Death,
and appointed that none ſhculd eat above one Meal in the Day, or
uſe any Recreation, but ſuch as was proper to einbolden their ſinds,
and inure their bodies to Hardſhips and Labour. This Severity
was profitable to all
, yet diſagreeable to a few of the licentious
Youth, who headed by one Even, a Chiftain in Lochaber, enter'd into
a Conſpiracy againſt the Life of the King. But the Plot was lucki-
ly diſcover'd, and its principal Contrivers executed, as they deſerv’d.
By this means the King reign’d in Peace,equally lov'd and fear’d by
his happy Subjects, during the ſpace of thirteen Years. Ail this
while, the Daniſh and Norw..gian Fleets hover'd up and down upon
the Scots Coaſts, to the great Terror of the Inhabitants. But the
Storm blew over, and had hitherto fallen upon England, the more
fruitful Soil; and that, which, by reaſon of the yet unſettld Monar-
chy, was moſt likely to yield the fought-for Entertainment. Be
fides, the King took care to divert their Inſults by civil Offers, and
ſome Performances : He would ſometimes admit their Ships into
his Harbours and Ports : He gave them all the Securities: they could
deſire for Trade, and ſupply'd them frankly with Proviſions and
Neceſſaries. But all this would not do, the Picts were nixt with
the Danes at Sea, and on Land with the Scots: Thoſe of that Nation
continu'd or renew'd their Correſpondences and Practices, and in
870 prevaild with the two famous Brothers Hinguar and Hubba, to
is attack’a turn their Arms againſt Scotland. Accordingly they landed in a
by the Danes Hoftile manner in the Shire of Fyfe, laid deſolate the whole Coun-
try, and committed Barbarities unhear'd of till that Time. Their
Fury fell heavieſt on the Religious and Clergy, whoſe Perſons they
murtherd, and whoſe Retirements they burnt or levelld with the
Ground. There was at that Time a famous Monaſtery in the Iſland of
May,to which Hadrian,the firſt Biſhop of St.
Andrews, retir'd for Safety.
Stolbrandus, another Biſhop, Monanus, an Arch-Deacon, Glodianus a
Presbyter, and a great many others, did the like, but to no Purpoſe:
The Pagans follow'd, and put all to the Sword.
No Sanctuary
was ſecure, and no Walls could prove a Defence againſt Cruelty let
looſe : None eſcap'd but ſuch as hid themſelves in unſearchable Re-
cefles and Caves.
Conſtantine did
all he could to oppoſe the growing Miſchief: He
Summon’d his People to Arms, and their Obedience ſeem'd as
make great hearty as his Commands were neceſſary and Juft. The Danes lay
encamp'd in two different Bodies, and theſe were divided by the
A. D. 879
Who
tions in
Scotland.
River
(a) Boeth. Ford. Buch. in vit. Conſtant.
Spotiſwood lib. 2. p.23.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. 137
's
River of Levin.' Conſtantine attack'd that which was commanded
by Hubba; and his Men being ſuperior in Numbers, and equal at
leaſt in Courage, obtain’d an eaſy Victory, which was compleated Byt loſe a
by an Accident: For the River chancd to be ſwell’d to a great height
by late Rains, ſo that the half of the Daniſh Army had the cruel
Mortification to ſtand idle Spectators, and ſee the other half cut to
Pieces, or drown'd in the unfordable River. Hubba and a very
few more made a ſhift to eſcape by Swimming. The Scots follow'd
the retreating Enemy as ſoon as the decreaſe of the Torrent allow'd
them : But with that Confidence and Aſſurance of Victory, that
has often been deſtructive to conquering Armies. The Danes on
the contrary took all the cautious Meaſures they could think of to
guard their broken Forces from farther Miſchief
. They entrench'd
themſelves on the Shore, not far from the Town of Carrail
. : The
Rocks that ſtand bere and there in the Field of Battle, were of great
uſe to them ; and between theſe, the Interſtices were fill'd up with
Heaps of Stones. The eager Scots, Aluſh'd with their former Suc,
ceſs, thought no Difficulties unconquerable: They charg'd the Erie-
my with inconſiderate Fury; who being by Art ſtrengthn'd, and
by Deſpair emboldn’d, repelld them aga n and again, with that
Succeſs, that the unwary Aggreſſors, having loſt huge Numbers of
Men, retir'd in diſorder, and could not be prevaild upon to rally.
As thoſe Picts that ſervd in the Scots Army began the flight; ſo they Gain ano.
were blam'd for the Loſs of the Day; and ſhrewdly ſuſpected, not ſo
much of Cowardice, as of Treaſon and Deſign. The King unwil-
ling to flee, was known, taken, dragg’d to, and by the Barbarians And kill
beheaded at the Mouth of a little Cave, calld to this Day, in de- the King as
teſtation of that Villany, the Devil's Cave.
The Scots Nation had probably been undone after this fignal O-
verthrow, but for the Courage and Conduct of the King's Brother King Ethus
Ethus, firnam'd Alipes or Wing’d-foot, by reaſon of his wonderful Source de to
Agility of Body, and Swiftneſs in Running. This Prince brought
off the Remainder of the Army, and made ſuch a Shew in the
Fields, that the Danes, weakn'd by their almoſt equal Loſſes,
thought not fit to hazard another Engagement : But, after ravaging
the Country of Lothian, then, as ſome ſay, pofſefsd by the Engliſh,
they arch'd Southward into Northumberland, and from thence car-
ried through all the Provinces of England thoſe Devaſtations and
Miſeries I have already related : Tho others write, particularly For. Danes.
don, that the Storin return’d from England to Scotland. For this Au-
thor tells us, (a) that King Conſtantine was murthr’d two Years af-
ter the Martyrdom of St. Edmund ; which the Engliſh fay, (6) was
in the Year 869: And the Scots are generally agreed, that their Over-
throw and the Death of the King, were effected rather after than
before the 870. If ſo, 'tis reaſonable to believe, that the Danes re-
tir’d to their Ships, and went home for Recruits. However,
Ethus
Cave.
His Succeſs
againſt the
M m
1
(a) Scriptor, XX. edit. Oxon. p. 668. (b) Echard lib. 1. chap. 4. p. 69.
138
The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
Gregory.
Alfred a
brave King
Ethús was thought to have done this Country a valuable Piece of
Service; which, together with the great Reputation he was poffefs'd
of
, made a Faction of the Nobles acknowledge him as King. But,
ſays Fordon, (a) Prince Gregory, the Son of Dongallus, now a Man,
Is defeated (and a great Man he afterwards prov’d) had a better Title in Law,
and kill'd in and therefore could not fail of a Party to promote his Pretenſions.
the legal Upon this a Civil War commenc'd, and a Battle enſu'd at Stratha-
Heir King lorn, where Ethus loſt his Life, with the Crown he had uſurp’d.
The Reign of Gregory was a Reign of Wonders. He regain'd thoſe
Provinces King Donald had loſt, conquerd Northumberland from the
Danes, and Cumberland and Weſtmorland from the Britains, over-ran and
gave Laws to Ireland, whoſe young King he not only protected but
reſtor’d. But of theſe Things afterwards, when I come to write the
Life of this Monarch, whole great Actions deſerve to be recorded
King Grego- apart.. He was cotemporary with Alfred, another Heroe, and by
porary with ſome (6) faid to have been the firſt ſupream Monarch of England: And
is therefore compar'd to Auguſtus Cæfar; who; tho he founded not
of England. the Empire, yet compleated and brought it to Perfection. Upon his
A. D. 872. firſt Acceſfion to the Throne of his Brother Ethelred, he was oblig'd
to engage the whole Power of the Danes at Wilton : And he and his
Army fought to Admiration, yet loſt the field. However he found
Means to make a Peace with them, and to obtain Hoftages for Se-
curity of the Treaty. But in vain, the Barbarians were not to be
bound by Treaties, and it was not long ere they took London, pof-
ſeſs’d themſelves of all Mercia, Northumberland and Cambridge: From
whence, after having ſpread themſelves over all that Country, they
were again by good Management or Money, brought to Terms of
Peace. But, as before, ſo, very ſoon after, they fallified their Oaths
a ſecond and a third time, and purſu'd their Advantages fo clofly,
Who is that the King himſelf, with a few of the beſt and braveſt of his Sub-
by how by jects, was fain to retire into woody and boggy Places; and there
the Dancs. liv'd a melancholy Life, in the greateſt Trouble and Scarcity that
can be imagin’d. Nevertheleſs, Providence, ever favourable to the
facred Perſons of lawful Kings, afforded him an Opportunity of re-
trieving his own Loſſes, and thoſe of the State. The terrible Hub-
ba was kill'd, together with 11 20 of his Men, by a ſudden Sally of
the Garriſon of Kenwitb. Upon this the King came abroad, and his
legal Subjects reſorting to him from all Parts, he ſoon after attack'd
Burretrieves and routed the Enemy. He did much more: For by a ſubſequent
his Loſſes. Treaty, 'he oblig'd all the Pagans, or to quite his Dominions, or to
ſubmit to his Laws. One of their Princes call'd Gormon, embrac'd
the Chriſtian Religion, and the pious as well as brave Alfred, re-
ceivd him from the Font at his Baptiſm, and became his God-fa-
ther. In purſuance of this Agreement, all the Danes retir'd into
Eaſt-Sex and Eaſt-England, which Countries were given them for
their Habitations. Notwithſtanding of this, new Swarms of Danish
Rovers from beyond Sea, continu'd to infeſt the Seas and Shores.
But
(2) Loco citato. (6) Echard Hiſtor, of Engl. vol. 1. Book 1.p. 70..baker p. 12. &G
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation.
139
But Alfred, having fitted out a noble Fleet, and, having taken all ne-
ceffary Meaſures to prevent the uſual Correſpondence between new
Comers and thoſe already ſettl'd in the Nation, foild them on
all Occaſions ; and after no leſs than fifty fix ſet Battles by Sea and
Land, had been fought by himſelf or his Lieutenants, (of which
Eight are ſaid to have happen'd in one Day) he ſo waſted the
Barbarians Forces, tho they ſtill came in with freſh and vaſt Num-
bers, that they were conſtrain’d to give what Hoftages he demand-
ed, and to ſubmit to ſuch Conditions as he thought fit to impoſe.
The Reign of his Son and Succeſſor Edward the Elder, who af-
cended the Throne in the Year 900, was as Tumultuous, and no
A. D. 900i
leſs Glorious. This Prince, affifted chiefly by that Miracle of her
Sex and Age, Ethelfleda his Siſter, the Counteſs of Mercia, re-
peld all Invaſions from abroad, and brought all the Inland Danes
to Obedience, took into his own Hands large Territories that had
been wreſted from his Predeceſſors. And the Saxon Annals tell
us, That the King of the Scots choſe him for his Lord and Patron, together
with the Scottiſh Nation it ſelf
. A Tale ſo ridiculous, that Baker,
and others forbear to relate it. Marianus Scotus, (a) falſly cited
as a Voucher of it by ſome Authors, does not ſo much as mention
any ſuch thing : Nay, Polydore Vergil
, no great Friend to Sotland,
plainly contradiets it, and ſays, That this King Edward obtain’d the
Sovereignty of all the People in the Iſland, except the Scots. But I ſhall
ſuppoſe ( tho I cannot allow it to be true ) that the King and Scots
Nation did paſs ſuch a high Compliment upon this King, as to call
him Father or Lord : What then? Does it hence follow that they
ſubjected themſelves to his Scepter, and ( as the Annals Phraſe it)
chooſe him to be Lord over their King? 'Tis not pretended, that he
fubdu'd them: And all that can be ſaid upon the Matter,as Sir James
Dalrymple judiciouſly obſerves, is in ſhort this : He was a potent the Elder
Monarch, and the King of the Scots, as well as the other Princes of England;
and People inention’d in the Saxon Annals, courted his Friendſhip, King, but
and by way of Compliment calld him Father and Lord. Thus falfly faid
Achaius another King of Scotland, is by French Authors ſaid to have lorded it o-
call'd the Emperor Charlemaign Lord, and himſelf, that Monarch's
Servant and Subject : Yet we find not that either he, or any of his
Succeſſors, whether Emperors of Germany, or Kings of France, did
ever from thence pretend to a Superiority over Scotland.
Athelſtane, King Edward's natural, but legitimated Son, ſucceeded Athelftans.
him in Anno 924: And his Reign came not ſhort of the Glories of any
of the former. He had Wars
with all or moſt of his Neighbours,
and had always the better of them. He ſuppreſs’d the Danes, van-
quiſh'd the Welſh, and, ſays Mr. Echard, (6) Defeated the Scots, and
forc’d them to deliver up themſelves and their Poleſions into his bands.
'Tis ſurpriſing thatat this time of Day, any one of the brave Engliſh,
that are deſervedly poſſeſs’d of ſo many realGlories, ſhould be found
1o Partial as to perpetuate, not only forgotten Animofities, but ground-
M m 2
lefs
($) Craig concerning Homage. p. 176. (b) In his Life.
Edward
ver Scotland.
A. D. 9264
140
The Martial Atchievements Book II
The Scots
vvere not
they pay
Homage
for Scotland
to King
Athelftane.
1
)
leſs and empty Fictions, forg'd long ſince by Calumny, to ſupport
After-pretenſions, and refuted again and again, beyond the Poſibili-
Conquerd
, ty of a Reply. Florence of Worceſter was perhaps the firſt that
broach'd the Calumny, and after him William of Malmsbury, Henry
of Huntington, Roger Hoveden, Matthew of Paris
, Thomas Wälſingham,
and Matthew of Weſtminſter: All Copiers after one another, and who
wrote their Hiſtories at a Time'when the Engliſh Pretenſions over
Scotland, were moſt fiercely diſputed, and thereby aWar occaſion’d, ſo
laſting and bloody, that no leſs than 300000 Men fell in the Quar-
rel: And by this time, they have accounted to Almighty GOD for
the ſhare they had in the letting out ſo much Blood, and in the
waſting of ſo much Treaſure. But ſince theſe Monks ( and Monks
are ever the moſt National of Men ) could not promote the Gran-
deur of their King or Country by their Swords, it ſeems they
thought fit to do what they could with their Pens and Tongues :
And who was he that did not, in that critical Juncture, endeavour
it with utmoſt Zeal ? Before this Period of Time, there's no
Author that poſitively aſſerts any Homage paid by the Kings of Scot-
land, as ſuch, to Edward, Athelſtane, or any of the Saxon Monarchs:
And whoever believes or writes, that the Scots were Vaffals in theſe
Days to the Engliſh, he aſſents in Defiance of Right and Reaſon,
to the Teſtimony of Men, that never ſaw what they wrote, nor can
bring any approv'd Hiſtorians to vouch what they ſay; and
thoſe by their Profeffion Monks, that is, Men dead to the World,
remote from Buſineſs, and uncapable, by their own Laws and thoſe
of Nations, to draw up any publick A&t, to which Credit might be
given ; Men born and bred in England ſubject to the King of Eng-
lands Power, and conſequently profeſs’d and declar'd Enemies to
the thenKings and Country of Scotland, againſt whom they are brought
in as Witneſſes: Than which, nothing can be imagin’d that's more
unfair. The Truth of the Matter is this: The Kings of Scotland
were (a) (as ’tis own’d by Holinſhed, Malmsbury, Henry of Hunting-
ton, Camden, &c.) poſſeſs’d of three Engliſh Provinces, Cumberland,
Northumberland, and Weſtmorland. And if any Homage was paid,
which yet even the Monaſtick Authors do not plainly affert, it was
no doubt upon the Account of theſe. The great King Gregory had
firſt brought them under his Obedience: (6) He was ſucceeded by
Donald Vi. Donald VI. a Prince worthy of the high Poft.. 'Twas his Choice
avvorthy to live in Peace with his Neighbours, but he was ever ready and
prepar’d for war. He cauld the Youth to be train’d
ſhips and Labour, and was carefull, left, by inglorious Sloth or Luxu-
ry, he ſhould loſe what his Predeceſsor had acquir’d with ſo much
Labour and Courage. The Danes were ſo far from daring to
attack hin, that on the contrary they courted his Friendſhip, and
offer'd mighty things, if he would join hisForces with theirs, and aſſiſt
in the Reduction of England. They had formerly follicited King
Gregory to the fame Purpoſe. But, as this laſt had rejected the Over-
A. D. 892.
Prince.
up to Hard-
ture
(a) Craig. concerning Homage chap. 18,(6)Buchan. Boecb. Lell. &c.in vit,Greg. Donaid VI.& Constant. III.
Chap. I
.
Of the Scots Nation.
141
III.
ture, ſo at this time Donald did the like, perſwaded(a) that 'twas
by no means lawful for a Chriſtian Prince to carry on a War, tho
otherwiſe juſt, againſt Chriſtians, with the Affiſtance, and to the
Advantage of Pagan Allies. Upon this a Fleet of the Danes
threatnd to invade Northumberland, at leaſt they lay long at An-
chor upon the Coaſts of that Country, yet offer'd no Injury. They
durſt not, for Donald had a brave Army in readineſs to receive them.
They therefore thought fit to draw off
, and deſcend elſewhere in
the Engliſh Territories: But even there they met with Oppoſition
from the Scots ; for the King ſent a conſiderable Body of Forces to
the Aſſiſtance of the Engliſh Alfred, whoſe Victories and Succeſſes !
have already taken notice of, the rather, becauſe the Scots had
the Honour to ſhare in them. This done, the King return'd to
Scotland: And after having ſuppreſt a dangerous Inſurrection, oc-
cafion’d by Fewds and Quarrels between the inhabitants of Murray
and Roſs, he Died; ſome write, by Poyſon treacherouſly given to
one of the beſt of Kings; others, that he went back to Northumber-
land, in order to watch the always ſuſpected Motions of the perfi-
dious Danes, and that he Sicken'd there in the Year 903.
His Succeſſor Conſtantine III. was no vic ous Prince, but not fo
conſtant and ſteady in Good, as Gregory or Donal.l. They had gene. Conftantine
rally reje&ted the Friendthíp of Pagans : He embrac'd it, hoping
thereby to extend the Limits of his Kingdom, or at leaſt to preſerve
thoſe Engliſh Provinces, which Edward the Elder, now king of Eng-
land, pretended a Right to. With this View, he made over the Makes Mali
County of Cumberland to Malcolm the Son of King Donald, and colm the Son
conſequently his own legal Succeffor in the Scoitiſh Throne , And Prince of
appointed, that henceforth the legal Heirs of the Crown ſhould Cumberland,
poſſeſs that Country as their Appanage, which therefore he doub-
ted not but they would be the more Sollicitous to defend againſt the
Daniſh Inſults, or Engliſh Pretenſions. Buchanan tells us, that this
was to predetermine the Succeſſor, and conſequently an Encroach-
ment upon the States, by whole Votes Kings had wont to be Elect-
But under favour, this rather ſhews, that Kings were never
elected by the States; if then there was any ſuch thing as a Conven-
tion of States uſual in Scotland: For if ſo, they had complain'd of the
Breach of their Privileges, and would not have ſuffer'd (without
raiſing fome violent Struggle.) the Conſtitution to have been thus
overturn'd. .?Tis plain then, that the Law pointed out the Suc-
ceſſor : And to this Succeffor (whoſe undoubted Right the People
knew, and the Nobles met only to recognize and acknowledge )
Conſtantine thought fit to give the County of Cumberland. We read
no where that the Scots quarreld the Thing, but the King of Eng-
land did. He conſider'd that Country to be a part of his own Do-
minions, becauſe it was once ſo: And being reſolu'd to recover a League
the ſame, he found means to detach the Danes from the Scots, and to Danes
.
bring them over to an Alliance with himſelf: But to their Coſt: For
having
(a) Ford. Scrip. XX. p. 670.
.
و
ed :
Enters into
Nn
1
142
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
having by this means lull’d them alleep, he fell upon them una-
wares, ravag'd their Land, and reduc'd them almoſt to Deſpair.
Upon this they had again Recourſe to the fame Scots, they had but
lately abandon'd, beg’d their Aſſiſtance, and folemnly Swore an in-
violable Friendſhip. Conſtantine,mov'd by Reaſons of Intereſt, com-
ply'd with the Requeſt: And a War preſently enſu'd between the
Scors and Danes, on the one ſide, and the Engliſh on the other.
Athelſtane was now on the Eng.iſh Throne, a Martial and Heroick
Prince; tho Scots Authors write, (a) that he was not only a Baſtard,
A. D. 938. but an Ulurper and a Parricide, who to make his way to the Throne,
had murther’d his two Brothers Edred and Eliin, and his Father
Edward, by ſome, for that very Reaſon, Sirnam’d the Martyr. And
the Norvegians,(6) particularly Albert Krantzius, affert, that he was
a cowardly Prince : And that he tranſacted with the King of Nor.
way to deliver him his Kingdom after his Death, on Condition that
he would divert the Arms of the Danes from England. But this I
am confident is falſe; And I ſhall be far from relying on the Teſti-
mony of Enemies or Foreigners, when to magnify their own Na-
tiort, they preſume to blacken the Memory of Princes, by their
own Subjects, certainly the beſt Judges, accounted, as this Athel-
ſtane, a brave, wiſe, and not irreligious Prince.
He had diſpoſſeis’d Godefrid the Daniſh King of Northumberland, by
what means thoſe of that Nation had regain'd it from the Scots now
in Confederacy with them, I cannot tell : And he having fed into
Scotland, and his Brother Anlaf into Ireland, Athelſtane (c) diſpatch'd
Ambaſſadors to Conſtantine King of the Scots, who demanded the
Fugitive to be deliver'd up, upon the Peril of a ſpeedy War. Some
write, ſays Mr. Echard, that a War did really commence, and that
Athelſtane drove his Enemies before him, as far as Dunfeodor and
Merlermore, two Places never extant in Scotland, if we credit Sir
Thomas Craig. But Malmsbury affirms, that both Conſtantine, and
Eugenius King of Cumberland (he ſhould have ſaid Malcolin Prince
of, and not King of Cumberland) readily caine to a Place call’d Da-
cor, where they deliver'd up themſelves and their poſſeſſions into
the Hands of the King of England, who became Godfather to the
Son of Conſtantine. But unluckily this Conſtantine had not a Son,
elſe he had come to the Throne ſometime or other. I admire that
Mr. Echard forgets to tell us the Story concerning St. John of Bever-
ly : It ſeems he thought (and. he was in the right on't) that the ri-
diculous Legend would invalidate the Teſtimony of the Monks, his
The Story Vouchers. They write (d) that Athelſtane, being at Dunbuir,
of Beverly
, ( where by the by he never was, nor did he ever enter Scotland) and
and ſome o- doubting, as well he might, whether or not the Superiority over
tions of the Scotland was rightfully due to him, (his Title even to England is
queſtion'd to this Day,) he pray'd to God, that by the Merits and
Interceffion of St. John of Beverly, he would diſcover the truth to
bim
Morks con-
futed.
(a) Buchan, in vita Conſtant. III. (b) Craig concerning Homage. chap. 18. p. 199. (c) Echard Hiſt. Engl.
lib. 1. 82, and 83. (d) Craig loc. citat. Baker p, 14. &c.
i
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation.
143
Prince of
Cumberland
land,
him by ſome Miracle : And ſo drawing his Sword, he ftruek a huge
. ill-Ihapen Stone, and made a great Clift in it; the Stone yielding
as eaſily as if it had been Butter or Bees-Wax. This to be ſure
was a plain proof of the Juſtice of his Cauſe, and a certain Preſage
of his Vietory. Nevertheleſs the Scots, even in thoſe credulous A.
ges, were not convinc'd; notwithſtanding the Prodigy they could
never be brought to believe.
They invaded England under the Conduct, not of their King The Scots
Conſtantine, as the Engliſh erroneouſly write, but of Malcolm the Prince under the
of Cumberland, and being join'd by the Daniſh Commander Anlaf , Malcolm
they laid all waſte before them, on purpoſe to irritate, and 1) to
draw the Engliſh, by much inferior in Number, to an Engagement, invade Eng:
But, as the Confidence the Confederates had in their own Strength,
made them raſh and preſumptuous; ſo the Fear of Danger made
the Enemy wary. Athelſtane wiſely gave way to the firit Fury of
the numerous Aggreſſors
, who believing their Victory certain, and
fearing, leaſt the more backward and cowardly of their Comrads,
ſhould ſeife on the Booty, they gave over the Chace, and thought
of nothing, but of enriching themſelves by Plunder. Upon this the
Engliſh rally’d, return'd to the field of Battle, and made ſuch a
Slaughter of the greedy covetous Souldiery, as the like had never
been ſeen. The Scots Nobility ſtood their Ground to the laſt, and are defea:
were therefore almoſt all cut off. Prince Makolin eſcap'd narrowly, Athelſiano
: ,
having been dangerouſly wounded and carried off the Field. All
own that the Engliſh gain'd a compleat Victory; but theſe lait relate
it otherwiſe. (a) The Confederates, ſay they, choſe rather by
Night to ſurpriſe their Enemy, than fairly to give them Battle in
open Field by Day light; and accordingly they fell ſuddenly upon
the Engliſh, at Brunanburg in Northumerland, ( Fordon calls the
Place Brcunygfeld) and caufing a great Tumult, the King tho a
Mile off, and his whole Army took the Alarm, and by Night
came to the Place of the Slaughter, where they found the Aſſailants
tird and diſorder'd by their late Travel, and for want of Sleep:
King Athe'ſtane met with Anlaf, and Turkitul his Kinſman engag'd
Conſtantine : He bravely paſs’d through the Heaps of Orcadians and
Picts, bearing a Wood of Darts and Arrows on his Breaft-Plate, and
breaking in upon whole Companies of Cimbrians and Scots, he at
length reach'd Conftantine himſelf
, whom he diſmounted, and would
have taken alive : But the Scots were ſo concern'd for their King,
that they made a very dangerous Reſiſtance ; and many of thein
preſſing upon the few Engliſh that follow'd him, and all aiming
chiefly at Turketul, he began to repent of his raſhneſs, ſeeing no
means of eſcaping, or getting off his Priſoner ; when on a ſudden
Singin, another valiant Captain, coming in afreſh to his Reſcue, kill'd
King Conſtantine : And the Report flying about the Army, Anlaf and
his Danes fled as well as the Scots, after an incredible Slaughter of
both Nations:
Nn 2
All
(aj Echard lib. 1. chap. 4. p. 83. vol. 1.
144
The Martial Archievements Book II.
he
turns 2
Monk,
The Scots
loſe Cumber-
land and
mund.
All that's here faid of King Conſtantine is certainly falſe ; for tho
was, as an Engliſh Author (a) Characterizes him,Vir magnæ ani-
mofitatis, o vivacis fene&ta, a Prince of great Courage, and lively,
even in his old Age, yet all Scots Hiſtorians poſitively aſſert (and
why ſhould they do it if not true) that he was not preſent at
the Battle of Brounygfielt, but that on the contrary, he outliy'd that
King Con-
Jtantine III. fatal Engagement full nine Years, of which he ſpent the laſt five in
a Monaitery of Religious, commonly call'd theCuldees at St. Andrews,
whither he willingly retir’d, out of a Motive of Piety, leaving the
A. D. 943. Throne to Prince Malcolm ). his lawful Succeflor.
The Conſequence of the lateOverthrow receiv'd by the Scots and
Danes was this: The former loft Cumberland and Weſtmorland,and the
Westmorland, latter Northumberland; all three being, by the Victorious Athelſtane,
reunited to the other Dependencies of the Crown of England. Tó
him ſucceeded his Brother Edmund, and he is ſaid (b) to have dri-
ven Anlaf out of Northumberland, and to have haraſs’d Cumberland:
Upon what Account I cannot gueſs ; ſince ’tis own'd that the Siots
But are re. were already dil poſſeſs'd of it. But what Mr. Echard adds, is very
en el y of true, viz. that he gave it to Malcolm King of Scotland, upon
Condi-
King Ed. tion, that he ſhould aſſiſt him in all his Wars, both by Sea and
A. D: 946.
Land : He allo gave W<ſtmorland upon the ſame Terms. He had
reaſon, for he very well knew, that the Scots would not be eaſily
induc'd to lay down their Claim to thoſe Countries. He dreaded
their Unicn with the Danes, who again began to ſtir, and aim'd at no
leſs than the Sovereigntyof the whole Illand. King Malcolm on the
other hand thought it more honourable and juſt, to fide with the
Chriſtian Engliſh (till of late the faithful Allies of his Predeceſſors)
than with the Pagan, perfidious and aſpiring Danes, whoſe very
Friendſhip was by Experience found to be unſafe. 'Tis true, that
Edmund and his Succeſſors, Kings of England,exacted of him and his
Succeſſors, or rather of the apparent Heirs of the Scots Crown, calld
Princes of Cumberland, a ſolemn Oath, by which they acknow-
To be held ledg’d themſelves Vaffals for the Lands_they enjoy’d in England.
This they could not reaſonably decline: For after all, theſe Northern
Provinces had, as all the reſt of the Heptarchy by long Preſcription,
and by Poſſeſſion out of Mind, belong’d to the Crown and Mo-
narchs of England. And ſince theſe laſt now yielded them frankly
to the Kings and Princes of Scotland, thoſe had reaſon to require,
and there to pay Homage and ſwear Fealty for the valuable Gift.
The Kings of England after the Conqueſt, as Potent as they were,
did not think it below their Grandeur to own the Kings of France
their Lords and Superiors for thoſe Provinces they poſſeſs’d in, and
held of France. The Kings of Spain, tho at the ſame time Emper-
ors of Germany, have done the like, with Reference both to the
Crown of France and See of Rome. To this Day the Kings of Swed-
land, Denn ark and Prufia, are Vaſſals to the Emperor in the fame
Senle. Nay, the haughty Lewis XIV. of France, when at the
Height
(a) Scriptor. XX. p. 672; (b) Echard in his Life:
of the
Crown of
England.
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nation. 145
Height of his Power and Glory, defir'd to be confiderd as Landgrave
of Allace, that is, a Member of the Empire, and conſequently a
Vaffal. The Czar of Muſcovy has of late made Qvertures to the
fame purpoſe : 'And what is juſt and equal in all other Potentates,
cannot be thought derogatory to the ancient Crown or Kingdom of
Scoiland.
Hence 'tis nevertheleſs
, that the Monks of after-Ages (willing to
flatter and promote the ambitious Projects of their Engliſh Sove-
reigns; and finding upon Record, or rather hearing by Tradition,
that Kings of Scotland have at different times paid Homage to thofe
of England for the beneficiary Countries they held of that Crown)
have inconſiderately and calumnioully written, that the Homage
was due and paid for the Kingdoin of Scotland it ſelf: A plain and
palpable Falíhood, which no Reaſon, Law nor Record, can make
good : Nay, evidently refuted by Records, Reaſon and Law. All The King
Scots Records vouch the contrary, and the Engliſh, for the Reaſons of Scotland
already mention’d, deſerve no Credit upon this Score. Beſides, the geref old,
Hoinage could not be due for Scotland, tince its Kings poflefs’d it by Rngliſh Terg
their own innate hereditary Right : And it cannot be alledgʻd, that ritories.
the Saxons, who fone Ages before had no Title to ſo much as an
Acre of Land in the Ifland, ſhould, becauſe they ufurp'd upon the
Britains, have thereby acquir'd a Title to the Superiority of Scotland.
If they conquer'd it, as they never did, nor could, even this had not
made it theirs by Right. Yet probably they had not eaſily parted
with it, no more than with their other Acquiſitions: At leaſt, they
had not reſtor'd it to its natural Princes, or if they had, to be ſure,
they had depriv'd them of the Title and Quality of Kings; elſe they
had been highly Iinpolitick, and acted without a Precedent.
Thus ’tis plain, that the Kings of Scotland poffefs’d not their
Kingdom by virtue of any Right given to them by the Kings of
England: Cumberland and ſome other Lands in England they did
poffefs by virtue of a Right granted by the Kings of England: It
therefore neceſſarly follows, that the Homage was due for Cumber-
land, &c. and if perform’d, what wonder? But there was but
only one Homage perform’d, (for none of the Monaftical Writers
mention two ) and this was a Debt paid by the Kings or Princes of
Scotland : And they conſtantly affert, that they paid this Debt for
theſe Countries; which, if true, as it certainly is, they paid it
only for theſe Countries. For in all Payments, Lawyers will have
the Payment to be interpreted according to the meaning of the
Debitor, and not of the Creditor. Again, according to Law, if
Payment be made, without Addition of what Debt it is for, the
Paymentis underſtood rather for that which is not contraverted, than
that which is. And if there be two Debts, the one certain, and
the other dubious, the Payment is preſum’d to be for that which is
certain, and not for that which is doubtful. Now ’tis certain,
that there was a Debt due for Cumberland and Weſtmorland, and after-
wards Northumberland: But that any was due for Scotland, is not on-
0
ly
V
--
140 The Martial Atchievements Book II,
Malcolm and
King Ed
mund.
A. D. 946.
ly dubious, but plainly deny’d. The Concluſion is evident, and I
need no longer inlift upon this Subject, which better Pens, particu-
larly the eminent Sir Thomas Craig, his Tranſlator Mr. Ridpath
a zealous Defender of the juſt Rights of his Country, the ingenious .
Antiquary Mr. Anderſon, and the Learn’d Sir James Dalrymple
, have
almoſt exhauſted. Their unanſwerable Writings, I ſhall frequently
be oblig'd to Conſult. 'Tis an ungrateful Task : But a few recent
Authors of the Engliſh Nation, have made it neceſſary to undeceive,
ſo far as in them Iyes, that glorious and mighty People, of whom
the Scots are now a Part ; the leſſer indeed, yet not an ignoble one,
ſuch as old Hatred, that ought never to be reviv'd, would repre-
ſent them to the World. But to return from whence I have di-
grefsd :
Peace being concluded, (a) and a League enter'd into, upon the
Conditions I have mention’d, by Malcolm the King of the Scots, and
Peace and Edmund of England, their united Forces ſoon brought the Danes to
tween King Reaſon: They drove both Anlaf and R ginald out of Northumberland.
But Edmund liv'd not long to reap the Fruits of his Victory. To
him ſucceeded his Brother Edred, as did ſome Years afterwards In-
IndulpbKing dulph to King Malcolm. Indulph, while as yet Prince of Cumberland
of Scotland. and Weſtmorland, paid Homage for theſe Countries to King Edred:
For which Reaſon, Mr. Echard tells us from his Saxon Annals, That
the Scots ſwore Obedience to him, to Will whatſoever he lhould Will: That
is, the Heir of their Crownown'd himielf a Vaſſal for his Engliſh
Territories. This done, not by the Scots, nor by their King Iriſius,
as Holinſhed ſome where fallly aſſerts (for they had never a King of
that Name ) Prince Indulph. continu'd to aſlift the Engliſh in the
Proſecution of the War: In which Service he commanded ten thou-
Engliſh:
fand Men, and contributed to the total Reduction of Northuntberland,
which henceforth loſt the Name and Title of a Kingdom, and camé
to be govern'd by Earls.
The Danes every where worſted, earneſtly follicited Indulph, now
A. D. 959. King of Scotland, to relinquilh the Engliſh Confederacy : But in vain.
He no ſooner attain’d to the Crown, but he nain’d his apparent
Heir, Duff, Prince of Cumberland and Weſtmorland; and this laſt took
the uſual Oath of Allegiance to the Monarch of England. This
the Danes and Norvegians highly reſented, and therefore (b) fitted
out a Fleet of Fifty Ships, hover'd up and down the Coaſts, and
ſometimes would land, and with barbarous Cruelty ravage the
adjacent Shores; which done, they would inſtantly return to their
Ships, put again to Sea, and to the great Terror of moſt Parts of
the Kingdom, appear anew where they were leaſt expected, and re-
act their wonted Barbarities. Thus they kept the Kings and Peo-
ple of both Nations in a continual Stir ; who, whilſt they march'd
to the Defence of the South or Eaſt, found there no Enemy, but
were aların’d with freſh News of a Landing in the Weſt or North.
At length, they attempted a Deſcent in the Firth of Forth, and
thought
(a) Buchan, in vit. Malcol. (b) Ford. apud Scriptor. XX. p. 674.
Aflits the
Is attack'd
by the
Danes.
Chap. I. Of the Scots Nation.
I 47
more
Who make
thought to have furpris'd the Neighbouring Inhabitants. And in-
deed they ſtruck then with unſpeakable Terror. Some made Hafte
to ſecure their Wives, Children, and Goods, by conveying them to
Places of ſtrength, remote from the Sea ; whilſt others,
reſolute, drew up in great Multitudes on the Shore, in order to
drive back the unwelcome Gueſts. Hago and Helric, this a Dane,
that a Norvegian commanded in Chief. Their firſt Deſign was upon
Lothian, a fruitful and populous Country, where they expected
great Bcoty and Wealth : But being repuls’d, or not daring to
advance, they tack'd about, and made the like Attempt upon a Deſcent
Fife, to as little Purpoſe. From thence they faild Northwards, in theNorth
all along the Coaſts of Argus, Merns, Mar, and Buchan: But meeting
no where with an Opportunity of Landing, they put to Sea, as if
they had meant to lay aſide their ſuccellefs Project for that time.
The Inhabitants, glad of the Delivery, return'd to their reſpective
Homes, where they remain’d, as they thought, ſecure. But ere a
few Days had pait, the Enemy return'd likewiſe, and landed with-
out Oppoſition at Cullen in Boyn.
The vigilant King, who had attended all their Motions in Per-
fon, chanc'd to be there at the Time, at leaſt he got thither before
the Report of his March was ſpread abroad: And falling unawares
upon the plundering Stragglers, he beat them into their Camp,
which being hard at hand, prevented the Slaughter of a great
many of their Numbers. The King upon the Head of his Forces,
advanc'd with great Bravery and Reſolution, and was receiv’d with
no ſmall Vigour. The Fight was terrible and bloody, and had
lafted a conſiderable time, when two brave Officers, Græme and
Dumbar, who Commanded the Lothians, fetching a Compaſs about,
aſſaulted the Rear of the Danes. Upon this the main Body of their feated by
Army betook themſelves to flight, fome retiring with utmoſt Precipi-K, Indulph,
tation to their Ships,others running they knew not whither through
Paths and Places they had never ſeen. Only one Brigade, that had
been poſted behind a Thicket of Trees, ſtood their Ground : And
as the King unwarily Purſu'd theChace,(an Error, Scots-men, eſpeci-
ally their Kings, have often committed and ſmarted for) he fell in , K. Indulpl
with thatBody which had not been broken, and by them was un-
fortunately kill'd, leaving the Field of Battle to his victorious Sub- K. Duff
jects, and the Crown to his legal Succeſſor Duff, the Son of the
late King Malcolm, and the beneticiary Provinces of Cumberland and
Weſtmorland to his own Son Cuien.
This laft, as he was the next legal Heir to the Crown, ſo he at-
tain'd but too ſoon to that high Dignity. Nothing recommended A. D. 966.
him to it, but his unqueſtionable Birth-right. During his Reign, of Scorlanico
,
which laſted about four Years, he did but one good Action, which
was this: He puniſh'd the Murtherers of his excellent Predeceffor
King Duff with deſerv'd Rigour. Never were two Princes more
unlike in their Manners and Maxims of Government, than thoſe :
0 0 2
(a)
But are des
kill'd.
A. D. 9612
1
148
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
li
The Chara (a) Duff was gracious, and, ſays Fordon, in all his Actions expreſt
King Duff the Simplicity or Mildneſs of a Dove to his peaceable Subjects; but
and King to Delinquents, particularly Thieves, Robbers and Rebels, inexo-
different. rably ſevere. Culen on the contrary neglected the Good, and ſo
cheriſh'd the Wicked, that Sin becaine faſhionable, and Shame no
where viſible, at leaſt at Court. The one by Command and Ex-
ample, promoted the old Scots Diſcipline, Faſting long, Drinking
little, Shooting, Hunting, Walking, Watching and the like man-
ly Exerciſes of all_forts. The other intioduc'd new Modes, new
Diſhes of Meat, Drinking and Revelling over Night, Sleeping by
Day, and open unbridld Venery. The former by the Rigour of
his Laws made the young Men Wiſe, and the old Men Strong.
The latter Debauch'd both Old and Young, Men and Women,
Wives, Virgins, Nuns: For even theſe laft, in thoſe Days ſo much
reſpected for their unſtain’d Chaſtity, he did not spare, but forcd
them from, or broke in upon their Oratories and Cells
. Manhood,
Vigour, Health of Body, Reſolution of Mind, Sobriety, and all the
noble Train of fevereſt' Virtue rtign’d with Duf. And with Culen
Effeminacy, Sloth, Diſeaſes, Avarice, Injuſtice, and at laſt Rapine
and Cruelty. Here one might ſee the Face of Lacedem in or kome;
and there all the Deformities, and none of the Delicacies of the faine
Rome or Greece, when afterwards corrupted and debauch'd by the
Monſters that ruld thein. And no wonder, ſince the one Prince
was like Cato, Vertuous; and the other Laſcivious, as Heliogabulus
or Caracalla. Notwithſtanding of this Diſconformity of their lives
and Characters, they died both in the ſame Manner, that is, they
were Murther’d; Duff by one Donevild, or Donald, a great Man in
Murray, becauſe he could not obtain a Reprieve or Reiniſſion for
ſome of his Neighbours or Kinſmen, the Laws had condemn'd;
and Culen by the Reſentment of Radhard Lord of Mefen, whole
beautiful Daughter he had diſhonour’d by Forcing her Chaſtity.
Buchanan, loath to let ſlip any Opportunity of depreſſing the Royal
Prerogative, tells us, that before this fell out, the Nobles had met
in a Convention at Scoon, whither they order'd or ſummond (an
unwarrantable Expreſſion no Author would make uſe of but him-
ſelf) their King to repair, in order no doubt to his Depoſition or
Tryal. Fordon, who liv'd nearer that Jun&ture of Time, ſays no
ſuch thing, but agrees in this with Buchanan, that tho none, or
but few, regrated the Treaſon, yet all deteſted and condemn’d the
Traitor.
England much about the ſame time labour'd under the like Grie-
vance, occafion'd by the Male-adminiſtration of their no leſs diffo-
Edvin Kling lute King Edwi. (6) He was actually depos’d, at leaſt diſpoſſeſs’d of
of England
the beſt part of his Kingdom, and his younger Brother Edgar ſet up
in his Room. This Edgar prov'd one of the greateſt Monarchs that
in his piace, ever ſat on the Engliſh Throne. He was reckon'd the David of that
Nation
(a) Butth. Lefl. Buchan. Ormond, &c, in their reſpective Lives. Ford. apud Scriptor. XX. p. 675. (b) E.
chard, Baker, Pere D' Orleans in his Life, and that of Edgar.
Their death
much the
fame.
depos’d.
Edgar fet up
1
Chap. I.
149
Of the Scots Nation.
g
Ed
CG
Kings, cons
Nation, and firnam'd the Peaceable ; becauſe, tho he was undoubt-
edly Brave, yet he lovềd Peace, and procurd it to his people. One
of the moſt politick, others word it pious, Things he did was this ;
He ejected the married Clerks or Prieſts out of the Monaſteries
they had been poſſeſs’d of in his Brother's Reign, and fill'd them a-
new with regular unmarried Monks: And thete have not fail'd in all
Ages ſince to expreſs their Gratitude for the great Favour. They
were the only Compilers of the Engliſh Hiſtory, in which they have
celebrated the Praiſes and Grandeur of their Benefactor in ſuch a
Manner, as diſparages themſelves, and adds not much to his Glo
ries : For Example, they write, (a).“ That for the lupport of his Testidy.com
Grandeur, and towards the ſuſtaining of the Charge of his Na-K
« vies, this Prince had at once eight petty Kings, who being his fidu- Fow'd over
ciary Clients or Vaffals, were by Oath bound to be ready at his Dee by eight
« Command, and to ſerve him both at Sea and Lind : Whichi fured.
« Oath they took at Cheſter, where he had order'd them to meet
him, as he fail'd about the North of Britain with a great Fleet.
" Their Names were, Kenne: h King of Scotland, Malcom King of
“ Cumberland, Maccure King of Man and the Iſles, Jacob King of Gil.
" loway, Jucullus King of Weſtmorland, with Dufval and Griffith Kings
66 of Wales, and others add Huwall and Fude: ill. That all theſe
“Sattending him at his Court at Cheſter, to fet forth the Splendour
16 and Greatneſs of his Dominions, he went into a Galley, and
es caus'd himſelf to be row'd by theſe Kings on the River Dee,
« whilſt he himſelf held the Steerage, and was waited upon by all
66 his Dukes and Nobility in another Barge. That in this pompous
« Manner he was carried to the Monaſtery of St. John Baptiſt; where
an Oration being made to him, he, in the ſame State, 'return’d to
« his Palace: And that being arriv’d there, he declar'd to his No-
"bles about him, that his Succeffors might then boaſt themſelves to
“ be truly Kings of England, when they ſhould, like him, be atten-
« ded by ſo many Kings, his Vaffals. A Saying and Story remark-
able for nothing but the Vanity, Folly, Ignorance and Extravagan-
cy of thoſe that firſt învented it. And who would think that any
one in his right Wits, could tranſcribe or repeat it with a Deſign of
being believ'd ? Indeed Baker and others, as zealous for the Glory of
England, as can be expected of wiſe Men and good Patriots, do not
ſo much as mention any ſuch thing. They very well knew, that
there was never a King ſo called, either of Cumberland, Galloway or
Weſtmorland. If any ſuch Kings had ever a Being, who dignified
them with the lofty Title? I'm ſure they had neither Wealth nor
Territories, nor Subjects to deſerve it. "Cumberland and Weſtmorland
belong’d at that time to Prince Malcolm the eldeſt Son of Scotland, and
he held them as Principalities, depending of the Crown of England;
and that he paid Homage for them cannot be doubted. As for
Galloway and the Iſles, they are but ſmall Parts of the Kingdom of
Scotland it felf, and none of the moſt Fruitful or Populous : So that
16
Pp
to
(m) Echard vol. 1. lib. 1. p. 89.- Craig concerning Homage p. 219.
150
The Martial Atchievements Book II
to term their Lords or Governors, Kings, is in my opinion ab-
ſurd. Neither did that auguſt Naine belong to the Princes of Wales :
Theſe Kings were certainly created by Monks; that is, by Men ig-
norant of Men and Things, and who, it ſeems, have receiv’d
every
little Rumour or Whiſper, as ſo many Miracles, when they contri-
buted, or to ſerve a Turn, or to flatter the Ambition of an aſpiring
Prince, or to magnify the Grandeur of their Country. But they
were not properly Kings, but Reguli, petty Sub-kings, as Malmſ-
bury terms them: And if ſo, the Story, tho true, is not much worth
the relating, and Edgar had no ſuch Reaſon to boaſt his exalted
State. But 'tis ſtrange, that among theſe petty Sub-kings, Kenneth
the King of the Scots forſooth_muſt be rank’d: A King, who in
thoſe Days, pofſeft as large Territories as Edgar himſelf; whoſe
Succeſſors the greateſt Monarchs England ever had, (and England
may boaſt of as great, as perhaps any other Nation in the World)
could never reduce; and whoſe Predeceſſors had not only foil'd
the Danes, reſiſted the Saxons, ſubjected the Britains ; but alſo ſet
Limits to the Roman Empire, and'render’d the Expeditions of Roman
Emperors ignoble or vain. If there has been any Ground for, or
Riſe given to this Romantick, or rather Gigantick Story, Sir Thomas
Craig I believe has hit it. All the Kings of England have ever been
accuſtom’d to celebrate the Feaſt of our Lord's Nativity with mag-
nificent Banquets, and moſt ſplendid Entertainment. Neighbouring
Princes, particularly thoſe of Wales, have been invited to thare in
the modilh Divertiſements. And 'tis not impoſſible, but Kings of
Scotland, or their Heirs the Princes of Cumberland, might, when in
Friendſhip with the Kings of England, whoſe Vaſſals they were for
their Engliſh Poffeffions, have gone thither upon the like Occaſions.
We read not nevertheleſs in Scots Hiſtories, that this King Kenneth
III. was at the Engliſh Court. But I ſhall ſuppoſe that he was, and
with him Malcolm the Prince of Cumberland, to whoſe Retinue ’tis
probable the Lords, or Thanes, or Governours, call them as you
will
, of Man, the Weſtern Iſles, and of Galloway, did belong. Well,
they met there with ſome Princes from Wales: All theſe foreign
Gueſts were nobly regal'd, and very much cảreſs’d by the magni-
ficent King Edgar, and on the Eve of the Epiphany, according to
the Cuſtom of that and after-Ages, laying aſide all Grandeur or
State Ceremonies, they choſe a King, whoſe Commands all the reſt
were to obey, during the Solemnity. The Lot fell accidentally, or
perhaps defign’dly, upon Edgar: And he, to amuſe the People, and di-
vert the Court, would needs be attended with Pomp, carried in
State, and row'd in a Barge. What then? The next Year perhaps
the Lot might fall upon a Subject, and in this Caſe King Edgar
would not ſcruple to give his Subject the right Hand, allow him the
Regalia, and wait on him, for his own and the Peoples Divertiſe.
ment by Land or Water, for ſome two or three Days. Theſe Fro-
licks, or ſuch as theſe, have ever been and are ſtill at Courts, where
Gallantry, Civility and Jollity dwell.
Mr.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. 151
Edgar
Mr. Echard has given himſelf the Trouble to tranſcribe ſuch ano-
ther Story concerning theſe two Monarchs, Kenneth and Edgar: He
tells us,
That the firſt was jeſtingly heard to ſay in his Court, that
he wonder'd how ſo many Provinces ſhould be govern’d by ſuch a fallu aid to
little Man as Edgar: Which fo fir’d the Mind of this warm and cou- lenigd King
ragious Prince, that immediately ſending for Kenneth, ( for he is ſup- Keuners to a
Com-
pos'd to have been ready to obey bis Lord and Maſter, as ſoon as command- bat,
ed : ) He drew him out into a private Place, and taking out two
Swords, which he had brought under his Garment, he gave one to
Kenneth, declaring, Now it should be try'd who ought to Govern, and wa
to Obey. Bravely ſaid, and well tim'd in his own Kingdom and at
his own Court, whither he had drawn a foreign Prince, under the
Pretence of Friendſhip and Buſineſs. Kenneth very well knew, that
ſhould he kill his Landlord, an Action unworthy of a Man, he could
by no means make his Eſcape into Scotland: And he conceivd it
no Demonſtration of his Proweſs and Bravery, to do that upon
which his own inevitable Murther muſt preſently enſue : He
therefore beg'd Pardon, and declind to tight, or, as. Mr. Echard
phraſes it, Kened much confounded, fell at his Feet, beg'd Pardon of him,
and declar’d, that he had spoken indiſcreetly, but no ways intended to his
Diſhonour or Detraction, with which the King was ſarisfy’d. Were all
this true, as 'tis not (for Kenneth was never in England, for ought
we know) I do not ſee that, Circumſtances being confider’d, he
could act a better Part. And ’tis plain, that the Writers of theſe
and the like Romances, underſtand not the Rules of their Art :
For as Mrs Despreaux has it,
Rien n'eſt beau que le vray, le vray ſeul eſt aimable :
Il doit regner par tout, do meme dans la fable.
Edgar was undoubtedly a great Prince; and his Character would
fhine very bright in Story, but for theſe Capricio's, unjudicioully
affixt to it. For here they ſpeak him a faithleſs Landlord, and a
ranting Bully ; and there a vain Man, and a Boaſter of imaginary
Glories, than which, no Ingredients more vile can enter the Com-
poſure of a Heroe.
His Cotemporary, King Kenneth III. of Scotland, is more oblig'd
to the Hiſtorians of his Nation : They give him a Character great
and glorious, and every way conſiſtent with it felf, as I ſhall ſhew
when I come to write his Life. I ſhall only obſerye by the Way,
that King Kenneth is in an oldManufcript,ſtill extant, (a)faid to have
been Rex victorioſiſſimus fuper omnibus nationibus. Wallie & Hibernie
& Norvegia : A Title with as much Juſtice given by Scots Monks to
him, as that of King over all Albion, the Engliſh Monks have given
to ſome of their Saxon Monarchs, particularly to Edward,
Athelſtane, Edmund, and Edgar. But to return to the Hiſtory from
whence I am often by the Engliſh Writers oblig'd to digreſs;
P p 2
King
(a) Dalrymple's Collections, p. 102.
;
152
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Prince
baſely mur-
ther'd.
and Grim
two Uſur-
pers.
King Kenneth, after he had by his excellent Conduct reform’d,
and in a great meaſure new modeld the diſtemper'd State, and by
his un:launted Courage ſuppreſs’d moſt dangerous Inſurrections at
Home, and routed a huge' Army of the invading Danes, was baſely
A. D. 994. murther’d by the Treachery of a Woman, incited to the Villany
an excellent upon a double Account. The King had caus’d her feditious Son
to be put to Death, and ſhe was a near Kinſwoman,both of Conſtan-
tine the Son of King Culin, and of Grim, the Son of King Duff.
Theſe Princes, by the old abuſive Law or Cuftom,receiv’d ſince the
Reign of Feritharis ad King of the Alhin Scots, had a Proſpect of
ſucceeding to the Crown in their Turns: But Kenneth had with their
own Content, and that of the whole Nobles of the Kingdom con-
veen’d at Scoon, abrogated that Law, and enacted, that henceforth
the eldeſt Son of the laſt deceaſt King, tho but an Infant as yet un-
born, ſhould ſucceed in his Father's Room. By vertue of this
Law, Malcolm Prince of Cuniberland, and Son of King Kenneth,
ſhould inſtantly have aſcended the Throne. Conſtantine and Grim
might have lawfully put in for Guardianſhip of the King ; had he
been as yet a Minor, as it ſeems he was not. But this could not
ſatisfy their ambitious Minds; and notwithſtan ling he was come
Conſtantine to the Years of Man, firſt Conſtantine, and then Grim, uſurp'd the
Crown. Their Reigns are but one continu'd Series of Diviſions,
Fewds, Invaſions, Rapines, Devaſtations and Calamities of all ſorts.
At length the righteous Heir prevail'd, and prov'd, like his Father,
an excellent Prince. His Life and Character deſerve to be re-
corded apart.
The victorious Danes and Norvegians ( who about
this Time firſt over-run all England, then made it Tributary, and
K. Malcolm at length entirely ſubdu'd it ) King Malcolm in five ſet Battles de-
ous over the feated and expel’d the Kingdom of Scotland. He likewiſe gave all
the Affiſtance in his power to the ſinking Engliſh, as is acknowledg’d,
not ſo much by the ſilent Hiſtorians of that Nation, as by the ſpeak-
ing Evidences or Laws equally favourable and honourable to the
Scots, made by Engliſh Monarchs, (a) particularly Edward the Con-
feffor, and William the Conqueror, who generouſly acknowledge
the gallant Services perform’d, and moſt fierce Wars ſuſtain’d by
the Kings of Scotland, in the Defence of thoſe of England. 'Tis
true, they did but their Duty, fińce oblig’d thereto as Princes of
Cumberland and Weſtmorland, and ag Kings of Scotland had no leſs
Reaſon, ſince upon England's being conquer’d, they themſelves
were in the ſame Hazard. However, ſince 'tis plain, that the Sots
were highly concern’d in all theſe Wars fo fatal to both King-
doms, and at length to England ruinous; I hope, I'ſhall not be
thought to digreſs, if, according to the Method I propos’d to my
ſelf, I continue to give an Account of them with all the Brevity
the Matter allows of.
Edward, (6) Sirnam'd the Younger, and by ſome the Martyr,
fuc.
(a) Craig concerning Homage, chap. 20. p. 236. 16. Echard, Baker, Pere D' Orleans in the Lives of Ed-
ward, Ethelred, &c.
Danes.
-
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. 153.
made
happy Condition.
fucceeded to the great Edgar his Father: And he being, by the
Treachery of his Mother-in-law, Elfrida, inhumanely murther’d,
way
to the Succeſſion of that infamous Princels, her inglori-
ous, at leaſt unfortunate, Son King Ethelred. This Prince aſcended A. D.: 979.
the Throne, at a Time when his Subjects
, fatned with long Peace King of
and Eaſe, were, one ſhould have thought, in a moſt flouriſhing and England.
. For the dreadful Daniſh Tempeſts that had ſo
oſten threatn’d and ſhaken the State, had been allay'd for above fifty
Years : And they had entertain'd an inviolable Friendſhip with the
Scots, fince the Treaty, by which theſe laſt enjoy'd the Beneficiary
Provinces, lo often mention’d. But 'tis obſervable of moſt Nations,
particularly of Iſlanders, and fo:ne ſay yet more of the Engliſh, that
they cannot bear their good Fortune. A long Calm is ever attend-
ed among them by a raging Storm; and the Wealth acquir'd through
the good Management of their moſt affectionate Fatherly Sovereigns
is readily ſquander'd away, to the Deſtruction of their Succeſſors,
if ever ſo little ſubject to Infirmies of whatever kind.
Ethelred was young, and ſo ne Hiſtorians (a) charge him with
Cowardice and Negligence ; tho others (6) ſay, That the many def-
perare Battles he fought, the good Laños he made, and the Proviſions he
order’d to ſupply all important Occaſions, evidently hero he was not much be-
hind the beſt Princes, Jave only in his Fortune. This ſeems true, the
People was at Eaſe, and therefore the Grandees Factious and con-
ſequently the King expos’d to Cenſure and Obloquy. Beſides, he
had attain’d to the Crown by the greateſt of Villanies, tho'not com-
mitted by himſelf. For upon the News of his Brother's Murther,
he cry'd out exceedingly, which fo enrag’d his Mother Elfrida, that
for want of a Rod the beat him with a Wax Taper till he was half
Dead, which gave him an inſuperable Averfion to a light of thoſe
Lights ever after. Notwithſtanding this Inſtance of his Innocence
and good Nature, and of his unqueſtionable Title to the Crown,
Archbiſhop Dunſtan, ſcrupld to perform the Ceremony of his Coro-
nation : And all theſe Circumſtances concurring together to ren-
der him deſpicable ard odious to his Subjects, and to raiſe thoſe
Traitors among then, who by working his Ruine, brought on that
of the whole Nation. Theſe Dønes that were diſpers’d throughout
the Kingdom began the Miſchief : They advis'd their Country-
men beyond Seas of the State of Affairs : And thoſe greedy and inhu-
mane Rovers faiļd not to co nply with the welcome Invitation.
They landed ſomewhere almoſt every Year, and at length ſwarm’d
in ſuch Numbers into the Land, that now all Havens, Harbours,
and landing Places were filld with them, ſo that it could not be Is attack'd
known where to meet them with Advantage. The ſlothful daftard- by the Danes
ly Court was at a loſs what Reſolution to take, but fix'd on the
worlt that could be imagind. They bought Peace at the Price of
ten thouſand Pounds: And this was the firſt Tribute, callid Dane Gelt, bute to
Pays a Tri-
the Engliſh Nation ever paid to a foreign Power. This Sum of
them.
Money
(4) Echard in his Life. (6) Hiſt, of Eng. Print. Lond 1707. loc. cit.
Qq
ware
The Martial Atchievements Book II
154
miferably
enllav'd.
i
Money (which if employ’d towards Manning out of a Fleet ſufficient
to ſcour the Seas, might have effectually prevented Invaſions for
the future) had a quite contrary Effect. For the Sweet of it ſoon
rais’d the Daniſh and Norvegian Appetites for more: And the Sum,
agreed on for next Year, was fixteen thouſand Pounds; in Expecta-
tion of which they again retir’d to their Ships. But in ſpite of their
Promiſes and Vows, continued from time to time to drive on the
lucrative Trade, till at length the Market was rais'd, and the Price
of Blood, Rapine and Devaſtations, amounted to no leſs than forty
eight thouſand Pounds, an immenſe Sum in thoſe Days; which ſer-
ved to no other Purpoſe but to impoverilh and weaken the Engliſh;
and at the ſame time to enlarge the Means as well as Avarice of the
Enemy. Thoſe of them (and theſe were innumerable) that had
ſettld in the Kingdom, and were in a manner incorporated with
His Subjelts the Engliſh, lorded it over theſe laſt, in ſuch a manner as was be-
come inſufferable, whilft they themſelves led idle and lazy Lives.
They made the Engliſh-men their Servants and Drudges, and the
Women, whether Wives or Daughters, ſubſervient to their brutal
Pleaſures, and inſatiable Luft: Hence they were call’d Lord-Danes,
which is to this Day a fit Epithet for ſuch Men as live like theſe,
idle and diffolute. "The French are faid, but falſly, in the Opinion
of Monſieur Menage, to have borrow'd this Word from the Engliſh,
and pronounce it Lourdaut. Theſe unheard of Grievances of the
Freeborn Engliſh Subjects were repreſented to the King, by the
loud Clamours of all about him; particularly by one Hune, a great
Commander in War at that time, who Advis'd him to ſtrike but
one Blow, which alone might be ſufficient to deaden the growing
Miſchief.' The Blow deſign'd was indeed a moft terrible one: Å
general Maſſacre was refolv'd upon. And the King with the utmoſt
ſecrecy ſent Letters into all Parts, commanding all his Subjects upon
A. D. 10:2. a certain Hour on the ninth Day of July 1002, to ſet upon the
Danes, wherever they were to be found, and to deſtroy them all with-
Maffecre of out Mercy. This barbarous Command, which 'twas thought no
thic Dancs in Chriſtian Prince nor People ſhould ever have confider'd as a Prece-
dent fit for their Imitation, was ſtrictly executed: And the. Danes,
who by a League ſolemney Sworn, had been admitted to inhabit a-
mong the Engliſh, were moſt ſhamefully and inhumanely Murther’d.
No Age or Sex eſcap'd; the Women were Butcher'd as well as the
Men, and the Brains of Children daſh'd againſt the Walls." The
Churches, thoſe ſacred Places, the very Goths and Vandals had ſpar’d
in Rome, were no Security to the Danes, that fled thither in London
and elſewhere : For they were all without pity Slain, as they ſtood
embracing the Altars. Nay, ſo violent was the popular Fury, that
having digd Holes in the Ground, they put the Daniſh Women in
them
up
to the Wafte, and then ſet fierce Maſtives upon them ; by
whole devouring Teeth their Breaſts were torn off, and their Bodies
rent to pieces.
A
Engl.ind.
This
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation . i 55
invades Enga
lard.
King and
Country:
This horrid Maſſacre was nevertheleſs not ſo univerſal, but that
ſeverals made a Shift to eſcape: Some retir'd to lurking Places, and
others getting to the Sea-ſide, went over to Denmark with the dif:
mal News. Sueno reign'd in that Country at the time, a warlike,
daring, boyſterous Prince, and with all a great Enemy to the Chri-
ftian Religion. He no ſooner heard of the Uſage his Subjects in
England had met with, but being thereby exaſperated to the high-
eft Degree of Rage and Reſentment, he vow'd Revenge, invited all
Strangers to his Affiftance, and reſolv'd contrary to his former Me-
thods, to inake a full Puſh, and not only to conquer, but to enſlave
the whole Nation. Accordingly he invaded Eng and with a power- Sueno King
ful Fleet, and with a land Army, animated with that Fury which In- of Denmark
juries receiv'd, and difference of Religion are wont to inſpire,
Ethelred made haſte to diſſipate the Storm : With this View he
levied a numerous and gallant Army: But to the inexpreſſible De-
triment of the People, and indelible Difgrace of the then Nobility
and Gentry, the Officers were corrupted; particularly the General
Edric, tho the King's Favourite and Son-in-Law. This Villain, Edric an
whon, it ſeems, no Duty could bind, and no Favour oblige, dil- Engliſh No-
clos’d his Mafter the King's Secrets, and the Subjects diſſatisfaction trays his
and diſloyalty, which he himſelf, and ſuch Traitors as he, had oc-
cafion'd to the invading Foe: So that inſtead of negotiating a
Peace or Truce, as he was Cominiflion’d to do, he encourag'd the
Proſecution of the War. The King made all the Preparations for
it in his Power: For he enacted, That every three hundred and
ten Hides of Land (a Hide was ſo much Land as one Plow could
Till in a Year) ſhould furniſh out a Galley, and every nine Hides,
find a Corſlet and Head-Piece, and commanded the Ships to be
built with all Expedition. But Treachery and Diſſention among the
Nobles ruin'd this Project alſo : And the diſheartn’d Sovereign, a-
bandon’d by twenty of his Ships, under the Command of a dilcon-
tented Captain call'd Wulwoth, return'd Home, ordering the reſt of
the Fleet up to London, for the Defence of that noble, and then loyal Engliphs Ad-
City. In the mean Time, the adjacent Countries were haraſsid,
plunder'd and laid waſte by the ſtill prevailing and inſulting Enemy: King :
And the King ſenſible of the Miſeries of his People, made again an
Effort to relieve them. He levied a new Army, and the Danes ha-
ving gone further than uſual from the Sea, he ſuddenly ſtept in be-
tween thein and their Vefſels, ſeis'd on a neceſſary Paſs of theirs,
and reſolv'd to make it good at his Peril. But after all this fair and
pro niſing Proſpect, the Traiterous Edric by ſubtile Arguments
urg'd, that as Circumſtances then ſtood, 'twas more adviſable to
let the Enemy paſs unmoleſted. His Counſel prevaild : For it
ſeems, 'twas the Misfortune of this Prince, as it has been that of ſe-
verals ſince that Time, to truſt more to the Sentiment of Villains a-
bout him, than to his own : And ſo the Danes laden with Booty,and
tranſported with unexpected Joy, got ſafe again to their Ships.
'Tis not my Province to enlarge upon Particulars : To be ſhort, Sue-
Qq2
Wilmoth an
miral also
9 betrays his
:
no
150
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Army, made
Sueno con-
their King
no, enriched with the Spoils of the Kingdom, backd by a victorious
up of all the Northern Nations, and now abſolute Ma-
fter of the Field, thought fit to beſiege the Capital, London; but he
met with unlook'd for Reſolution and Vigour in the Citizens, whoſe
Courages were no doubt heightn’d by the Preſence and Example of
brought to Terms of Accommodation; but ſuch as were in the high-
eſt degree Honourable and Advantageous to him, could he have
thought any thing ſo, beſides the Conqueſt of all England.
The Northern Countries were ſtill overſtockt with People, and
conſequently fo fruitful in Souldiers, that Sueno found it an eaſy
Task to Recruit his Army: Which being more numerous, and no leſs
reſolute than before, he einbark’d anew upon the Head of it,and landed
at Sandwich. The natural Sluggiſhneſs of Ethelred, the Faith of the
late Treaty, the Poverty of the Cominons, the Heat and Animoſi-
ties of the great Ones, and the Treachery of thoſe he had plac'd in
the moſt eminent Poſts, made him and the Nation unprovided a.
gainſt this laſt unexpected, and therefore ſuccesful Attempt. Sueno
conquer'd as faſt as his Army could march, all Places ſubmitting to
him, almoſt without Oppoſition : Nay, even the Citizens of Lon-
don, thinking it in vain to oppoſe the univerſal Current, and drea-
ding his Cruelties, ſent alſo their Hoſtages, and made their Peace :
quers Eng- So that Sueno was by all the Nation of the Engliſh both ftild and
accounted King: If nevertheleſs he ought to be ſo call’d, who, be-
A. D. 1013. fides that he had no Right to the Crown, fought, as moſt Uſurpers
do, to eſtabliſh his Domination upon the Baniſhment of the Lords,
the Oppreſſion of the Commons, the Blood of the Clergy, the Rub-
biſh of Churches, and Change of Religion.
'Twas now high time for the law ful Sovereign to look out for a
Sanctuary abroad, when he could no longer find, not ſo much as one
Fortreſs at home to guard his royal Perſon, Wife and Offspring,
Feidheith his from certain Death and irretrievable Deſtruction. Accordingly he re-
Wife andy tir’d together with his Queen Emma, and his two Sons, Edward and
tires to Nor- Alfred, to Normandy; where he and they were honourably receiv'd,
and ſplendidly entertain’d, by his Brother-in-Law Duke Richard.
He had probably ended his Days at that Court, but that it pleas’d
God to ſhorten thoſe of the Uſurper. The Monkiſh Writers ſay,
that in the midſt of an Aſſembly of his Nobles, tho encircld with
Sueno is arın'd Men, he was kill'd by the King and Martyr St. Edmund,
whoſe Shrine, Church and City, he threatn’d to waſte and prophane.
This ſeems certain, he was diſpatch'd by ſome unknown Hand,
who had the good Fortune to eſcape. Some ſay he died a Chriſti-
an, others deny it : However, 'tis again certain, that his Son and
Succeflor Cdnute, was eonverted, which probably contributed to his
being acknowledged King of England upon his Father's death; e-
knowledged ſpecially by a diſloyal Party of the Clergy, who, dreading the Re-
ſentment of King Ethelred they had ever croſs'd, and villainouſly
preferring their private Intereſt to the Publick, and a Foreigner to
land.
King
mandy.
kill'd.
His Son Ca.
nute
ac-
England.
their
Chap. I
Of the Scots Nation. 157
Die
their natural Prince, Ordain'd Canute at Southampton, and ſwore
Fealty to him.
The generality of the Nation had more Honour, and notwithi-
ſtanding they had their own Grudges and Fears, by reaſon of the
many Faults charg’d upon Ethelred, yet they bravely reſolv’d to re- King Etbel-
cal him; and upon his Return receiv'd him with all imaginable Joy by a loyal
and Applauſe. He brought along with him a conſiderable Rein Party.
forcement of Men and Arms from Normandy; and upon the Head
of theſe, and the Loyaliſts that join'd him from all Parts of the
Kingdom, he immediately march'd and ſought out his Rival. Ca-
nute was forc'd to give way to the Torrent he was unable to refiit.
Accordingly he embark»d for Denmark : But before he fet ſäil
, coin-
mitted a Barbarity that diſhonour'd his Perſon, and render'd his
Nation yet more Odious than formerly: He cut off the Ears, Nofes
and Hands, of all the Hoſtages he had in his Puwer. And now one
ſhould have thought, that England was for ever deliverd of a fo-
reign Yoke. And certainly it had fallen out ſo; had Engiſh-n en been
faithful to their King or Country. But Canute was invited to re-
turn, and he landed with a vaſt Power at Sandwich. King Ethelred
lay Sick at-the Time, and not long afterwards died. But his place
was better ſupply'd by Eelmund firnam'd Iro:rſide, his eldeſt son, a
Prince that ſeemd born and cut out by Nature to retrieve the Dif-
graces of his periſhing People. He defeated the foreign Invaders a-
gain and again; but could not reſiſt the Treachery of his own Sub-
jects. Edric, the ever perfidious Edric, who had lo often abus’d the
Father, found out innumerable Means, none but himſelf could
have dream'd of, to betray the Son. By his Villany the King's Ar- His Soni
my receiv'd a total Overthrow at Alhdown. Upon which his ungene-
rous diſpirited Nobles began to murmur among themfelves, and to tray’d by
declare how fooliſh it was for them to venture their Lives, for the
his
subjects.
Ambition of others : As if to affert ones unqueſtionable Right, to
protect ones native Country from lawleſs encroaching Power, to
defeat Uſurpation, and to ſhake off a foreign Yoke froin the Necks
of a free-born People, could be thought or term’d Ambition.
The brave Edmund no ſooner underſtood the Backwardneſs of his
Nobles, but he proposed to have the Controverſy decided by a ſingle
Combat between himſelf and his contending Rival. Some ſay, that
Fights with
they did Fight, and with that amazing Bravery on both ſides, as the Canute.
like had never been ſeen. Others write, that Canute declin’d the
Match. But all agree, that they divided the Kingdom betwixt Divides the
them; that Edmund had the Weſtern Parts of it, and Canute the
Eaſtern. The firſt did not long ſurvive this ſhameful Treaty. He
died anno 1017, of what Diſeale or Caſualty is uncertain : But
Fame charg’d Edric with hiring two Villains, as black-hearted, to
be ſure, as himſelf, to Murther him with a ſharp Iron thruſt into his
Body, as he ſat to eaſe Nature. Others have written, that Edric
himſelf acted the helliſh Part: And having boaſted of the valuable
Service in Preſence of Canste, he was by that Prince rewarded as he
deſerv’d;
King Ed-
mind he
Kingdom.
Rr
158
Book II
The Martial Atchievements
England.
deferv’d, that is, his Head was commanded to be cut off, and
plac'd upon the higheſt Gate in London.
Canute being poſſeſs’d of half the Kingdom before, now King
A. D. 1017. Edmund was dead, made no fcruple to ſeife upon the whole. Ne-
Canute Ma- vertheleſs he was willing, as all Uſurpers are, to have at leaſt ſome
of all ſhadow of Law on his lide: Which to obtain, he calld a Council of
the Nobility and ſuperior Clergy: And they being met at London,
he ſubtilly demanded of them, Wherher in the Agreement betwixt
Ed:nund and him, any Claim or Title to the Crown, had been re-
tervd for King Edmund's Brothers or Sons. The cowardly Senators
anſwerd No, and fo took an Oath of Fidelity to Canute. They
did more : For with the ſame Breath that they acknowledged the
Uſurper, they abjur’d the two Soris of their late lawful and glorious
Sovereign, from ever being Kings of England : A piece of Villany
and Ingratitude hitherto unprecedented. This done, (For
Men ſtick at nothing when their Hands are in,)
Edvard and
jard and
baniſh'd.
Edwin the Brother of King Edmund, a young Prince of excellent En-
dowments and great Hopes, was by the ſame Convention immedi-
ately voted to Banilhınent. But this was a Puniſhment too ſmall, for
the unpardonable Crime of being born the lawful Son of a lawful
Edvin the King: And therefore he was afterwards decoy'd home again to England,
Brother of and there Murtherd by thoſe he had moſt truſted. Canute would fain
Murther’d. have ferv'd the two abjur'd Princes Edward and Edmund, after the
fame manner: But dreading the Reſentments of the loyal Party, he
Edmund the choſe rather to ſend them to the King of the Swedes, who, he
King thought, would diſpatch them with leſs hazard. But that Prince,
mund ab notwithſtanding the League and Kindneſs between him and Canute,
abhor’d the Fact, 'and by no Intreaties would be brought to com-
mit it. On the contrary, he took care to have them convey'd to Sca
lomon King of Hungary : By whom they were kindly Entertain'd, and
royally Educated. So true it is, that Providence points always out
an Aſylum to Sovereigns diſtreſs’d; and for the moſt part prepares a
Way, by Means the Reach of humane Policy can never foreſee nor
prevent, to a happy and ever long’d for Reſtoration. It fell out lo
in the preſent Cafe: For Edward, the eldeſt Son and rightful Heir
of the Engliſh Crown, married Agatha Daughter to Henry Emperor
of Germany, by whorn he had Margaret, that glorious Queen of Scot-
land, in whoſe Right her Husband or Son ſhould have ſucceeded in
the Throne of England. But a new Uſurpation prevailing at that
Time, Juſtice was bafl’d; till in Proceſs of Time, From the princely
Bed of the fanie Margaret, and that in a lineal Deſcent, (to uſe the
words of Sir Robert B..ker) our bigh and mighty Monarch King James I.
did in his m-ft royal Perſon, unite the Britains, Saxons, Normans, and
Scottiſh Imperial Crowns in one. But of theſe Emergencies after-
wards.
Canute
Chap. I.
159
Of the Scots Nation.
Canute being by theſe and the like neceſſary Acts of Cruelty and
Injuſtice, ſettid in his new Power and Sovereignty over all Eng-
land, begun to Reign, not only like a good, wiſe and warlike King;
but to live as became a devout and pious Chriſtian. He had rea-
ſon to lay Wickedneſs aſide, when it could no longer be of uſe to
bring about his Deſigns. After he had ſuppreſs’d a Rebellion of his
own native Subjects in Denmark, defeated the Swedes, and conquer'd
Norway, He fet himſelf wholly to pleaſe the People, by enacting or
ratifying a great many moſt excellent Laws; and to ingratiate
himſelf
with the Clergy, (a moſt Effential piece of Policy, lawful
Kings ſhould, and Uſurpers muſt imitate) by making a Pilgrimage
to Rome, to viſit the Tombs of the holy Apoſtles, giving large
Alms to the Poor, and particularly, by building and cauſing to
repair a vaſt many Churches and Monafteries; to one of which he is
ſaid to have gifted a Croſs, fo prodigiouſly Rich, that it alone was va-
lu'd at as much as the whole Revenues of England amounted to in one
Year. Perhaps he meant thereby (and it ſeems the intereſted Church-
men of thoſe Days were Villains enough to flatter him with the
deceiving Hopes) to atone for the crying Iniquities he had commit-
ted, as if Heaven could be Brib’d by any thing but a fincere Re-
pentance, and its inſeparable attendant Reftitution, into a forget-
fulneſs of Stealth, Robbery, Devaſtations, ufurpation, &c. He
was in an eminent Degree guilty of the two laſt moſt enormous
Crimes, and conſequently anſwerable to God, not only for the
plain Murthers he commanded, but for each drop of Blood that had
been ſpilt, in the unjuſtifiable Quarrels he purſu'd. And yet ſuch
is the Partiality or Villany of the Monks, his Panegyriſts rather than
his Hiſtoriographers, that they all diſmiſs him with a very fair
Character. Nay, fome tell us, (a) That beſides the Kingdoms of
England, Denmark and Norway, he was, for his Piety forſooth, re-
warded with another, that of Scotland; which they fay he con-
quer'd upon Malcolm the King of Scots, his having rebeld againſt him : Carute fall
than which a more impudent inconſequential Extravagance was a faid to
never invented. For had the King of Scots, as ſuch, been a Vaffal of quer'd Scota
the Engliſh Crown, as he was not : Yet by what Logick can he be
ſaid to have rebell'd againſt King Canute? And how could he Rebel
againſt one, he was, if a Vaffal of the Kings of England, oblig'd by
all Laws divine and humane, to diſown and oppoſe ? Or, is it,
that becauſe
a Convention of Engliſh Nobles, aw'd by Force, and
deluded by Treachery, were brought to ſubmit to an ufurping fo-
reign Tyrant, and to abjure the Race of their native lawful Mo-
narchi
, the King of Scots muſt needs alſo ſubmit, and abjure as well.
as they? No certainly, he rather deſerves immortal Honours and
Praiſe for his noncompliance. Neither did this, as ’tis vainly pre-
tended, draw the Arms of that Conqueror upon him: Whether
’twas, that he was ſufficiently bufied elſewhere, or that he thought
not fit to venture upon a Prince, by whom his Father the great
land.
R'r 2
Sueno
fa) Echard in the Life of Canute.
!
160 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
!
I
.
1
:
:
Sueno and himſelf had been foil'd, or on a Land fattend with the
Blood of ſo many of his Nation, that 'twas term’d, The Sepulchre of
the Danes.
Moſt of the Engliſh Hiſtorians, and amongſt theſe Polydore Vergil,
paſs over Canute's pretended Expedition into Scotland, with Silence;
which certainly they had not done, if any ſuch thing had been.
And thoſe that mention it commit ſo many viſible Blunders in
their
way of telling the Story, that 'tis evident they confute them-
ſelves : For Example, they ſay, that Canute, not only overcame
King Malcolm, but allo two other Scottiſh Kings, Macbeth and Jeoh-
mar; as if at that Time there had been three Kings of Scotland, or
that Scotſmen had forgotten the very Names of ſuch Kings as they
have had. Beſides, they tell us nothing of the Cauſes of this War,
but that the Scots Rebeld, which is equally ridiculous and imperti-
nent, nor of the Time it was carried on, nor with what Forces,
nor by what Generals; nor, in fine, in what Places the Battles were
fought. They had Realon, for the Truth is, no Battles were
fought at all : And that Çanute never was, nor ever pretended to
be King of Scotland, Canute himſelf is an Evidence, I hope no Body
will reject
. Some of his Letters (a) are ſtill extant in Ma'msbury,
Florence, Ingulph, and others: Nay, Mr. Echard has abridg’d one of
them in his late Hiſtory. They begin generally thus, Canute King
of all England, Denmark, Norway, and a great part of Sweden, TO----
Had he been, or but pretended to be King of Scotland, I humbly
conceive, he would not have fail'd to have rank'd it, as deſpicable
as it may be thought, among the Number of his Conqueſts. But
that's a Glory neither he, nor any other beſides him, could ever
boaſt of with Juſtice or Reaſon. For tho Scotland has been over-
run, yet ſuch has been the invincible Averſion of its Inhabitants, to
Slavery; and they have been in all Ages ſo obftinately Tenacious
of their Independent Freedom, that, in a proper Senſe, it cannot be
ſaid to have been Conquer'd ; ſince always, and that in a ſhort Time,
deliver'd both from home-bred Tyranny and foreign Power.
England, becauſe the better and more tempting Soil, and by
Reaſon probably of the Engliſh, their leſſer Attachment to, and
Reſpect for the different Races of their Kings, has not been ſo lucky
in this Reſpect. They themſelves won it by Conqueſt, as the Row
mans had done before them from its ancient Inhabitants the Britains:
And in their Turn, about 421 Years, after their having pofleſs’d it,
and 567 after their firſt Entrance into it, they became a Prey to the
retaliating Darnes, and were ſo miſerably enſlav’d, (6) that if a Dane
met an Engliſhman upon a Bridge, the latter durft not move, till the
former patt over : And if the Engliſhman did not bow in the moſt
humble manner, he was ſure to be feverely baſtonaded. Nay, 10
Harold and far did Harde-Canute, one of the Sons and Succeſſors of Canute the
were copprefs Conqueror increate this Infolence, that upon every Engliſh Family
he impos'd a Dane as their Landlord or Governour, which confirm’d
the
England.
in Craig concerning Homage chap. 20. (6) Echard in the Life of Harde-Canuse;
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. 16
the Occaſion of the Word Lorddane, formerly mention'd. But this
laſted not long, for Harde-Canute died luckily for the Engliſh with-
out Iflue, as his Brother Harold had done before : This after an
inglorious Reign of four Years, and t'other of two.
After the Death of theſe Kings,every way ſo unworthy of the high A. D. 1042;
Station they had uſurp'd, the Engliſh began to reflect on the fatal
Conſequences of their former Treaſons, Diviſions and Cowardice:
They were now taught by dear bought Experience, that Uſurpers
and Foreigners have never that fatherly Love, Regard nor Eſteem
for a People not their own, which God and Nature give always,
or, for the moſt Part, to lawful Hereditary Sovereigns. They
therefore turn'd their Eyes upon Edrard, the only ſurviving Son of
King Ethelred, and Brother to the brave, but unfortunate, Edmund
Iron ſide. 'Tis true, this laſt had left Iſſue behind him, and to his
Son Prince Edward, the Crown did properly belong. But this
Edward was far off, being exil'd into Hungary. He had Pretenſions;
but did not Pretend, and was conſider’d, both he and his Children
as if they had not been. Edward his Uncle on the contrary, was at
hand ; he was now forty Years of Age,, and conſequently thought
fit for Government; and the only one capable to repel the ſo much
dreaded Attempts and Pretenſions of the Danes. But by good luck
they were embaraſs’d with Domeſtick Broils ; and had it been os
therwiſe, they were not near ſo much to be fear'd as formerly. For
being now generally Chriſtians, their Ferocity was allay'd by Reli-
gion, and their Numbers lefſen'd by the diſuſe of Polygamy. Ne
vertheleſs, Edward, a Prince of a ſoft, devout, complying Temper,
either dreaded them, or the Villany of a Party at Court, by whoſe
Practices his Brother Alfred had been cut off : Or, which is moſt
probable, conſidering the Eminency of his Piety, Moderation and
Juſtice, he thought not, that, while his Nephew and Nieces liv'd,
he had a Right to fit on the Throne of their Father. Induc'd by
theſe or the like Motives, he laid no Claim to the Crown: On
the contrary, he thought of nothing but to make his Eſcape back
into Normandy, from whence the late King Harde-Canute (who was
his Brother on the Mother's fide ) had call’d him. With this
View he apply'd to Earl Goodwin, the moſt potent Man in England
at the time: And falling at his Feet, beg'd Protection and Ar-
fiſtance towards his fafe Return. The cunning Earl, acted more Edward the
by his own Ambitious and ſelf intereſted Proſpects, than by a Confeffor
Principle of Juſtice or Loyalty to the Royal Line, unexpectedly England
.
detain'd him: And having made his own previous Conditions,
fet on his Head that Crown, it feems, King Edward, for his holy
Life called a Confeffor, did not wear, but to preſerve it to his
neareſt of Kin. This is the more probable, becauſe, tho he was
neceſſitated to Marry Egitha, the moſt beautiful, chaſte and vertuous
Daughter of the treacherous Goodwin : Yet ’tis own'd, that he ne-
ver knew her, nor did ſhe complain. Beſides, he took care to Recals the
have his Nephew Edward, whoin he deſign'd (as indeed in Juftice of the
Sf
he Crown
I
162 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
he could not do otherwiſe) for his Succeſſor, recald from Exile. In
favours of this Prince, the lawful Son of the late King Edmund, or
of Edgar his Son, both being in a direct Line nearer than himſelf
to the Crown, he offer'd to demit, ſays. Buchanan (a) and others :
But Edward's or Edgar's Modeſty, was equal to the Piety of the
King, during whoſe Life they declar'd they would not Reign. But
not long after this, Prince Edward died at London, and left behind
hiin one Son, the juſt now mention'd Edgar Etheling, and two
Daughters, Margaret and Chriſtina, of whom afterwards.
Thus to me 'tis evident, that King Edward is unjuſtly charg’d
with want of Providence, with regard to the Succeſſion : Which fome
fay (b) he left ſo doubtful, that after his deceaſe, it was tranſlated out of
Engliſh
into French, and the Kingdom made ſervile to a fourth foreign Na-
tion. This, I ſay, cannot in Juſtice be laid to his Door: He re-
caled the rightful Heir from a Country, as diſtant as Hungary; He
offer'd to abdicate in his Favour; he brought up his Son and Daugh-
ters at his Court: Their Title was unqueſtionable, every Body
knew it: And if after his deceaſe, the Subjects were ſo weak, or
treacherous, or mad, as to neglect them, and to ſuffer an Engliflo
and then a French-man, to Uſurp in their ſtead, how could the
good King either help or prevent it? He was ſo far from counte-
nancing Iniquities of this kind within his own Dominions, that he
contributed to remove the like from thoſe of his Neighbours.
To Malcolm II. King of Scotland (c) Duncan I. ſucceeded in Right
A.D. 1040, of his Mother Beatrix, the late King's Daughter. This Duncan was
Of Scotland; a Prince endow'd with all thoſe Qualifications that charm and de-
light good Men. He was Modeſt, Humble, Bountiful; but then
King.
he was too much fo for a King. The Eaſineſs of his Temper gave
occaſion firſt to a dangerous Inſurrection of fome Highlanders, and
then to a foreign Invaſion from Norway and Denmark. Two great
Men, Bancho Thane of Lochaber, and Macbeth a Prince of the Blood
Royal, were chiefly Inſtrumental in ſuppreſſing the one, and repel-
ling the other. But Macbeth's Services were repaid with Uſury by
Bafely Mur- the King and Kingdom ; for he Murther'd the firſt, and Enllav'd
ther by the latter. Upon this, Malcolm, before Prince of Cumberland, and
now King of Scotland by Right, was forc'd to retire to the Court of
Exiled by England, where he was receiv'd kindly, and royally entertaind by
Macbeth, en, the good King Edward. Several things contributed to the Favours
King Ed. he met with : His Relation to, and the good Offices of Syward Earl
of Northumberland his Uncle, ſome ſay his Grand-father on the Mo-
ther's lide; The gallant Services perform’d by his Father and
Grand-father, as Princes of Cumberland, in the Defence of England a-
gainſt the Danes; his own Merits, his Birth, his Wrongs, his Right,
and the Similitude of his preſent Circumſtances, with the bypaſt
Malheurs that had attended King Edward, when he himſelf was an
Exile in Normandy. For theſe Reaſons, he not only entertain'd
Prince
a good
Ulurper.
Malcolin III.
mard,
1
(a) Buchan. in vita Milcol. III. -My Lord Ormond, dans la vie D'Edward le Confeſſeur. (b) Hiſt. of
Engi. print. Lond. 1701, vol. I.p. 82.() Buchan. Boeth, Lcd Ormond, &c. in bis Life, and chat of his Succeffor.
Chap. I.
Of the Scots Nation. 163
Prince Malcolm at his Court, but how ſoon an Opportunity was
offer’d, and a Way opend to his Reſtoration, he generouſly lent
him Money, and commanded the Earl Syward to wait on him with
a land Army of ten thouſand Men, and a ſtrong Fleet into Scotland. Reftord by
This Expedition prov'd Fortunate; and to be ſhort King Malcolm the Altinta
was Reſtor'd (the Detail of theſe memorable Tranſactions I ſhall Englips
elſewhere narrate) in anno 1054, or, according to Leſly, in anno 1061;
that is, about 218 Years ſince the Deſtruction of the Pietiſhi Monar-
chy, 639 fince the Re-eſtabliſhment of the Scots in Britain by King
Fergus II. and 1391 fince their firſt Settlment by King Fergus I.
I have done with the general View I deſignd to give of this
laſt Period of Time; how ſoon I have taken notice of the Injuſtice
done us by the Engliſh; who, becauſe they did afſift (for which
they deſerve immortal Thanks) our lawful King, in the Recovery
of what none had a Title to beſides himſelf, conclude from this,
that they depos'd Macbeth, and made Malcolm King in his ſtead
How unfair this is, I leave it to the impartial Reader to determine :
What they did in this caſe, beſides the Confiderations I have hin-
ted at, their conſcientious Sovereign thought himſelf by Duty
bound to ; and indeed Gratitude requir’d no leſs at the Hands of
a Prince and People, the Kings and Subjects of Scotland had ſo fig-
nally oblig'd, and fo chearfully afliſted in their long Wars with their
moit furious Enemies the Danes. They were then fo well ſatisfied
of this, that the fame King Edward, with Conſent of his Nobles,
declar'd by a ſolemn Law, (a) which afterwards even King William
the Conqueror ratified, That the Scots as well as the Welſh and
French of Little-Britany, ought to be a counted as Denizons of England,
and enjoy the ſame Priviledges with the Engliſh. And the principal
Reaſon is, becauſe they did ever ſtand up couragiouſly as one Man, for
the Utility of the Crown and Kingdom againſt the Danes and Norvegians,
fought it moſt valiantly and unanimouſly againſt the common Enen), and
bore the burthen of moſt fierce Wars in the Kingdom. If ſo, (and who can
doubt it, after ſo authentick a Teſtimony ?) 'tis plain, that the
Scots have certainly been Sharers in all the martial Glories attain’d
to in England, by the whole Race of their Şaxon Monarchs. They
were always (b) at hand with ten thouſand Men at leaſt, as often
as the Affairs of England requir'd their Help, rarr the fame hazards
with them, endur'd the ſame Fatigues, and were as much one Bo-
dy of Men with them in the Fields, as if they had been all of one
Nation. Nay, when Canute had made himſelf Maſter and King,
the S:ots would never yield to him, nor pay that Homage for their
beneficiary Provinces in England, which was only due to lawful
Kings. So that during his whole Reign, they maintain'd a War
againſt both Danes and Norvegians, and fought three or four bloody
Battles againſt his Generals and Brothers. Nor did theſe Nations e-
ver ſuffer the Engliſh to be at Eaſe, till being driven out of Scotland,
Sf2
by
(a) Craig concerning Homage chap. zo. and Craig of the Succeſſion lib. 2. chap. 10.--A Dook entituld
A'sxasovopía Ave de priſcis Anglorum legibus. print
. Lona, 1568, (b) Craig of the Succellion lib. 2. chap 4-
104
The Martial Archievements
Book II.
I
2
1
:
by the victorious Arinis of the Scots, they took an Oath never to re-
túrn to it any more. The Engliſh Hiſtorians do nevertheleſs make
little or no mention of thote Things ; perhaps the Monks of St Al-
bans and Weſtminſter, who liv'd at a great diítance from thale Times,
were ignorant of what was done in them : But 'tis more probable,
that ſeeing thoſe Writers flouriſh'd only, as I have already oblervd,
when the fierceſt and moſt deſtructive Wars, rag'd between the two
Kingdoms, they were not fo generous as to tranſmit to Poſterity,
what was fo Glorious to their preſent Enemies. But tho no Credit
was to be given to S:ots Hiſtorians, while the Laws of good King
Edward (for they are commonly ſo call’d) ſhall be known or dif-
cours’d of, Men muſt and will acknowledge, not only the Proweſs
and Gallantry of the then Scots ; but alſo, the eminently good Offi-
ces perform'd by them in the Wars of England, during a Tract, of at
leaſt a hundred and forty Years, from the Reign of Athelſtane, to
the Conqueſt of England by the Normans. For this 'tis ownd, that
they were repaid, not only by the Grant of the Northern Counties, ſo
often mentioned ; but alſo, by being declar'd Denizons of England.
Neither was this new, or will it ſeem ſtrange to any acquainted
with Hiſtory, or converſant with Books: For after the faine Man-
ner did the Athenians and Rhodians give mụcually to one another the
Jura Civitatis : The Latins and Romans did the like: And if latter Ex-
amples be more acceptable, the Scots obtaind the fa ne Priviledges
in France, by the ſame Valour and the like Merits. Nor was either
of the Purchaſes bought at cheap Rates: For as their Friendſhip
with France, kept then in a conſtant Enmity with England, ſo their
Attachment to England, drew frequently the Arms of the Dines
and Norvegians upon themſelves. For theſe laſt (who had a much
ſhorter and eaſier Sailing froin their own Countries to the Northern,
than to the Southern Part of the Iland) would, if but allow'd a free
Paſſage through the Country, have willingly Affociated themſelves
with the Scots, and ſhar'd with them the Spoils of the Sovereignty
of England. They often propos'd ſuch Terms of Friendſhip, but
were ever baulk’d: And finding that whenever they invaded England,
they had the Scots upon their Backs, they turn’d their Arms upon
Scotland it ſelf, invaded it frequently, and in thoſe Wars, which
were not terminated in leſs than two hundred Years, two Scots Kings,
Conſtantine and Indulph, with above a hundred thouſand Men were
Nain. Some of theſe Actions I have related, the reſt will fall in my
way of courſe.
:
1
:
1
1
.
1
--
THE
S
2
:
Chap. I. The Life of Gregory the Great,&c. 165
.
The LIFE of
1
Gregory the Great ,
Τ Η Ε
1
Seventy Third King of Scotland.
.
1
G
REGORY was endow'd with ſo many royal Qualificati-
ons, both of Body and Mind, and those allay'd withi
I ſo very few Imperfections, that had he not come to the
Crown by his Birth-right, 'tis probable, fay fome Authors, he had
obtaind it, preciſely upon the Score of his Merits. This ſeems ſo
true, that if we may credit Boethius, (a) and ſuch as have copy'd af-
ter hiin, he was by the unanimous Voice of the Subjects, compeld
againſt his Will, to aſcend the Throne. Thềy add, that two
Months after his Predeceſſor King Eth, who by a Faction of the No-
bles was impriſon'd for pretended Male-adminiſtration, had heard
the unwelcome News, he found himſelf unable to outlive ſo ſignal
an Affront, and died of Grief. That Eth may have miſgovern'd
the State, that a factious Party may have ſeis'd his Perſon, or have
put him to death, is not incredible, by reaſon of the parallel Cafes,
every where to be met with in Story: But that Gregory, or any other
beli des him (let Ambition pretend, and Flattery proclaim what
they pleaſe) ſhould have been compeld againſt his will to aſcend
a Throne by the known Laws of the Country not his own, to me
ſeems a Paradox: And who is the Saint that will condeſcend, even
againſt his Will, to be Anathematiz’d in a proper Senſe, and that
preciſely for the ſake of his Brethren? I mean, who will Damn
himſelf to Glorify God, or Affront the Deity to Save his People.
For my part, I could never underſtand that Maxim in Morals,
which Sanctifies, or but Palliates the leaſt of Villanies, when com-
mitted in order to bring about the beſt and moſt noble Deſigns. And
if the Prince, whoſe Life I write, did, during the Impriſonment of
his legal Predeceffor (whom after all I find not impeach'd of any
poſitive Vice, beſides Remiſnefs in Affairs of State, and an Inclinati-
on to Idling and Pleaſure) aſſume the Authority and Title of King,
Tt
(a) In ejus Vita,
I con-
2
166 The Life of Gregory the Great, Book II.
I conclude he did it willingly, was compeld but in Shew; and
therefore I ſhall rank him with the Cæſars and Alexanders among
the Pagan, but by no Means with the Conſtantines or Theodofii among
the Chriſtian Heroes. Nevertheleſs, all Authors proclaim him a
religious Prince: For which reaſon I incline the rather to believe
what is deliver’d by Fordon, (a) an old and impartial Hiſtorian, con-
King Heth cerning him. Heth,ſírnam'd Alipes or Wing’d-foot was an Uſurper, who,
and Gregory having brought off the broken Army after its being routed, and the
the Throne. King Conſtantine being kill'd at the Devil's Cave in Fife, found Means,
in the Hurry and Confuſion of that unlucky Juncture, to get hiin-
ſelf declar'd and crown'd King. 'Tis true, he was Brother to Con.
{tantine, but Gregory was the Son of King Dongallus, at whoſe death
being but two Years old, he was by the then Law poſtpond to ſuch
Princes of the Blood, as, being of Age, were fit to be ſet at the
Helm of Affairs. So far he was not injur'd, nor did he complain; but
now he was come to the Age of Man, he had reaſon to challenge
his Right. He did it accordingly, and a civil War enſuing, both
Parties inet at Strathalorn, where Heth was inortally Wounded, and
A. D. 875. the Victory with the Crown fell to Gregory, anno 875.
The firſt thing he did (6) was an Act of Clemency ; for he iſſu'd
out an Indemnity in Favour of theſe that had appeard in Arms, or
had been otherwiſe Inſtrumental againſt him. The next was Re.
ligious; for in a Convention of his Nobles at Forfar, he ordain'd
that all Prieſts (for hitherto the Clergy enjoyd but few 'or no lm-
munities, peculiar to their Character) ſhould henceforth be exemp-
Big Grego- ted from royal Taxes and military Duties; that they ſhould not be
the Church. drawn before the Judge Ordinary for any civil Caufe ; but that all
Matters concerning them, ſhould be decided by the Biſhops. To
the Biſhops alſo was commited the Judgment of matrimonial Cauſes,
Right of Tithes, Teſtaments, and of all things depending upon fim-
ple Faith and Promiſe; with Power to them to make Canons and
Conftitutions Ecclefiaftical, to try Hereticks, Blafphemers, &c. In
fine, that all Kings fucceeding, ſhould at the Solemnity of their
Coronation oblige themſelves by Oath to maintain the Liberties
of the Church. He himſelf took an Oath to that purpoſe, and is
by the eminent Lawyer, Blackwood, () ſaid to have been the firſt
Scots King that ever took a Coronation Oath: Which, adds he did not
at all concern the People or civil Conſtitution, but only the Church,
and Priviledges of Church-Men. This I am ſo much the more apt
to believe, not only becauſe the Oath was adminiſtred by a Biſhop,
but more particularly, by reaſon that in thoſe Days, all the Lands
in Scotland, but thoſe given off to the Church, belong’d to the So-
vereign, and 'twas not thought neceſſary that he ſhould Swear that
he would not invade his own Property.
This done, he fet himſelf to retrieve the Malheurs of the former
Reigns. The Danes, more faithful to their Affociates the picts, than
the
1
1
(a) Scriptor. XX. p. 668. (6) Boeth. Led. Buchan. Ormond, Ford. &c. in ejus vit.Spotiſwood lib. 2:
p. 26. (c) Apolog. pro. Reg. p. 134.
Chap.l. The Seventy third King of Scotland. 167
Pidis.
Recovers
the Britains or Engliſh had prov'd upon the like Occaſion, had leit
them Poffeflors of the Peninſula of Fife. Thither he march'd upon
the Head of an Army, in order to diſlodge them, and was ſo Succes- Defeats the
ful, that they retir’d upon his Approach ; firſt over the Forth to
Lothian, then to the Merſe, and laſtly to the Town of Berwick : Fife, Lorbi
There they were join’d by their Protectors the Danes, who had an, Berwick.
ravagd, over-run or poſſeft all theſe Countries. Gregory, not at all
daunted by the Numbers of the Enemy, mnade haſte to come up with
them : But they not daring to keep the Field, nor to engage him,
left the Engliſh ſhould fall down upon their Backs, divided their
Forces : Soine they left for the Defence of the Town of Berwick, the
Remainder retird into Northumberland, where they were advis’d, that
a new Fleet with a Reinforcement from Denmark was lately arrivd.
Upon this the Scots inveſted the Town, and were by the E: gills
Citizens (averſe from the Idolatrous, and therefore common Entiny)
let into it by Night. Gregory put all the Daniſh Couldiers to the
Sword, and having garriſon'd the Town with a competent Number
of his own Subjects, he continu'd his March into Northun.berland:
And here he met with Hardunt a Daniſh Commander, who having
heard of the Slaughter made of his Country-Men in Berwick, had
vow'd Revenge. But as a raſh Oath ought never to be made, ſo
’tis not always poſſible to keep it: This was the Caſe of Hardun ,
his Ariny was routed, and his Camp taken and pillag’d, with an in-
credible Slaughter of his Men. The Scots (animated by the Ex- Gains a Bat-
ample of their preſent King, and fir’d with the Memory of their Danes
.
late King Conſtantine his inhumane Death) are ſaid to have been ſo
eager and forward upon this Occaſion, that without liſtning to the
encouraging Speeches of their Officers, or ſo much as waiting for the
Word of Command, they rulh'd in with utmoſt Violence upon the
Enemy, and like a Torrent carried all before them. Much about
the ſame time, the brave Alfred King of England, gave ſuch another
Overthrow to another Army of the Barbarians : So that Hardunt Conquers
quite diſheartn’d by theſe repeated Strokes of adverſe Fortune; left
all Northumberland a Prey to the victorious Gregory. The Engliſh In-
habitants, tho at Bottom no Friends to the Scots, were nevertheleſs
overjoy'd at their being deliver'd from the more hated Danes: And
the King gave them leave to continue in the Poffeffion of their In-
heritances, or to withdraw with their Effects, whither they had a
Mind. But they generally choſe to ſtay, as being both charm’d by
his preſent Generoſity, and confident of his future Protection. And
now the Seaſon was far advanc'd, and 'twas time to put an end to
the Campaign : Accordingly the King diſmiſs’d his Army, and
he himſelf took up his Winter-Quarters in the Town of Berwick.
The next Spring he again brought an Army to the Fields; but
he took another Rout. The Britains remain'd in Poffefſion of Dun-
barton and the adjacent Countriesą they had wreſted by an unjuſt
War from the Scots
, during the Reign of King Dmald V. Thither
King Gregory directed his March, and the Britains thereby alarm’d,
arid
Northumbera
land:
Tt 2
108 The Life of Gregory the Great, Book II
Britains to
Peace.
و
+
Battle.
A
Forces the and, it ſeems, unprovided againſt the Storm, met him with Over-
tures of Peace. He readily condeſcended to the Terms propos’d,
which were; That they ſhould yield to the Scottiſh Crown all the Terri-
tories they poffeſs’d in Scotland; and that Gregory on his Part, ſhould
undertake to aſſiſt them with auxiliary Troops, in caſe at any time
afterwards they ſhould chance to be moleſted by the Danes. But the
Danes,not long after this, having been once moreoverthrown by Alfred
King of Engiand; Conſtantine the Britiſh King thought himſelf ſecure
on that fide ; and therefore contrary to the late Treaty, turn'd his
Thoughts towards retrieving the Loſſes he ſuſtain'd by it. With
this View he enter'd Annandale in a hoſtile Manner, and having ra-
vag’d the Country, his Army, laden with Booty, was retreating into
Cumberland, when Gregory came in their view at Lochmaben. Nor
was it long ere they came to an Engagement. Upon the firſt Onſet,
the Brituins gave Back, which Conſtantine perceiving advanc'd more
valiantly than warily upon the purſuing Scots : He had but a ſlender
Guard, and theſe being envelop'd were all cut off; Conſtantine fell
Kills their with the reſt, and his Death determin’d the Victory in favour of the
King Con- Enemy. This was the levereſt Blow the Britiſh Nation had receiv'd
ftantine in of a long time before: Their King was kill'd, their Army routed,
the Siots, whom they had offended to the highett Degree, were
Powerful, Victorious, and commanded by a Prince inferiour to none
of that Age : Beſides, they were fully apprehenfive of ſome ſudden
Inſult from the Danes, and they could by no Means confide in the
Engliſh Friendſhip. Something they muſt do towards their Preſer-
vation: And Hedbert, the Brother of Conſtantine, being declar'd King,
he choſe to endeavour a Reconciliation with Gregory. The Condi-
tions formerly agreed to, were again propos'd; but theſe ſeem'd not
ſatisfactory: The Caſe was alter'd, and the Britains muſt give up the
Subdues, Countries of Cumberland and Weſtmorland to the Conqueror, or, at their
and vierte Peril, defend them. This they were altogether unable to effect, and
ſo were forc’d to comply. This was a providential Turn; and 'tis
but juſt, that theſe who having eſpous'd the Quarrel of Pietiſh Re-
bels, and thereby poſſeſs’d theinfelves of Territories they had no
Right to, ſhould now loſe a conſiderable Part of their own, and
be neceffitated, as they were, to retire to their ancient Habitations
in Wales.
The Peace was no ſooner concluded with the Britains, but Am-
baſſadors from Alfred waited on the King at Carlile. Their Buſineſs
was to Congratulate him upon the Succeſs of his Arms, particular-
ly againſt the Danes, and to move that a League Offenſive and De-
fenlive might be enter'd into for the future Security of both Na-
tions, Scots and Engliſh. This was too reaſonable to be rejected, and
League
with Aifred, therefore without further Deliberation the Treaty was brought to a
Cloſe, the rather becauſe by it Alfred renounc'd all the Right he
could challenge to thole Countries the Scots had conquer'd from the
Dines. Thus Gregory had the pleaſure to ſee himſelf ſeated on the
ancienteſt Throne in the known World, to have fecur’d the Con-
Cumberland
morland,
Mokes a
King of
Kingland.
queſts
}
Chap.I. The Seventy Third King of Scotland. 109
quetts of his braveſt Predeceſſors to his lateſt Succeſſors; and
to have extended the Bounds of his Kingdom, as far as the Scots and
Picts, when united againſt the South-Britains, had been able to do.
'Tis true, that beſides the Northern Countries which they actually
poffefs'd and inhabited, they had alſo the Sovereignty of the
Southern, whoſe Inhabitants were their Tributaries, and receiv'd
fuch Laws as they were pleas’d.to give. Gregory did not attain to
the like Aſcendant : And if he had pretended to it, he had probably
found, that the then Engliſh were not of their Predeceſſors, the Britiſh
Mould, and that their King Alfred was not of Kin to the effeminate
Vortigern; but in lieu of this, as he merited, fo he obtain'd an
Equivalent.
Not long after his return from the conquer'd Countries, News
was brought of an Irruption made by the Iriſh into the Country of
Galloway. They gave cut, that ſome Ships from Dublin had been
feis'd and plunder'd by the Inhabitants adjoining to the Sea ; and
that the Piracies they exerc'd by Sea, and the Robberies they com-
mitted on the Land, were meant only to make up the Lofles they
had fuftain’d upon that Score. If the thing had been true, they
needed but to have apply'd for Redreſs to the King ; which if he
had denied, in that Cale they had been in the Right to uſe Repri-
fals. But Matters ſtood otherwiſe at the time. The King of Ireland
was lately dead, and had left his Son and Succeffor Donach but an
Infant in the Cradle. Fordon ſays, that King Gregory had hiinfelf a
juſt Title to the Succeſſion, which I am not apt to believe: And the
Reaſon is plain; For 'twas in his power to make good his Title,
and that's what he did not ſo much as attempt. Donach was King
of Ireland at that Time; whether the firſt of that Name, who, ac-
cording to Sir James Ware ; (a) reign'd about the Year 787, or the
fecond, who is ſaid to have reign’d anno 944, I cannot tell, ſince
neither of thele, conform to that Computation, can be thought to
have liv'd at the ſame time with King Gregory. Whoever he was,
(for we are not to doubt of Matters of Fact, preciſely becauſe Hiſto-
rians differ in ſome points of Chronology) 'tis probable that his
Non-age gave riſe to two potent Factions among his Subjects; and
theſe again (the Government being by this Means disjointed) or to Make Wa
the Iriſh Pirates to infeſt the Scots Coaſts, or to the King of Scots to no
invade Ireland. Brien and Corneil the contending Rivals, no ſooner
heard of Gregory's Arrival in thoſe Parts, but they ſuſpended or laich
afide their Animoſities: And each upon the head of his own Party,
encamp’dat a convenient diſtance from one another, upon the Banks
of the River Bane. This was no ill Conduct; for by declining to
Fight, and contenting themſelves to guard the River, they hop'd to
ftarve
the Scots into a Neceſſity of retreating. But they were miſta-
ken, for each of the Souldiers, after the old Faſhion of their Ance-
ſtors, had brought along with his Arms, what ſuffic'd to his Entertain-
ment during the ſpace of forty Days: And but very little Bread,
u u
Butter,
(a) Sir James Ware his Antiquities of Ireland edit, Dubl. 1905.8. 13, & 14.
..
170 The Life of Gregory the Great, Book II.
/
Iriſ Gene-
tals.
Butter, Cheeſe, ſalted Beef, Gc. did ſerve the Turn in thoſe Days,
when Gluttony was abhor'd, Delicacies unknown, and healthful
ſtrong Nature equally inur'd' to Labour, and patient of Hunger.
Ere this ſhort time was elapsºd, 'twas indeed neceſſary to come to
Action, or to retire. The King found Means to bring about an En-
gagement: He obſerv'd that the Body commanded by Brien lay in-
trench’d, at the Foot of a Hill, called by Boethius, Futum. The Aſcent
to it was very ſteep and difficult, its Top_all overcharg’d with
Stones, and its Circumference beſet with Trees. Two thouſand
Men were detach'd by Night, with Orders to fetch a Compaſs a.
bout, and ſo to poſt themſelves upon this Hill: Which how ſoon
they had effected, they were directed by their Officers, to throw
down upon the Enemy's Camp whole Showers of thoſe Stones they
found at Hand. This Stratagem had all the Succeſs that could have
been wilh'd for: The Stones thrown down with Vigour were
ſtrengthend, if I may ſpeak fo, by rolling; and the ſuddennefs of
the unexpected Thunder, gave no leiſure to the Enemy to guard a-
Defeats the gainſt it. They left their Camp in Diſorder, and not daring to
encounter the main Body of King Gregory's Army, fled whither Fear
directed thein. Great nuinbers were taken in the Purſuit; but ſuch
were the King's Orders, only a very few were put to the Sword,
and among thoſe their General Brien chanc'd to fall. Upon the
News of this Defeat, Corneil retreated into the Inland Countries,
leaving a fruitful Soil
, with plenty of all Neceſſaries to the Conque-
ror; who, as he had gain'd the Victory with Prudence, fo he us'd
it with Moderation: For he commanded a moſt ſtrict and ſevere Di-
ſcipline to be obſerv’d, and prohibited all ſorts of Inſolencies, particu-
larly towards Children, Women, the Religious and Clergy. So
that the Country People, charm’d with his Clemency, flock'd in to
him from all Parts
, and gave willing Obedience to his eaſy Com-
mands. Two Cities or Caſtles, Dundarg and Pont, by Nature and
Art Fortified, had nevertheleſs the Courage to reſiſt; and being at
length compeld to a Surrender, were allow'd to purchaſe their
Lives, Goods and Houſes, at the cheap Rate of an inconſiderable
Sum of Money, which the King beſtow'd upon his Souldiers.
From the Seige of Pont, King Gregory was reſolv'd to direct his
March ſtraight to Dublin, the principal, if not the only City of the
Kingdom, the Danes had but lately built
, viz. in anno 853, accor-
ding to Sir James Ware; but got Intelligence, that Corneil upon the
Head of an Army, ſo numerous, that the like had never been ſeen
in that Ifand, was within leſs than ten Miles of him. Upon this he
alter'd his Reſolution, and made all the neceſſary Diſpoſitions for
an Engagement. The next Day the Armies met, and as Brien in
the former Battle, ſo in this Corneil was kill'd in the heat of Acti-
on, and juſt as he was raiſing his Helmet or Head-piece to give out
Gains a fe. his Orders. The Generals Fall, as is uſual, occaſion'd the Loſs of
cond Battle the Day; For the Iriſh, being for the moſt Part unexperienc'd, and
having but then for the firſt time ſeen the Face of an Enemy, threw
away
I
Chap.I. The Seventy third king of Scotland. 171
away their Arms and fled. The Loſs of their Men was but incon-
fiderable while the Combat laſted, but their Flight was fatal to huge
Multitudes. They were purſu'd to the very Gates of Dublin. That
City was crowded with incredible Numbers of thoſe who before
the Battle had retir’d thither, as to a Place of Safety, and was now
pefter'd with the Remains of the Army; ſo that they muſt needs
Sally out and Fight, or Periſh for want of Proviſions, or yield to
the Conqueror. The want of a Head, the Hurry and Contulion
of the Time, their recent Overthrows,and the univerſal Confternation
that ſeis'd on all Ranks of People made Fighting impracticable.
'Twas barbarous to ſuffer ſo many Men, Women and Children to
ſtarve for Hunger : And therefore, by the wiler Sort, 'twas thought
neceſſary to give Way to the Urgency of Affairs. (a) Corma, ownd
by Sir Fimes Ware to have been Biſhop of the Place, being of this
Opinion, was Commiſſion' to wait on King Gregory, and to ſue for
a Peace. He did it with Submiſſion and Prudence, and was repaid
with the Reſpect due to his Merit and Character. When rerurn'd
to the City, he told his Country-Men, that they muſt yield to the
Difcretion of the Conqueror, who, he was aſſur’d, would be Merci-
ful. Upon this Report the Gates of the City were made open, and Tales Dar
all those within it affenibling together, went out to ſee the King, blin.
and attend him to the royal Palace. The Biſhop in his Pontitical
Habit, with a Crucifix in his Hand, was foremoſt in the Proceſſion.
How ſoon Gregory met hiin, he allighted from his Horſe, kneeld,
and kiſs’d the Image of his Saviour. This teſtimony of his Piety,
for fo 'twas conſider'd in thoſe Days, gave infinite Joy to the van-
quiſh'd : They look'd on it as a promiſing Earneſt of his after-Behavi-
our. Nor were they miſtaken, for from the Market Place where
he poſted a competent Number of Souldiers to awe the Rabble,
and to prevent Surpriſes,if any ſhould be intended, he went ſtraight
environd with a ſtrong Guard for his Perlon, to our Lady's Church,
and then to that of St. Patrick, where having affifted at divine Wor-
ſhip, he afterwards took up his Lodgings in the Cattle. He had
commanded a molt Itrict Diſcipline to be obſerv'd by his own Sub-
jects. Nevertheleſs ſome of them had the Infolence to break in up-
pon Houſes in the Night time, and to make bold with thoſe Wives
and Maids that had the Misfortune to fall in their Hands. For this
they were publickly Executed as ſoon as convicted, to the immor-
tal Honour of King Gregory, and infinite Satisfaction of the gazing
and applauding People.
Matters ſtanding thus, he was certainly able to have ſet the
Crown of Ireland upon his own Head : But, it ſeems, he had no
Right to it, fave that of Conqueſt; which he believ'd not ſuffici-
ent to deprive his harmleſs and Infant Couſin, of what by Natüre
and Law he was deftin’d to poſſeſs, and had not forfeited by his
own, but his Tutors Imprudence. Now they and the Nation had
ſuffer'd for the Injuries done, and paid for the Loſſes the Scots had
ſuitain'da
(a) Sir James Ware bis Commentary of the Prelates of Ireland.
!
uu 2
-
172. The Life of Gregory the Great, Book II.
Maſters
the King-
dom.
Reſtores
berty.
Takes the
Guardian
ſuitain d, King Gregory gave a Proof to them and the World, that
’tis poſſible for a conquering Prince to reſiſt the moſt dazling Temp-
tation, I mean the Enjoyment of Conqueſt : For inſtead of enſlaving
Irelant, he appointed that it ſhould continue to be governd by its
own Laws, (tho, to tell the truth, they were then, and till of late,
it to its Li- ſo unaccountably Barbarous, that he had done better, if he had re-
ſcinded or alter'd them ) and in place of dethroning, baniſhing,
poiſoning, or murdering its King, Practices not uncommon on the
like Occaſions, he took care to have him royally and ſafely educat-
ed in the midſt of his own Subjects, and by Governours of his own
Nation. Of thoſe indeed he reſerv'd the Nomination to himlelf,
with the Title of Guardian, or Protector of the King and Kingdon
of Ireland, during the Non-age of his Kinſman; and as ſuch, he put
Scots Garriſons in all the ſtrong Places of the Country, and exacted
ſhip of its
an Oath from the Natives, whereby they were oblig'd to admit no
King.
Engliſh nor Dane into the ÍNand, whether as Merchants or Travel-
lers, or Souldiers, without his Periniffion and Paſs. This done,
he return’d to Scotland with his Army, laden not ſo much with
Booty as Bleſſings, nor ſo glorious by the Victories he had obtain d,
as by the diſintereſted Uſe he had made of them. Neither did he
ever repent of the Noble, and perhaps to this Day unimitated
Precedent he left to Pofterity. For Donach the Iriſh King had no
ſooner attain'd to the Age of Man, but He generouſly fent back to
him the Hoſtages he had brought along with him from Ireland,
and at the ſame time recall’d the Garriſons he had left in that Coun-
try. So, ſay all the Scots Hiſtorians from the ancient Records they
follow'd. How far they agree with thoſe the Iriſh pretend to have
preſerv’d, 1 cannot tell, but that Dublin was taken by the Scots, is
vouch'd by Fobn Brompton. (a) 'Tis true, he miſplaces the Time,
but he is none of the moſt exact in the Chronological Part. And
ſince the Scots pretend not to have over-run Ireland, or taken Dublin
but once, 'tis but reaſonable to think that this Grégory, they unani-
mouſly ſtile The Great, was the Conqueror that archiev'd the Noble
Exploit.
Tis a pity that the Lives of ſuch Princes as he, ſhould not be like
their Actions, Immortal. He died full of Merits, and ſpent with
old Age; in his ſtrong Caſtle of Dunodor or the Golden Hill, in the
A. D. 892. Country of Gurioch, after a triumphant Reign of about fixteen Years,
A. D. 892.
His Character is ſo ſhining, that to ſet it out in its true Light
His Cha- would be a Task, fit for the Pens of Plutarch or Tully. Heroiciſm
appears in all the Actions of his Life, and that untainted with Self-
Intereſt or vain Glory... 'Tis true, that the Impriſonment or De-
feat of his Predeceſſor open’d a Way for him to attain to the Crown:
But 'tis not to be credited, that he, who had the Courage to re-
ject the Opportunity of adding a foreign Kingdom to his Native one,
was at any time ſo Wicked as to Uſurp. And may we not rather
apply
(a) Pag. 883.
Dies.
racter.
Chap. I. Ibe Seventy tbird King of Scotland. 173
apply to him thoſe Verſes of Solon, who, by the Politicians of his
Time, was mock’d for refuſing the Sovereign Power he could have
aſſum'd :
Sure Solon was
a ſoft, a ſhallow Fool,
Who, when the Pom'r was offered, would not Rule :
The Fiſh were in his Net, that many caught;
Yet be, mean Soul, refus’d to take the Draught:
For elſe, to have enjoy'd but one Days Reign,
He would have ſuffers the ſervereſt Pain.
To have obtaind ſuch Power in ſuch a Place,
Who would not boſe himſelf, and damn his Race ?
So ſaid the States-men of Old, and ſo I'm ſure do the Modern
think : But as then Solon, ſo Gregory may with more Juſtice reply.
For the one refus'd the Sovereignty of but one City Athens, and that
his Native Country too, which, had he accepted, would have fix'd
an indeleble Stain on his Memory: But the other, meerly out of
a Principle of Juſtice and Naturality towards his Kinſman, would
not be Sovereign of a Kingdom he had Conquer'd in a juft War,and
confequently purchas’d ſuch a Title to, as ſome Chriſtian Councils
of Conſcience had probably declar'd both valid and ſafe. Gregory,
I ſay then, may reply, as Solon to the Ambitious :
That I have ſpar'd a Kingdom, kept my Fame,
Not ſtain'd my Glory with a Tyrant's Name;
That, when I could Deſtroy, I choſe to Save:
I cannot bluſh, I think my Actions brave.
r
As his Diſintereſtedneſs and Moderation in the Affair of Ireland
are amazing ; ſo the Vigour and Reſolution with which he wag’d
War both with the Danes and Britains, and the Terms on
which he gave Peace to theſe laſt, ſhow, that he had the Art of
keeping, as well as of making a fair Conqueſt. The League_he
made with Alfred King of England, is another inſtance of his Pru-
dence and Forecaſt. For, as by Wars and ſubſequent Treaties of
Peace, he not only recover'd that part of Scotland, which had been
loft,to the Crown, but alſo annex'd to it three Engliſh Counties,
Cumberland, Weſtmorland and Northumberland : So by the League
enter'd into with Alfred, he procur'd an undoubted Title in Law to
the ſame : Which had his Succeſſors maintaind, as in Juſtice they
might, I ſee no Reaſon why Homage ſhould have been paid, or
Fealty ſworn to the Kings of England, even for thoſe Provinces.
A King, ſo Brave, ſo Prudent, and ſo Fortunate, could not but be
Courted by the other Kings his Cotemporaries : Charles the Groſs
reign’d in France at that Time, that is, about an hundred Years after
the famous League had been enterd into by Charlemaign and Achaius.
It ſeems it was renew'd by Gregory and King Charles:For the laft,(a)
Xx
had
(aj Lelly in vit. Gregor;
174 The Life of Gregory the Great, &c: Book II.
had a Guard of twenty four Scotſmen that attended his Perſon: And
this was the firſt Riſe of that illuſtrious Cors, the Gardes Eſcoffoiſes,
which has ever ſince made ſo noble a Figure at that Court. He is
likewiſe faid (a) to have ſent an Einbaſſy ( John Scotus was chief
of it ) to Alfred King of England, to congratulate that Prince, upon
his having enter'd into an Alliance with Scotland. Beſides, he was
Married (6) with Richarden, a Daughter of one of the Scots Kings :
So that in his Time 'tis plain, the League was obſerv’d or renew'd.
King Gregory's Piety was Heroick as his Valour: We read of none
of his Amours, and are told that he was never Married ; a great
Proof, I take it, of Continency in a Prince, whoſe Intrigues, and
moſt ſecret Pleaſures his prying Courtiers could not fail to dif-
cover. He paid the Religious and Church-men with unaffected Re-
fpect, made excellent Laws in their Favours, and made their Cha-
racter honourable, even in the Eyes of Worldlings, incapable to ſee
Merit in Rags. In fine, Heis ſaid to have been lo naturally Devout,
fo really Chafte, fo eminently Brave, fo Sententious in hisDiſcourſe,
and fo judicioully Wile in all the Conduct of his Life, that 'twas
believ'd, he could not do nor fay ought that was amiſs. The Glo-
ries of his Reign are by Mr. Johnſton lumm’d up in the following
Verſes.
:
1
Confiliis fubigit populi fera pectora, pacem
Inſtaurat : lancem librat utramque manu.
Quatuor exagit properato Marte triumphos,
Cum Piet is pepulit Cimbrica Regna, fimul
Bervicum quallat, vincit dehinc Brittona, & inde
Co.npulit Hibernos ſub ſua jura duces.
Vnius in gremio, celfoque in pectore regnant
Conſilium, virtus, robora, Sancta ħdes.
1
...
ܕ
1
1
THE
;
dom
:
(a) Chambers of Ormond in the Life of Charles le Gros (6) Cuſpine de Cæfar P. 262. Carion's Cronicl
Publiſh'd by Phil. Melanct, p. 341.
Chap. 1. The Life of Kenneth III. &C. 175
Τ Η Ε
Life of Kenneth III.
>
Τ Η Ε
.
1
ܪ
Eighty Firſt King of Scotland.
T
his Birth.
HIS Prince (a) was the Son of King Malcolm I. and the
Brother of the late King Duff. Had he ſucceeded to this
laſt, Scotland could have boafted an uninterrupted Succel- Kenneth jik
fion of gentle yet awful Sovereigns, for upwards of a hundred Years
bygone. But then, the extraordinary Parts and Merits of King
Kenneth had been lefs Conſpicuous, becauſe not ſo neceſſary to an
orderly State. But it was his Fate not to Reign till the Year 969, A. D. 969.
when by the Vices and Male-adminiſtration of his immediatePrede-
ceſſor Culen, the Kingdom was like a Ship without Sails or Rudder,
become ungovernable : And indeed no Man knew what Courſe thé
Pilot ( whoever he was ) would or could ſteer. The Youth were
Riotous and Debauch'd, the People Oppreſt and miſerably Poor,
the Great ones Infolent and Lawleſs, Fewds were carried on with
Violence; Devaſtations, Slaughters and Robberies were in a manner
licens:d ; and, which was worſt of all, the Chiefs of Clans and Lead-
ing Men, were ſo far from ſuppreſſing thoſe Miſchiefs, where they
had Intereſt and Power, that on the contrary, ſome encourag’d, and
all conniv'd at the Barbarities their Followers daily committed upon
the Goods, Poffeffions, and Perſons of thoſe ſtated in Enmity with
them. The King was ſatisfied that 'twas neceſſary to introduce a
thoroughReformation among his Subjects of all Ranks : With which
View he ſet himfelf to Reform his own Court, and ſhew'd himſelf a
Patern of Continency, Sobriety, Modeſty and Liberality. Ex-
ample, eſpecially that of Princes, has ever a wonderful Effect and
Influence over inferior Perſons : But where theſe are generally cor-
rupted, that operates but ſlowly and by degrees. He therefore of the Na-
refolv’d to compel ſuch Villains to their Duty by Law, as Reaſon tion when
and Example did not move : And accordingly iſſu'd out his Orders be King.
to the Chiefs of Clans, and Governours of Provinces, then call'd
Thanes
The State
:
X x 2
(4) Ford; Boeth. Lell, Buch. Ormond. &c. in vit. Kenneth. III,
170 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II.
He calls
a Conven-
Nobles.
Seifes un
pon, and
compels the
Nobles to
Thanes, commanding them all to meet and to attend him at Lanark,
in the Country of Clidſdale. They obey'd but faintly, and thoſe
tion of the that came to the Court or Convention appointed,expreft ſo little De-
ference or Regard for what the King had a mind to do that he plainly
underſtood, that he muſt go another Way to Work. He took care
in the mean time to conceal his future Deſigns : And inſtead of be-
traying his Anger, he cajolld his Nobles into a Perſwalion of his
being perfe&tly well pleas’d with their Behaviour: And fo break-
ing up the Aſſembly, and giving it out, that he was to go about his
Devotions at the Shrine of St. Ninian, He went with a ſmall Re-
tinue to the Country of Galloway, where he Conſulted with his beſt
and ſafeſt Friends, about Methods proper to force Obedience to
his Perſon and Laws. And indeed he fix'd upon one equally un-
precedented and daring. But this was a Secret to all but a very few,
till the next Year, when again he ſummond the Nobles to attend him
at Scoon. The Convention was very full; the rather, becauſe the
King's Deſigns were not ſuſpected as before, and they dreaded no
Harın from a Prince they ſo eaſily over-ruld upon the laſt Occaſion.
But 'twas not long before they found with whom they had to do:
For when they were all met in a large Hall, where the King fat in
the Fatal Chair, as the Cuſtom was, they were unexpectedly ſur,
their Duty. rounded by a conſiderable Number of Men in Arms.
This was a terrifying Sight to the moſt reſolute among them :
Fear flew quickly to their Looks, and Silence ſeis'd on their
Tongues. But the gracious King left them not long in Suſpence.
He told thein, “ That no Injury was meant to their Perfons, but
“ that he was their Sovereign, and as ſuch, would be Obey'd. That
“ he ſhould take care to command nothing but wbat was juſt. That
" he would look to their Intereſt as to his own. That it was his
« Duty to put the Laws in Execution, and theirs to be aſſiſting to
" him. That, had they at the laſt Convention been, as they ought,
“ fufficiently forward in this Matter, the Country might have been
“quieted ere now, Animoſities laid aſide, Agriculture and Husban-
dry improv'd, the Peaſant protected and enrich’d, the Tradeſ-
men employd, Robberies ſuppreſs’d, and Villains of all forts dif-
countenanc'd or puniſh’d. That in order to this, each of them,
" without regard to Favour, Alliance or Conſanguinity, muft caufé
" ſuch Criminals, as offended within his reſpective Diſtrict or
" Bounds, to be apprehended and brought to their Trials: And
" that till this was done, they muſt not take it ill that their perſons
were detain'd in a ſafe, and, he hop'd, not uneaſy, Conſtraint. The
Nobles overjoy'd that the King, contrary to their firſt Apprehen-
tions, had left it in their own Powers to regain his Favour and their
own Liberty, beg'd Pardon on their bended knees for their former
Omiſſions, and unanimouſly promis’d moſt punctual Obedience to
his future Commands. Upon this, the King commanded his Soul-
diers to conduct them to the Town of Perth, whither he himſelf
went likewiſe, and there kept his Court, amidſt all the Nobles his
Priſoners,
CC
6
CC
66
Chap. I. The Eighty Eirſt King of Scotland. 177
.
Priſoners, till by their Procurement, about five hundred notorious
Robbers
, or at leaſt Oppreflors of the laborious neceflary People;
were from all Parts of the Kingdom brought to Town, Sentenc á
and Hang'd, to the infinite Terror of their Accomplices, and equal
Satisfa&tion of all the Lovers of Juſtice and Peace. This done, the
Nobles were diſmiſs'd with.Honour, and ſome of them gratify'd for
their more eminent Diligence and ſtricter Inquiry.
'Tis true, that ſome Years afterwards new Tumults were rais’d,
and that the. Quarrels of private Men broke out into a ſort of a
civil War:: But I no where read that ever any complaind, that the
King had taken too much upon him ; that he had invaded the Pri-
viledges of the Subjects ; or that, by forcing Juſtice, tho in Spite of
all the great Men in the Nation, he had acted againſt, or in-
fring'd the Law: An evident Proof, in my Opinion, that the King of
Scots was in thoſe Days an abſolute Monarch; ' And that, altho
the Nobles were Stubborn, Factious and Infolent, even 'with Re-
ſpect to their Sovereigns, yet they pretended no Law nor Right
for what they did in Oppoſition to his Commands:
And if they
were at any time guilty of Rebellion or Contumacy, they were then,
as Adulterers or Murtherers now adays, ſenſible that they did dmiſs.
When impeachd of Treaſon, and brought to their Trials, they either
pleaded not Guilty, or by Affociations of Dependents and Friends,
or Combinations among themſelves, they ſtood to their Defence,
and by Force repell’d that Power, they could not diſown. They
had no Pamphleteers under Pay, no Advocates hir'd to Write and
Plead that they did Right, when in the Wrong. And had it been
otherwiſe, I mean, had the Nobles call?d themſelves a Parliament,
and acted conſequentially to the Idea by fome annex'd to the Ap-
pellation, What had they not done to rub off the Affront the King
had put upon them? What a bloody War muſt needs enſu’d?
And to what a hopeful Condition had the diſtracted, diffolute, jara
ring, revengeful and impious Kingdom been brought ?
'Tis plain then, that in every State there muſt be ſome Supreme
and Independent Power, and that this Power may, and ought, u-
pon certain Emergencies, to diſpence with ordinary Forms and Me-
thods of Procedure. This is what King Kenneth, it ſeeins, underſtood:
And in this he did no more than other Princes and Law-givers had
done before him: Witneſs the moſt famous ancient Worthies, Hércu-
les, Theſeus, Lycurgus. When the two former liv’d, no Place of
the Country about Athens was free from Thieves and Murtherers :
For, ſays Plutarch, that Age produc'd a ſort of Men for Strength
of Arms, and Swiftneſs of Feet, and Vigoullof Body, excelling the
ordinary Rate of Men, and in Labours and Exerciſe indefatigable :
Yet making uſe of theſe Gifts of Nature, to nothing either Good or
Profitable to Mankind, but rejoicing and taking pride in Infolence,
and pleaſing themſelves in the Enjoyment of their Inhumanity and
Cruelty, and in ſeifing, forcing, and committing all Manner of
Outrages upon every thing that fell into their Hands: Who
У
thought
Y Y
178 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II.
thought Civility and Juſtice,. Equity and Humanity, to proceed
either from want of Courage to commit Injuries, or Fear to receive
them.; and nothing at all to concern thoſe that were like themſelves
Daring and Strong. Some of theſe Monſters, Hercules, tho noways
impower'J by Authority or Law, deſtroy'd and cut off, out of a Prin-
ciple of Humanity and Love towards his Fellow-Creatures, Man-
kind in general. And after him, Theſeus, fir’d with the like Mo-
tives of Generoſity and Reſolution, not only reduc'd and kill'd the
Remainder, and freed Greece of very violent Oppreſſors, before any
of them that were reliev'd knew who did it: But alſo, having ga-
ther’d together all the Inhabitants of Attica, and made them one
People of one City, whọ before were diſpers’d, he gave them
peremptory Laws, and ſuch as would not be perſwaded, he forcd
into a Complyance. Lycurgus did what was yet bolder.; for Lacede-
mon was before his Time regulated by Laws; but thoſe by Deſue-
tude, Non-obſervance and Factions were become uſeleſs to the
labouring State. He therefore reſolv'd to change the whole Face of
the Government. In order to which,-he gaind over to his Side the
beſt and wiſeft Men of Sparta : And when Things were ripe for A-
&tion; he gave order to a competent Number of them to be ready
Arm’d at the Market-Place by break of Day; to the end he
inight ſtrike a Terror into the oppoſite Party. And thus by a plain
Violence and Breach of the Law, he Eſtabliſh'd it ſo ſolidly, that
no mixt State did ever vye with this, in Order, Beauty, or
Strength.
'Tis certain then, that King Kenneth did not act without Prece-
dents to be imitated by him, I ſay by him, a'rightful hereditary Mo-
narch : For, had he been, as Cromwel, (another Actor of much the
faine Part) an illegal Intruder upon the Sovereign's Prerogative and
People's Liberties, he had been rank'd with him amongłt Uſurpers
and Tyrants: And the injur'd Nobles had not faild of an Opportunity
of aſſerting their Rights, and retaliating the Injury offer'd to their
Perſons. But they were ſo far from this, that on the contrary they
admir'd his Courage, and applauded his Prudence. Both theſe Qua-
lities begot him the Love, Efteem and Veneration of all his Subjects :
And Peace had flouriſh'd in Scotland for a long time after, had not
the unquiet Danes brought War upon it.
A huge Fleet of theſe Rovers was ſeen off Red-head in Angus;
where for ſome Days they lay at Anchor ; and during this Time
the Coinmanders conſulted among themſelves, whether they had
beſt make a Deſcent at that very Place, or put again to Sea, and ſet
Sail for England. England was then, as now, by much the more
opulent Country, the soil was fruitful, the Air wholfome, the
Lands well cultivated, the Granaries full
, the Cities populous, and
the People, becauſe too eaſy, not ſo patient of the Hardſhips of War.
Beſides, there were a great many Danes, and Norvegians already ſet-
tl'd in that Kingdoin. Theſe had contracted Alliances, and were
united by Friendſhip and Commerce with the Natives; and 'twas
i
i
..
1
probable
Chap I. The Eighty Firft King of Scotland. 179
i
1
i
by the Danes.
probable that the latt, and certain that the firſt would favour an
Invaſion. On the other Hand, Scotland was a Country confiderable
only by reaſon of its fierce unconquer'd Inhabitants, a Race of Men
hardn'd with Labour, and ſtrengthn'd by Poverty; there few or no
Cities worth the plundering, few Lands worth waſting; no Gardens,
no Orchards, no Baths for Pleaſure, no Plenty of Food or Drink
for Feaſting, no Incitments to Luxury: Nothing to be met with, but
ſteep Hills, inacceſſible Fortreſſes, dangerous Bags, and withal a
hardy, robuft Enemy, determin’d to diſpute every Inch, even of
that barren Ground, made fertile by nothing more than the ſcatę
ter'd Carcaſes of former Invaders, particularly Danes. But then
this Country, ſo much undervalu'd upon the Score of its Unfruitful-
neſs, was nevertheleſs a ſure Inlet to England. And it was not to
be doubted, but, as Matters then ſtood, if the more ſtubborn and
Northern Part of the Iſland was fairly reduc'd, the Southern muſt
fall of Courſe. This laſt Conſideration, back'd by Arguments obvi-
ous enough to the meaneſt Underſtandings, took with the Plurality
of Meri, weary'd with the ordinary Inconveniencies of the Sea, de-
firous of the Refreſhments of Land, and yet more of being reveng’d
upon a Nation that had ſo often bafl'd the braveſt Efforts of their
elſewhere victorious Anceſtors. In fine, they reſolv'd to land, and
accordingly enter'd the Mouth of the River Esk, took the Town of
Montroſe, in thoſe Days call'd Celurcă, put all the Citizens to the Is attack'd
Sword, let Fire to the Houſes, demoliſh'd the Caſtle, and from
thence march'd through Angus to the Firth or River of Tay, car-
rying every where along with them Deſtruction, Rapine and
Slaughter. The King was at Stirling at the Time: He made all the
haſte he could to the Reſcue of his People: But before 'twas poffi-
ble to bring an Army to the Fields, Advice was brought, that the
Enemy had paſs’d the Tay, and inveſted the Town of Perth. He re-
ſolvd immediately to attempt the Relief of a Place fo near to the
Court, and ſo well Situated almoſt in the Center of his Dominions.
Thither he march'd upon the Head of thoſe Forces he had rais'd,
and having drawn them up in Order of Battle at Loncarty, a little Battle of
Village, He exhorted them to their Duty, by repreſenting the In-
humanity of their mercileſs Enemies, the Neceflity of Vanquiſhing
or Dying, the deplorable Condition of the Country in general, and
in particular of their own Families and Fortunes, in caſe of their
being defeated; their King's Glory, their Anceſtors Fame, and the
Victories ſo often obtain'd over this very Enemy, now in their view
Promiſing withal Immunity from Taxes for five years to all thoſe
that ſhould ſurvive the Battle, and a Sum of Money, or the Equi-
valent in Land, to ſuch as ſhould bring to him the Head of a ſlaugh-
ter'd Dane. The Proſpect of ſuch a Reward, made the Scots fall
on with incredible Alacrity : But, as Matters were manag’d, was
like to prove fatal in the Event. For after a moſt fierce Onſet,
which oblig'd the Danes to deſcend from the declining Hill, where
they had been poſted, and come to handy Blows in the plain Fields,
Y y 2
the
1.
Loncerty,
1
180 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II.
Action of
Hay, the
of Errol:
the Scots Souldiers buſied themſelves more in cutting off the Heads
of ſuch as fell in their Hands, than in killing ſuch as ſtood to their
Defence. The Daniſh Commanders having taken notice of this,
took Occafion from thence to give their Souldiers to underſtand,
that' at this Rate none of them could hope for one Minutes Life;
unleſs they ſhould ſecure it to themſelves by the Death of Men,
who thus maliciouſly and vainly inſulted over the dead Bodies of
their Comrads. Upon this the Danes re-animated with Indignati-
on, Spite and Revenge, exerted the utmoſt Vigour of their ſtrong
Nerves and large Bones : They broke through and put to the Rout,
both the right and left Wing of the Scots Army: And the main Body,
where the King fought in Perſon, was very nigh envelop’d, and
muſt have been entirely cut off, but for the ſtupendious Aation of
one Hay and his two Sons: Who placing themſelves in a convenient
Paſs, beat back the Flyers, and ſo turn'd the Wheel of Fortune,
never more deſervedly call’d Bizarre or Inconſtant, than upon this
The great Occaſion. This Hay was at the time employ’d in Tilling a Field at
no great diſtance from the two Armies; but how ſoon he perceiv'd
Founder of thať the Scots were flying, he left his Work, and animated with In-
dignation and Rage, he bethought himſelf of an Expedient to pre-
vent the Ruine and Diſgrace of his Country, all Ages will ever ad-
mire and extol. He armd himſelf and his two Sons, Men like him-
felf, of extraordinary Strength, and incomparable Courage, with
their Plough. Yokes: (It ſeems he had no other Wedpons at Hand, or
thought theſe the fitteſt, becauſe heavieſt:) And having reproach'd the
foremoſt of thoſe that fled, and perhaps prevaild with ſome to re-
turn, he plac'd them and himſelf in the narrow Paſs through
which he knew the Remainder of the worſted Army muſt flee, and
as they advancd, he met and knock'd them down unmercifully
with his mighty Yoke, in fo much that he put a Stop to their Flight:
And the Scots thus equally mauld by, and in a manner pent up
between their friends and Foes, knew not what to do : If they
continu'd to fly, they muſt needs encounter, as they imagin'd,
freſh Forces of the prevailing Enemy; and if they ſhould face about
again, they muſt re-engage Men animated, but at the ſame time
wearied and fatigu'd by Victory. They thought fitteſt to turn up-
pon the Purſuers, and did it accordingly. The Danes in their Turn
ſurpris’d with this ſudden and unexpe&ted Change, they knew not
the Occaſion of, concluded, and 'twas no wonder, that the Scots Ar-
my muſt be reinforc'd with ſome conſiderable Acceſſion of a freſh
Power. This perlwafion damp'd their Courages, and they fled as
haftily as they had purlu'd. By this time the heroick Hays came
up to the main Body of the Army, and every one became acquain-
ted with what they had done, ſo that the Scots, now apprehensive
of no more Enemies but thoſe they had in their view, pur-
lu'd their Advaiſtage with incredible Alacrity, and moſt, if not all
the Danes, fell Victims to their juft Revenge. Whether any of
them got back to their Ships I know not; but conſidering how far
they
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 181
upon the
they had advanc'd into the Inland Country, 'tis probable they
were all cut off in their Retreat, or, that the King ſatiated with
Glory, and contented with the Peace ſo noble a Victory had pro-
curd to the Kingdom, was willing that fome ſhould eſcape ; were
it but to let their Country-Men know, that Scotland was not worth
ſo much Blood, as muſt be lost in the conquering of it. However,
The aſtoniſhing Event of the Battle of Loncarty tranſported the
whole Nation with Wonder and Joy; and the Army ſpent the en- .
ſuing Night in Mirth and Rejoicing, in Singing the Praiſes of their
glorious King, and in extolling the admir'd Valour and Reſolution
of Hay their Deliverer. No Body was more ſenſible of his Services
than the King. That grateful Prince rewarded him as he deſervd:
For he firſt order'd a large Share of the Enemies Spoils to be given
to him, and then commanded him and his Sons to march by him-
felf in a triumphant Manner, with their bloody Yokes upon
Head of the Army, into the Town of Perth. He did more : For, as
the great Atchievement had already ennobld both Hay and his Sons,
ſo the King advanc'd them into the firſt Rank of thoſe about him,
and which was very rare in thoſe Days, gave them in Heritage as
much of the moſt fruitful Soil of Gowry, as a Falcon could compaſs
at one flight. The lucky Bird ſeem'd ſenſible of the Merits of thoſe
that were to enjoy it ; for ſhe made a Circuit of ſeven or eight Miles
long; and four or five broad, the Limits of which are ſtill extant.
As from this Tract of Ground, calld Eyrol, as then, the brave, loyal,
and in every Senſe illuſtrious Family of Errol
, takes its Deſignation;
ſo it retains the Sirname of Hay, upon the Account of its original
Author.
I ſhall have elſewere Occaſion to do Juſtice to the Worth of his
hitherto, and I hope it fhall ever be ſo, unſtain'd Pofterity. His
own and his Sons: Praiſes, a great many have celebrated, both in
Proſe and Verſe: Among the reſt, the polite and delicate Poet, Ara
thur Johnſton, as follows.
Hoftibüsindignum ! Cimbris exercitus omnis
Scotigenum verſo terga leone dabat :
Signa Caledoniæ jpectans incanduit Hajus,
Qui patrios juxta forte colebat agros :
Nec mora, taurorum, properans ingentibus auſis,
Expedit incurvis colla toroſa jugis.
His genitor, natique duo, tria fulmina belli,
Compefcunt trepidam, nec fine cæde, fugam.
Queis fuga compreſa eſt, armis agreftibus hoftis
Concidit
, & qui non concidit hauftus aqua eff.
Clava quid aut Harpe meruit, quid Pelias haſtag
Qua perhibent Grajos arma tuliſſe duces ?
Sunt hæc nota quidem, cantataque vatibus arma :
Haja tamen vera plus juga laudis habent.
(
Zz
.
ti
I return
182
Book II.
The Life of Kenneth III.
į
1
I return to the Life of the King.
rections.
After theſe great Succeſſes, 'twas no difficult Task for a Prince, ſo
deſervedly Reſpected, and ſo univerſally Efteem'd, to quell petty
Seditions and Fewds among his own Subjects. But it may be
thought ſtrange, that henceforth any one ſhould have been ſo bold,
as to venture upon his Diſpleaſure. Nevertheleſs there were whó
did it. And firſt, a Set of Robbers from the Iſlands had the Info-
lence to land in Koſs, and Ravage that Country; but by the King's
King Kom. Orders were purſu’d. Some fell in their Retreat, others were taken,
meth quells and of theſe ſeverals, if not all, Executed. Crathilint, Lord or Gover-
nor of the Merns, and Son of Fenele (others write Finabella) did what
was in it ſelf inore Criminal, and was afterwards attended by greater,
but more diſmal Conſequences. This haughty, reſenting Youth,
thought himſelf Affronted by (one he ought to have born with, had
a real Injury been offerd) his own Grand-father Cruchne, the Gover-
nour of Angus. Crathilint complain’d to his Mother, and ſhe, tho
the Daughter of Cruchne, was fo monſtrouſly Wicked, as to Animate
and Arm her own Son againſt her father. To be ſhort, Cruchne
was Murther'd in his own Houſe, by the Direction of his Daughter,
and the Hands of his Grand-child : Nay, his whole Family was
together with himſelf put to the Sword, and his Lands laid waſte.
His Friends and Dependants, and indeed the whole Country of
Angus, took Arms immediately, and paſſing the River of Esk; en-
ter'd and deſtroy'd the Merns: And ſo a moſt deſperate and unna-
tural War (if nevertheleſs a barbarous Fewd between Subjects deſer-
ves that Name) was carried on, to the Deſtruction of both parties.
The King made hafte to ſave the Innocent, by puniſhing the Guilty:
He ſunmond alle concern'd in the pernicious Example to appear
before his Tribunal at Scoon : But moft of them, to avoid Judgment;
fled to, and were apprehended in Lochaber, From thence Crathilint, and
his Accomplices, were brought to their Trials, and put to Death at
Crathilineput Dunſinnan. Yet, even in this Act of Juſtice, the King's Mercy was
conſpicuous: Some he only. Fin'd, and others he freely Pardon’d;
ſo that henceforth good Men would not, and ill Men durſt not of-
fend. Only one in all the Kingdom (and this one a Woman too,
the infamous . Fenele) "continud to entertain in her private Breaft
,
thoſe impious Thoughts, which afterwards broke forth with ſo much
the greater Violence and Effect, by how much longer ſhe had had
thie Art and Force to conceal them. But, before I come to talk of
that celebrated Piece of Villany, ſhe contriv'd and accompliſh’d, 'tis
neceſſary to clear a moſt important Point of the Scots Hiſtory, and to
Account for the moſt remarkable Change, that perhaps was ever
made, with Reference to the Government in this part of the Iſland.
Hiſtorians relate, and Party-Men deſcant varioully about the
Matter : I ſhall give an impartial Account of what all have
faid.
Buchan-
to Death.
1
1
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 183
land.
1
Buchanan, an incomparable Scholar, an eminent Maſter of the
Belles Lettres and Latine Tongue, a delicate Poet, a judicious The anci-
Hiſtorian, but withal, tenaciouſly attach’d, by the faſteſt Tyes of ent and mo-
private Intereft, Paſſion and Self-Prefervation, to a Party of Men of Success
who acted thoſe things againſt the Powers then in Being; which to fion in Scor-
Vindicate and Licenſe, he bent all the Strength of his Thought,
and directed the whole Draughts of his immortal Pen. Buchanan,
(a) I ſay, every where ſuppoſes, and in the Life of thisKing Kenneth
plainly tells us, that 'twas the ancient Cuſtom of the Scots to chooſe
their Kings, and that they were wont to Elect them from amongſt
the Relations of the laſt deceas’d, not the neareſt in Blood, but the
beſt and fitteſt to command, provided ſtill that ſuch an one was of
the Royal Family, and deſcended from the Founder of the Monar:
chy, King Fergus l. This Cuſtom was, in his Opinion, not only
neceſſary in thoſe Days, when the Nation, naturally Stubborn, and
ever enibroiļd or in Civil, or in Foreign Wars, could not fubfift
without a Sovereign of Experience and Years, but alſo juſt and rea-
ſonable in it ſelf. For, ſays he, what can be thought more fooliſh,
than to truſt that one Concern, the greateſt of all that can be ima-
gin’d, to Fortune, and not rather to the free Suffrages and Determi-
nation of the Wiſe? What more imprudent, than to ſubmit to the
Government of an Infánt, but juſt now by Chance brought forth,
and who himſelf needs, not only a Governour, but a Governeſs,
whilſt there are Men eminent for their Parts and Quality, and every
way fitted to fit at the Helm? What if the Children, or neareſt in
Blood to the King, ſhall labour under any Infirmities, either of the
Body or Mind? What if Boys had been Kings, whilſt Scotland
was attack”d by the Romans, Britains, Piets, Engliſh, and Danes,
when the Queſtion was not ſo much, who ſhould Command the
Scots, as whether or no the Scots Nation ſhould be, like the Cartha-
ginian, exterminated Root and Branch? God Almighty denounces
a Wse unto the .Land, whoſe King is a Child ! But Children, by the old
Cuſtom were excluded from the Scottiſh Throne. · And is it not the
height of Madneſs to introduce that by a Law,which God in a manner
curs’d, and Cuſtom excluded ? Neither did this new Law cut off
the Diffentions of the People, the Ambition of the great Ones,
the Quarrels and Animofities of the Princes, the Slaughters ſo often
committed upon the Perſons of Sovereigns, nor any of the leaſt In-
conveniencies, pretended to flow from Monarchies Elective in the
Senſe above-mention’d. For ftill the Regents or Tutors of the Mi-
nor King, being generally his neareſt Kinſmen, are no leſs apt to cut
off their Pupils, nor their Pupils leſs afraid of the aſpiring Thoughts
of their. Tufors
, than formerly,when theſe laft were Kings in effect:
And if thele Regents are not the neareſt to the Crown; in that Caſe,
it not probable they'll endeavour to raiſe their own Families
while the Power is in their Hands, and ſo prefer their private to
the
Z 22
* ; In vit. Kentieth. III. & Conſtantin, & fub init. lib. 7. Rerum Scoricarum.
De jure Regni.
His whole Book
184
The Life of Kenneth III. Book II
.
!
to the publick Intereſt of King and Country? Hence the Envy
and Jealouſy of their Equals, and all theſe Calamities that attend
Minorities. Beſides, Hereditary Succeſſion cannot be perpetuated
by this or any other Means. 'Tis in vain to ſtudy or ſeek for Dura-
tion in Families : The Romans did it; but to what Purpoſe ? The
Scipio's, Fabii, &c. 'are' long ſince extinct, in Spite of all their
Efforts towards Immortality : Nay, the way to ruine a Royal
Family, is to aſcertain the Succeſſion to the immediate Heir, for
that's to advance him ſo far nearer to Tyranny: And Tyranny is a
Mark,all Men will ſhoot at. Many Scots Kings, or Kings Sons and
apparent Heirs, were before King Kenneth's Law, by their Succef-
fors
. Contrivance or Connivance, upon various Pretences, impriſon'd,
poylon'd and kill'd. But what then, ſays Buchanan, all the Devaſta
tions, Slaughters, Murthers, Regicides, Parricides of former Ages,
were but Hight and tolerable Evils, if compar'd with that one
War that enſu'd upon the Death of Alexander III. a War, which, in
this Place,he attributes only to the Remova! made from the ſuppos'd
Cuſtom of electing our Kings.
Sir Thomas Craig, one of Buchanan's own Principles, with Refe-
rence to Religion and Church-Government, of undoubted Honeſty,
of natural Parts and Acquirments equal to thoſe that have been
moſt admir’d in any Nation or Age, An indefatigable Reader, a
found Reaſoner, a judicious Writer, and a Lawyer incomparable,
either in Reach of Thought, Combination of Circumſtances, Variety
of Citations, Fluency of Stile, and unbyaſs’d Search of Equity and
Truth ; Sir Thomas Craig, I ſay, and with him Sir George Mackenzie,
-Barclay, Blackwood, &c. all Men of eminent Learning and Parts
,
differ widely from Buchanan, and thoſe of his Opinion in this point.
If we may credit them, (a)
The Scots Monarchy was from its firſt Foundation Hereditary
from Father to Son : For all Scots Hiſtorians, and ainong thoſe
The Scots Buchanan himſelf, tell us plainly, “That the Scots ſwore Allegi-
Monarchy “ ance to King Fergus I. and to his Poſterity for ever: Conſequent-
ly Fergus his Son, ought by Law to have Succeeded; ſince his
Brother was none of his Poſterity. Yet the Brother was prefer’d to
the Son: Not at all : For he was only made Guardian of his Infant
“ Nephew, tho, that he might Rule with the greater Authority,
“ he was allow'd the Title of King, a Precedent afterwards follow'd
by ſuch as like him came to Adminiſtrate the publick Affairs,
by reaſon of the Non-age of the more immediate Heirs. The
" like Cuſtom did ſometimes obtain in England, Spain, and France.
« Lewis, Carloman, and Charles le Gros, were Tutors of Charles the
“ Simple, and Crown'd as ſuch, under that Deſignation, but were
never declar'd Kings in their own Right, tho they are reckon'd
among the Kings of France, by ſome blundering Ignorants in the
" Hiſtory of that Nation. In Spain, Aurelius, Silo and Veremundis
“ Reign'd fucceffively during the Non-age of Alphonſus, firnam'd
The
tai Sir Geo: Mackenzie's Right of the Succeſſion Craig of the Succeflion.
lective.
(G
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66
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Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 185
66
1
66
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66
“ The Chaſte, to whom, as being the legal Heir, the Kingdom was
" by Veremundus reſtor’d, after the ſecond Year of his Reign, or
st rather Adminiſtration. By the fame Rule, and for much the
« fame Reaſons,in England, Athelſtane, Baſtard Son to Edward the
« Elder, ſucceeded him, his two legitimate Sons being paſt by:
" But they were Minors, and the Daniſh Wars requir'd a ſtout and
manly King; And ſuch an one, the Engliſh found in the Perſon
6 of Athelſtane, yet fail'd not afterwards to reſtore Edmund the law-
“ ful Son and Heir of Edwards to his natural Right. Edward the
“ Confeſſor,.was alſo made King of England, by reaſon of the Abſence
( of his Nephew, another Edward, the Son of his elder Brother
« King Edmund Iron fide; And to this Prince, as to the rightful and
" and true Heir, the pious King Edward would have yielded the
“ Crown. But the Nephew,emulating his Uncle's Naturality, de-
“. clin'd to take it during his Life, who had worn it,only to preſerve
6 it for him. This Cuſtom, thought neceſſary by ſeveral Nations;
upon certain Jun&tures, was nevertheleſs attended by fatal Con-
ſequences, where ever it took Place; particularly in Scotlawed.:
66 For few of theſe Guardian Kings were like the Engliſh Edward, ſo
Juſt or Generous, as willingly to abdicate in favour of their Ne-
phew, even when theſe laft ſprung up to be Men. 'Tis true,
“ Tome did it, and others, as Feritharis, offer'd to do it: A plain
“ Proof that they accounted it their Duty. And Buchanan him-
“ ſelf confeſſes, thật upon the Death of Durſtus, a wicked Prince,;
« it was debated, whether his Son ſhould not ſucceed, juxta ſacra-
mentum Ferguſio præftitum, veteremque eſſe morem ſervandum. Nay;
" after the Death of Fergus 11. his Son Eugene, tho a Minor, was
“ Crown'd, and his Grand-father Græme allow'd to be his Tutor:
« Another Proof that Hereditary Succeffion was even in thoſe Days,
66 eſtabliſh'd bý, Law, by Oath and Cuſtom. And had it been o-
" therwiſe, with what Frent could we Scotſmen, and in parti-
66 cular Buchanan, affert our Sovereign's Title to the Pictish King-
“ domn. 'Tis not doubted, but moſt Laws, and eſpecially that
concerning the Succeſſion of Kings, were the ſame in both Na-
« tions. Our King Alpine was the neareſt in Blood to Doſtolargus,
“ King of the Picts; and, as ſuch, he put in for the Crown: But the
c Picts rejected him, and elected Feredech. If they had Right to
“ do ſo, (and ſure they had equal Priviledges in this with the Scots)
why did not Alpine and his Son Kenneth deſiſt from their Preten-
“ fions? And how came they to extirpate, as ſome write, a
“whole Nation, and to be ſaid to have done it juſtly, and that
“meerly becauſe that Nation, as the then Scots would have done,
6 ſtood to their Priviledges and elected a King of their own? Bý
" the faine Rule, Mordredus, King of the Pitts, challeng'd and fought
“ for the Throne of Britain, as his Right, becauſe neareſt in Blood
to the Britiſh King his Grand-father : And this he could not have
cs done, had not that Kingdom been Hereditary. From thence it
follows, that all the States in Britain were really ſo, and that ſuch
66 Guar-
06
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66
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Ааа.
186 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II.
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:
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« Guardian Princes as did not lay down their Office, upon the Ma-
jority of their Pupils, acted againſt Law, and as Uſurpers might
“ be depos’d. No wonder then, if we read of ſo many Scots Kings
6C cut off
, and that perhaps moſt juſtly by their Succeſſors. A Tutor
" ought to account for his Intromiſſions, and a great many Scots
“ Kings were but Tutors. Nevertheleſs, Ambition, ſo Natural to
66 all Men in Place and Power, Length of Time, and numerous Pre-
“ cedents, made that cuſtomary, which in it ſelf was Uſurpation.
" But Cuſtom cannot preſcribe againſt Law; and therefore 'twas but
" 'reaſonable to renew the old Law, by aboliſhing an abuſive Cu-
e ftom. Neither did this Cuſtom, bad as it was, allow the People,
as Buchanan every where infinuates, to elect even theſe Tutelar
or Guardian Kings. For 'tis plain from the whole Tract of his
"own Hiſtory, that the People had no manner of Concern in the
“ Government, till, by the gracious Conceſſions and Appointment
“ of our modern Monarchs, Parliaments were introduc'd, and in
" them, ſomeBurrows, or Repreſentatives of the People allow'd to
" fit. If any then had a Power of nominating or electing Kings,
" ſure theſe were the Nobles and Chiefs of Clans. And is very
true, that the Scottiſh Kings made uſe of their Counſel and Ad-
« vice in the moſt weighty Affairs of State, and appointed them,
or ſuch of them as they pleas'd, to attend their Perſons at ſuch
« Times and Places as they pitch'd on. Theſe Meetings, Hiſtorians
« call Conventus Procerum, and ſo they may be term'd in Latine,
< But theſe Latine Words can by no means be interpreted, ſo as to
u import aConvention of the States; ſince then there were no States,
" but may be very well Engliſh d, the King's Council : For ſuch, it
“ ſeems, they were, and no more. And who is the King that ſtands
not in need of a Council? Now, that even they had no Power
to Elect their Kings, is plain. For, in the firſt place, King
« Fergus I. was not elected, but conſtituted himſelf King, as is
proy'd in his Life, or came to be ſuch in Right of his Blood : Or,
" if he was Elected, the next in Blood to him was fo too.
And
" the Electors had no more power to invalidate this Deed, had
" it been their own, than a Husband, who to Day chooſes and mar-
«c ries a Wife, has Right to divorce her to Morrow. Nay, the
very Law pretended by Buchanan, for this Right of Election, is,
even as worded by him, a Demonſtration, plain as the Sun-fhine,
có that they had no Power to Elect the Kings of Scotland, . properly
« ſo call’d. His Words in the Life of Feritharis are theſe : Poft
longam diſceptationem, ratio inita eft, qua nec puer, ætate nondum regno
matura, imperaret, nec jurijurando fraus fieret : ut videlicet Regum liberis
nondum adultis, propinquorum,qui maxime regno videretur idoneus, is re-
rum ſummæ præficeretur : eo mortuo, regni ſucceſſio ad Regis superioris
liberos perveniret. After a long Debate, ſays be, an Expedient was
found
out, whereby Children, by reaſon of their Non-age, unfit
for Government, were debar'd from the Command ; and
Oath ( tender'd to King Fergus and the Heirs of his Body) re-
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yet the
main'd
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 187
reign Power:
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main'd unviolated. The Expedient was this, when the King's
Children were, at his Death, in their Non-age, the fitreft, ( others
fay, the neareſt of his Kindred) was appointed to rule with Sove-
And he being Dead, the Succeſſion was to return to
the Children of the préceeding King: “ Now,if 'twas determin’d by
“ Law,that upon the Death of the Guardian, the Succeſſion ſhould
return to the Children of the preceeding King, I hope none will
" ſay, but that the Succeſſion was Hereditary by Law; at leaſt fo
« far as concern'd the Children of the Kings preceeding. Thoſe I
juſtly call Guardians; conſequently theſe Children were not
“ elected, neither by the People, nor by the Nobles, who, if they
“ had any Power of Election at all, had it only with Reference to
6 thoſe that ſucceeded not in their own Right, and by vertue of
" the Ferguſian Law, but of ſuch as cáme to govern, by reaſon of
" the Nonage of their Pupils : 1 ſay their Pupils, for ſo does Bu-
6 chanán himſelf term thein, as do Boethius and others. Nay, it
may be contended, whether they had Right to Nominate, or E-
“ leć thoſe Kings, the fame Buchanan is forc'd to call Tutors :
« For. even theſe came to ſucceed, not only by reaſon of
“ the Blood-Royal which ran in their Veins ; but ( ſays
« Leſly, and he knew as much of the Matter as Buchanan)
" becauſe of their being, The neareſt in Blood to their Pupils
.
" This is ſo much the more credible,becauſeBuchanan acknowledges;
is that the Kings of Scotland were wont to name their Succeſſors, by
«declaring them Princes of Cumberlund. And iho he ſays, that this
was an Encroachment upon the Right of the People or Nobles, İ
no where find that they quarreld it. 'Tis probable then, that
“ the Nobles met upon the Death of their Kings, not to Ele&t or
“ Chooſe, but to Recognize the Right, and ſwear Allegiance to
« ſuch a Succeffor, as the Law or Cuſtom pointed out. But ſhould
“ it be granted, that they did chooſe the Guardian Kings, when the
" immediate Heir was a Child; what then? Did this make the
« Monarchy elective ? And is not Buchanan very much to blame,
« who commerces the Lives of all Kings, indifferently telling us,
" that they were Elected. For the Affertion is evidently falle, at
« leaſt with reference to the Kings, properly ſo call’d, and but dubi-
ous at moſt of the others. Thefe laſt, being once admitted to
« this Fidei commiſſaria Title, differ'd in this from Regents, that they
were gerierally wont to wear the Crown, and exerciſe the royal
Power, not only till their Pupils grew up to be Men, but while
" they themſelves liv'd. An inſufferabte Abuſe, which no Law
“ did authorize ; nay, contrary to all Laws, Divine and Humane :
“For God Almighty' decreed, (a) That if á Man hath no Son nor
“ Daughter, his Inheritance ſhaú deſcend upon his Brother. The Son is
" then preferable to the Daughter, and both to their Uncles or
" Couſins: And St. Paul (b) aflerts, That if Sons, then Heirs.
“ Which Concluſion, if falſe in Speculation, or if in Practice it may
A a a 2
u be
(a) Numpers Chap. 27. ver. 9.& 16. (62 Rom. Chap. 8.
66
..
(6
(6
66
188 The Life of Kenneth III. . Book II.
66
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16
16
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16
“ be diſappointed, all his Divine Reaſoning in that Chapter comes
to nothing. Beſides, this Right of Succeffion is ſo natural, that
every
Man finds it grafted in his own Heart, and obeys it
" without Reaſoning for it. For who doubts, when he hears of an
Hereditary Monarchy, as Scotland, was from its firſt Foundation,
(6 but that the next in Blood muſt fucceed? And from this Ground
" it is, that tho a remoter Kinfınan did poſſeſs as Heir, he could,
by no length of Time, preſcribe a valid Right; fince no Man,
as Lawyers conclude, can preſcribe a Right againſt the Law of Na-
ture. This is acknowledg’d by all Nations and Ages: For, as Bodinus
(c has it,Ordo,non tantum legis natura & divina, ſed etiam omnium ubi-
que gentium hoc poftulat. And ſince 'tis exprefly determin’d, that
“ the Right of Blood can be taken away by no poſitive Law or Sta-
tute, and that the Power of making a Teſtiment can be taken
away by no Law, it follows, that the Right of Succeſfion cannot
“ be taken away by a Statute ; for that is the ſame with the Right
6.of Blood, and is more ſtrongly founded upon the Law of Na-
ture, than the Power of making Teſtaments. Neither can any
LC Power on Earth diſpenſe with the Laws of God: And we have
evinc'd, that by the Law of God, the Son ought to ſucceed to
" the Father. Since therefore the old Scots Cuſtom was contrary
to the fundamental Law made by the firſt Founder of the Mo-
“ narchy, and ſworn to by the then People, as alſo to thoſe of
“ God Almighty, Nature and Nations ; 'twas neceſſary to take.it
away. But then the Kingdom mụſt be govern'd by Children in
s6 caſe of Minorities; and Wo unto the Land'when thy King is a Child.
c Indeed this is a great Misfortune, but who can help it? And is
" it not evident, that this ſame Inconveniency did more neceffarly
o attend the allowing a Regent King, during Life: For both the
« Subjects and the true Heir rais’d Factions in that Cafe; whereas,
" the Subjects only are Factious in the other. Nor is it reaſonable
" that the Remedy ſhould have lafted beyond the Diſeaſe. If the
" King was Minor, why diſinherit him for this ? And if a Regent
cannot govern in his ſtead, let the Parliament, Councils and Of-
« ficers of State do it. And if they cannot, then this, ſo much ad-
"mir'd Model of Governing by Parliaments, ceaſes to be of ſuch
،
Excellency, as is generally believ'd: If they cannot govern in the
« Time of a Minority, neither are they fit to Elect Kings. Facti-
ons, Intrigues, Quarrels, Intereſt, Bribes, are ever prevalent,
« where many have Votes : And 'tis not to be fuppos’d, that a
ỢC Multitude of Men, Humourſom, Quarrelſom, Intereſted, Brib’d,
co and moſt probably over-aw'd by a prevailing Party, would, if met
to chooſe a King, fix on the Fitteſt and Beſt, and not railer on
" the moſt Intriguing and Aimbitious, that is, the very Worſt.
" This is ſo true, that from King Fergus I, to Kenneth III. when (if
we credit Bichanan) our Sovereigns were elected by the Nobles
or People, we had Seventy nine Kings; and of thoſe, according to
the
"
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66
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(u)Bodin. de Republ. lib, 6, cap. 57
:
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland 189
:
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66
6
1
" the fame Buchmas, almoſt the half were moſt notoriouſly Wicked :
So happy and wiſe a Thing is this (ſo much inagnifyd) Elegion
< of a Succeffor,by the People and their Repreſentatives, to ſupply
" the Defects of the lawful Heir. Whereas, from King Kenneth lli.
to King Charles II. incluſive, we have had thirty one Kings ;
twenty fix of whom have ſucceeded by a due lineal Right, and
* have prov'd vertuous Princes, greater by their Merit than their
66 Birth: As if God deſign'd to let us ſee, that he can chooſe a fitter
€ Succeffor, than Parliaments can do. The other five Kings, whơ
came to the Crown againſt that Law of Kenneth III. were all
“ Perſons undeſerving their high Truſt; and who, as they affen-
" ded the Throne, ſo they govern’d, without Law. 'Tis therefore
66 but reaſonable to truſt more to the Care of God, by whofe ipecial
6. Providence, in the Opinion of ſome Divintes, every Throw of the
* Dice is influenc'd, than to our own; and to hope more from him
" by Chriſtian Submiffion, Humility and Obedience, than by Ca- :
« balling, Rebelling, facrilegious Murthering, &c. The Reaſon
“ why in the firſt Period of Time condeſcended upon, fo many
Kings prov'd Wicked and why in the ſecond, they were Bountiful
«c and Good, is obvious to any that has ever so little Inſight in the
"Nature of Man. The former reign'd but during Lifë: Their Chil-
dren, they knew, could not ſucceed them in the Throne : They
« themſelves (I ſpeak of the Guardian Kings, not of the Legal Heirs)
« afcended it, when but indifferently Opulent, and ſometimes bý
« Trick, Intrigue and Violence. Now, what could be expected
1 from ſuch Perſons, but that they would einploy their new-gotten
36 Power, if not to perpetuate it to their own Pofterity, by cutting
o off their Nephews, at leaſt to ſupply their fornier Wants, clear
" their Debts, purchaſe Eftates, raiſe their private Families from
“ Want to Wealth, and leave their Heirs, if not Kings, at leaſt the
“ greateſt and richeſt of Subjects ? To effect this, what muſt they
« do? What we ſee Men, in Place and Authority, do every Day ;
« make uſe of the preſent Sun-fhine, haften. to be Rich, embezle.
the Treaſury, divert the publick Money to private Uſes, heigh-
u ten the Royal Duties, impoſe new Subſidies upon the People, in->
“ vade private Mens Fortunes, intent vexatious Law-Suits, cor-
“ rupt Juſtice, hire Informers, bribe Winefles, forge Crimes, de-
es vile Plots, foment Diviſions, and ſo proceed to Hanging, Be-
heading, Fining and Forefaulting. "To do theſe Things, is to
" act the Tyrant : And for this ſort of Tyranny, many of the old
“Kings fuffer'd deſervedly, according to Buchanan. But he forgets
" to draw the Concluſion that naturally follows from thence: "Tis.
« juſt the Reverſe of his Affertion, and is plainly this; To ſet up a
« King, whoſe Pofterity may be debarr'd from the Succeſſion, is to
“ ſet up a Tyrant: Apd Tyranny (I agree ſo far with him ). is a
“ Mark moft Men are inclinable to Shoot at. But theſe Kings,be-
" cauſe of their Age and Experience, made noble and immortal
Struggles, in Defence of Scotland, againſt the Romans, Britains,
Bbb
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66 Saxons
190 The Life of Kenneth
III. . Book II.
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66
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“ 'Saxons,. Danes, &c. They did : And not theſe neither, for our
“ moſt glorious Monarchs will be found to have been the legal
Heirs; and ſo were ſure their Poſterity would ſometime or other
« enjoy the Fruit of their Labours. But what if Children had been
Kings in thoſe critical Junctures? If ſo, theſe Children would
« have had Tutors, and their Guardian Kings were no more; only
they did leſs Good, and more Miſchief thao Regents (becauſe
« accountable to their Pupils) would or durft have done. Nay,
“ had not the Succeffion been interrupted by theſe Titular
“ Kings, that is, had our Sovereigns of old fucceeded, as thoſe
a fince King Kenneth, in a direct Line from Father to Son, 'tis
probable, they had done ſomething more than what was effected,
upon certain Occaſions. They had not only withſtood and bafl’d
“their encroaching Foes, but had been Aggreffors in their Turn .
" King Gregory had perhaps ſecur'd Ireland to his Pofterity, and
" King Eugene Britain. But theſe Heroes did enough for their own
« Glory; and ſince the proſpect of their Offspring was but uncer-
tain, they halted in the Midſt of their Career, and preferr'd
preſent Eafe to Dangers, uſeleſs to themſelves and their Heirs.
".This is certain, ked not our ancient Kings been eternally bufied
« in working,or averting the Malheurs,occaſion d by their irregular
65 Succeſſion, they would have had leiſure to look abroad : And e-
“ very Age preſented them with ſuch Opportunities of extending
" their Dominions, as they neither could, nor did they think it
" worth their while to improve : At leaſt, they had been more in-
tent upon Means of bettering the Conſtitution of their Country,
66 of Cultivating its, otherwiſe unfruitful, Soil, of Forming and
Peopling of Cities, Building of Ships, Applying to Navigation,
" and wisat elſe they could not but ſee did conduce to the Conve-
niency, Plenty and Wealth of their Roman and Saxon Neighbours.
" Theſe and the like Projects the whole Poſterity of King Kenneth
" ſet always on Foot. And no wonder: An hereditary Monarch
6 muſt needs conſider his People's Wealth as his own and his Chil-
" dren's Inheritance : And when he enriches his Subjects, he pro-
Es vides not only for himſelf, but for his lateſt Poſterity. Nor is it
« in vain, as Buchanan tells us, to provide for Poſterity, and to
“feek, in ſome meaſure;tmmortality, by living in one's after-Gene-
rations, down, if Providence permits it, to the laſt Period of
Light and Time. Who is he that does it not? And why do we
« all Toil, if not for Poſterity ? The Patriarchs, theſe Men ſo re-
“ ſign’d to the Will of God, yet were inexpreffibly fond of having
Iflue, numerous as the Sands of the Sea, and laſting as Sun and
46 Moon. 'This natural and honeſt Deſire was not unacceptable to
“ God: He heard and granted their Requeſt. And what Miracles has
" he not wrought to perpetuate the Race of our. Scottiſh Kings?
" What ſtupendious Deliverances has he nạt brought about to pre-
« Terve it? As for the War that enſu'd upon the Death of Alexan-
der III. 'twas indeed a moſt fatal oge ; yet in no Senſe ſo Miſchie-
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66
VOUS
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 191
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66
3
:
Succeflion,
vous as all the civil Wars, Devaſtations, Murders,Parricides, &c:
"s of preceeding Ages. Neither is it at all to be imputed to the line
66 al Succeſſion, but rather to the Competition of Kings: And
" where there is ſuch a Competition, (and to ſuch hereditary
« Monarchs ſeldom, but elective Ones, witneſs Poland and Hungary,
are ever liable) there, 'tis own'd, Storms are gathering, and the
“ Seeds of Miſchief are always ſhooting up, and Inteſtine War,with all
" its calamitous Attendants, Rapine, Devaſtation, Murder, Uc. is
at hand.
Thus far I have copied from the Authors abovemention'd. They
have written Volumes on the Subject, and I could only hint at a few
of their innumerable Arguments. Nevertheleſs,I humbly conceive, I
have inlarg’d ſufficiently to make my Reader underſtand the State of
the Queftion, and to give him a View of the Reaſons adduc'd by
both Parties. I return to the Hiſtory.
King Kenneth, either perſwaded of the Iniquity and unavoidable Reputate the
Inconveniencies of the irregular Succeſſion of his Predeceſors, or
defirous to Aſcertain the Crown to his own Pofterity, bethought
himſelf of Means, how to aboliſh the Cuſtom, introduc'd in King
Feritharis's Reign, and of renewing the fundamental Law of the
Monarchy, when firſt conſtituted by King Fergus. He had an abſo-
lute Authority over the Minds and Hearts of his Subjects, and he
was ſure they would quarrel nothing he did : He needed but to ex-
preſs his Pleaſure, and this would remain a Law, whilft he livid;
but upon his Death, he knew not but Pretenders might ſtart up,
and Factions break out anew. He therefore reſolv'd to perſwade
as well as to command, and to obtain the Conſent and Approbation
of his Nobles,afſembld in Council, hoping that they would there-
by be ingag'd to ſtand to that Alteration, themſelves had folemnly
declar'd for. Nothing could reaſonably byaſs their Judgments, nor
obſtruct his Deſigns, but the Regard every Body had for Malcolm a
Prince of the Blood, who long before had been created Prince of
Cumberland, and conſequently Succeſſor to the Crown of Scotland.
To remove this Obſtacle out of the Way, Buchanan (a) tells us,
That the King, not daring to Diſpatch the Prince openly, caus'd
him to be Poiſon'd by ſome ſecret Agents. Leſly ſays, that he
causid ſue him at Law, as an Accomplice of Crathilint's Wicked-
neſs, and ſo got him to be cut off, by an unjuſt Sentence. But for-
don, whom I more incline to believe than any of our modern Writers,
ſays nothing at all of the Manner of his Death, but ſeems to inſinu-
ate that 'twas Natural; and is poſitive, that the King did not create
his Son Prince of Cumberland, till the Death of his Couſin, and a-
bout twenty Years after he had regulated the Succeſſion : So that
'tis probable that his own Son might have ſucceeded to him by ver-
tue of that Law, altho the Prince of Cumberland had liv'd; and if ſo,
there was no Occaſion for cutting off that Prince by Poiſon or o-
therwiſe. The Succeffion to the Crown had been determin’d in
Bbb 2
favour
(a) Buchar. Boeth, Lell. Ford, locis ſupra citatis;
192 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II.
.
favour of the King's own Pofterity,twenty Years before : And even
by the Cuftom,now aboliſhd, his Son, if a Man at the Death of the
King his Father, would have ſucceeded preferably to the Prince of
Cumberland. For I no where read, that the granting of that Title
was ever defign’d to preclude the Right of the lawful Heir, if come
to Years. It was indeed an Omen Regni, a Step to the Crown,
and never confer'd on any, but ſuch as hitherto had come to
be Kings : But this was chance, and 'tis ridiculous to imagine, that
a Father, by Naming a near Relation to the Principality of Cumber-
land, did mean any more, than to declare him his Succeſſor, or
rather his Son's and the Kingdom's Guardian, in cafe his Son and
Heir prov’d,by reaſon of his Non-age and the Cuſtom receivid, in-
capable to Reign.
I conclude then, that by the old Cuſtom, Malcolm 'the King's Son,
if come to Years at the death of his Father, had ſucceeded to him
in the Throne, preferably to Malcolm the Prince of Cumberland: And
that by a Law of twenty Years ſtanding, the King's Son, tho an In-
fant at his Father's death, had alſo ſucceeded preferably to his Cou-
fin. If then the King was ſo Wicked as to Poiſon or Murther his
Couſin, he was ſo much the more Criminal, that to compaſs his
Ends, á Crime was unneceffary. Bứt be this as it will, 'tis certain,
that the King, deſigning to ſecure the Succeſſion to his own Pofterity,
againſt all Events that could probably occurr, appointed a Council
to meet at Scoon; and 'tis probable, that he employ'd all the poli-
tick Methods he could think of, to obtain their Approbation. " He
prevail d'accordingly, and Conſtantine and Grim, two Princes of the
Blood, and, as afterwards appear’d, equally Ambitious and Daring,
were the
very
firſt.that went into the Meaſures propos’d. They
told the King, that 'twas his Prerogative to alter thole Laws which
were inconvenient, and to enact new ones as he thought fit. The
whole Aſſembly were of the fame Opinion, and there was not one,
but was, ſeemingly at leaſt, convinc'd of the Neceſſity and Equity of
the Law propos'd. There are who write (a) that the People, ab-
chorring the Impieties, and weary of the Diſtractions and Diviſions
flowing from the abuſive Cuſtom hitherto receid, begg’d that theſe
Laws might be enacted.
1. That upon the King's death, the next Heir of whatſoever
Age ſhould fucceed.
II. That the Grand-child either by Son or Daughter ſhould be
preferr’d.
III. That till the King arriv'd at fourteen Years of Age, ſome
wiſe Man hould be cholen to Govern ; after which the King ſhould
enter to the free Adminiſtration, and chooſe his own Curators and
Council.
Several other Laws, common to the King and the Subjects, with
Reference to the Succeſſion, were, according to Buchanan, enacted
at the faine Time: So that to invert the Succeſſion of the Kings of
Scotland
(a) Mhickenzies Right of the Succeſſion, p. 147:
.
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 193
Scotland, as then eſtabliſh’d, is to endanger that of all the Subjects ;
for in ſo far do they ſtand upon the fame Baſis.
Hitherto King Kenneth had all the Succeſs in his Attempts, his
Merits deſerv’d, and he continu'd to Reign not ſo much over the
Perſons, as the Hearts of his Subjects
. Every Body thought him
inwardly Happy, as he was outwardly Fortunate: But, ſays Bu-
chanan, after ſome of our Monaſtick Writers, he was very far from
being ſo. He had Poiſon'd the Prince of Cumberland, and the Senſe
of ſo unnatural a Crime ſticking faſt to his, otherwiſe untainted
Soul, gave hiin no Reſpite. He was torturd withThoughts, when
awake,and when ſleeping with Dreams, inſomuch that one Night,be- turns Me-
ing in Bed, he heard, or fancied that he heard, a Voice from Hea- and Valed
ven, upbraiding his Guilt, and denouncing quick Puniſhment. And tudinary.
110w he became more thoughtful than ever : Fear, Terror and Re-
morſe purſue him in all the Motions of his Body and Soul : In a
Word, the deplorable Condition he was reduc'd to, cannot be more
pathetically deſcrib’d, than by applying to him that of Horace :
Kenneth
:
Timor Gmina
Scandunt eodem quo dominus : neque
Decedit erata triremi, o
Poft equitem ſedet åtra cura.
I
But King Kenneth was a Chriſtian, and he very well knew, that
Diſtrictus enſis cui ſuper impia
Cervice pendet, non Sicula dapes
Dulcem elaborabunt Saporem :
Non avium citharæque cantus
Somnum reducent.
Chan
He did not endeavour to allay his Grief and to divert Melancholy,
by indulging the cravings of Nature ; He drown'd not his Thoughts
in Wine, nor charm’d them away in the Converſation or Embraces
of Women. Such Remedies, (tho fome of this Age would be
apt enough to preſcribe them in the like Caſe ) he thought, would
enflame the Diſeaſe. He apply'd to the Directors of his Conſci-
ence, confeſs’d his Sins with Tears in his Eyes, and Contrition in
his Heart, ſays Boethius : And they, hy this time degenerated, ſays
Buchanan, from the Piety and Erudition of the Biſhops and Monks
their Predeceffors, appointed him to perform Abſurdities, that is
to redeem his Sins, by giving Alms to the Poor, by honouring his
Spiritual Paſtors, aſſiſting at Maſs, frequenting the Churches;
viſiting the Sepulchres of Saints, "kiffing their Reliques, &c.
He obey'd with all the Submiſſion of a ſincere Penitent : And after
doing his Devotions at the Shrine of St. Palladius, at Fordoni, in
the Merns, he was perſwaded by the earneſt Intreaty of the above-
mention’d Fenele, to come, in order to his Diverſion, and take up his
Ccc
Lodgings
of
III:
194 The Life of Kenneth III. Book II
1
Lodgings at her neighbouring Caſtle of Feterceirn. The Hiſtorian
Fordon, as he ſpeaks nothing of, but rather confutes the Crime
charg'd upon King Kenneth; ſo neither does he mention any Part
of this Legendary Story concerning his Remorſe or Pennance; a
Story moſt
probably forgʻd by an adverſe Party,to make way to thoſe
Villanies, they afterwards effected, improv'd by Monks to magnify
the wonderful Effects of penitential Deeds,and repeated by Buchanan
to ridicule them, and afperſe, what he ſeems to think, the Com-
mencement of Lineal Succeſſion in Scotland. However, Fordon,
as I have ſaid, tho he liv'd nearer to theſe Times, yet knew nothing
of the Matter: But, he ſays, that while the King was a Hunting
in the Neighbourhood of Fetercairn, the deceitful Fenele
, vex'd that
her nearRelations Conſtantine and Grim, were, by a poſitive and
plain Law, remov'd from Hopes of Leing made Kings in their Turn,
but more particularly irritated by reaſon of the Sentence paſt and
executed long ſince upon her Son Crathilint, came out, and upon
her Knees beg'd of the King, that ſince he was ſo near at hand, he
would pleaſe alight from his Horſe, and honour her with a Vifit;
adding withal, that ſhe had Matters of the greateſt Importance to
impart to him ; that there was a Conſpiracy againſt hisLife, and
that would he but give her Time, ſhe ſhould unravel the whole
Affair. Princes are naturally Suſpicious and ever fond of Diſcoveries
of this kind. The Bait took : And the King, but ſlenderly guard-
ed, enter'd the Caſtle, and there, as ſome write, was Murther’d,
by means of an artificial Engine, which, how ſoon his Curioſity
ther'd by made him to touch, emitted a hundred Darts, capable to have
wrought as many Deaths. Others, particularly Winton, ſay, that
Fetercairn. he was ſet upon by Horſemen, and flain in the adjacent Wood.
Fenele, tho much fought for, by thoſe of the King's Retinue, made
nevertheleſs a Shift to eſcape to the Accomplices, at leaſt the Abet-
tors of the Parricide ſhe had committed, and they for a Time made
Advantage by : But of this afterwards. And,
Thus died, by the profound Diſſimulation, cunning Artifice, and
unjuſt Refentment of a Woman, one of the greatelt of Men, and
A. D. 994 beſt of Kings; after a happy and glorious Reign of twenty five Years,
Anno 994. a terrible Inſtance of God's Revenge upon Murther, if
he was guilty of it, and if not,a heavy Stroak of the ſame Juſtice of
God, who, deſigning to chaſtiſe a ſtubborn rebellious People, ſome-
times permits and gives Way to the moſt boiſterous Paffions of Par-
srcat Ca- ties, that with their own Rods he may afterwards laſh them into a
Scoriaid
, in Senſe of their Duty. That this was the meaning of Providence in
the preſent Caſe; appear'd very ſoon afterwards: For an inteftine
War, and that one of the moſt Bloody and long laſting, broke out
immediately, and feem'd to be prognoſticated by Prodigies and
Wonders. For ’tis reported, that Showers, not of Water, but Stones,
fell down from the Clouds. That the Sea caſt out ſuch Heaps of
dead Fiſhes upon the Coaſt of Buchan, that the Air was thereby in-
fečted, and a Plague enſu’d. That 'the Moon look'd bloody for
ſeve.
Is mur-
Fenele, a
Lady at
Chap. I. The Eighty Firſt King of Scotland. 195
ſeveral Nights, to the infinite Terror of thoſe that beheld her.
And the following Summer prov'd lo exceſſively Hot, an unuſual
Accident in Scotland, that the Corns were burnt up, and the Cattle,
unable to Breath fo ſcorching an Air, died by heaps. Inſomuch
that to the Plague ſucceeded a Famine, and ſuch as got free of theſe,
were preſervd, but to encounter the Swords, not of Foreign, but of
Domeltick Foes, their own Country-men and Kinſmen. The like
Appearances attended the Death of the firſt Cafar, that gave Laws
to ſubject Rome. The Poet Horaie has left us an elegant Deſcrip
tion of the moſt remarkable. He ſays, that Joue,
Terruit gentes, grave ne rediret
Seculum Pyrrhæ, nova monſtra queſta,
Omne cum Proteus pecus egit altos
Viſere montes :
Piſcium & fumma genus hæfit ulmo,
Nota qua ſedes fuerat columbis :
Et ſuperjecto pavida natarunt
Æquore dame.
Vidimus flavun Tiberim, retortis
Littore Etruſco violenter undis;
Ire dejetum monumenta-
Audiet cives acuiſſe ferrum,
Quo graves Perfæ melius perirent :
Audiet pugnas, vitio parentum
Rara juventus.
Indeed it ſeems that the Murther of this Emperor was not at all
pleaſing to Almighty God. The Roman People, like all others, were
uncapable to govern themſelves, nor could they any longer be ruld
by the Senate, while this laſt Body, as all other Aſſemblies of Men
in the like Circumſtances, was rent with Factions, divided by Par-
ties, acted by Intereſt
, ſwelld by Ambition, and by Proſperity rui-
ned. Nothing but Monarchy could heal up the Wounds of that
Republick, and, of all Men then alive, Caſar deſerved beſt to be
Monarch. His Character was nevertheleſs very different from that
of King Kenneth. Cafar uſurp'd the ſupreme Power, Kenneth had
The Chi-
an undoubted Right to it: The one overturn'd the Laws and Con-racter of
ftitution of his Country, by Trick and Force; the other aboliſh'd Kenneth III:
the worſt of Cuſtoms, and eſtabliſh'd the beſt of Laws. The Roman
Emperor brib'd the meaneſt Scoundrels iņto a Complyance; the Scots
King commanded his Nobles to their Duty. Cæfar ſwim'd to a
Throne through the Blood of his beſt Friends, and the nobleſt
Patriots then in Being; Kenneth let out fome Blood to keep his un-
lhaken, but it was the Blood only of Robbers, Rebels, and foreign
Invaders. As for the military Fame and heroick Atchievements of
either, there is indeed no room for a Compariſon : Cæfar outdid all
Ссс 2
his
و
190 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
his Predeceſſors and Cotemporaries, even Pompey himſelf, whoſe
Glory, ſays Plutarch, had reach'd the Heavens. Nevertheleſs, King
Kenneth, had he been as great a General, could not have won ſuch
Laurels : He did what a Scots King could do, and dard what per-
haps ſome of the moſt fam'd Romans, if in his Circumſtances, durſt
not have ventur'd upon. In fine, all Hiſtorians agree, that, but for
one Crime, ſome of them charge him with, he was in all Senſes, a
moſt accompliſh'd Prince: And if he was guilty of the Sin of David;
fo, like David, he repented. Mr. Johnſton has written his Elogium
or Character in Elegiack Verſes: But they come ſo far ſhort of what
he deſerves, that I forbear to tranſcribe them.
Τ Η Ε
Life of Malcolm II.
Τ Η Ε
Malcolm II.
Eighty Third King of Scotland.
HIS King Malcolm was the Son and Heir of Kenneth III. and
T was therefore Sirnam'd Mackenneth. He was created Prince
of Cumberland at a Convention of the Nobles at Scoon : And
after his Promotion, was ſent, together with the Engliſh Ambaſſa-
his Birth. dors, who had been preſent at the Convention, to the Court of
England, where he paid his Reſpects and Obeiſance, as Prince of
Cumberland, to Edward, firnam'd the Martyr, the then Engliſh Mo-
narch. From this Time, till the unfortunate Death of his Father,
we read no more of him: Nor is it certain, where he was when the
Parricide was committed. Some write, that he waited on the
royal Corps to Icolmkill
, where this King was, as moſt of his Prede-
ceffors, interr’d. If ſo, he did his Duty; but he did it unadvis’dly:
For he ſhould inſtantly have taken upon him the Title, and enter'd
upon the Office of King. His Right was unqueſtionable: For, be-
ſides the recent Law, made in his favour, and his Quality of Prince
of Cumberland, he was Heir to the Crown, becauſe the lawful Son of
the late lawful King : And, ſince he was now come up to be a Man,
and capable to govern by himſelf, he could not be poſtpon'd to any
other, even by the Cuſtom that had formerly obtain'd. If then he
had been in Scotland, when his father was murther’d, 'tis probable
he
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 197
the Thronc
و
A. D. 994
he had juſt then aflum'd his Right, or the Conſpirators had follow'd
their Blow, and diſpatch'd him, as well as his Father: So that I am
apt to think, that he was ſtill at the Court of England, or in
his own Principality of Cumberland. However, his Abſence, whe-
ther occaſion d by his Piety in aſſiſting at his Father's Funerals
, or
by his reſiding in England, gave Occaſion to the greateſt Miſchief that
Villany could Work. (a) For Conſtantine, the wicked Son of an exe-
crated Father, King Culen, had thereby an Opportunity, not only of
reſcuing Fenele, froth thoſe that purſu'd her, and would have delive-
red her up to the Death her Crime deferv'd; but alſo of uſurping
the Throne. The fatal Stroak was no ſooner given to King Kenneth, conftantino
but Conftantine took Horſe, and with a great Retinue of Men in 11. uforps
Arms, rode all over the Country, and by fair Promiſes, and ſome
preſent Performances, prevaild ſo far, as to get a Faction of the No-
bles to meet and Countenance his uſurpation. He gave out, that
the late King had overturn'd the Conſtitution, invaded the Rights
of his Subjects, poiſon'd the Prince of Cumberland ; and all this, in
order to perpetuate the Sovereignty. in his own Family, to the Ex-
cluſion of the other Branches of the Fergufian Blood. Rebellion ne-
ver yet wanted a Pretence, and bold Calumnies feldom fail to take
with the ignorant deluded People. 'Tis a Vulgar but true faying,
Calumniare auda&ter, aliquid barebit.
Theſe Diſcourſes had their ordinary Effect, and Conſtantine was
Crown'd at Scoon, Anno 994, tho, ſays Fordon, few of the Nobles
affifted at the Ceremony. The better fort reſorted to Prince Mal-
colm, who, as ſoon as he heard of the News, drew an Army of about a Civil
ten thouſand Men together, and took the Fields. Thus, the King- War breaks
dom was divided in two Factions, and a Civil War broke out, which Conftantine
laſted nine Years almoſt, without Intermiſſion : And it was ſo and Male
much the more miſchievous, fays Fordon, that no Body knew,
whether he had beſt ſubmitted to Conſtantine, becauſe in Poſſeſſion,
or revolt to Malcolm, becauſe of his Right. But Poffeffioni is ever
found of weight to be no weak Title : It is its own Support and
Security, it acts with Authority, opens the Treſaury, diſtributes
Rewards, inflicts Puniſhments, filences Adverſaries, encourages
Friends ! In a word, there's nothing fo prevalent as Poffeffion, but
Poſſeſſion and Right when join'd together. This Prince Malcolm ex-
perienc'd : He got Followers, but Conftantine got more: And the firſt
unwilling to lead on ſo many brave and loyalMen to inevitableRuin,
thought fit to diſmiſs them, with hopes of a fairer Opportunity to
come; And the rather, becauſe his Preſence was neceſſary in Eng-
land, where the prevailing Danes threatn’d the Deſtruction of thole
Territories he was poffeſs'd of in that Kingdom. Nevertheleſs,
his natural Brother Kenneth, a Man of great Reputation for his un-
daunted Courage, admirable Conduct, and invincible Attachment to
the true Intereſt of the Crown, ftay'd in the Country, and kept up
the Party : Nay, he had the Reſolution to meet the Ulurper
D dd
(a) Bocth. Buchan. Ford. &c, in yit, Conſtant. Grim. 8 Milcolmb. II.
near
198 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
1
0
near Stirling, and to bid him Defiance. The Forth, a River
but in few Places fordable, and whoſe Banks are ſteep, divided
the contending Parties. They lay in View of one another, watch-
ing an Opportunity of acting with Advantage : But neither could
hit it for a long Time. So that at length overcome by Famine,
and Diſeaſes growing rife among their Men, they were forc'd to
disband, and withdraw to their reſpective Homes. Some Parties
kept ſtill together, and would often break in upon their En mies
Lands, and add to the growth of Peſtilence and Dearth.
The next Year, Conſtantine rais’d all the Forces he could make by
North the Forth, and march'd into Lothian, in order to reduce that,
and the other Countries, that adher’d to Prince Malcolm. “He had
got as far-as the River Almond, where Kenneth met him upon the
Head of a leſſer, but a very gallant Army : But what was deficient
in Numbers, that General ſupply'd with Prudence. He took up
his Ground at Cramond, with a great deal of Skill and Forecaſt. And
Fortune ſeconded his Conduct: For they had no ſooner engag’d, but
a Wind, favourable to Kenneth, began to blow with great Vehemence,
driving the Sands from the Shore, in the Face of Conſtantine's Soul-
diers. Beſides, their Eyes were dazl’d, at the ſame time, with the
Shining Sun, while their Enemies, encourag’d by the double Ad-
vantage, exerted their utmoſt Vigour. They had need to do fo ;
for Conſtantine did. Wonders on his fide: And after various Chances,
which render'd the Victory.for a long time uncertain, both the Ge-
nerals are reported to have met, and ſingld, out one another. This
the brave Kenneth ftudied to bring about, not doubting, but that if
he had the good Luck to kill the Uſurper, he would by giving that
one Blow, put an end to the Uſurpation. But he was Miſtaken:
He killed Conſtantine, and Conſtantine kill'd him ; ſo deſperately did
King Mat they both Fight: And notwithſtanding, Kenneth's Army gaind the
colm, de Day, yet it may be ſaid, that Prince Malcolm loft it : For he loſt
his Brother, and in him, the fitteſt Man in Being, to retrieve his
Affairs. But the Loſs of King Conſtantine, who died bravely after a
Year and an halfs Uſurpation, was loon ſupply'd : By whom, I ſhall
give an Account, how.foon I have tranſcrib'd the Character we have
of him, from Mr. Johnſton.
Præfidiis procerum, do fretus popularibüs auris
Imperii fafces ambitiofus adit :
Ex quo diſcillum ſtudia in contraria regnum
Partibus adverfis afpera multa tulit ;
Et fera Tifiphone, furiæque & triſtis Erinnyś,
Et regnant peſtes, lo maleſuada fames.
Expoſcit Mavors connato in fanguine panas;
Adverfoque cadunt vulnere utrinque duces.
Grim, the Son or Nephew of King Duff, had been employd by
alfo an U: Corftantine in his moſt important and ſecret Affairs: And now he fet
Kenneth,
a natural
Brother of
feats and
kills Con-
ſtantine.
ni
Grim
him
T
t.appear'd afterwards, that had they return'd to their
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 199
himſelf on the Head of that rebelļious Faction, that .choſe rather
to continue the Miſeries of their ſinking Country, than to expoſe
themſelves and their
private Fortunes to the juft
. Refentment of their The Miſe-
lawful Sovereign. They had offended fo highly, that they would Nation can
not hope for Pardon : They judg’d, it ſeems, of Prince. Malcoln,
more by the Senſe they had of their own Guilt, than by that
gene-
rous and merciful Temper that's ſo natural to the Blood-Royal of
Scotland. It
Duty, when they had fo tempting an Opportunity, he had not:on-
ly pardon'd their former Treaſon, but rewarded their preſent Servi-
ces. But ’tis ordinary to purſue to the laſt, ſuch as one has notably
offended, to heap Injuries upon Injuries, and never to forgive the
Innocent thoſe very Wrongs he has ſuffer'd. This is more parti-
cularly the Character of Rebels : When once they dare to be fuch,
they think it concerns their Honour and Safety, to be more and
more ſo; and therefore they Plot, Trick, Perjure and Fight.on,
till Death or Juſtice overtake them, and God in his Mercy vouch
ſafes to pity the ſuffering People, after he has ſcourg'd them into a
Senſe of their Folly. Such Men as theſe waited upon Grim to Scoon,
and ſet the Crown on his Head, amidſt the loud Acclamations of
the unthinking Mob, who applauded the Thing; And, notwithſtan-
ding their late Experience of the Miferies, Conſtantine's Uſurpation
had brought upon them, yet promis’d themſelves, I know not what;
imaginary Happineſs from the Promotion of Grim. He was;s as
moſt Uſurpers are, a witty, daring, and popular Prince. He was
Tall and Handſome, ſpoke Civily to every Body, and demeand
himfelf Gracefully. He affected Clemency, yet could be ſevere up-
on Occaſions. He was profuſely Liberal, and ſeem'd to take Plea-
ſure in giving. By theſe Means he could not fail of winning up-
on the Minds and Hearts of the Intereſted : And moſt Men are cer-
tainly fo: They catch at the preſent Gain, ſwallow down the plea-
fing Bait, and never advert to the Hook that it covers.
All this while Prince Malcolm was in England, where, tho but
young as yet, he ſignaliz'd himſelf in a very conſpicuous Manner;
in thoſe "Engliſb Armies, which, notwithſtanding the Example
and Aſſiſtance he gave them, could not ſtand in Oppoſition to the
fuperior Danes.
Wher firſt advis'd of the Battle of Cramond, and
Death of King Conſtantine, he thought his Subjects would embrace
the Opportunity they had, of putting an end to their own Calami-
ties : But when News was brought;, that they hąd ſet up Grim, and
perſever'd in Madneſs, he made Preparations for continuing the
War, and in the mean Time ſent ſecret Agents to Scotland, with
Orders to found the Minds of the noble and leading Men, and to
exhort them to abandon the Tyrant, and by diſclaiming the unjuſt
Obligations fore’d upon them, to make good the Oath taken by
their earlieſt Anceſtors to King Fergus, and by themſelves to his
Father King Kenneth. 'Twas. eaſy to give. Arguments in a Cafe,
that of it ſelf was plain: Accordingly ſome were perſwaded, and
D d d 2
pro-
is
200 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II
Malcolm
gainſt King
Grim.
1
promis’d to be aſſiſting with their Lives and Fortunes to the Prince,
how ſoon he ſhould come in Perſon and challenge his Right. But
others, leſs Honeſt, and more Intereſted, ſeis'd on ſuch as had ap-
profecutes ply'd to them, and lent them bound to King Grim. Upon this
,
the War a- the Prince made hafte to reſcue his Friends. He enter'd Scotland up-
on the Head of a numerous Army, and was join'd by thoſe that
had ſtill acknowledg’d his Title by South the Forth and Clyde: But
all thoſe by North theſe Rivers adher’d to Grim: And his Army was
much ſuperior both in the Numbers and Hardineſs of his Men.
The Prince himſelf knew this very well : · And fearing left
Fame, accuſtom’d to aggrandize every Thing, ſhould diſhearten his
Army, by magnifying that of the Enemy, he caus'd all that came to
join him on his
March, to be brought to himſelf, before they were
allow'd ſo much as to ſpeak or tell News to any other. This Caution
had no good Effect : For it made the Souldiers ſuſpicious and fear-
ful. Ainong theſe were a great many Merchants that follow'd Prince
Malcolm, not ſo much out of a Principle of Loyalty, as to prevent
their Effects being feis'd on by his Army. They were principally
Inſtrumental in communicating to others the Apprehenſions and
Terrors that affected themſelves, ſo that in a ſhort time the Cort-
fternation became almoſt universal. Some flipt away privately and
retir'd to their Habitations: Others deſerted to the Enemy, and
not a few, under various Pretences, fought and got Paſſes from the
Prince. By this Means, his Army was almoft dwindld away to
nothing. Nevertheleſs, he reſolv'd to keep the Fields with thoſe
few that had the Courage to ſtay with him: And ſince he could not
invade King Grim's Territories, he hop'd at leaſt to defend his own.
With this View, he encamp'd on the banks of Forth, and there
waited till Grim ſhould come up with him. While both Armies
lay at a ſmall diſtance from one another, Forthad, the chief Biſhop of
Scotland came in his Pontifical Habit, firſt to King Grim, and then
to Prince Malcolm, remonſtrating to both, the unnatural War, the
Miſeries of the People, the Ruine of the Nation, the uncertain E-
vent of Battles, Gc. and propoſing, at the ſame time, ſuch Terms of
Accommodation, as he thought the preſent Poſture of Affairs requir’d;
at length, by the Biſhop's Mediation, a Truce for three Months was
agreed to, and Commiſſioners nam'd to treat of a Peace. They
met not long after at Scoon, and condeſcended upon the following
Articles.
I. That Grim ſhould enjoy the Title, and exerciſe the Office of
Peace upon King during his Life.
II. That, upon his Death, the Coown ſhould return to Prince Mal-
colm, and to his Pofterity for ever.
III. That henceforth it ſhould be Capital in any to Queſtion, or
ſo much as by Words impugn the Law made by King, Kenneth con-
cerning the Succeſſion.
IV. That till that Law ſhould take place by the Death of King
Grim, Prince Malcolm ſhould remain pofleksid of his Engliſh Terri-
tories,
Makes
honourable
Terms.
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 201
tars.
tories, and of all Scotland, by South the Rivers of Forth and Clyde;
And the King, of that Part of it that lyes by North theſe Rivers, as
alſo of all the INands belonging to it.
This Peace, ſo neceſſary to the Kingdom, might have been laſting;
but for the Tyranny of Grim. He was now acknowledg’d King by
a folemn Treaty, and therefore ftood no longer in need of that
Bounty, Complaiſance, Liberality, and fair Out-fide, he had affe
&ted to dazle the People and win the Crown. But he was only a
King during Life: And therefore, as Buchanan very well obſerves,
(tho that very Obſervation overturns his Syſtem about the Succeffi-
on of Sovereigns, which he would have to be Elective) had no Re-
gard to Futurity, but making uſe of his Time to enrich himſelf, he
violated all Laws divine and humane; and at length with. open Grim's Ty:
Force, waſted and pillagd the whole Country, Burning and Mafia- ranny.
cring wherever his unbounded Rage and rapacious Avarice met
with the leaſt Oppoſition ; inſomuch that Churches were, by his
Orders,robb’d of their Ornaments, and Church-men kill'd at the Al-
The groaning Nation now ſaw the Difference, ordinary be-
tween a King and an Uſurper. They read their Sin in its Pumfſhment;
and deteſted the Idol they had ſet up and ador’d. They had no
hopes of Relief, but from that very Perſon, whoſe Right they had
with Swords in their Hands diſclaim'd. Every Body had his Eyes
upon and expected a ſpeedy Deliverance from him.They had Reaſon:
For never was there a more hopeful Youth than Prince Malcolm
ap
peard to be : (a) He excell'd in all the Exerciſes proper for his The ad-
Age and Quality, foil'd all Contenders, whether in Riding with mird Qua-
Skill and Grace, or in Fencing with the Sword or Lance, or in Malcolm.
Shooting with the Bow and Arrow. The Conſtitution of his Body
was Vigorous and Healthful, his Air Manly, his Face, to admirati-
on,
Beautiful. Theſe exterior Qualifications charm'd the Vulgar;
but the Wiſe admir'd yet more the Vertues of his Mind, and in
particular, that inexhauſtible Patience, with which he could endure
Hunger, Thirſt, Watching and Cold; and that unequald Bravery
and Loftineſs of Spirit, that elevated him above, and enabld him
at laſt to retrieve his Misfortunes. In fine, he was the Darling of
England; in whoſe Defence he had often ſtood the hoteft Attacks of
the Daniſh Invaders: Yet theſe laft prevaild ſo far againſt King Ethel-
red, that this unhappy Prince was forc'd to purchaſe Peace, at the
Rate of rendring his Kingdom Tributary to their inſatiable Avarice.
Cumberland was, as the other Provinces of England, appointed to
pay its Quota of the Money ; but thisPrince Malcolm would never al-
low. He wrote to the King, that he owd no Tribute to any on
Earth, further than his and his Vaſſals of Cumberland,&c.their perſonal
Service in the Wars: That this Ethelred might command at his Plea-
fure, and that he ſhould always find them willing to Fight for Li-
berty with Swords, but never to buy it with Gold. Thus in the
Midit of Adverſity, and at a Time, when England was Tributary to
Eee
For-
(a) Ford. apud Scriptor. XX. p. 681,& 68%.
of
3
2202 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
Foreigners, and Scotland was equally impoveriſh'd and afflicted by
Uſurpation, Prince Malcolm continu'd undaunted.
At length the Groans of his native Country paſs’d the Borders,
Malcolo II. and reach'd him in Cumberland, where he kept his Court. He had al-
recald from ways entertain'd a cloſe Correſpondence with the Loyaliſts at home,
Toyal Party and they faild not to give hiin Accounts of the Diſpoſition of the
of his Sub- People, who, by reaſon of the heavy. Taxes imposed, and Violen-
jects.
ces committed by the preſent Government, were infinitely deſirous
of a Change; and the rather, becauſe Fame brought every other
Day freſh Accounts of the Bounty and. Proweſs of their natural
Prince. He was, (as I have related from Boethius, Buchanan, &c.)
obligʻd by Treaty to yield the fovereign Power to Grim, during
his Life: But Buchanan tells us, that for that very reaſon, that he
was to Reign but during his Life, King Grim acted the Tyrant,
and ſeis'd before hand on thoſe Duties which were not then pay-
able, to prevent their being reap'd by the Succeffor, in caſe of his
own Death. By this Means, the Subject was ſtarv'd and ruin'd: And
Prince Malcolm, upon his Acceſſion to the Throne, was like to have
but few Men to command, and but deſolate Lands to pofleſs. This
he thought he had reaſon to quarrel, and thereupon declar'd War,
and enter'd Scotland for the ſecond Time. Fordon tells the Story
otherwiſe: He ſpeaks nothing of the Treaty of Peace: He infinuates
on the contrary, that the War was never entirely laid aſide; but
that Prince Malcolm, unable to raiſe Armies ſufficient for the Purpoſe,
ſtole frequently, but ſtill cautiouſly, into the Country, viſited his
Friends in ſecret; And, having win over the greater and better Part
of the Kingdom to their Duty, he ſent word to the King, that he
muſt chooſe one of two; or to deſcend willingly from the Throne he
and his Predeceſſor had uſurp'd, or to meet him in the Fields, and
by Fighting, either Hand to Hand in a fingle Combat, or each upon
the Head of ſuch Forces as would follow him, to let God in his Ju-
ſtice determine, who ought to Reign, and who to be Subje&t.
This Meſſage incens' King Grim to the higheſt Degree of Indigo
nation and Rage: He march'd immediately upon the Head of a nu-
merous Army to find out his pretending Rival, and met him at
Athrebard. Fordon tells us, that Prince Malcolm's Party was but in-
conſiderable; and probably it was ſo, when he firſt enter'd the Bor-
ders, but 'tis as likely that before the Action, it equald the Kings :
For Buchanan fays, that upon Malcolm's Return, huge Numbers flock'd
in to him from all Parts; and that Grin, who for a long Time had
been, for his admirable Parts, moſt dear to the People, tho now a-
bandon'd by moſt of his Nobles, did nevertheleſs with ſuch as ad-
her'd to him, reſolve to ſtand to it. He came in view of the Ene-
my upon the Feaſt of the Aſcenſion of our Lord: And when the
Prince and his Men were intent upon their Devotions, and thought
of nothing but of celebrating the holy Day, 'he prepard
to ſurpriſe them, by a brisk and unexpected Attack. But Prince
Malcolm, either advis'd of the Deſign by his Spies, or diſcovering it
bý
.
The War
fenew'd:
t
1
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 203
by the Movements of the Enemy, commanded his Men to their
Arms, and tho ſecur'd of Succeſs, becauſe of the Juſtice of his Cauſe,
yet fent to the King, to entreat, he would have regard to the Day,
and forbear to ſhed the Blood of Chriſtians, at a time appointed for
commemorating the glorious Viétory and Afcenfion of Chriſt. King
Grim, it ſeems, was not much liable to Scruples of Conſcience: He
mock'd the Advice, and gave out, that the terrified Enemy had
no Means left to conceal their Cowardice, but by pretending Reli-
gion : In a word, he would needs fight, and did it bravely, as be-
came one that had worn a Crown: But being mortally wounded
in the Head, and the extravas?d or ſtagnating Blood obſtructing his
viſual Faculties, he became Blind in a Minute, loſt the Battel, and in Backie
died the very next Night, after a calamitous Reign of about ten
Years. His Character is not ill expreſs’d by Mr. Jobnſton in the fol-
lowing Verſes.
.
Grim killed
:
.
:
:
Gratia, majeftas, pluchroque in pectore virtus
Emicat, & fceptris degener baud animus :
Ni fæda ambitio, regnique effræna libido
Turpe labars rebus deteriora daret.
Non ijdem auſpiciis, avibus non regnat iifdem,
Incubat heu propriis ſeu ferus hoftis agris.
Deditur in panas. Ceſſet culpare ſiniſtram
Fortunam, quiſquis, quod meruit,patitur:
Malcolm, now rid of a Competitor, did not meanly Triumph or In-
ſult the Party he had vanquiſh'd: On the contrary, he frankly
forgave all thoſe that had acted or fought againſt him, (a) and genes
.
rouſly commanded the moſt intimate Friends and Dependants of
Grim to do the laſt Duty to the Corps of their Maiter, which
he would have to be Royally interr'd, as a King of Scotland; in the
Iland of Hye. Neither did he haſten to take upon him the Title
and Authority of a King, but firſt call’d the Nobles to a Meeting at
Scoon, and put the Queſtion to them, whether by Law he had Right
to the Crown, adding, that he pretended not to it, nor would he
accept of it, unleſs his Title was underſtood to be unqueſtionable. Malcolm it
.
They all agreed, that by Law he was King, and ſo proceeded to
crown'd
the Ceremony of his Coronation, which was perform’d with the A.D. 1064
greateſt Demonftrations of Joy, a People, long harrafs’d by all the
Miſeries which attend Uſurpation, could give, upon the Reſtoration
of a lawful Prince, and the certain Proſpect of ſucceeding Happi-
neſs. Indeed the Nation had reaſon to hope for the beſt of Things,
from a King, whoſe Parts, by Nature good and great, had been by
Adverſity and Exile improv'd. Such a one was never ſo neceſſary,
as at this Time : For Sueno, the Daniſh King, had made himſelf,
in a great meaſure, Maſter of England, and forc'd the unfortunate
Ethelred to retire to Normandy. A great many of the Engliſh; worn
E e e 2
out,
Ford. ubi. de Malcolm. z.
204 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
His War
with thc
Danes.
Defeats
out, and diſpirited with repeated Lolles, were content to bear with
the Uſurpation, ſo they might but breath in Peace. Others, par-
ticularly Edric and Othred, treacherouſly favour'd and ſervd the Uſur-
per, tho both a Foreigner and a Heathen. No part of the Kinga
dom, but theſe Countries pofſeft by King Malcolm,
while Prince of
Cumberland, had been free from Devaſtations and Slaughters; and
Malcolm, tho in Exile from his Native Country, had nevertheleſs
;
on all Occafions, expreft the greateſt Vigour and Reſolution in
the defeats. Oppoſition to the Torrent that bore down every thing in its way
the Engliſh but himſelf. For theſe Reaſons 'twas, that an Engliſh Earl, by the
and Danes, at Command of Sueno, had invaded and plunder'd Cumberland : But be-
ing upon his Retreat, was met by Malcolm, and, after a moſt bloody
Engagement, defeated at a Place Fordon calls Burg.
The Danes and Northumbrians, as if one People, again invaded
Cumberland, upon King Malcolm's Acceſſion to the Throne of Scot-
land: Which he wiſely forſeeing, had ſent his Grand-ſon Prince
them again. Duncan to prevent: And Duncan had the good luck to give the
Enemy a notable Overthrow. This Succeſs, the Fear of the like
Attempts, and the Birth-right of Duncan, for he was the Son of
Beatrix, the King's only Child, and of Crynen Abthane of Dul, oc-
caſion'd him to be nominated Prince of Cumberland. Ethelred, the
King of England, ought to have been pre-advertis'd of the Promo-
tion deſign'd: And the Prince ſhould have gone to the Engliſh Court,
in order to do Homage, and ſwear Fealty for the beneficiary Lands:
But at this time, neither was the King of England's Conſent deſir’d,
nor did Prince Malcolm repair to his Court: For the Danes Lord-
ed it every where over all the Kingdom, and none durft travel by
Sea or Land. Beſides, the Court it ſelf was unſafe, and ſo peſter'd
with Knaves and Traitors, that an honeſt Man durſt not attend it.
The moſt notorious Villain, and the greateſt Man in the Kingdom,
Fordon call's Educ, (I believe he means Edric ) and gives us this
ſhort, but ſubſtantial,Character of him; He was the Shame of Men,
the
Diſgrace of England, a cunning Rogue, a Maſter in the Arts of
Diſſembling and Feigning: He would Pry into the King's Coun-
ſels, by pretending Loyalty, and like a Traitor divulge them. He
was often ſent to the Enemy as a Mediator for Peace, and laid
hold of the Opportunity to inflame the War.
Hitherto the Scots had defended Cumberland, and offended the
Danes, but their own Country had not been diſturb'd but by them-
ſelves: For Sueno, whether 'twas that he had enough to do ini
England, or that he thought Scotland weakn’d by the Civil Wars,
above related, would become an cafier Prey in an after-Game,did not
offer to attack it, while King Grim liv’d. But now Malcolm was
come to the Throne, and was like to continue his Enemy, He en-
deavourd by all means, or to lay him afide, which, after Trial, he
could not effect, or to divert his Forces from England, by finding
Work for them at Home. With this laſt View, he appointed a great
Fleet of Narvegians to Sail for Scotland, where all but the Seamen
land-
>
Chap.I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 205
landed, and ſtay'd for a long time, ravaging and deſtroying ail that
Coaft.What Coaſt it was, my Author Fordon does not mention :
But he tells us, that the King fell on theſe Robbers unawares in the
Night, and cut them all off; with the Loſs of but thirty of his own And again :
Men.' This A&tion he compares to that of the great Pompey, who
alſo in the Night attack'd and routed King Mithridates's Ariny, con-
fiſting of forty thouſand Men, with the Loſs of but twenty of his
own Souldiers, and of two Centurions.
The next Attempt of the Danes prov'd more ſuccesful : And in-
deed 'twas the only ſuccesful one they ever made againſt King
Malcolm. Olaus (a) a Norvegian, and Enetus a Dane, each upon the
Head of numerous Forces of both Nations, landed without Oppofi-
tion in the Mouth of Spey, and marching through Murray, they laid
all waſte before them, as their Cuſtom was, killing, burning, and
pillaging, without Diſtinction of Age or Place, wherever they came.
Some ſtrong Caſtles refifted their Fury, and gave time to the King
to come up with the Enemy. While both Armies lay in View of
one another, the Scottiſh, which being rais'd in haſte, and compos’d,
for the moſt part, of raw, unexperienc'd Men, was ſeis'd with ſud-
den Terror, by beholding the huge Numbers and warlike Engines
of the Norvegian and Daniſh. The undaunted King went about a-
mong the Ranks of his own Men, encouraging and reafluring their
Timidity. His Diſcourſes had but little Effect upon the Generality :
But ſome few were thereby animated to ſuch a Degree, that they
cry'd to be inſtantly led out to Action : And without further de-
lay, run like Madmen without Order or Command, upon the more
wary Danes; who ſtanding their Ground with Deliberation, and
receiving them with Steddineſs and Reſolution, cut off the foremoſt
.
The Danes
Upon this, the reſt gave back įmmediately, retreating with greater gain a Bata
Precipitation than they had adyanc'd. The King himſelf was tle.
wounded, and with Difficulty made his Eſcape. This Defeat oc-
cafion'd the Surrender of the Caſtle of Nairn; And tho the Garriſon
capitulated, yet they were all put to the Sword.
Which Cruelty
intimidating thoſe in the Fortreſſes of Elgin and Forreſs, made them
to deſert and abandon thoſe Places to the Invaders; who having
now got Footing in that not unfruitful Part of the Country, reſolv'd
to ſecure it, and conquer the reſt. Accordingly they fent home
their Ships, with Orders to return with their Wives and Children, in Murray.
and Recruits fufficient for the purpoſe. In the mean time they
made good their Winter-Quarters. And the next Year advancing
Southwards, they came as far as Mortlich or Murthlack in Mar.
But here they muſt fight their way or Retreat: For King Malcolm
met them upon the head of a gallant Army, to whoſe Reſentment
and Courage, the King's Preſence, and that of three noted Com-
manders, Kenneth, Thane of the Iſles, Grimi, Thane of Strathern, and
Dunbar, Thane of Lothian, added a great deal of Strength. But theſe
three laſt mention'd had the Misfortune to fall, one after another,
F ff
And fertig
as
(a) Boeth. Euchan. Lelli Ormond: &c. in their reſpective Lives of this King
206 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
.
Camus a Dan
afſoon as they came to engage, which ſo diſheartn’d their Souldiers,
that they began to give way, retreating to an old Strength, fortified
probably during the civil Wars, by a Wall and Ditch, and Trees
cut down and laid croſs-ways, to detain and einbaraſs Aſſailants,
The Danes nevertheleſs purſu'd, and doubted not of Victory, but
were ſtop'd in their Career by the unforeſeen Incumbrances, and
as little expected Reſiſtance they met with. In the mean time, one
of their Generals Onetus was kill'd, and thoſe he commanded enve-
Are routed lop'd ; inſomuch, that, on a ſudden, Fortune chang’d to the Advan-
at Murshlask tage of the Scots, and Olaus with his ſurviving few, fled back to
Murray, happy that he, or any of his Army, had eſcap's. But the
King ſeeing ſo many of his braveſt Men killd, and finding that
more were wounded, did not think fit to follow the Chafe, but
juſt ſo far, as to put it out of Doubt, who had the Honour of the
Day.
The unwelcome News of the Battle of Murtblack went no ſooner
to England, where King Sueno continu'd to Triumph, but he caus’d a
conſiderable Detachment of his Veteran Army to be embark'd in that
Kingdom, and numerous Recruits to be rais’d in Denmark and Nora
way, with Orders to ſet Sail; and join their fellow Subjects in Scot-
land. One Camus, a memorable Officer, was appointed to Command
nißGeneral all theſe Forces in Chief. He ſteer'd his Courſe ſtraight to the Firth
of Forth : But the Inhabitants of the adjacent Countries were upon
their Guard: And he, after ſeveral fruitleſs Attempts to land ſome-
where, during the ſpace of a Month, (for ſo long did he keep the
River) was forc'd to tack about to the Northward. 'Twas not long
before he deſcry'd the Promontory call’d Red-head, in the County of
Angus. There he landed his Men, and afcending the adjacent Hills,
he had the pleaſure to ſpy ſome Marks of the Daniſh Succeſſes; I
mean the Town of Celurca or Montroſe, which thoſe of that Nation
had formerly defac’d, and laid into a heap of Rubbiſh. From thence
he detach'd Parties to ſcour the Fields, and ravage the Country: And
the hungry avaricious Souldiery being refreſh'd with Plunder, he
march'd ſtraight to Brechin, an old Town which had belong'd to
the ficts, and was ſtill conſpicuous for its noble Church and
ftrong Caſtle. The Caſtle was not to be eaſily taķen: For which
reaſon the Danes, irritated by the Reſiſtance it made, fell foul upon
the Town and Church, deſtroying both with Sword and Fire; inſo-
much, that, to this Day, Brechin has not recover'd its ancient Lu-
ſtre, nor was the Church ever rebuilt with that Magnificence the
Pictiſh Piety had given it; only its round and high Tower remains,
as yet to be ſeen and admir’d by modern Architects, who muſt needs
own, that in Structures of this kind, they're outdone by the Anci-
ents, as barbarous as we generally take them to have been.
Camus turn'd more and more fierce by the Cruelties he himſelf had
commanded : And hearing that King Malcolm, with a numerous Army,
was come in Search of him, as far as Ale£tum, now Dundee, he
thought fit to raiſe the Siege of the Caſtle of Brechin, which, upon
the
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 207
of Barry,
gain'dhyths
the lucky Event of a Battle, he knew would fall of courſe: He
therefore march’d, and encamp'd at a little Village, call’d Panbride or
Balbride, within two Miles of another call’d Barry, whither he was
advis'd that the King was come.
The next Day both Armies engag’d, and fought with that Fury, The Battle
ancient Hatred, and preſent Hopes are wont to inſpire. The Action
laſted long, and the Slaughter was incredible; inſomuch that, as the Scots.
Lochty, a rapid Rivulet in that Country, was thought to have con-
vey id.more Blood than Water into the Sea; ſo 'tis certain, that the
Field of Battel, tho Dry and Sandy, was viſibly wet and every-
where humected with humane Gore :, And no Wonder, ſince many,
tho mortally Wounded with Darts, which they could not,or ſcornd to
draw out of their Bowels, were nevertheleſs obſerv'd to catch hold.
of their Adverſaries, with whom they would never part, till the
kill'd and Killers fell both at once, and breath'd their láſt, as it
were, in mutual Embraces. Huge heaps of the ſlain lay ſcatter'd
here and there, and ſome of their big Bones hid under the Sands,
and by Winds frequently uncover'd and laid open to the Eye, evince
two Matters of Fact: The firſt, that a moſt bloody Battle has been
fought of old in thoſe Fields : And the next, that Nature it felf
decays, and that we are not thoſe tall
, robuft Men, it appears our
Anceſtors have been. At laſt the Scots prevailid, and Camus fled to-
wards the Mountains, he ſaw at a diſtance, hoping if he could reach
them, to be free from any further Purſuit, and ſo to make the beſt
of his way to his Country-men in Murray : But he was overtaken
within about two Miles from the Place, where the Armies had firft
engag'd, and, together with all that attended him, cut off. That Camus a De
Village where he was kill'd, is to this Day, from his Name, calld millel Gobierno
Camiſtone; and an Obelisk or large ſquare Stone, plac'd by way of a
Pyramid in the Ground, ſtands hard by, and on it fome Remains of
the graven Images of Camus, and of thoſe that flew him, are obſerv-
able.
No doubt, but, that as on other Occaſions, ſo here, miany Scots-
men perform'd thoſe Things that ſhould have Immortaliz'd their
Names, yet only one is recorded, the valiant Keith, a Youth, ſo
eminently deſerving, that his noble Services were afterwards ie. Ancestor of
warded with a Barony of Lands in Lothian, and his Pofterity, who, the preſend
to this Day, have not degenerated from their Anceſtors Glories, are rifhal
.
ſtill dignified with the hereditary Title and Office of Marſhals of
Scotland. "To him, and it ſeems he was not an Upſtart or novus ho-
ino, the preſent Earl Mariſhal, and the other Branches that have
ſprung from his illuſtrious Family, owe their Name and Honours:
His and their Praiſes, and the Victory obtain’d, chiefly by him, Mr.
Jobxſtor has celebrated as follows,
2
Keith, the
1
Lothea vix modicis reptans modo languidis undie,
Nunc tumidus tumidas ſanguine volvit aquas
Fff 2
Depes
208
The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
+
Bartle of A.
berlemno
gain’d by
Depectaw fque fuper clades, & funera Danum,
Merht arenofis corpora ftrata vadis.
Dux Camus ipſe cadit, virtute infignis U armis,
Nomina vicinus fignaqueſervat ager.
Costera turba nibil; tibi enim dux fternitär ingens,
Unus cunctorum qui tamen inftar eras.
Hinc, te authore, ingens effert fe gloria gents,
Auctior eft meritis fa&ta fubinde novis.
Hawl fruftra eft virtus, quantum te furrigis armis,
Tam te felicem poftera ſecla probant.
The Misfortunes of the Invaders did not end with the Life of
their General: Another Body of them was by the victorious Scots •
the Scots. intercepted at Aberlemno, about four Miles from Brechin, and the
moſt part cut to pieces: And here again there is another Obelisk to
be ſeen, which ſtands erected in Memory of this ſecond Overthrow
of the Enemy. Nevertheleſs, ſome few found Means to get to the
Sea-lide and regain their Ships, with deſign to fail about to the
Coaſt of Murray, where they were ſure of being made Welcome by
their Friends, as yet in Poſſeſſion of that Country : But a Tempeit
ariſing, they were miſerably toſt to and fro for ſeveral Days, and at
length caſt upon the Coaſts of Buchan, where they durft not venture
to make a Deſcent, and yet could not, by. reaſon of the contrary
Winds, put forward as they deſign'd. They chooſe to ly at Anchor,
till the Wind ſhould alter: But they lay ſo long, that their Pro-
viſions being exhauſted, and Famine prefling hard upon them, a-
bout five hundred of the moſt daring, reſolvd to land, and either
to die bravely, or to purchaſe the Neceſſaries of Life. They did
both: For in the firſt place, they found out and maſter'd large Herds
of Cattle, but as they drove them to the Sea, the Thane of Bucban
one Mernane, with a Multitude of Country People, got betwixt
them and their Ships, and ſo cut off their Retreat. Upon, this they
withdrew to a little, but exceeding ſteep Hill near Gemry, and
Battle of from the Top of it threw down Stones upon the foremoſt that offe-
by the Scots, red to diſlodge them; and by this Means defended themſelves for a
long time, like Men in Deſpair, with that Reſolution that allay'd
the Heat of the Aſſailants. But Mernane reaſſur'd the drooping
Courage of his Men, and they at length got up to the Enemy, and
without Mercy put every one of them to the Sword: And Danih
Bones are ſtill to be ſeen here, as at Barry in Angus. •Theſe on
board the Fleet had better luck, the Wind grew favourable, and
they got at length to their much long'd for Haven in Murray.
Sueno was heartily vex'd at the repeated Loſſes he had ſuſtain'd
in Scotland: But his great Spirit was not to be curb’d by Adverſity.
He once more reſolv'd to fit out a powerful Fleet, and to raiſe a
new Army, in order to the Proſecution of the Scottiſh War, and to
ſhew he was in earneſt, he gave the Command of both to his own
Son Canute, that afterwards mighty King of England, Denmark,
Nor.
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 209
Canute Son
Dir.mark in-
land.
Norway, and part of Swedland; a King fo Fortunate and ſo Great,
that his Flatterers ftild him Lord of the Earth and Seas. This
fame Canute landed on the Head of his formidable Army in Buchan, of "Sueno
whither King Malcolm, to prevent the ordinary Devaſtations com King of
mitted by the barbarous Enemy, march'd with all imaginable Ex-vades Scora
pedition, but thought not fit with his new rais’d Forces to hazard
a deciſive Battle : He contented himſelf to haraſs the Invaders, by
brisk and frequent Skirmiſhes, and to intercept the Means of their
SubGftence, hoping thereby to fatigue and ſtarve them into a Ne-
ceflity of returning to their Ships. But this did not content the
Minds of his impetuous Subjects: They were like to Mutiny againſt
him, and ſwore they would fight of themſelves, unleſs he would
inſtantly lead them on to Death of Victory. Thus the King, tho
contrary to his firſt Deſign, was willingly conſtrain'd to Humour
the Ardour of his Men:
He fought out and found the Enemy as
deſirous, becauſe of the Scarcity of Proviſions, to fight as himſelf
. Is defeated
The Battle was, as the former ones, moſt terrible, moſt of the No- at Crudane
bility and Officers on both ſides being kill’d. The Scots had the Malcolm.
Victory, but it was ſuch as occaſion d more Grief than Joy in the
Camp. They did not purſue the flying Danes for two Reaſons :
The firſt, They could not for Laſſitude and Wearineſs, their Spirits
being ſpent in the heat of Action: The ſecond, becauſe ſo few of
the vanquiſhed ſurviv’d, that it was ſcarcely worth the while to
overtake the Remainder. The Night fucceeding the Battle, both
Parties (for they could no longer be call’d Armies, their Numbers
being fo vaftly diminiſhd) lay fad and melancholy at forne di
ſtance from one another, and the next days Light preſented them
with the moſt diſmal Spectacle their Eyes had ever beheld, the
confus'd Carcaſes of almoſt all their. Numbers. This blunted the
Edge of their Refentment, and their Inclinations turn’d in an in-
ftant from War to Peace. By this Time many of the Danes and Nor-
vegians were become Chriſtians, and among theſe Canute himſelf:
So that the Prieſts and Religious, whom, by reaſon of their Chara-
&ter, both Nations reſpected, had an Opportunity of mediating a
Peace; which being fo neceſſary, was ſoon concluded in the follow- the Danes,
ing Terms.
1. That the Danes and Norvegians ſhould withdraw their Perſons
and Effects from Scotland, and within a ſét Time evacuate thoſe Pla-
ces they held in Murray and Buchan.
II. That during the Lives of both Kings, Malcolm and Sueno, nei-
ther of the Nations ſhould attempt any Hoftility againſt the other,
nor be aſſiſting to ſuch as would.
III. That the field of Battle ſhould be Conſecrated after the
Ķites then in uſe; and made a Cemetery, or Burying-place for the
Dead.
IV. That in it the Danes as well as Scots ſhould be decently and
honourably interrd.
Who makes
Peace with
1
Ggg
Malcolm
2 IO The Life of Malcolm II.
Book II.
Malcolm and Canute ſwore to the Obſervation of theſe Articles,
and both perform'd their reſpective Obligations... Canute with all
his Country-men left Scotland, and Malcolm not only caus'd bury the
dead Bodies of the Danes with Honour and Decency, but alſo com-
manded a Chappel to be built on the Spot : Which to perpetuate the
Memory of the Thing, he Dedicated to Olaus the Tutelar Saint or
Patron, both of Denmark and Norway. Some Veſtiges of that old
Chappel was to be ſeen in the Days of. Boethius, but it being in a
great meaſure overlaid and drown'd by the Sands, which on that
Coaſt the Winds frequently raiſe, and are blown in a tempeſtuous
Manner over Houſes and Fields, another was erected in a more con-
venient Place, and is ſtill to be ſeen, as are alſo the huge and almoſt
Gigantick Bones of thoſe that fell in the Battle of Croju-Dane, or Cru
dane (for ſo is the Village, near to which it was fought; call’d to this
very day) that is, the Death or Slaughter of Danes; A convincing Proof,
I take it, and many more ſuch are extant throughout the Nation)
of the Scottiſh Valour and martial Atchievements in thoſe Days;
Atchievements, which had they been perform'd in attacking fo-
reign Countries, and not in Defence of their own, the Scots had
certainly boaſted of Conqueſts greater than thoſe made by theſe
fierce Nations, they, and only they, had the Honour always to refift
,
and for the moſt part to defeat.
Others then may talk and write of their Invaſions upon Foreiga
ners, of the Countries their Arms have over-run; of the Deva-
ftations they have made; of the Lands they have laid Waſte; of the
Cities they have Depopulated; of the Edifices, Churches, Mona
fteries, Palaces, Academies, &c. they have Burnt and Defac';
of the Laws, Liberties and Conſtitutions they have overturn'd : In
a word, of the Dutchies and Kingdoms they have ufurp'd and en,
Navd. 'This has been, and I hope ſhall ever be the proper and
peculiar Glory of Scotland and Scotſmen; That they have refilted and
foild the greateſt Powers that were ever in Being ; They never
ſtoop'd to a foreign Yoke ; They never ſubmitted to Laws but their
own; They were never conquer’d, or if they were, they recon-
quer'd their Conquerors, regain'd their Country, and always freed
it from foreign and domeſtick Uſurpation. That they have not ex.
tended its Limits, nor made Conqueſts abroad, is no Matter of
Wonder : They had to do; or with the Romans; that is, the Ma-
ſters of the reſt of the World, or with the Danes, that is, a World
of Nations united in one, or with the Engliſh, a People, who, tho
by reaſon of their own Diviſions and the Treachery of ſome of their
great Men, twice ſubdu'd, yet ſtill by their very Subjection aggran-
diz’d; and made more Potent by the Acceſſion of thoſe. Territories
their new Maſters had formerly poſſeſs’d. Beſides, Money is ſtill
and ever was the Nerves of War: This England, a fruitful well culti-
vated Soily ever had; and Scotland in it ſelf barren, and (by reaſon of
an unlucky Conſtitution, and ſome concurring Circumſtances) but
little improv'd, did ever want. I ſay, that Scotland has been unlucky
و
!
:
i
in
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 211
in its Conſtitution; and (tho by reaſon of its Harbours, and Seas
very capable of, yet becauſe of its Conſtitution and Circumſtances)
no ways fitted for Improvement and Acquiſition of Wealth. I am
forry, that the Hero, whoſe Life I write, ſhould have been the firſt
Author of that Part of the Conſtitution, which, in my Opinion, has
ſo much contributed to the Non-improvement of the Country, and
the continu'd Malheurs of the Kings and People.,
Till his
. T'ime, I have a great many Reaſons to believe that the The Kings
Kings of Scotland were fole Lords and Proprietors of all the Lands in of Scotlar..
Scotland : For, to ſay nothing of their Neighbours the Britains and Proprietors
Picts, with whoſe Laws we are but little acquainted, 'tis certain, Lands in
that in Ireland, which was either the Mother or Daughter of Scot- Scotland.
land, by the Law (a) of Taniſtry, whoever rèceiv’d the Dignity of King,
maintain’d himſelf and his followers by certain Lands appointed for that uſe,
cal'd Loghty ; but chiefly by certain tributary Impofitions, which he exa-
&ed at his Will, callid Colherings, &c. from which only the Lands of
the Church, and ſuch as he indulg’d by particular Priviledge, were exempt :
So that, ſays Sir James Ware, every King among them was a Tyrant :
Which if true, 'tis highly probable that the Kings of Scotland, who
either borrow'd from or lent their Cuſtoms and Laws to the Iriſh,
were Tyrants in this Senſe, that is, all the Lands which their Sub-
jects till’d and liv'd by, were properly their own, and they could,
and did give or take them away at their Pleaſure: And this Right
improv'd by the Titular or Guardian
Kings; to enrich their own Po-
ſterity; was one of the Cauſes why ſo many of them were by their
oppreft and impoveriſh'd Tenants (for ſuch were the greateſt of the
then Nobles) cut off. Another Reaſon for believing that the Scots
.
Kings were Proprietors of all the Lands in Scotland; is this:
They; and not their Subjects, had a Right by their Blood to the
Kingdom of the Piets, which accordingly they conquer'd and aſcer.
tained to themſelves and their Poſterity. If the Piłtiſh Subjects had
any Lands in Property, they forefaulted them by their Rebellion,
and being ſubdu'd, were, if not quite extirpated, at leaſt outed of
their Poffeffions, and ſo all their Lands became the conquering
King's Property: His own Subjects did indeed afift him in the Pro-
ſecution of his juſt Quarrel: They werė, as.Subjects, oblig'd to do ſo,
and their Sovereign's Victory gave them no. Title to the conquer’d
Lands, which he, and he alone could keep or diſpoſe of as he
pleased : But that he did not give them away appears from this.
King Kenneth III. (b).willing to reward the noted Services perform’d
by Hay and his two Sons in the Battle of Loncarty, deſir'd that Heroick
Peaſant to pitch upon any Spot of Ground he 'lik'd beft
, quo vellet
loco, ſays Boethius, and there-ſet a Falcon to the Flight, promiſing,
(and he did perform) a Grant to him and his Pofterity“ of all thoſe
Lands the Falcon ſhould fly over without Reſting. Now, had not all,
or moft Lands in Scotland, belong’d to the King in thoſe Days, he
neither could have deſir’d. Hay to chooſe ſuch as he lik’d, beſt, nor
could
Ggg 2
g
(a) Sir James Ware Antiquit. of Ireland p. 21, & 22. (b) Boech. in vita Kennet.
2 1 2 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
GC
66
could have meaſur'd them out, by the uncertain Flight of a Fal-
con. The Falcon might have flown over, and Hay pitch'd upon
Lands the King had no Power 'to diſpoſe of. Beſides, the very
words of the Law made by this King Malcolm import no leſs, than
that he had the Property of all the Lands of his Kingdoin : Sir
John Skene tranſlates them thus, (a) King Malcolm gave and diſtri-
buted all his Lands of the Realm of Scotland amongſt bis Men. But be.
cauſe theſe Words, All his Lands of the Realm, may be interpreted,
All the Crown-Lands; to put the Queſtion out of doubt, we need
but to conſult Fordon, who certainly knew more of the Matter than
any Hiſtorian now extant: (b) He tells us plainly, “ That King Mala
" colm, as all his Anceſtors before him, had all the Countries and
“6 Provinces of the whole Kingdom in Property: That of old the
" Kings were wont to give their Souldiers, by way of Few, cer-
“ tain Provinces or Thanagies of Lands : That in thoſe Days, al-
“ moſt the whole Kingdom was divided in Thanagiės ; and that of
" theſe the King gave ſo much as he thought fit, and reſum'd them
at ſuch Terms as he was pleas'd by his Grant' to determine : For
Example, fome, as Husband-men, held their Lands, but during the
ſpace of one Year; others bad them for ten Years, or twenty, or
« ſometimes for Life: Others again of the better Sort had Grants
“ of them, to themſelves and their Heirs, for a Generation or two,
16 and a few Thanes or Princes in Perpetuity ; yet never ſo free-
ly, but that each of the Subjects, of whatever Rank or Condition,
was bound to pay an annual or yearly Ceſs, to their Lord the
King. And what that Ceſs ſhould be, 'tis probable the Kings of
Scotland, as thoſe of Ireland, did determine and exact at Pleaſure,
Nor is this to be thought a Matter of. Wonder, lince before the
Feudal Law took place, all the ſovereign Princes in the World had
the ſame Prerogative, for ought we know: And thoſe in the Eaſt,
we are ſure, are in Poffeffion of it to this Day.
When the Feudal Law came to obtain, is not certain : Moſt
Lawyers, and in particular our Sir Thomas Craig, are of Opinion,
that it was firſt in uſe among the Lombards, from whoſe Language
all its Terms or Vocabula artis, as Homage,. Vaffal, &c. are evi-
dently deriv'd. That from Lombardy it ſpread into France, and
from France into Scotland, and that very early, by reaſon of the old
League enter'd into by theſe Nations, and the conſtant Correſpon
dence thereby occafion'd: However, this was a Commodity we
ſtood leſs in need of than of their Wines, ſometimes prohibited as
uſeleſs and expenſive, but never, it ſeems, to be wanted, ſo long
as Money can purchaſe them, if not from the Place of their Growth,
at leaſt from elſewhere. For, tho all European States have unani-
niouſly receiv'd that Law, yet none have eſcap'd from being fome
time or other thrown into theſe deadly Convulſions and Ravings, it
naturally gives Riſe to. The Reaſon of the Law was this,
66
«
.
The
(1) Skenc's old Laws, &c. princ. Edinb, 1609. p. 1. (a) Ford, apud Scriptor. XV. p: 686.
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 213
The Barbarians from the North having over-power'd the Roman
Empire, each of their Kings or Chiftains bethought himſelf
, how
to ſecure to his . Poſterity thoſe Territories he had conquer’d. The
Natives were ſtill numerous, and they were injurd : And it was to
be fear’d they would ſometime or other take Heart, and endeavour
to regain what they had been diſpoſſeſs’d of. To prevent this,
'twas thought neceſſary to keep up a ſtanding Army, or to have
fome Force equivalent to a ſtanding Army, who, for their own Inte-
reſt and Self-preſervation, ſhould be always ready to quell Inſurre-
{tions, and repel Invaders. The conquer'd Lands were therefore
diſtributed upon certain Conditions among the Officers and Souldi-
ers that had help'd to win them. This was very juſt, in one Senſe:
For why ſhould not the Souldiers, as well as their General or King,
reap the Fruit of their common Labours ? And in another, Politick;
for, to be ſure they would, with the Hazard of their Lives; defend
thoſe Fortunes,they had with the ſame Hazard attain'd to. But their
reſpective Princes were too laviſh: And to be ſecurd againſt the Peo-
ple they had diſpoſſeſs’d, they laid themſelves open to the Encroach-
ments of thoſe they had enrich'd. They knew not, that, as Mankind
is fram’d, Dominion will ever confift in Property :( I ſay, as Man-
kind is made, for I plead not that it ought to be ſo:) Nor did they
forſee, that in an After-Game, when once the old and new Inhabi-
tants ſhould come to coaleſce, the laſt, tho their natural Subjects
and Country-men, would make uſe of the Weapons put in their
Hands, I mean their Riches; Eſtates, and Sub-vaſſals or Followers,
to pull down the Prodigal-giver, that had rais’d them too
high.
Harrington, the famous Author of the Chimeričal Oceana, has
many
odd, delulive and impracticable Notions about Government. But he
is certainly in the Right, with Reference to what he calls the Bals
lance of Power, or Property in States. Impire, according to him,
muſt needs follow this Ballance, whether lodg'd in one, in a few,
or in many Hands ; that is, if one Man be fole Land-lord of a Ter-
ritory, or over-ballance the People; for Example; three Parts in
four, as the ancient Kings of Scotland did ( and all others might
have done, had they not introducd the Feudal Law ) He is truly a
Monarch, and will continue ſo, whilſt he continues the Ballance on
his own ſide. If a few, viz. The Nobility, or the Nobility and
Clergy,be Landlords, or over-ballance the King and People, in the
like Proportion of Wealth, whatever way acquir’d, theſe few will in
proceſs of Time Lord it, and Domineer not only over the inferior
People; but alſo over their King. If again, the whole People be
Land-lords, or hold the Lands and Wealth of the Nation fo divided
among them, that no one Man, nor any number of Men, over-bal-
lance them, they'll aſpire to higher Matters, give Laws to the No-
bles and Kings, and bid fair for the Eſtabliſhment of a Cominon-
Wealth : The Reaſon is plain.
H h hi
The
.
i
214 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
.
The generality of Men are not acted by Conſcience, nor Law, nor
right Reaſon : Intereſt, Self-Intereſt, is the Spring of all their áæi.
ons, and every one would be Lord of the World, if he could : But
this being impoffible, each in particular endeavours, at leaſt to move
in a higher Sphere than his own, to better his Circumſtances, out-do
his Equals, and vye with his Superiors. This continual Contention
about Honours, Riches and Power is moderated and confin’d by
nothing, but the Ballance of Property, and whoever has this Bal-
lance on his fide, that is, whoever is richeſt and ableft to give,
is ſure either to keep, or bring under, ſuch, as being poorer, can-
not give ſo much. Thus the great Turk and Czar of Muſcovy com-
mand all within their Dominions, becauſe Richer than all
, and
therefore only capable to reward their Servants, raiſe their friends,
prefer to Places, and, to ſay all in a Word, to keep an Army, or
the Equivalent of an Army,in conſtant Pay. Should either of theſe
go about to divide their Lands, to make heritable Lords of his tem-
porary Tenants, and yet pretend to be Maſter, would very ſoon find,
how grolly he had beeni miſtaken ;. The Lords would have Lands,
Lands would get Money, and with Money Enemies would be mol-
lified, Friends ſecur’d, Mobbs ftir'd up, and Armies rais’d. The
Nobles in Venice, that ſo much admir'd and long laſting common-
Wealth, are no leſs abſolute than the Grand-Seignor at. Conſtanti
.
nople. Why ſo ? Becauſe the Ballance of Property is in the Hands
of the Nobles. Would they but give their Lands to the People,
Venice, in a few Ages, would become indeed, what it is but in Naine,
à Common-Wealth ; but I doubt if it would long Bouſt, as it now
dues, of Duration. Even Holland, the High and Mighty Holland,
is ballanc'd by Property : The People do but Toil for the States :
Theſe are Rich in reality and therefore Command, thoſe only in Shew,
and ſo ſubinit and drudge on. Did they but know their own
Strength, (and Time may come to diſcover it)Holland, like the Com-
mon Wealths of Athens, Lacedemon, Rome, &c. and the Kingdoms of
England, France, &c. where the Ballance of Property has not been
evidently preſerv’d, or on the King's fide, or on that of the Nobles,
or on that of the Commons, 'muſt needs in its turn be liable to theſe
violent Strugles, Convulfions, and Revolutions, they have all felt,
and muſt again feel, without the Ballance of Property be unchang-
ably fir’d, on either King, Nobles, or Commons, according as the
Government is Monarchical, Ariſtocratical, or Democratical
.
Which of theſe is moſt perfect and deſireable, I do not enquire:They
have all their reſpective Advantages and Inconveniencies : For
part, I think every one ought to ſubmit to, and zealouſly ſerve that
Government, what ever it is, his native Country and Country-men
have been indebted to for their Protection, Support, Intereſt and
Honour. And had it been my Fate to have been born in Rome,
and preſent at the Battle of Pharſalia, I had certainly been with
Cato, Brutus, Tully, &c. on Pompey's Side of the Field: Nor do I
take Cæfar, who overturn'd a Çommon Wealth, to have been leſs an
Ulurper,
1
For my
-
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 215
Uſurper, than Cromwel, who ruin'd a Monarchy, tho it muſt be
own'd, the former.was not ſo much a Tyrant, and that he was by
far the honeſter Man. Both had the like Opportunities of undoing
their reſpective Countries : The Ballance of Property was both at
Rome and in England, in the Hands of the People : They knew .
their Strength, and therefore aſpir’d at depreſſing, the one their
Senate, the other their King and Peers, but they knew not the whole
Extent of it, and therefore wanted Heads to direct and lead them:
Such were found in the Perſon of Cæſar and Cromwel, who having
win over the People (no uneaſy Task, where the People are, with
Liberty and Property, that is, Eaſe, Peace, Plenty, and Luxury,
debas'd into a liking of their Perſons and Proceedings, and a De-
teſtation of the legal Magiſtrates ) firſt pulld down theſe, then
trampl’d upon the People their Tools. How this came, not only
naturally, but neceffarly to be brought about in England, Harring-
ton explains at large.
Whether the Feudal Law obtain’d in England before the Conqueſt
or no, is debatable.
is debatable. The famous Sir Henry Spelman, the Reverend
Doctor Hickes, and our Sir Thomas Craig; are of Opinion, that it
did not : And from thence, the ingenious Mr. James Anderſon draws
this demonſtrative Argument, viz. If Feudal Tenures were not in
England before the Conqueſt, the Kings of Scotland did not upon
any Account pay Homage to the Kings of England before the Con-
queft. Be this as it will, all acknowledge that William the Con-
queror brought the Feudal Law from France, together with his ſuc-
cesful Arms, and in Imitation of the Lombards, Francs, &c. did by
the Rules and Maxims of that Law, parcel out and diſtribute the
Lands of the conquer'd among the French and Normans : Thus he
at once rewarded the paſt Services of his followers, and enſur'd them
of conſtant Pay for thoſe, they were oblig'd to perform in all
times to come. And by this means he thought, that he had as good
as a ſtanding Army of Men well pay’d and appointed, who having
no Right to their Eftatés or Pay, but from his Liberality, would,
for the Preſervation of theſe, be ready on all Occafions to aſſert and
ſupport his Royal Power : A miſtaken Maxim, for which-his Suc-
ceffors afterwards ſmarted. 'Twas but reaſonable to reward his
Followers, and Prudent to faſten them, by the ſtrongeſt Tyes he
could deviſe, to a Dependency on the Crown. But this was not
the proper Means: He ſhould have given them Lands, but no Heri-
tages; Or, had he annex'd all theſe Lands to the Crown, the year-
ly Revenues had been ſufficient to feed Souldiers, fatten Officers,
defray the Charges of his Houſhold and Family, purchaſe thouſands
of Dependents, and in fine, would have enabld him and his Poſteri-
ty to depend upon none : Whereas, by giving away moſt of the
conquer'd Lands, he unwarily diveſted himſelf, at leaſt his
Poſterity, of that Ballance which alone was capable to ſecure their
Prerogative. And it ſo fell out, that theſe very Normans; who, .
while they were but Foreign Plants, and had no Security againſt
Hhh 2
1
:
the
216 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II
+
.
the Natives, were fain to lean to, and grow up by their Prince's
fide, were, nevertheleſs no ſooner rivetted in their vaſt Poffeffions,
but they came up, according to the infallible Conſequence of the
Ballance Domeſtick, and pretending the National Intereſt of the
Baronage, grew as fierce in Vindication of theſe ancient Rights and
Liberties themſelves had invaded, as if they had been always Na-
tives and True-born Engliſhmen. Hence the Barons Wars, wherein
the Kings were foild again and again : And the Nobles having
thustry'd their Strength, got the Trick of it, and never gave over
ſetting up, and pulling down their Sovereigns, according as they
were influenc'd by the various Paffions, Humours, Intrigues and
Intereſts of the different Ages they liv'd in, till the two Factions
of the White and Red Roſes came to be united by the means of King
Henry VII.
This fubtile Prince, reflecting at once, ſays my Author, upon the
exorbitant Power of the Nobles, and the Inconftancy of their Favour,
begari to find another Flaw in this kind of Government, viz. That
a Throne ſupported by a Nobility, is not ſo hard to be aſcended as
kept: Wherefore his ſecret Jealouſy and Fear, left the Diffention of
the Nobility, as it brought him in, might throw him out, made him
travel in Paths, undiſcover'd by them, to Ends as little forſeen by
himſelf, while' to eſtabliſh his own Safety, he by mixing Water
with their Wine, firſt began to open thoſe Sluces, that afterwards
overwhelm’d, not the King only, but the Throne. For, whereas a
Nobility, nay, nor a deſcontented ſtanding Army, ſuch as the
Roman Emperors kept on foot of Old, and ſuch as are the Fanizaries
in Turky at preſent, never ſtrikes at the Throne, which after all is
their Support, but at ſome King they have a mind to Quarrel with,
Popular Power ſtrikes through the King at the Throne it ſelf, as
that which is incompatible with it. However, King Henry VII.
as Wife as he was, was not aware of this : He meant to depreſs
the Inſolence and Power of his Factious Nobles, and to effect this,
he rais’d the Commons, who in proceſs of Time got the Ballance
of Property into their Hands, and manag’d it conſequentially to
the Principle laid down: Three Statutes, too long to be explain'd in
this Place, that for Population, that againſt Retainers, and that
for Alienations, made by King Henry VII. had all the Effect he in-
tended. King Henry VIII. by diffolving the Abbays, continu'd to
bring in ſo vaſta Prey to the Induſtry of the People, that the Bal-
lance of the State was too viſibly in the Popular Party, to be unſeen
by the wife Council of Queen Eliſabeth; and the unwilling to
ſtruggle with the ſtrongeſt, and converting her Reign, through the
perpetual Love Tricks that paſt between her and the People, into a
kind of Romance, neglected the Nobility, and went down with the
Stream; inſomuch that by theſe Degrees the Houſe of Commons
came to raiſe that Head, which has ſince been ſo high and formi-
dable to their Princes, that they have look'd Pale upon theſe Aſ-
ſemblies. They quarrell’d with King Charles I. and the Houſe of
1
✓
1
A
Peers
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland. 217
3
Peers, finking down between both, he was, becaufe not fo Rich
and able to maintain Armies as the People, by the deluded People
and their abuſive Leaders, overthrown: And fo Monarchy it felf
came to be overturn'd in Britain, and out of its Alhes,under the Name
of a Common-wealth, a new Monarchy, or rather Tyranny, érected.
The like Inconveniencies and Malheurs have attended all the Go-
thick Conſtitutions in the World: For this Government, the necef-
facy Coriſequence of Princes Grants in the manner expreſs’d, tho
thought the Maſter-Piece of humane Prudence, and cry'd up to the
Skies, as the only Invention, whereby at once to maintain the Sove-
reignty of a King, and the Liberty of a People, has nevertheleſs
prov'd no other than a wreſtling Match, wherein the Nobility, as
they have been ſtronger, have thrown the King, or the King, if lie
has been ſtronger; has thrown the Nobility; or, the King, where he
has had a Nobility, and could bring them to his Intereſt, has
thrown the People, as in France and Spain; or, the People where.
they have had no Nobility, or could get them brought over to their
Party, have thrown the King, as in Holland, and, during Cromwel's
Ufurpation, in England. Nevertheleſs, England, in Spite of thoſe
Fa&tions, Diflentions, inteſtine Wars, and amazing Revolutions, that
have ſo often ſhaken, and almoſt torn her to Pieces, has ever been,
and is ſtill
, one of the moſt populous, wealthy and formidable Nati-
ons in the Chriſtian World.. Whether this is owing to the Situati-
on of the Country, the ambient Sea, the Fertility of the Soil, the
Induſtry of the Inhabitants, the Wiſdom of ſome Statutes, the
Bounty of ſome Kings, the Encouragement given to foreign Artiſts,
and to the publick Spirit that's ſo happily diſpers’d through the
whole Kingdom, or to all theſe together, I ſhall not determine :
'Tis certain, that Scotland, by reaſon of its Gothick Conſtitution, or
Feudal Law, has been very nigh as unlucky; and for want of thoſe
other Qualifications, not near ſo happy,
King Malcolm, as I have ſaid, had all or moſt of the Lands of his
Kingdom in Property, and the Ballance was fairly on his fide: But
whether out of meer Generoſity and Gratitude (for never had
Prince been better ſery'd by his Subjects, than he had been in the
late Daniſh Wars) or, that he thought large Gratuities would en-
courage them to the like Performances, when again neceſſary; or
that he erroneouſly believ'd, that Men poffefs’d of large hereditary
Eſtates, would for the Preſervation of theſe, dare more than ftipen-
diary Souldiers : Or in fine, becauſe the Feudal Law had obtain'd
in foreign countries, and was in Faſhion at the Time, He (to uſe
the very words of his Laws as they are tranflated by sar John Skene)
gave and diſtributed all bis Lands of the Realm of Scotland amongſt his Men,
upon Condition nevertheleſs, that they ſhould ſerve him in his Wars
upon their own Charges and grant tohiir (sthey did the Ward of their
Lands, with the Benefit that might accrucuythe Marriage of the Heir :
A caſual and uncertain Fund, and no ways adapted to the Grandeur of
the Sovereign, nor to the Neceflities of the State, for he referu'd niot Bing in
Iii
Pro-
1
m
1
218 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
+
1
Property to himſelf but the Royal Dignity, and the Mute-hill in Scoon :
Than which nothing could be more Impolitick: And all our Hiſto-
rians, even Buchanan among the reſt, diſcommend this Act of Pro-
digality, as unadvis'd, and equally ruinous to the King and People:
To the King, becauſe by this Means the Ballance of Property being
transferr’d from him to the Nobles, theſe laſt immediately got the
Aſcendant over the Royal Prerogative; and, having the Nerves of
War in their Hands, Lorded it in ſome Meaſure over their Maſter.
Their Tenants and Sub-vaſſals became more Subjects to them, than
to the King. He could no longer give, or take away their Poffef-
fions; whereas the Nobles, their immediate Superiors could. Va-
lour and Loyalty (now the Sovereign had no more Lands to beſtow,
nor Money to gratify performing Men) wanted theſe Rewards that
beget them; and all the Retribution a brave Man could look for,
after atchieveing the moſt glorious Actions, was to continue in the
Poſſeſſion of his own Eſtate: An Advantage a Coward needs not
loſe, if he dares but to be a Traitor, I mean, if he fits at home and
comply's with the Conqueror, whether a foreign Invader, as the
Danes, or a domeſtick Ulurper, as Conſtantine and Grim. Another
Miſchief that follow'd upon the King's impoverishing the Crown,
and enriching the Nobles, was this : As often as the Nobles com-
bin’d together, they were ſure not only to thwart the King, to
break his Meaſures, and to render both his private Deſigns, and
publick Laws ineffectual; but alſo to ſeiſe on his Perſon, give him
Battle, dethrone or kill him. But none of theſe Things can be at-
tempted or effected without Blood-lhed, Devaſtations and Wars: So
that to ſet the Nobles above the Sovereign in Power, is to entail
Blood-lhed, Devaſtations and Wars upon a Nation : And the ratherg
becauſe, when back'd by numerous Vaſſals, and ſtrengthin’d by Alli-
ances with other Families, they are apt to quarrel with, and in-
croach upon their Neighbours. Hence those Fewds, and petty, but
moſt obſtinate and bloody Wars, ſo often carried on by private
Men againſtone another, to the Ruine of the inferior People, Ne
glect of Agriculture, Devaſtation of the Country, Scandal of the
Government, and Shame of the Nation. Hence alſo the flow Ad-
vances made in Scotland towards the Improvement of Arts, Manu-
factures, Navigation and Trade: For 'twas below a Gentleman to
become a Mechanick, and Merchandiſing was conſider'd as ignoble,
infomuch, that the Kings, either intent upon repelling foreign Inva-
fions; or bufied in allaying domeſtick Jarrs (a Province too hard for
the greateſt of them) had not Leiſure nor Means, to ſet about Im-
provements : And the Commonality oppreſs’d and haraſs’d by the
Pride, Avarice, and almoſt del potick Power of their imperious
Landlords, could think of nothing beſides Tilling the Ground,
which as manag‘d by them could never yield but Subliſtance, and
ſcarcely that, to their familj.
I could enlarge upon the Malheurs of this Conſtitution, which
yet ſucceeding Kings had frequent Opportunities of rectifying, but
néver
Chap.1. The Eighty third
King of Scotland. 219
ر
:
never did. The continual Miſdemeanors and Rebellions of great
Families, occafion'd the Eſtates of a great many to be forefeited, but
then they were immediately gifted away
. to others, who, equally
ungrateful, misbehav'd and rebell’d in their Turn. Had our Sove-
reigns upon theſe Occaſions been fo Wiſe, as to have annex'd the
forefeited Lands to the Crown, and by an unalterable Law, put it
out of their own Power to Alienate them; in that Caſe the Ballance
of Property would have return’d to the Kings; and they, inſtead of
gratifying the Ambition or Covetouſneſs of an ungrateful few,
would have had in their own Hands, the Means of making thou-
lands happy, and themſelves ſecure. Thus Merit might have been
rewarded, Loyalty encourag'd, Valour preferr’d, Taxes lefſen'd,
Oppreſſion baniſh'd, and the Commonalty taught ſomething more
than to Drụdge and Starve. But this had been an Inlet to Tyranny,
and the Kings might have miſus'd their Power, and miſapply'd their
Wealth. 'Tis true, they might: But for my part, I had rather be
ſubſervient to one Tyrant, than to a hundred : Neither do I yet ſee
how a rich King, if in his Wits, can be a Tyrant : I'm ſure, 'tis
his Intereſt that his People thrive; if he ſeek to be Wealthy, he
muſt make them fo; and if he would Command, he muſt have
Subjects, and thoſe by his Bounty made willing to Obey. On the
contrary, a poor depending Monarch, will ever ſeek to be Richer
and Independent: To effect which, he is ſometimes neceſſitated,
and always tempted to do wrong. King Malcolm is a notable In-
ftance of this Truth: He had unadvis’dly ſquander'd away his Reve-
nues among Subjects, indeed very, deſerving ; but he liv’d to ſee
and feel the Effects of immoderate Largeſſes. He was now as Poor,
as they were Rich : And while he endeavour'd to mend his Condi-
tion, he ſtumbld upon ſeveral Injuſtices, and, to recover ſome of the
Lands, illegally put to Death not a few of the Poffeffors, This ir-
ritated their Friends; and every one fearing the like Treatment, a
Fation of the Nobles conſpir’d, and an open Rebellion had enſu'd ;
but for the greater Crime of a few, who going to Work more quick-
ly, corrupted the King's Servants, and Murther'd him in the Ca-
King Mal-
ftle of Glamis: So ſay Boethius, Buchanan, &c. Fordon (a) tells the colm is baſe-
Story otherwiſe : He charges the King neither with Avarice nor ther?d by a
Cruelty, but ſays, That notwithſtanding he had generouſly Par- few Rufti,
don'd, nay, Enrich'd the Relations and Friends of the two late Ü-
furpers, yet he could never gain ſo far upon their Reſentment, but
that they ſought all Opportunities of undoing the Prince that had
ſav'd them: That they found out one at laſt near Glamis
, where a
confiderable Number of Ruffians ſet upon him, and his ſmall
' Reti-
nue. He thought, that after ſo many Largeſſes beſtow'd, fuch gene-
rous and hearty Forgiveneſs expreſs'd, and a Reign fo remarkably
Glorious, he food in no need of numerous Guards. Thoſe never-
theleſs that attended him, did Wonders in their Maſter's Defence :
And he, tho above eighty Years old, and much ſpent with Age and
Iii 2
Toil,
(a) Seriptor. XX. p.685.
ans.
220 The Life of Malcolm II. Book II.
A.D. 1034
Toil, yet exerted the Vigour of a Youth: He routed the Villains,
and kill'd ſeverals of them upon the Spot, but was himfelf unfortu-
nately Wounded : And the Efflux of Blood was ſo great, that Chi-
rurgery (at leaſt ſuch as was in thoſe Days practis’d) could not ftem
it; fo he died the third Day after the Villany was a&ted, to the in-
finite Regrate of all but the Actors. Neither did they eſcape the
Puniſhment due to their Crime: Swift Juſtice dogg’d them at the
Heels and overtook them, at about two Milès diſtance from the
Place, where they had committed the Parricide, I mean, on the
Lake of Forfar ; which being covered with Snow and frozen into
Ice, they unwarily attempted to get over on Horſe ; but the Ice
broke, and they were all drown'd: Their Bodies were afterwards
taken' up and ignominiouſly hangd, as on different Gibbets, fo in
different Parts of the Kingdom.
Thus fell the brave King Malcolm II. after a proſperous Reign of
above thirty Years, anno 1034, or, according to others, 1040. How
any one could find in his Heart to commit the Parricide is amazing;
and the rather becauſe he was come to that Age, which, of it felf,
one ſhould have thought, might have ſecur’d him againſt impatient
Violence: For a little Time had cut him off, and then the Regi-
cides had been Guiltleſs, yet fatisfy’d. But ſuch is the Fury of Re-
fentment, it admits of no Delays, and good Kings are more expos’d
to the Sallies of Treaſon, than ill Ones: Theſe are ever upon their
Guards; thoſe think they're ſufficiently guarded by Merit and Inno-
cence. But this is a Miſtake: The beſt of Men, and worthieſt of
Princes have their Enemies : And, as I heartily deteſt, ſo I ſhould as
cordially exclaim againſt the Barbarity of my Country-men, a-
mongſt whom Villains were found, capable of laying violent Hands
upon this King Malcolm and his Father Kenneth, two Princes, who
had they been Romans or Grecians, would have been rank'd among
the foremoſt of their Worthies. But Rome and Greece, as Civiliz’d
as they were, have been in this Senſe no leſs Barbarous than their
Neighbours : Did not a Miltiades, to whom all Greece ow'd its Safe-
ty, luffer through the Malice and Envy of his fellow Citizens in A-
thens? Had not Themeftocles the ſame Fate in the fame City ? Was
Lacedemon more favourable to Cimon or Agis ? And did not the beſt
Patriots and moſt bountiful Emperors fall in Rome, much after the
ſame Manner, witneſs the Cicero's, Pertinax's, &c.- An evident
Proof, that the Crimes of Parties are not always to be laid at the
Door of Princes, and that a Prince may be unfortunate, without
deſerving to be ſo. Sure none ever deſérv'd leſs to have fallen by
the Hands of his Subjects, than King Malcolm : He had pardon'da
double Rebellion, he had not only indemnifiéd, but gratified his
Enemies, and had impoveriſh'd himſelf
, to enrich his friends.
His Chara. Beſides, his perſonal Qualifications were ſufficient to endear him to
the moſt Savage, and to win upon the Hearts of all that knew
hin: He excelld moſt of his Cotemporaries in Beauty and Com-
lineſs of Body, but much more in the Greatneſs of his inflexible
Spirit,
ster.
Chap. I. The Eighty third King of Scotland: 221.
---
Spirit
, who, when the King of England paid Tribute for his Crown,
refusá to do the like for a Vaffal Principality. And when Eng-
land, that mighty and glorious Kingdom, fubmitted to the Danilo
Yoke, kept Scotland free ; nay, made the Conqueror lay down his
Arms, and folemnly Swear, that he ſhould never take them up a
gain while King Malcolm liv'd. In firie, the World was ſo through
ly convincd of his Heroick Temper, and Martial Performances
,
that, if we may believe Fordon, in all the ancient Records that men .
tion his Name, he is dignified with the Title of Rex Vigoriofifſimus.
Nor was he Eminent only in War; for how ſoon, he , had a Releaſe
from the Toyl and Danger that attend it, he let himſelf wholly
to improve the Advantages of Peace. He made many excellent
Laws, yet extant upon Record. He regulated both the Courts of
Juſtice; to which he gave Order and Form, and his own Court, to
which he gave Splendor and Decency, and was the firit that intro-
ducid Offices, at leaſt the Names and Dignities of Officers of State,
as of Conſtable, Marſhal, Chancellor. &c. As for his Manners and
Converſation, for ought we know, they have been intainted: Ava-
rice is the only Vice laid to his Charge, nor that neither by all,
nor with Probability by any; he ought rather to be impeach'd of.
its Reverſe, Prodigality. Neither was he deficient in thoſe Acts of
Piety, the then Times recommended : For at Marthlack, where he
gave the firft Overthrow to the Danes; he caus'd a Chappel to be
built out of the Ruines of an old Chappel dedicated to St. Molloch,
founded an Epifcopal See, which was afterwards tranſlated from
thence to Aberdeen, and endow'd it with Rents out of the adjacent
Lands. This, Boethius tells us, he obligd himſelf to perform, by a
Vow made during the Heat of the Battle, fought at the Place I
mention'd but now, in caſe it ſhould pleaſe God to reaſſure the
Courage of his Men (for they were giving Ground) and to grant
Victory to his Chriſtian Arms, over thoſe of the Heathen Enemy
He caus'd alſo moſt of theſe Churches the Daniſh Fury had demo-
lifh’d, to be repair'd: And left the ſcandalous Lives of Church-men
ſhould defile thoſe holy Places ( fo they were then thought ) he
call'd the Clergy toan Affembly in the Town of Perth;. And, by
Advice of Biſhop Gregory, enaĉted divers Canons for their better
Government, and very much tending to the Reformation of their
Manners, and Edification of the People, committed to their Care.
So that; conſidering the whole Life and Reign of this Glorious, and,
till his very Death, not unfortunate Monarch, I have reaſon to con
clude with the Poetical Addreſs, Mr. Johnſton has made to him;
Et t# dignås eras fatis melioribus. Hæc tú
Immerito, eft virtus neſciet.ulla mori.
:
3
)
K kk
CHAP :
1
222
Book II.
The Martial Atchievement's
CH A P. II.
From the Reſtoration of King MALCOLM CANMOR E to the
Death of King ALEXANDER HII.
Containing the ſpace of about 225 Years.
T
K
1
ING Malcolm Canmore was feated upon the Throne of his
Anceſtors in Scotland, when his Ally and Benefactor King
Edward the Confellor died in England. The Death of
this laſt occaſion’d ſuch Troubles, as being begun by a new Uſurpa-
tion, terminated in a fourth Conqueſt, and by conſequence in a great
Alteration of Laws, Cuſtoms, Manners, Language, and generally
all Things but Religion, in the South Part of Britain. Nor was
the Northern free from the Mutations at this time. Theſe I ſhall
A:D.1966, give an Account of, in the Life of Malcolm Canmore ; and of thoſe,
by Reaſon of their mutual Coherence and Relation, juſt now :
Only I ſhall take care to infift but ſo long on Foreign Affairs, as
ſeems neceſſary to the better underſtanding of our owni
.
The Royal Line of the Weſt-Saxon Kings (thoſe Heroes that had
firſt founded, and then preſerv'd the Monarchy, during the Space
of five hundred and fourty ſeven Years) did not expire with King Ed.
ward. Edgar the Son of Edward the Out-law, and Grand-child of
Edmund Ironſide, was ſtill alive, and by the late King Sirnam'd
Etheling, (a) that is, he was deſign’d his Succeſſor : But England
muſt be enſlav'd, and Providence would not permit that the Fate
of the Nation ſhould be involv'd in the fall of the Royal Houſe :
This was reſerv'd to be the Work of an inferior one; out of which
a Stranger ſhould ariſe to pull down the whole Fabrick, and bury.
himſelf in its laſt Ruins. Had the Engliſh done their Duty, that is,
had they, immediately upon the Death of King Edivard, recogniz'd
the undoubted Heir Edgar Etheling's Title to the Crown, then there
had no Rooi been left for Pretenders: And the Duke of Norman-
dy had never dard to attack, much leſs had he been able to De-
throne,the King of England, if the then King had been undoubtedly
Harold U- ſuch : But Harold, the Son and Grand-child, of two, the moſt no-
Crown of torious Traitors ( Earl Godwin and Edric .) that Age brought forth,
who had no manner of Right, yet pretended, I know not what De
fignment of the late King, and taking the Advantage of the great
Power he had in his Hands; ftept up to the Throne : And the People,
probably cheated into an Opinion that King Edward had nam'd
'him his Succeſſor, univerſally ſubmitted to him. What Sort
of Nomination or appointment that Prince did really make in this
Harold's
Egland.
(A) Baker P. 277
Chap. II
223
Of the Scots Nation:
.
Haroll's Favour, I find variouſly delivered by Hiftorians : But the
beſt of them are poſitive, (a) that he was only appointed to Govern
as Regent, during the Minority of Edgar; and that 'tis abfurd to
think, that a Prince ſo Pious, and ſo Juſt as King Edward, who, not
long before, was willing to abdicate in Favour of the Father, would
have appointed (could he have lawfully done 'ſo, as 'tis moſt cer-
tain he could 'nct) any other to Reign in Stead of the Son.
'Tis ſaid indeed, (b) that when King Edward was himſelf an Ex-
ile in Normandy, during the Daniſh Llfurpation, he promiſed to make
his Couſin William, then Duke of that Country, his Heir to the
Crown of England, in caſe he ſhould come, by the Aſſiſtance of that
Prince, to obtain it. And this is no Matter of Wonder: For at that
Time, the more immediate Heirs were in Hungary, and accounted as
loft ; 'as indeed they had been, but for the Generoſity of Edward,
who afterwards recall’d them: And, to ſupplant the more hated
Danes, he had very good Reaſon to prefer the friendly and moſt
hoſpitable Norman. Nay it might have fallen out ſo, that this had
been legally Practicable, or by Means of a Marriage between a
Son of Duke William and a Daughter of England, or by a fair Ele-
&tion of the Nobility, in caſe the Saxon-Line had been extinct. But
it was preſerv’d in the Perſon of Edgar and his two Siſters : And no
Promiſe or Conveyance whatever could invalidate their Right.
Yet Duke William ſeeing them neglected, and Harold ſet up in their
Room, thought fit to lay hold of this pretended Promiſe, and the
rather, becauſe Harold, when afterwards in Normandy, had ſworn to.
be affiſting to him, in caſe an Opportunity fhould offer for gaining
the Kingdom. And, now King Edward was dead, and Harold had,
without any Title, ſucceeded, the Dukei ſent him a Meſſenger to
remind him of the King's Promiſe, and his own Oath: Lame and
empty Pretences for invading the Right of an injurd Family, and
commencing a War, that muſt needs be deſtructive, at leaſt to one
Nation : But Ambition, when attended by Opportunity, never
halts for want of a juſtifiable Reaſon.
An Uſurper ſat on the Throne of England; conſequently the King-
dom muft needs be divided, and, A Kingdom divided in it ſelf cannot
ſtand: Nay, the Animofities and Quarrels of Parties had already
broken out into open War. Tofti, the King's Brother had taken Arms
againſt the King, and he was ſupported by a Fleet and a Land Army,
the King of Norway, hoping to draw Advantage from theſe Broils,
had ſent to his Afiftance. On the other hand, Duke William, tho
but a natural Sön of Robert the ſixth Duke of Normandy (for it ſeems
in thoſe Days Baſtardy was no Bar to Succeſſion) was nevertheleſs,
for his great Parts and noble Performances, equally lov’d and fear’d,
both by his Subjects and Foreigners. He was of that Make or Con-
ftitution of Body, and had that Turn of Thought and Character of
Soul, which are ſaid to form the Heroes ; ſo that in him the Saying
was verified :
K k k 2
Henice
(1) Baker p. 271&c. (b) Baker p, 31.
.
224
Book II.
The Martial Atchievements
both Sides were indic
Hence ſpring the Noble; Fortunate and Great,
Always begot in Paffion; and in Heat.
His Subjects refuſed him ňo Money they could ſpare: And his
Coffers being full
, he could not want Troops : All his Neighbours,
nay, moſt of the States of Europe, contributed towards promoting
his Pretenſions, as lame as they were, upon England. The Counts
of Poictou and Boulogn, nay, the Emperor himſelf
, ſent him Auxilia-
ries, and the Duke of Brittany, the Count of Anjou, the Viſcount of
Thouars, and a great many more ſovereign Princes, came in Perſon,
and ſerved upon the Head of their reſpective Men, in his Army.
The Pope too muſt needs give his Countenance to the Attempt: He
did it frankly; nay, he did more, than he really could: For, toge-
ther with a Gold-Ring and a conſecrated Banner, he ſent a Bull of
Inveſtiture, or Charter of Sealine and Infeftment to the Duke ; that
is, he gave him the Crown of England, provided he ſhould firſt
win, and then wear it at his Holineſs's pleaſure: So early did Popes
begin to give Kingdoms, and claim Superiorities; an ambitious in-
tereſted Practice, no Man of Probity and Senſe, even of their own
Communion, will offer to vindicate. The Duke ſcorn'd to become
a Vaffal to the Pope, but he was too wiſe to reject his powerful
Concurrence, which alone was in thoſe times ſufficient, both to ju-
ftify his Title, and ſanctify his Arms.
Malcolm III. King of Scotland, and Philip I. King of Francé, were
the only two neighbouring Potentates that declin'd to give any mari-
ner of Aſſiſtance or Encouragement to the aſpiring Duke: Malcolm
had no reaſon to wiſh for a Neighbour more Potent than the King
of England, as ſuch, muſt needs be: And Philip thought it by no
means Politick, to aggrandize a Vaffal, (for ſuch the Duke of Nor-
mandy was to the King of France) already powerful enough to vye
with his Sovereign. Nevertheleſs, none of theſe Monarchs offer’d
to ſtir in Oppoſition to the Deſign: Perhaps King Harold did not
think it worth his while to ask their Affiftance, or, perhaps, ſince
Is kill'd in with either. They were willing to look on and wait for the
the Battle of Event, which they did not long : For one Battle decided the Con
troverſy; and King Harold was kill'd, after he and the undiſciplind
Duke of Engliſh, under his Conduct, had fought nobly, and very nigh foild,
if not all the Strength, at leaſt the whole Flower of France. After
this never to be retriev'd Overthrow, which the Engliſh receiv'd at
Haſtings, Edwin and Morchar, two famous Earls and leading Men
among them, fed with the Remains of the broken Army to London:
And Duke William wiſely follow'd with all convenient Speed, and not
doubting, but that, if he ſhould become Maſter of that Capital, as
he was already of the Fields, the reſt of the Kingdom would fall of
Courſe. Notwithſtanding of all this, a firm Union, (had the Eng-
lifh been capable to Ulnite) and a wife Management, muſt fill have
Haſtings by
William
Normandy:
put
(
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 225
put a ſtop to Wiliam's Arms : They needed but to do Jultice, and
acknowledge the lawful Heir, while it was yet in their Power.
This had probably reunited the Minds, and rous’d the Spirits of the
People, whoſe Darling (a) he was. But in ſtead of this, they held
tumultuary Aſſemblies, and came to no unanimous Reſolution. The
Nobility became Enemies to one another, and ſtrove for that
Crown, à Stranger was about to ſeife. Moſt part indeed were for
ſetting it on the Head of Edgar, to whom it belong'd; but the Bi-
ſhops and Clergy, for what Reaſon God knows, were ſo wicked, or
ſo mad,
to defeat the Deſign. In the mean time, Duke Willian Who is ac
approach'd without Oppoſition, and all agreed to receive him as King of
their lawful King, with great Joy in Appearance, but ſmall Glıd- England.
neſs at the Bottom. However, if he had not their Hearts, he had
their Knees : For, (6) being by their prodigious Miſcarriages, innu-
merable Vices, and unrelenting Factions, ripend for Servitude,
they ſubmitted themſelves in the moſt ſervile Manner, and begg'd
he would accept the Crown., No Body will think that, after his
great Preparations beyond Seas, his landing in England, his fighting
at Haſtings, his marching to London &c. he had a Mind to reject
the obliging Requeſt; yet he did it, (c) and (fo ſhameleſly effronted
is the Diffimulation of Uſurpers) he ſhewd much Averſion to his
Acceptance of that Honour, and only yielded, after weighing all things
with Deliberation, to the Importunity of ſo many. Petitioners. Thus he
ſuffer'd himſelf to be elected King; (for ſo do ſome Engliſh Hiſtorians
phraſe it) as if fuch an Election, ſo very far from being free, could
either make good his Title to a hereditary Crown, whoſe imme-
diate Heir was in Being, or wipe off the Stain and Diſgrace of Con-
queſt, :. He did yet more; for he took a Coronation Dath, and o
bligʻd himſelf to govern both the Engliſh and Normans by the same equal
Lam. , How well he obſerv'd this, and whether he Ruld as a Con-
queror by the Sword, or as a regular Prince by the Laws of the
Land, let any Man judge that reads his Hiſtory. It muſt be own’d,
that as a wiſe and great Man, he perform'd many things worthy of
his Dignity And be it ſaid to his immortal Honour, he never
fought to aſcertain his Title, by cutting off his Competitor, the
righteous Heir, tho he could have done it, and did meet with Pro-
vocations. Nay, it is alſo acknowledgd (for ſo did Providence or-
der it) that England became the more Glorious by being Humbld,
and the Happier
, becauſe Undone : (d). For before this time the
Engliſh Nation had been but littie known to the World, either for
military Atchievements, or Learning, or Trade. They had been
buſied at Home in a divided State, or held a ſhatter?d Government
with the barbarous Danes : But the Normans having more of the
Sun and Civility, by mixing with them, begat a more generous
and livelier Off-ſpring. They brought over from France, the free
Temper, politer Manuers, more laudable Cuſtoms; and in a word,
L11
the
}
(a) Baker.p. 33. (b) Echard p. 133. Baker p. 33, &c. (c) Echard P, 137. (d) Echard p. 136. Hiftor. of
Engl. vol. 1. edit. Lond. 17.01.
226 The Martial Atchievements Book II:
the moſt valuable Qualifications of that gay and ingenious People.
Hence the Diſcipline of the Chriſtian Religion, then alınoſt extinct
in England, began to revive : Temperance, which the Danes had
baniſhd, was reintroduc'd by the Normans : Honour and Reputation
came again to be valu'd ; Churches might be ſeen new built in the
Towns and Cities, and Monafteries erected after a nobler way of
Architecture: Arts flouriſh'd, Agriculture was iinprov'd, and the Peo.
ple were taught to encloſe Parks, and erect Towers, Forts and Caſtles:
The very Language was foften’d by the Habit of the French Tongue.
In fine, the Engliſh Nation, now larger in Extent and Dominion a-
broad, and more in State and Ability at home, attain'd not only to
greater Honour and Name in the World, but in a ſhort time gave
Laws to the Victors, and conquer'd that Country, by which they
had been ſubdu'd. Theſe Advantages the Nation in General ob-
tain’d, by mixing with their more civiliz’d and artful Neighbours,
and the like do they ſtill reap, from the continual Reſort of For-
reigners to their fruitful Soil and wealthy Sea : But theſe were the
Product of Time, and at beſt the Effects of antecedent Slavery, De-
ſolation and Ruine. For,
The high ftomach'd and freeborn Engliſh, could not brook the
Affronts put on them; and altho they tamely bow'd to the Yoke,
yet they had not Patience enough to bear it long. They revolted
frequently, and the Conqueror thereby exaſperated, deſpoild the
greateſt and nobleſt Families of their States, or becauſe they had
fought in Defence of their Country at Haſtings, upon his firſt landing,
(which,to be ſure no Body but himſelf could judge to be Criminal) or
becauſe they had' ſince that time been engag’d in Inſurrections;
and diſturb’d the new modeld Government. The Lands of theſe
Patriots (ſo I think they ought to be call’d) he diſtributed ainong
And gai- his French and Norman Adventurers; a piece of Policy of very good
Conqueror uſe to himſelf, and to his inore immediate Heirs, but deſtructive
and ruinous to his Pofterity. He ſhould have kept all or moſt of
them in his own Hands, and out of the yearly Revenues they
would have afforded to the Crown, he might have ſufficiently re-
warded his Friends, and by Proceſs of time regain'd even the Hearts
of his Enemies. He is better ſerv'd who always gives, than he
who gives all at once. But ſo liberal of Engliſh-men's Fortunes, or ra-
ther ſo prodigal was King William, that (a) to one Norman, his Bro-
ther by the Mother-ſide, he gave the Earldom of Cheſter, to hold of
hiin as freely by his Sword, as himſelf held England by his Crown;
that is, he made him a Sovereign: And accordingly the Norman cre-
ated Barons, and prefer'd ſuch as he pleas'd to Titles and Honours.
Nor was he more tender of the Priviledges of the Church (A juſt
Judgment on Churchmen, who hearing of his Regard to their Cha-
racter, baſely promoted his Acceſſion to the Throne :) But he ſerv’d
them as they deſerv'd, accounting it no Sacrilege to feiſe, as he
did, the whole Plate, Jewels and Treaſure, he could find within
all
meros as a
D-ſpoti.
cally.
1.2) Baker-Ecbard. Hiftor. of Engl. cdit. Lond. 1901, in the Life of K, Williams
Chap. II.
22 min
Of the Scots Nation.
all the Monaſteries and Churches of the Kingdom : His Pretence
was, that the Rebels had convey'd them thither to defraud him of
his Due. Beſides, he made all Biſhopricks and Abbeys contribute to
the Charges of his Wars, and ordain'd that the Prelates ſhould
henceforth have no temporal Command nor Authority whatever.
The inferior People he miſerably haraſs’d and impoveriſh'd with
exorbitant Taxations, which he arbitrarly impos'd on every Hide
of Land within the Kingdom: Nay, he knew, by Means of a Re-
giſter call’d Doomſday-Book, the Stock and Wealth of every Particu-
lar; and he compellid all Men to pay Sums impos'd at his pleaſure,
for Confirmation of any Right or Priviledge, they had formerly en-
joy'd. By theſe and the like Methods, inhanſing to himſelf, by far
the greateſt Part of the Lands, Rents and Money, of the miſerable
Nation. In a Word, he ſo far reduc'd England, that it became;
fays Malmsbury, the Habitation of Strangers, there being no na-
tive original Engliſhman, who was Earl, Biſhop or Abbot: But; adds
he, Foreigners devour the Riches of England, and eat out its very
Bowels. Nay, he would have had the very Name of England obli-
terated, ſays Polydore, and the Country to be calld Great. Normandy,
ſo that it was accounted the Height of Reproach to be call-d an Eng-
liſhman, ſay Cradock and Matthew Paris.
As for his Laws, tho there might be fome Veins of them,ifſuing
from foriner Originals, yet the Stream of the common Law is ac-
knowledg’d to have flown from Normandy. This is ſo true, that
he would have them alſo to be written in French; in which
Language he alſo order'd all Cauſes to be pleaded, and all
Matters of Form to be diſpatch’d, with a Deſign, or to intrap Men
through theIgnorance of the Language as he often did,or to make the
Norman TonguePredominant, as their Perſons and Arms, in England:
For he laid aſide the Ancient and Royal Arms, and Bearing of for-
mer Kings, and put thoſe of Normandy, viz. Two Leopards, in
their Stead. But the moſt grating and diftaftful of his Laws was
this, He delighted in Hunting the Deer, and therefore would allow
none to ſhare with himſelf in his Pleaſure, under Pain
of having their
Eyes put out. But, that he might never want Objects to feed
this ſtrange ſort of incommunicable Luft, he depopulated a great
part of Hampſhire; the ſpace of thirty Miles, where there had been
fix and twenty Towns, and eighty Religious Houſes, and made it
a Habitation for ſuch kind of Beaſts. This he callid, The new Forreſt,
and left ſuch Cruelties ſhould be reſented by a People ſo naturally
Brave, nay, fo Stubborn as he knew the Engliſh to be, he took
the following Meaſures to depreſs their Courage. He not only dif-
arm'd the Natives; but to prevent their Meeting and Conſpiring to-
gether under the Shade of Darkneſs and Night, he commanded,
that in all Towns and Villages, a Bell ſhould be rung at Eight of the
Clock in the Evening, and that in every Houſe they ſhould then
put out their Fire and Lights, (this was callid Couvre-feu) and ſo go
to Bed. For further Security, he erected Caſtles, and kept Gar-
L11 2
rifons
1
228
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
nor
riſons in the moſt doubtful Parts of the Kingdom : Beſides, he had
a mighty ſtanding Army of Foreigners, eſpecially of Horſe, having
ſo diſtributed the Lands of England to his Followers and Souldiers,
that he had fixty thouſand Knights or Horſe-men conſtantly at his
Command, to be imploy'd in any Expedition where Occaſion re-
quir'd their Service.
Notwithſtanding all theſe crying Severities and Indignities ,
which he put upon the Nation, ( and indeed what leſs can be ex-
pected from a Foreign Prince,
neceffitated to bear down a People, not
his own :) there are who would fain inſinuate, that he neither was,
did he act as a Conqueror, but that the invidious Name was en-
taild upon him by the Monks, whoſe Monafteries he Plunder’d, and
continu'd ever ſince as a traditional Cuſtom. But, whatever Mo-
derns may write to efface the Stain of that Conqueſt, by which Po-
ſterity was fubftantially better’d, 'tis certain nevertheleſs,
that the braveſt, and beſt of the then Engliſh, had other Sentiments:
For, to ſay nothing of the other various Inſurrections, and almoſt
uninterrupted Attempts they made to retrieve their loft Liberties
in the ſecond Year of King William's Reign, Edgar Etheling, call’d
England's Darling, unable to ſee the Throne of his glorious Anceſtors
debas'd, as he thought, by the Perſon that had uſurpd it, and by
Edgar Ethe
ling retires being, by the nobleneſs of his Birth, the moſt apt to be ſenſible of
to Scotland. Servitude, and perhaps dreading the uſual Inhumanities of thoſe in
Pofſeffion of anothers Right, he ſtole ſecretly away to Sea, and
took along with him his Mother Agatha; and his two Siſters, Mar,
garet ånd Chriſtine. Contrary, or rather favorable Winds drove
them upon the Coaſts of Scotland, where being receiv'd kindly by King
Malcolm, they remain'd all that Winter in Peace: And Malcolm was
ſo affected with the Beauty and Vertues of the Lady Margaret, that
about two Years after he married her. A happy Marriage, by
which the Blood of the ancient Engliſh Kings was preſerv'd, and
twice re-ſeated on the Throne of England; Firſt, in the Perſon of
enry II. and laſtly, in that of King James VI. of Scotland, and I.
of England. Scotland reap'd Advantages,yet greater than theſe, from
the bleſſed Union of that incomparable Pair: But of this afterwards.
To Edgar in Scotland great Numbers of the Engliſh Nobility and
Clergy repair’d: Among others the two great Earls Edwin and Mora
char, Brothers to Agatha the late King Harold's Wife; as allo, Here-
ward, Goſpatrick, Syward, &c. and not long after, Stigánd and Al-
dred, Archbiſhops. King Malcolm entertain'd them all moft gene-
And with roully, rais'd an Army to affert their Rights, invaded the North
the Allift Parts of England, fortag'd the Country, and ſtir’d up great Com-
Scots makes motions, which nevertheleſs prov'd unluccesful, becauſe not attem
the Conon pted a little more early; that is, before the Settlement, while things
were new and out of order.
This War, fo juſtly and generouſly commenc'd by King Malcol",
was carried on with various Succeſs for ſeveral Years : 1 ihail enter
into a more particular Detail of it, when I come to write the Lite
queror.
of
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 229
A.D. 1073.
of that Monarch : It fuffices to tell in this place, that at length a
Peace was concluded between the two Kings; and that Mla colin con-
tinud peaceable Poffeffor of Cumberland, and his other Lands in
England, for which he did Homage to the Conqueror, and thereby
recogniz'd his Title to, and acknowledged him King of Eng'and,
This was no Matter of Wonder: All Europe had done fo before; and
unleſs the Engliſh had been more unanimous, and more ready thani
they ſhewd themſelves to be, when ſo often invited by frequent In-
valíons; to have their Darling reſtor’d, it was not to be ſuppos’d,
that a Scots King, with his own Forces, and ſome Engliſh Nobles,
could alone be able to diſpoſſeſs and dethrone ſo mighty a Prince as
King William : But the Generality of the Engliſh, (a) tho they were
perfe&ly well affected to Edgar, yet dillik'd the Company that atten-
ded him, and hated the Entrance of a Scots Army into Engand,
more than they lov’d the Heir of their Crown. They therefore un-
generouſly deſerted, or at leaſt neglected, or even oppos’d him: And
he, being of an eaſy ſoft Nature, no ways delighting in the Hurry
and Confuſion of War, reſolv'd at length to yield to the Times, in Edgar Erbe-
order to the Enjoyment of the Pleaſures of Solitude and Peace. 'Ac-ling ſubmits
cordingly he left Scotland, and went over to Normandy, where the to England.
Conqueror then was, and together with a great many of his Fol-
lowers ſubmitted, and willingly, at leaſt in Shew, abdicated his
Title to the Throne ; and that at a Time, when a new and formi-
dable Conſpiracy was forming in his Favour; and therefore, is by
fome Authors, (6) condemn’d for making that Submiſſion too ſoon,
which he ought to have made later or never. King William receiv'd
him gracioully, pardon'd him generouſy, tho he had revolted
twice, entertain'd him honourably in his Court, and allow'd him
a Pound weight of Silver for every Day's Expence. Who of the
two is to be moſt admir’d, I ſhall not determine ; or Edgar, who
renounc'd his unqueſtionable Title to one of the faireſt Crowns in
the World; or William, who not only did not cut off, but on the
contrary cheriſh'd his only Competitor. Both gave different Ex-
amples to Pofterity, but ſuch, as I believe, but few will imitate;
tho the laſt, in my Opinion, deferves by much the higheſt Enco-
mium:
The Submiſſion of Edgår, and the Peace lately concluded be- Scotland.
tween the two Kingdoms, gave Leiſure to King Maliolm; and his
incomparable Wife, Queen Margaret, to ſet about the reforming and
bettering of their Subjects, who, by reaſon of the long Wars, were
become more than formerly riotous, and by the Example of the
many Engliſh ſettl'd in the Country, and entertain’d at Court, vain in
their Apparel, ſumptuous in their Feaſts, and eſpecially in Drink-
ing exceffive, to the Dammage and Effeminating the hardy and
warlike Temper of the Nation. All the Endeavours us’d by the
King and Queen, could never quite eradicate theſe faſhionable fo-
reign Vices, which muſt have brought along with them the Fate of
the
(*) Hiltor, of. Engl. edit. Lond. 1701.8.93. (6) Hiftor of Engl. p. 94,
Peace in
M mm
230
The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
fue King of
England.
War be.
tween King
William Rua
fus.
the South, upon the North Part of Britain ; had they not been by
early Forecaſt in a great Meaſure diſcourag’d. For,
While Malcolm was thus prudently and piouſly buſied, King Wil-
A. D. 1087. liam the Conqueror died, and was ſucceeded by his ſecond Son Wile
William Ru- liam, from the Colour of his Hair, firnam'd Rufus
, a Prince (a) as
yet in the Vigour of his Youth, naturally Warm, Rough and
Haughty, more Couragious than Pious, and more Gallant than
Good: And, for theſe very Reaſons, (b) nam’d by the Will of his Fa-
ther to the Throne of England, preferably to Robert, the elder Bro-
ther. For the Conqueror fancied that Mildneſs and Bounty were
Vertues, not at all neceſſary towards ruling the Engliſh; that is, he
took the Engliſh to be a ſtubborn and factious People, and therefore
would leave them a bold and imperious King. With a Neighbour
of this Character, ſo different from his own, King Malcolm could
not long agree, ſays Buchanan.) They quarreld probably upon
the Account of Edgar Etheling, who being by King William's Jealou-
Maicelm and ſy baniſh'd from Normandy, and depriv'd of all the Lands that had
been given him in England, (d) came into Scotland, the uſual Sanctu-
áry of his injur'd Perſon and Fainily. King Malcolm was too gene-
rous, not to protect the Royal Exile his Brother-in-Law : He did
it effe&tually, and Edgar, who mediated a Peace between the two
Kings, was again reconcil'd to King William, and reſtored to his
Country: But this Peace did not laſt, for when it ſhould have been
Ratified at Gloceſter, as before was appointed, the King of England
would not ſo much as fee, (e) or meet with the King of Scots, but
upon ſuch Terms, as this laſt, not only diſdain’d to comply with,
but alſo reſented the Affront and Injury done him ſo far, that he
took
up
Arms anew, and invaded Northumberland. I ſhall give a
full Account of theſe Wars in King Mal olm's Life: It fuffices to tell
in this Place, that that magnanimous Monarch was treacherouſly
killd at the Siege of Alnwick by an Engliſh Souldier, (f) after he
had reduc'd that Place to Capitulate. This great Loſs was doubld,
by that of the King's eldeſt Son, Prince Edward, who, while he too
eagerly ſought to revenge his Father's Death, had alſo the Misfor-
tune to fall. Upon this the diſconfolate Army broke
up
and return'd to Scotland; where now all things turn'd to Diſorder
and Confuſion.
There were in the Kingdom, who, as they pretended a Diſlike of
the Effeminacy and degenerate Manners of the Nation, ſo they re-
ally grudg’d the Honours and Eſtates the late King had conferrd
upon the baniſhed Engliſh, to whom they attributed the preſent
Malheurs,and confiderd them as the Authors at leaft the Occaſion of
all their Grievances! Queen Margaret had given up her unſpotted Soul
to God, not many Days after the Death of her Husband and eldeſt
Son: The reſt of her Children were as yet in their Non-age: The
War with the King of England was not at an end, and both Court
and
)
the Siege,
(a) Echard in his Life. (b) P. D' Orl. ad Ann. 1088. (C) in vit, Malcol. zrii. (d) Echard --d-Ann. 1991.
Echard ad Ann. 1093. (f) Buchan. Lell. &c. in yit. Malcol.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 231
and Country were under a terrible Confternation, by Realon of the
War, and the Want of Authority and Commanders, either to carry
it on, or to bring about a Peace. Theſe concurring Circumſtances Donald Bane
rous'd up the Ambition of Donald Bare, the late King's Brother. Ururpes the
This Prince had reſided in the Æbuda, or Weſtern iſlands ever ſince Scotland.
the Uſurpation of Macbeth, and having had no manner of Corre-
ſpondence with the Engliſh, he was the more agreeable to the wil-
der Scots: Beſides, he had the Acquaintance of Magnus, King of
Norway, whoſe Aſſiſtance he ſought and obtain’d, upon Condition,
that if he came to be King of Scotland, he thould part with the
Iſlands belonging to Scotland, in favour of the King and Crown of
Norway. A Promiſe ſuch as none but an Uſurper would make, and
ſuch, as even a lawful Sovereign cannot lawfully give. Kings are
at beſt but Liferenters, and the higheſt Flyers will not allow them,
either to give away or diſmember their Kingdom. However, Do-
nald gave his Word for it, and made it good : For theſe Iſlands were
by Virtue of this Agreement given up to the Norvegians, poflefsd by
them ſome hundreds of Years afterwards, and are in ſome meaſure
governd by their Laws to this Day. So many and different ways
does a Nation ſuffer, that admits of Uſurpation or Competition for
the Regal Power.
Donald, back'd by his Auxiliary Norvegians, obtain:d it without
Difficulty: But, that the Nobility of Scotland, aſſembling unanimouſly,
elected him to be their King, (a) as ſome Engliſh Hiſtorians have
of late aflerted, is abſolutely falſe. All the Scots Hiſtorians are un-
animouſly agreed to the contrary: And they muſt be allow'd to know
more of the Matter, than the Modern Engliſh. Buchanan, and I
hope Buchanan will be credited in a Matter of this kind, exprelly
tells That he invaded or uſurp'd the Kingdom; and that by
the Afríſtance of thoſe foreign Troops he join’d to his domeſtick Fa-
&tion, and thereby over-aw'd all good Men; by whom he was moſt
heartily hated, and to whom the Memory of the late King and
Queen, was not only dear, but facred. This is ſo true, that (b)
few or none could be prevaild upon, notwithſtanding of all the
Endeavours he us’d, to take the ulual Oath of Allegiance to him.
This grated the Tyrant to the very Heart: And he was ſo mad, when
in his Cups, as to threaten Deſtruction to the Non-jurors, who
thereupon refoly'd to be before hand with him, as indeed they
were.
Edgar Etbeling had been luckily reſtor’d to his Eftate, before that
War broke out, which was fatal to King Malcolm, and his Son
Prince Edward ; and he was thereby enabld to Protect the remain-
ing Orphans his Nephews and Nieces. Accordingly upon the firſt King Mala
News of the Revolution in Scotland, he call d them into England ; colm's Chil-
but becauſe they were next to himſelf, the Heirs of that Crown al- ted in Eng-
ſo, he dreaded the Jealouſy of King William, little leſs than the
Cruelty of Donald, and therefore took care to have them entertaind
M m m 2
and
() Echard, Tyrrel. ad Ann, 1993. (b). Buchan, Boeth. &c.
US,
land,
f
232 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
and brought up, with all the privacy imaginable. But in vain :
One Organ, an Engliſhman, delated him and them to the King, ad-
ding further, That he had boaſted of their Title to the Crown, and
that he had éducated them in hopes of attaining to it, ſome time
or other. King William was exaſperated to the higheſt Degree, and
had a ſecond Witneſs been found to back the Acculation, 'tis proba.
ble that the old Age of Edgar had been but a feeble Defence againſt
the raging Jealouſy of the angry Monarch. But it ſeems that
Knights of the Poſt were not rife in thoſe Days, Knights of Honour
there were, and one of theſe (a) (the MS. of Icolmkill tells us; that
his Name was Godwin) had the Courage to affert the Innocence of
Prince Edgar with his Sword in his Hand. He challengd the Infor-
mer to a ſingle Combat, and had the good luck to kill him, to the
great Satisfaction of all Ranks of People, who, as the Cuſtom then
was, flock'd froin all Parts to Witneſs the bloody Trial.
King William is repreſented as a Man void of Conſcience or Faith :
(6) He ſuffer'd himſelf to be brib’d by a Sum of Money,to perſwade
a converted Jew to return to his Judaiſm : And when fifty Gentle-
men, who had been accus'd of Hunting and killing Deer, had by
the 'Trial of Fire Ordeal, miraculouſly eſcap'd Condemnation, he
paſſionately cry'd out, How happens this? Is God a juft Judge in ſuffe-
ring it? Now a Murrian take him that believes it. Nevertheleſs, that
God, he thus dar'd to Blaſpheme, not only induc'd him to believe
that Edgar was free from aſpiring Thoughts, but alſo to countenance
and allow of the Kindneſſes he continu'd to ſhew to the Children of
Scotland: He ſuffer'd them to live, and to be brought up Nobly, as
their Quality deſerv’d, in his Dominions. But it ſeems he thought
it no good Policy to reſtore to the Kingdom of Scotland, a Family
that had ſo much Right to that of England. 'Twas in his Power to
have done it, and he had one ſtrong Motive to induce him to the
glorious A&tion: He hated King Donald, the Scots Uſurper, who
had newly invaded England: (C) He therefore reſolv’d to aſsiſt the
Loyaliſts in the Deſign they had to dethrone hiin, and with this
View, gave Duncan, natural Son to the late King Maliolm, a brave
and experienc'd Commander, who had ſerv'd under himſelf in the
Wars of France, an Army of Engliſh and Nirmans. Upon the Head
of this Army Duncan march'd againſt Donald: And, the Engliſh ſay,
gave him Battle, and put him to Flight : But they're miſtaken, (d)
for upon his firſt Approach, the Scots unanimouſly revolted in his fa-
Duncar vour, not doubting but that he would A& in the Name and by the
Secure in Authority of the legal Heir his Brother. But this was, (it ſeems)
no Part of the Inſtructions he had got from the King of England:
He had the Power in his Hands, and made uſe of it to Uſurp the
Throne. But this the Scots could not brook, they made frequent
Inſurrections againſt him, by Force of Arms drove out of the King-
dom() all his Engliſh and Norman Followers and conſtrain'd himſelf
1
to
(a) M5. of Icolmkill. (b) Baker, Echard, &c. in his Life. (c) Echard, Tyrrel ad Ann. 1993. (d) Buchan,
Boštn. Lefl. &c. in vita Donald. (6) Polidor cited by Craig conceroing Homage chap. 23:
f
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
233
to ſwear, that he ſhould entertain no. Foreigners in his Service. A
plain Proof that he took no Oath of Fealty to his Benefactor King
William, as Mr. Tyrrel afferts : Or, if he did, that he durft not
keep it. Being thus, deſtitute of foreign Guards, and heartily hated
by the Subjects at home, he was left open to quick Deſtruction.
For after he had reign'd but one Year and fix Months, Mackpendir,
Earl of Merns, at the Inſtigation of•King Donald, who had retir’d to
the Weſtern Iſlands, killd him in the Caſtle of Monteith, while he
lay aſleep in his Bed : And Boethius ſays, that as none regarded his
Death, ſo no Body offer'd to purſue the Author of it. Mackpendir
might have pleaded ſome Excuſe for the Murther he was guilty of,
had he not added a new Crime to the foriner. He had a great
deal of Intereſt in the Country, and he made uſe of it to reſtore
the lurking Uſurper King Donald, who, after a moſt tempeſtuous
Reign of about three Years, was again dethron’d : The Manner
thus.
Edgar,the eldeſt Son of King Malcolm, was now come to the Age of
Man, and the Scots Nobility,who long’d for nothing ſo much as his
Reſtoration, ſent private Agents to intreat he would but come to
the Borders and challenge his Right, afluring him, that they
would all join him as one Man. Nevertheleſs, fome Force was ne-
ceſſary, and Edgar Etheling obtain'd leave from King William to raiſe
a ſmall Army towards the deſign d Expedition. For what Reaſon
that jealous Monarch comply'd with the Requeſt, is Matter of
Doubt. He did it probably, becauſe he had no other Means of be-
ing reveng’d upon Donald; who, after having cut off King William's
Creature, Duncan, continu'd ſtill to carry on a War, tho not me-
morable for any great Action, yet troubleſome (a) againſt England.
Beſides, that Prince was at this time very buſily employ'd (b) a-
gainſt the Welh, and he was forming vaſt Deſigns upon ſome
French Provinces, being already poffeſsd of the Dutchy of Norman-
dy, which his Brother Duke Robert had given him for three Years,
for Security of a Sum of Money borrow'd towards the Recovery of
the Holy Land,
Theſe Circumſtances were favourable to both the Edgars, who
march'd upon the Head, of a ſmall, ſays Buchanan, of a great Army,
ſay the Engliſh, to Scotland. They were come as far as Durham ;
when Edgar, the Prince of Scotland, had a memorable Dream: He
thought that St. Cuthbert (c) appeared to him, bid him be of good
Heart; and aſſurd him, that if he carried the Saint’s Banner along
with him, his Enemies ſhould flee before him and he ſhould ſit up:
on the Throne of his Anceſtors. Accordingly, the next. Morning he
went to the Monaſtery and Church dedicated to that Saint, got the
Banner from the Monks, and diſplay'd it together with his own,
C
}
Nnn
In
(a) Buchan, ad Reg. LXXXVIII. lib.7.c.(b) Echard ad Ann. 1097. () Turgot cited by the MS. of
Icolmkill... Boeth, ad Reg. Edg. lib. XII. LeA ad Reg. Duesan. &c.
2 34 The Martial At hievements Book II.
Edgar the
righteous
land reſtor'd
In the mean time, King Donald was not wanting to himſelf: He
rais'd a huge Army ; but his Souldiers deſerted him, as ſoon as they
came in view of their lawful Prince. Upon this, the Uſurper fled,
but was apprehended by the Country People, brought back to
Edgar, and being by his Orders impriſon d; died for Grief
. How
far the Interceſſion, or Banner of St. Cuthbert 'contributed to the
AD: 1998. cheap Victory and Reſtoration of the Royal Stock, I ſhall not deter-
mine:That GOD Almighty effected the Thing, by working upon
Heit of Scof the Hearts of the Scottiſh Army, is undoubtedly true : Ard Edgar
( ſuch was the Belief of thoſe Times) did, in ſome Meaſure,afcribe
the Protection of God, to the interceffion of the Saint. It had been
to be with’d that he had not Dream'd at all, or that he had given
leſs Credit to Dreams of this kind : For being reſtor'd to his
Throne, he thought himſelf ſo highly oblig'd to St. Cathbert, his
Clergy and Monks, that to expreſs his Gratitude for the mighty
Favour, he gave to the Monks of Durbam, Coldingham, with irs Ap-
pennages, and to Ranulph its Biſhop; the Town of Berwick. But
they prov'd not ſo thankful to him. The Biſhop made a ſacrilegi-
ous Attempt upon his Life, and therefore forfaulted his Benefice:
And the Monks of After-ages, to flatter the aſpiring Deſigns of
their then Soverigns upon Scotland, had the Impudence to Forge
four Charters, two granted in their Favour, by their Benefactor
King Edgar, and as many by their Perſecutor King William Rufus, in
King Ed. Confirmation of the former two; which, if Genuine, would in-
falilya ve deed evince, that the former paid Homage to, and héld not only
his Lands in England, but alſo the Crown and Kingdom of Scotland,
Core nothie of the latter. But theſe Charters have been of late, fo fully and
evidently diſprov' by the accurate and ingenious Mr. James Anderſon,
that I need but to hint at a few of his Obſervations upon them. (a)
The Charter that is extant under Seal, and inſerted in the Ap-
pendix. to Mr. Anderſon's Book, is of a Modern Character, its Syl-
Jabication and Words, and the Names contain’d in it, are alſo Mo-
dern. King Edgar ſpeaks in the plural Number, which neither he;
in his Authentick Charters ſtill to be ſeen, nor the Kings of Eng.
land, did in thoſe Days. The Seal is different from the Seals of
King Edgar's genuine Charters, and in many Reſpects inconſiſtent
with the Seals,then us’d. In fine, ſuch is the Candour and Juſtice of
the preſent Clergy of Durham, that in the Repertory of the Deeds
of Coldingham, they have mark'd this Charter under Seal, as ſu-
ſpected, and have not plac'd it among the other Charters of this
King.
The ſecond ſuppos'd Charter of King Edgar, wherein he acknow.
ledges the Superiority of King William, is not extant, only we have
a Copy of it, alſo tranfcrib'd by Mr. Anderſon. But, as he very
well obſerves, if ever there had been an Original of this Copy, 'tis
not to be ſuppos’d that the Monks, who were the Keepers and Re-
giſters of the Deeds ingroft in the Monaſterial Chartularies, would
have
gar falily
laid to have
paid Ho.
England
.
(a) Angerſ, Buok printed Edinb, 1705.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
235
have been ſo careful to ingroſs, as they have done, five Charters of
King Edgar, and omitted this one ; and ſuch an one too, as nột
only containd all the Lands granted by the other five Charters, but
alſo made the King and Kingdom of Scotland dependant on thoſe of
England. No, the zealous Monks had dreaded Damnation, for this
never to be pardon'd Sin of Omiſſion.
As for the two Charters of King William Rufus, or rather his du
plicated Charter, ( for they are both the ſame upon the Main )
mentioning, that Edgar's Grant of Coldingham, was with Conſent of
this Engliſh King, they are granted by one intereſted in a Plea
and Cauſe which they Support; and none can Vindicate and prove
their Right of Dominion, by their own nakedd Affertion : Belides,
they relate to a Charter of Edgar, which is not extant,and, non credi-
tur referenti, niſi conſtet de relato. But to put the Matter out ofall
doubt, and to demonſtrate that all the four Writes are plainly Spuri-
ous, they're all granted to William Biſhop of Durha'i, and he, to-
gether with Turgot Prior of Durham, are plac'd a nong the Witnéfles
in the ſuppos’d Charters of Edgar, that inſinuate Hoinage ::
.. But
this Bilbop can be no other but Willelmus de Carilefo; for there was
none of this Name Biſhop of that See, before nor after him, till the
Year 1143, when Wi!!e'mus de Barba was preferr'd to it, and is
call'd William II. (a) A convincing Proof that this other William was
the firſt; nor was any Biſhop William Cotemporary with Turgot the
Prior, who ſucceeded Alcuin in that Office in 1087, but the fame
Willelmus de Carilefo ; Witneſs Turgot himſelf (6) 'in his Hiſtory, öf
the Church of Dirham Nay, all Hiſtorians agree, (c) that for the
Space of near thirty Years before, and for as many Years after the
Beginning of the Reign of the Scots King Elgar, and the Death of
William Rufus ( in whoſe conjunct Reigns, theſe Deeds, if true,
muſt needs have been granted ) there were only thrée. Bithops of
Durham, Walcherus, Willelnius de Carilefo and Ranulphus : So that 'tis
evident the Biſhop William, mention'd in theſe Charters, if real,
muſt needs be this Willelmus de Carilefo. Now,
This William, according to the unanimous Teſtimony of the An-
nals of Durbam, the Saxon Chronicle, Turgot, Florence of Worceſter,
&c. cited by Mr. Anderſon, who has the Honour of having firſt
made this notable Diſcovery, died in King William Rufus's Court at
Windſor, in January 1096, that is, more than a Year befure King
Edgar ca ine to the Crown: For if we may believe the fame Authors,
and the fater,Mr? Echard and Mr. Tyrrel; (a) 'twas not till about
Michaelmaſs, in Anno 1097, that King Willam fent Edgar Etheling,
with an Army to Scotland, in order to the Expulfion of King Donali,
and Reſtoration of King Edgar. Nay, the Reign of this laſt is not
reckon'd, to have commenc'd till the Year 1098: By Conſequence
he could give no Lands nor Chárters to Biſhop William : Not before
that Year, for he was an Exile, and had rione to give; Nor after,
for then Biſhop William was not in Being, to receive or Witneſs
Nnn 2
them,
(a) Angl.Sacr. Tom. I. p. 712.718.(6) later x. Scriptor, p. 49,52,58.) Anderſ. p. 73. (d) Ad Ano.1097
236
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
i
them : Unleſs we ſhall ſuppoſe that St. Cuthbert, who gave Victory
to the King, gave Life to the Prelate, after he had iyen interr’d, du
ring the ſpace of at leaſt two Years : A Miracle no Legends have re-
lated ; and if they had, no Mortal would believe. 'This
,
I take it, isalone ſufficient to fink the Faith of theſe Charters. But
there are others of the ſame Prince,yet extant at Durham, and tran-
ſcrib'd by the ſame Mr. Anderſon, which at once evince the Fall-
hood of the former, and aſcertain the Independency of Scotland.
For,
In the Direction, they run in theſe Words, Scotis & Anglis, pre-
ferring the Scots to the Engliſh, that is, if Scotland was then Depen-
dent, the Servants to the Maſters, and the Sons of Iſhmael to the
Children of Iſaac. Beſides, the Seal appended to theſe genuine
Charters, which none, I humbly conceive, will offer to diſprove,
bears this Circumſcription YMAGO EDGARI BASILEI SCOT
TORUM. A clear indication of Sovereignty : For where did e-
ver a Valſal King call himſelf Baſileus, or pretend to that exalted
diſtinguiſhing Title Emperors have gloried in, and by Engliſhmen
adduc'd to prove the Superiority of their Kings over others?
· After what I have ſaid, and I could ſay much more to the Pur-
poſe, I cannot forbear to expreſs ſome Aſtoniſhment at the manner
the moſt Modern Engliſh are pleas’d to tell us this Story. Mr. Echard
(a) ſays, That Edgar Etheling expelld Donald, and plac'd his Nepher
Edgar in his Room, who was the right Heir to the Crown, and according-
ly did Homage to the King of England, that is, if I don't Miſtake,
becauſe King Edgar had an undoubted Title to the Crown of Scot-
land, he therefore ſubmitted, and yielded it up to King William,
who had not ſo good an one even to that of England, as himſelf.Mr.
Tyrrel's Expreſſions need no Commentary: He plainly tells us, (b)
That Edgar Etheling plac'd his Nephew on the Throne, the under the
Dominion of King William. An Affertion his great Parts, indefati-
gable Labour and conſtant Reading, will never enable him to make
good. This is much of a Piece with what he tells us, (b) concern-
ing the Succeſſion of the Scottiſh Crown, which, ſays he, Was not yet
so ſettľd in a right Line, but that the Nation made bold to elect two King's
together ( one of which was a Baſtard) in prejudice of King Edgar, eldeſt
Son to the lite King Malcolm. The Nation was not ſo Villanous:
They elected neither of theſe Uſurpers; ( who, by the by, were the
laſt domeſtick ones Scotland has been Curſt with ) nor did they
fairly ſubmit to their Government : But, on the contrary, ſtruggld
both hard and long againſt it; and, how ſoon an Opportunity was
offer’d, overturn'd it quite, and unanimoully welcom'd their re-
turning Sovereign. They had Reaſon: For
King Edgar (c) had all thoſe Princely Qualities good Men endea-
vourd to imitate, and even ill Men' reſpect. He Reign'd nine
Years and fix Months : And during all this time, none at Home of
Abroad offer'd to diſturb his triumphing Quiet. Peace, Plenty and
Con-
1
(a) Ad Ann. 1097. (b) Ad Ann. 1093. (c) Loc. cit.
II. Of the Scots Nation. 237
King of Scosa
land.
1
Concord fat with him upon the Throne, and People thought
ſhame to offend a Sovereign, whoſe Nature was God-like; more
than his Station. He died without Iſſue; and was therefore fuc- Alexander is
ceeded by his Brother Alexander, a Prince, like himſelf, Religious,
Humble; Devout, and wholly given to works of Piety, and Prayer.
But his Éxample had not at firſt the ſame effect upon the Minds,
and Mainers of a few licentious Subjects : They miſtook his Cha-
racter and call'd that Indolence and Cowardice, which was Courage
and Fortitude: For he was ſo far from conniving at; ör diffemb.
ling the Riots they ventur’d upon in the Beginning of his Reign;
that,on the contrary, he puniſh'd them with great Severity: Nor
could either the Quality or Wealth of an Offender skreen him from
the Rigour of Law. Witneſs the Son of a great Man in the Merns :
(Hiſtorians fayzhe was an Earl.) This riotous Youth had run himſelf
in Debt; and when cravd for a Sum due, he had had the Inſolence
to repay it with Stripes. The Wife.of one he had firſt rüin'd,
then beaten to Death, for offering to ſue him at Law, came to the
King, as he rode through the Country, and falling on her Knees,
begg'd Juſtice. The Air and Geſture, Words and Tears of
the injur'd Widow were moving; and She no ſooner expreſs’d the
barbarous Action, but the compaſſionate Prince alighted from his
Horſe, and would not ſtir from the Spot; till the Criminal, who
chanc'd to be preſent, was in his fight hang’d ori a neighbouring ·
Tree. This, and the like Acts of Juſtice begot Enemies to the Go-
vernment; which ſome People unjuſtly accounted Severe : Nay;
there were, who reſolv’d to licenſe ſmall Crimes, by committing a
moſt horrid one. They brib'd one of the King's domeſtick Servants,
and he introduc'd fix Ruffians into the Bed-Chamber in the Night:
But the King was not aſleep, as they imagin’d; nor were they all
able to overpower him: He flew to his Sword, and with his own His greát
Courage.
Hand diſpatch'd all one after another. For this ſtupendous AĞtion
etwas, ſome write, that he was afterwards Sirnam'd Acer, or the
Fierce. Others aſcribe it to an Expedition he made againſt Tome Re-
bels in the North. They had enter'd into a Conſpiracy againſt his
Life : And the Plot being diſcover’d, they had takeri up
Arms, and thought to have got to Roſs, and there Can-
ton'd' themſelves, and ſtood to their Defence. The King fol,
low'd them in Perſon, and overtook them at the River of Spey:
The Rebels had paft it before, and lay ſecure on t’other ſide; by rea-
fon, that the Sea being full had made it unfordable. But the King put
the Spurs to his Horfe, and would have enter'd it (notwithſtanding
the imminent Danger of the Attempt ) had not the Loyalty of thoſe
about him prevail'd over theGreatneſs of his Courage, and detain'd
him againſt his Will. However, what the King could not be al-
low'd to do, à great many of his Subje&ts did : They enter'd the
River fearleſly, and ſwim'd over in Spite of the oppoſing Rebels,
who,terrified by the amazing boldneſs and Reſolution of the Löya-
liſts, betook themfelves to fight, and were for the moſt part appre-
OOO
hend-
238 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
0
Alexander hended, and, as they deſervd, put to Death. One Alexander Carron
crantom of the is reported to have ſignaliz'd himſelf above all others on this remark-
Scrimgcours. able Occaſion: He was the Son of another Alexander, often men-
tion'd with Honour in the Scots Hiſtory, and the Father of a noble
Family,now extin&t ; yet, becauſe Loyal and Valiant, never to be
forgotten by honeft Men: I ſpeak of the Scrimgeours, that is, Sharp
Fighters, ſo called, fay fome, from the bold Action I have related.
The laſt of them died Earl of Dundee, in King Charles II. his Reign.
Mr. Johnſton has left us the following Verſes, to the Honour of the
Author of that. Family.
Quid trepidas ? da figna mibi, Superabimus annem;
Terreat an pavidos nos fugitiva cohors?
Dixit, & arreptis fignis ruit acer in hoftem,
Nil rapidi metuens agmina torva vadi :
Hinc decus augufto ſurgit ſub principe, ab armis
Scrimigeræ genti fama decuſque manent.
Arma alius jačtet, nos fcimus fortibus armis
Utier; haud dici, malumus elle viri.
But to return to the Hiſtory : This was the laſt Aation of Vigour,
King Alexander needed to perforın: His Subjects, aw'd by his Cou
rage, gave hiin henceforth no Occaſion to exerce that moral Vertue.
So that during the reſt of his happy Reign, which laſted ſeventeen
Years, he had Leiſure to apply himſelf to the Exerciſe of thoſe other
Vertues, we call Chriſtian. Theſe, as the more Noble, he choſe to
cultivate; that he was Maſter of alſo, but practis’d only, when by
Neceflity obliged. He died without Iſſue and therefore left the Crown
to his younger Brother King David, who ſucceeded him in the
Year 1124. To the Memory of this David, no Pen can do Juſtice;
A. D.1124. Nay, ſays Buchanan, No Imagination can feign or deſcribe fo excellent a
David I. ' Prince, as he really was. He was a Saint, if any ever deſerv'd the
Name, and yet he was a Warrior, and a very great one too. This
laft Qualification entitles me to write his Life apart : I ſhall there.
fore in this place inſiſt upon the Tranfa&tions of his Time, only fo
long as is neceſſary towards underſtanding thoſe of after-Reigns.
The brave, but Tyrannical William Rufus, King of Englan:1, (a)
was kill'd by the accidental Shot of an Arrow, as he was Hunting
in his new Forreft. He was the Third of the Norman Race that met
with his Death in that Forreſt, as if Heaven deſign’d; ſay the En-
gliſh Hiſtorians, to Revenge upon the Children the Sin of a Father
who deſtroy'd ſo many Churches and Villages, to make them a Re-
ceptacle for wild Beaſts. To him King Henry,the youngeſt Son of
the Conqueror, found means to ſucceed, notwithſtanding the fair
Pretences of his eldeſt Brother Robert, who was ſtill alive, and de-
termin’d to claim what he reckon'd his Right, by Force of Arms.
Henry I. Henry was a Prince of admirable Parts, and from his Learning,
of Eigland, then uncommon to Perſons of his Quality, Sirnam'd Beau Clerk. He
was abundantly ſatisfied that his Title was diſputable, which
there-
1
(*) Ludulu. Tyroci, cc. in lus Lilie,
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 239
he did many
1
therefore to make good in Oppoſition to all Pretenders, he did
things agreeable to the Genius of the Englih Nation, contrary to the
Maximes of his Norman Predeceſſors. For Example, he abrogated
ſeveral rigorous Laws impos’d by his Father and Brother
, remitted
a great many l'axes, forgave all Debts due to the Crown, reſtor’d
the Clergy from Exile to their Livings, and the whole Nation to
the uſe of thoſe Rights, which the Conqueror had prohibited. In
a Word, to the infinite Satisfaction of the People, he confirm’d
the ſo much celebrated Laws of Edward the Confeffor :;: ſo that the
Engliſh began anew to breath in a free Air, and they wanted nothing
to compleat their Happineſs, but to have the Blood-Royal of Eng-
land reſeated on the Saxon Thronę. This could not be effe&tually
done, but by dethroning a King, who, tho originally Norman, was
yet born in England, and feemed to have an Engliſh Heart, and by
placing the Saxon Heir Edgar King of the Scots in his Room, a
Task too hard to be perform’d, in Regard that the Normans and
French, tho not the more numerous, were ftill the more powerful,
and by Intereſt, as well as Duty and Allegiance, obliged to affert
the Right of their Norman.Sovereigns. For theſeReaſons,the depreſs’d
Engliſh, 1 ſpeak of thoſe that were originally lo; never once offerd,
at leaſt fince the Death of the Conqueror, to attempt the compleat
Reſtoration of the Saxon Line, and the Kings of Scoiland had never
Power enough to right themſelves, unleſs the Engliſh had unani-
moully declar'd in their Favour, 'ând even in that Caſe
, they might
have been faild. But ſince what was befti could not be effected,
King Henry did that which was next to the beſt,He became a Suiter
to Édgar King of Scot!and, : for his Siſter Matilda the, Daughter of
Queen Margaret, and Niece of Edgar Ethelingssa Lady that inherited He Mar
the Goodneſs and Piety of her bleſſed Mother, (a) and was with a Daughter
much Difficulty perſwaded to lay by the Yeil of a Nun (ſhe had
taken during the Malheurs of her Family, as many others had done
to preſerve their Chaſtity from
the Lufts of the conquering Normans)
tho to put on one of the moſt ſhining i Crowns in the World: A
Crown her Anceſtors had worn, and ſhe by ufing, made it lawful
for her Husband to poſſeſs ; at leaſt this was the Senſe of the Engliſh
Nation. They now thought, that they were no more ſubject to
Foreigners, and confider'd themſelves as a free People, ſince govern'd
both by their ancient Laws, and the Pofterity of their ancient Kings.
'Tis probable, that upon this Marriage, the King of Scotland and his
Brothers, did, in favour of their Siſter, renounce all their own Pre-
tenfions to the Kingdom of England, at leaſt they did the Equivalent:
For while King Henry reign'd, they not only liv'd in Peace with
him, but frankly did Homage to him, as to the undoubted King of
England, for the Lands they poſſeſs’d in that Kingdom. Nay, Alex-
ander, when King of Scotland, affifted him both with his Forces and
Perſon (b) in his Wars againſt the Welſh, and was very Inttrumen-
tal in forcing the Princes Griffyth and Owen to Terms of Peace.
Theſe
of Scotland.
Ő 0 0 2
(a) Hiſtor, of Engl. edit. Lond. 1701; (b) Echard ad Ann. 1114.
240 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Theſe good Offices King Alexander might perform, or as an Ally,
or as a Brother to the King of England, or even as a Vaſſal for his
Engliſh Territories : But he was ſo far from acknowledging any Su-
perior beſides himſelf over the Kingdom of Scotland, and ſo jealous
of the Rights and Priviledges of it, that, (a) as Mr. Tyrrel
very honeſtly
obſerves, he would not admit of any Primacy or Juriſdiction of the See,
either of Canterbury or of York, over that of St. Andrew's, tho as yct
not advanc'd to be, as the former two, an Archiepiſcopal See: Witneſs the
Monk of Canterbury, Ładmerus, who himſelf tells the Story, and
muſt be believ'd. King Alexander ſent for him, and caus'd him to
be elected to the Biſhoprick of St. Andrew's, but the Monk, zealous
to promote the Glory and Intereſt of his Country and National
Church, would receive his Confecration from none but the Arch-
biſhop of Canterbury. This neither the King nor the Scots Clergy
would ſuffer, upon which Eadmerus return'd to his Convent. But
afterwards repenting of what he had done, he wrote to the King,
as did the Archbiſhop of Canterbury in his behalf : But all in vain,
tho he ſubmitted to the King's pleaſure, and was Biſhop Elect, yet
no Intreaty nor Reaſon, could: attone for the inglorious Crime of
offering to make the Scottiſh Church ſubſervient to the Engliſh. Much
leſs had a King of this Character comply'd with an Encroachment
upon his own Imperial Dignity. But to return from whence I've
digreſs’d.
King Henrij had by his Wife Matilda, only two Children, Prince
Wiliam and Princeſs Matilda. William was about twelve Years of
Age, when his Father being in Normandy (of which he had for Rea-
ſons, foreign to my Purpoſe, diſpoſſeſs’d his eldeſt unfortunate Bro.
ther, Duke Robert) caus'd all the chief Men of that Dukedom to
ſwear Fealty to him, as his lawful Succeſſor. (6) From thence it
became a Cuſtom for the Kings of England, to make their eldeſt
Sons, Dukes of Normandy ; probably in Imitation of the Kings of
Scotland, who, long before this, were wont to create their eldeſt
Sons, or the Heirs of their Crown, Princes of Cumberland: And as
theſe laſt did Homage for the beneficiary Principality to the Eng-
liſh Monarchs, ſo did the former to the Kings of France, for their
beneficiary Dukedom. Mr. Tyrrel (c) tells us that King Henry caused
his Son to do the Homage requir’d, becauſe he thought it a Diminution
of his Royal Dignity to do it himſelf in Perſon. 'Tis poſſible King Henry
thought fo: But that learn’d Author will not deny, that his Suc-
ceffors, Kings of England, have frequently pay'd their Homage in
Perſon, own'd themſelves Vaffals, and been treated as fuch. For
Example, that they have been fu'd at Law before French Judicato-
ries; and that upon Ruptures with France, their hereditary Terri-
tories in that-Kingdom, by legal. Sentences or Arrefts de Parlement,
have been adjudged to the Crown of France. This was no Diſho-
nour: And there's no Potentate this Day in Being, but would ſtoop
ſo low (if ſtooping would do it) to poſſeſs the large and fertile Coun-
tries
1
1
1
(a) Ad Ann. 1119. (b)Eachard, ad Ann. 1115. () ad Ann. 1120.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 241
1
::
I'
2
.::
+
Countries of Normandy, Anjou, Poitou, Aquitaine, upon the ſame
Terms.
King Henry did more for his Son, than to have him acknowledg’d
his Succeffor in the Dukedom of Normandy: He had now a Title;
tho perhaps upon ſome Accounts diſputable, yet by no Pretender
diſputed, to the Crown of England, wherefore a great Council was
ſummon'd, to meet at Salisbury, where; not only the Nobility and
Clergy, but alſo all the free-Men of England (a) of whatſo ver
Order or. Dignity, did Homage and ſwore Fealty. to Prince William,
the Son of King Henry and Queen Matilda, vowing that if he ſhould
out-live his Father, they would lay aſide all. other Claims, and own
him as the rightful Heir of the Crown: But he did not out-live his
Father: For he was but a few Years afterwards unluckily caſt away william eta
at Sea. And with him periſh'd the Maſculine Line of the Norman delt Son to
Family, and the Hope of the Engliſh. Nation, ſay fome, tho Ochers drown'd as
write, that he hated the Engliſh fo heartily; that (b). he often
threatn’d, to make them draw the Plaugh, like Oxen. However, this is
certain; King Henry's Affliction was inexpreflible : He was a Father,
and he was a King; as he was a Father, he regrated the Loſs of his
moſt promiſing and only. Son, and as a King, that of an Heir to a
moft Houriſhing Kingdom; and not only of an Heir, but of ſuch an
one, from whom he himſelf deriv'd ſome Right; arid reign'd ſecure.
'Tis reported; that he was never ſeen to laugh after that fatal Acci-
dent : And, 'tis probable he had ſunk under the Weight of his Grief,
but for, the Comfort he had in his ſurviving Daughter. Matildai;
: This Lady had been married to the Emperor, and was, for the
hereditary, Vertues of her Mother and Grandinother which the pol-
ſefs’d, ſo much belov'd by the Germans, that upon her Husband's
death ſhe was.deſir’d to reign over then. But the hereditary Crown
of England was preferable to the elective. Empire. - Her Father
call’d her home and at Windſor luınmon'd, a grand Council or Par-
liament. (For it ſeems this French word, afterwards ſo very Signifi-
cative, began about this time to be us’d.) Among the reſt of the
Members, David King of Scotland, the Empreis
, Matilda's Uncle, afli-
ſted, by. Reaſon of the large Poffeffions he enjoy'd in England: Ard
the King, I inean King. Henry, made all prefent to take a ſolemn
Oath, that upon his Demiſe, they would receive his Daughter Matilda The Emā
for their Queen, as being his only lawful Heir, by whom they lhould again and declared
be govern'u by the anciens Engliſh Koyal B.ood, from which he. Shew d her Heireſs to
to be deſcended. A forcing Recommendation with thote that had Crown
English Hearts. King David was the firſt of the Laity who took the
Oath, and he kept it inviolably: The ſecond was Stephen, Earl of
Mortaign and Beloign, and he broke it, how ſoon he found an Oppor-
tunity. This was not enough: The Empreſs had no iſſue to perpe-
tuate the Succeſſion by her firſt Husband; 'twas therefore neceſſary
ſhe ſhould take a ſecond, and the Perſon condeſcended upon was
feoffry Plantagéniet Earl of Anjou, a Prince, Young, Handſome, Brave,
and
(a) Échard, ad Aan. 1115. (6) Tyrrel, ad Ann, 1120,
,
f
PPP
242
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
A.D. 1135
and who was like, to the great Diſſatisfaction of the Kings of
France, to Aggrandize the Kings of England, their Rivals, by adding
to their other Poſſeſſions beyond Seas, the beautiful Provinces of
Anjou, Tourrain and Maine. Nor did the glittering Proſpect fail in
the Évent: Matilde had Children to 'Jeoffry; and their Son and Heir
was nam'd Henry. The Birth of this Prince was ſo agreeable to
the King, that for the third time (for he had done the ſame before
at Windſor, as I have related, and at Northampton) he ſummond the
chief Men of his Kingdom with great Pomp, and again appointed
kis faid Daughter and her Heirs to be his Succeſſors, and caus’d
them all to renew the Oath they had taken to obſerve this Ordi-
nance; ſo that the People of England were thrice Sworn to the Suc-
ceffion. What greater Security could be exacted from them? King
Henry ſettl'd the Succeſſion upon his Daughter and her Heirs, by
no leſs than three different Aēts of Parliament. To her, be left, when
on his death-bed, all his Dominions whatſoever, by a lawful and perpe-
tual Succeſſion : And all his Subjects ſwore again and again to the
Obſervation of his Laws, and Performance of his Will. But Oaths
were, it ſeems, in thoſe Days, what they have often prov'd in af
ter-Ages, Cob-webs, ſooner torn than ſpun.
King Henry died, and immediately ſtarts up a Pretender, the
very fame, who not long before had been the foremoſt, at leaſt the
ſecond in the Liſt of thoſe, who had folemnly Vow'd to own no Pre-
tenſions, but thoſe of the Empreſs, I mean Stephen, the Earl of
Stephen Boloign. He had obtain'd that Earldom in Right of his Wife,
King of Eng-firnam’d, as the Empreſs, Matilda, and ſhe too was a Grand-Child
of Malcolm Canmore and Margaret, King and Queen of Scotland. By
this means, his Son, at leaſt Prince Euſtace, was of the Saxon Blood,
as well as the Empreſs, and he himſelf was of the Norman, being
Son to Adela, a Daughter of William the Conqueror. He was a
Frenchman Born, but had been long converſant in England, and for
his great Qualifications, admir’d by the Nobility of that Nation.
Together with a great deal of Ambition he had that Courage and
that Genius ſuccesful Uſurpers are ever obſerv'd to poſſeſs. His
daring Temper, great Foreſight, good Senſe, perfect Knowledge
of the Art of War, unwearied Patience in making Treaties, and
managing Alliances, his Clemency, Liberality, Majeſtick Stature,
and winning Behaviour, made him one of the moſt accompliſh'd
Princes in the World : And Hiſtory charges him with no Crime,
but that he would needs be, what he had no Title te, a King. He
was ſo much fatisfied of the Lameneſs of his Right; (a) that he
meanly ſubmitted to be Sovereign by Election, and ſuffer'd his Ele-
ctors, particularly the Clergy, to take their Oath of Allegiance
conditionally to obey him, so long as he ſhould preferve their Dignities
,
and keep a!l Covenants. Before he was Crown'd, he made, as is ufual
upon the like Occaſions, large Promiſes. of Reforming whatever
was thought amiſs in his Predeceffors Reigns: For which the perjur’d
Bilhop
2) Echard, Tyrrel, &c. ad Ann. 1135.& 1136
Innd an U.
ſurper.
1
!
Chap. II
Of the Scots Nation. 243
i
1
1
Biſhop of Wincheſter, his natural Brother engag‘d his Faith: A valuable
Security to be fure. At his Coronation, he took an unuſual Oath to
the ſame purpoſe, and ſhortly after he ſign'd and ſeald the Char--
ter of Priviledges he had formerly promis’d. But, (a) as he very
well knew, that the intereſted Faction had choſen him their King, to ob-
tain their own Deſigns, Jo Malmsbury obſerves, that he granted theſe
Imniunities, rather to blind their Eyes, than to bind up his own Hands
by ſuch Parchment-Chains. This appear’d in the very ſecond Year of
his Reign, when he began to re-act the arbitrary Part of his Norman
Predeceffors, who, all but the laſt, and he too in a great Meaſure,
had conſider'd themſelves Conquerors, and govern'd as ſuch. And
Ptis probable he had ſtretch'd the Prerogative as far as any of them,
had he been as fecure upon the Throne : I mean, had the Preten-
ders to it been weak as in the former Reigns. But thoſe he had to
deal with, were Potent abroad, and the Conceſſions he had unadvis'd-
ly, ſay ſome, others with more reaſon, neceffarly granted to his
wavering Subjects, weakn'd him at Home: So that almoſt his
whole Reign, was, as is ordinary in times of Uſurpation, a conti-
nu'd Series of Invaſions, Revolts, Defections, Affociations, Skirmi-
lhes, Sieges, Battles, Devaſtations and Revolutions.
Matilda challeng’d her Right, and had almoſt won it: She van-
quiſh'd the King in Battle, and made him a Priſoner : He got free,
and ſhe had almoſt fallen in his Hands, as he had been in hers; but
made a ſhift to get off in time, and withdrew to her Poffeſſions in
France. Her Son Prince Henry enterd the Field his Mother had left:
And England continu'd a diſmal Scene of Diſtraction, Deſolation and
Bloodſhed, during the ſpace of full feventeen Years.
All this while, David King of the Scots, like another Cato, who
was deſervedly ſaid to be, per omnia Diis quam hominibus fimilior, fided
with the jufteſt Party, and that meerly for the ſake tof Juſtice.
He was equally related to both the Contenders, fince Uncle to both
Matilda's : And 'tis not to be doubted, but if Intereſt had in the
leaſt influenc'd his A&tions, the weaker Title had brib'd him higheſt:
But he had ſworn to Matilda the Empreſs : And tho all, or moſt of
the Church-men in England, for whoſe Perſons and Character, a
Prince of his Piety had certainly a very great Veneration, had viola-
ted their Oaths, yet he could never be wrought upon to diſpenſe
with his. The Biſhop of Wincheſter had a Legantine Power from the
Pope: And Popes, even in thoſe Days,pretended to a Power of dif-
penſing with Oaths, as they do ſtill in ſome Caſes: But King David of Scotland,
did not take it to be valid in the preſent. For this Reafon King
Emprefs
Stephen, in the very beginning of his Reign, made bold to deprive Masilda a-
him of ſome of his Engliſh Polieſfions, at leaſt offer'd to do it: (b) Stepben.
But he reclaim'd them with his Sword in his Hand, kept his own,
help’d Matilda to Victory, (c) and when Foild, ſupported her with
his Royal Preſence and fatherly Care. · Nor was he les obliging to
her Son Prince Henry, whom he receiv'd in his Diſtreſs, entertain’d
Ppp 2
with
() Echard, ibid. (6) Buchan, ad vit. Reg. (c) Tyrrel ad Aoni 1141,
David King
affifts the
244 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
land,
with Honour and Magnificence (@) at his Court; Knighted with
great Ceremony; and affifted with an Army, to ſo very good pur-
poſe, that at length their United Forces compelld (6) King Stephen
to a Peace, which ( notwithſtanding he had a lawful Son, Earl
William, and conſequently a pretended Heir to the Crown, at the
A. D. 1154. time) was concluded on theſe Conditions. Firſt
, That Stépben
ſhould enjoy the Crown of England, during Life. Secondly, That
upon his deceaſe Prince Henry ſhould ſucceed him. And according-
ly King Stephen died the very next Year 1154, and Henry II. of
that Name fucceeded.
Thus 'tis plain, and I ſhall make it yet more evident in the Life of
King David, that this Henry own’d; in a great meaſure,the Reſtora-
tion of his family, and his own Settlement on the Engliſh Throne,
to his Grand-Uncle the King of Scotland. How he repay'd the ge-
nerous Office, I am now to relate. But that the Cauſes of thefe
Broils and Wars that enſu’d, may be the better underſtood; 'twill be
froper in the firſtPlace to give an Account of the differing Circum-
ſtances and Characters of the ſucceeding Kings; both of Scotland and
England.
King Henry II. of that Name, and the firſt of the Plantagenets,
King Henry the Third French Family that reign'd in England, was undoubtedly one
of the greateſt, and till the laſt Period of his Days, one of the moſt
fortunate Princes that ever ſway'd a Scepter in that Kingdom, or
elſewhere : There were none of the Sovereigns his Côtemporaries
that equal'd him, or in the Extent of their Dominions, or in the
Vaftneſs of their Deſigns. (c) His Father Feoffry left him in Poſlef-
fion both of the Dukedom of Normandy, and the Earldom of Anjou.
He forc'd his Way to the Throne of England, which was juſtly his
own,in Right of his Mother Matilda, by his own Valour and the
joint Afliſtance of the King of Scots, and the Engliſh Loyaliſts: And to
his hereditary Territories, by his Marriage with Eleanor Dutcheſs
of Guienne and Aquitain, He found Means to add theſe and ſome
others of the moſt fruitful Countries in France. 'Tis true, that the
gainful Proſpect made him do that, which a great many, inferior to
him in every thing, but in their nicer Taſte of the Honour of Men.
and Affections of Women, had never allow'd themſelves ſo much as
to think of. Eleanor was a noted Coquette, (d) and her Intrigues with
one Saladin a Turk, had been the Diſcourſe of the Eaſt and Weſt :
She had been Married with Lewis the King of France, and had born
him two Daughters: And this Prince, unwilling to be Ranked
among the facile Husbands of the Age, had (e) under the pretence
of Confanguinity, but in Reality for ſuſpicion of Adultery, Divorc'd
her, yet dealt ſo honourably by her,ſays Mr. Tyrrel, fo impolitically,
ſays Pere D'Orleans, as to reſtore her to all her own Territories, and
give her leave to return Home in Safety, inſomuch that ſhe loft no-
thing by her Misfortune, but Honour : And in Lieu of that, the
.
1
Was
(a) Tyrrel ad Ana. 1148. (b) Echard. ad Ann. 1153. (6) Echard. ad Ann. 1149, & 1151. (a) Pere D?
Orleans. liv. 1. p.154. (e) Echard. ubi ſupra. Tyrrel ad Ann. 1150. &c.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 245
1
.
was re-admitted to the Bed of a Prince, as much younger as ning
Lewis was older than her ſelf; which, to be ſure, was no uncomfort
able Exchange for one of her gay and youthful Humour. King
Lewis law too late the honourable Error he had committed, and
King Henry began very early to improve the Advantages he had
thereby obtained : Maſter of Engl nt, Norman tv, Anjou, Guienne,
Aquitaine, Poiętow, Touraine, and Maine he thought he had not
enough:But (as Alexander of old) was wont to ſay, (a) That the whole
World was tut ſuficient for one greut Man. Nor did he ſtick at any
thing to bring about his Ends: He was bound by no Civil nor Rea
ligious Duties : Gratitude had no Rcom in his Soul: And as for
Proinife's and Vows, he made them but to ſerve a Turn; believing;
as Mr. Tyrrel (b) obſerves, That Princes are ſelilo:n ty’d by their
Oxths, when contrary to their Intereſts. His Father had appointed
his fecond Son Jeoffry to ſucceed him in the Earldom of Anjou, (c)
an:1, when on his Death-bed, made all the great Men about him to
Swear that they Ihould not luffer his Budy to be buried, till King
Henry had bound himſelf by Oath to the Performance of his laſt
Will. This Oath Duke Henry took unwillingly ; But when King
broke it iimmediately : For having firſt procui'd a Diſpenſation of
it from Pope Adrian, anEngliſhman,devoted to his Intereſt and Will,
he raiſed an Army, and not only took from his Brother the Earló
dom of Anjou, but alſo the Towns of Chinon, Mirabel and Lojdun,
which his father had beſtowd upon him for his Maintenancë. Pope
Adrian did not only diſpenſe with Oaths in favour of a Prince, he
knew was not to be bound by them, but he gifted him with more than
he or any other upon Earth had ever a Power to give, a Kingdoni
not his own: I mean that of Ireland; (d) but with this Proviſo, That
be ſhould reduce it to bis Obedience, for the Increaſe of the Chriſtian
Religion, the correcting of the ill Manners of the Iriſh, and the Propaga-
tion of Vertue in that Iſland. So early was Dragooning call’d Con-
verting, Conqueſt nam'd Right, and good Manners, Vertue and
Religion, propagated with Apoftolick Blows and Knocks. The Project
of that Conquert, ſet on foot in the Year 1155, was afterwards ſuca
cesfully carried on in the Year 1171 and 1172 ; (e) the miſerable
Natives of that unfortunate Iſland, having by their various Mif-
managments, given Occaſion to the forging of thoſe Chajis they
have often, but in vain, endeavour'd to ſhake off, ſince that time.
King Henry had the like Succeſs in his Attempts upon the Welſh, (f)
whole Nobles and Great Men he compell’d to ſubmit
. Nor could
France, his Native Country, refift the Aſcendant of his happy
Star. How far he worſted the Sovereign of that flouriſhing Kingiom,
(who was alſo his own, for thoſe French Provinces he poffefs'd ) Í
ſhall afterwards relate. In the mean time it ſuffices to tell, that
having made War upon Conan, (g) the Duke of Britany for the Re-
covery of Nantes, a Town in that Country, the Citizens of which
had
(2) Echard. ad Ann. 1189. (b) Ad Ann. 1156.(c) Tyrrel ibid (d; Tyr. ad Ann.: 155016) Echaru. na ang. wt
fupra. (f) Echard, ad Ann. 1197.(8) Dr. Brady in bis Life p. 300.
Qq9
240 The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
had elected his younger Brother feoffry for their Lord: And he be-
ing Dead, Duke Conan had'taken Poſſeſſion of it : But King Henry
reclaim'dit, in Right of his Brother; and had not only that City de-
liver'd up to him, but at the ſame time negotiated a Match between
a Son of his own, and the only Daughter of the Duke: By which
Means all Britany came to be poffeſs’d by his Houſe, inſomuch that
he was at leaſt as Potent, even in France, as the King of France him-
ſelf.
As for his Subjects of England, they were dazld with the Glory
of his Actions; and 'tis ſaid (a) that in his Reign the unhappy Di-
ftinction between the Names of Normans and English, was in a great
Meaſure ended. Yet to me it ſeems that he commanded as abſo-
lutely, that
is, that he acted as much like a Conqueror, as any of
his Predeceffors, ſince the Conqueſt: For, (to ſay nothing of the
Taxes he impos’d upon the People; Taxes which mult needs have
been many and great, Since, ſays (6) Mr. Tyrrel, bis whole Reign was
a continual Courſe of War, and that very expenſive at Home, in France
and Ireland,) I find not that he cancell'd thoſe Laws,ackắowledg'd to
have been partial in Favour of the French. On the contrary, he
usd the wonted Stile of the Norman Kings, his Predeceſſors: And in
that very Charter of Liberties which he granted, in Imitation of his
Grandfather, Henry I. in the beginning of his Reign, he begins thus,
(c) Henry by the Grace of God &c. to all his Barons and faithful Sub-
jects, French and Engliſh, Greeting. A Teſtimony that he pre-
ferr'd the forner to the latt. He alſo added in his Coat of Arms,
the Leopard of Anjou, to the two of Normandy, formerly introduc'á
by William the Conqueror : And conſequently, like the Conqueror,
wholly laying aſide the Regal Atchievement of the ancient Engliſh,
He ſeem'd to derive the Luſtre of his Crown, not from England, a con-
quer'd Kingdom, but from Anjox and Normándy, his own and his
Anceſtors native Countries, and hereditary Principalities. This is
ſo notoriouſly known that I need not cite a Voucher. Beſides, upon
his firſt Entrance to the Government, he recall’d all the Grants of his
immediate Predeceſſor, and imperiouſly commanded the Lands of
great Numbers to be reſtor’d to the Crown. The preſent Poffeſfors
pleaded the Title they had to them, by virtue of King Stephen's
Charters, which they offer'd to produce : But he told them, (d)
That the Grants of an Uſurper ought not to prejudge a rightful Prince.
Nay, (contrary to his own Charter and Agreement with King Ste-
phen) he diſpoſſeſs’d his Son William, Earl of Mortaign and Warren, of
the Caſtle of Norwich, and of all the Lands his Father had left him,
fave only ſuch as King Stephen had enjoy'd by the Gift of King Henry
his Uncle. Thoſe Noblemen the fame King Stephen had created,
he alſo reduc'd to a private Condition, and judiciouſly cleard the
Nation of foreign Souldiers, eſpecially of the Fleemings, whoſe
mercenary Swarms had been moit burdenſome to the Land, and
per-
C
.
(n) Echard, ad Ann. 1189. (b) In the end of his Life. p. 466. (6) Vid. Tyrrel ad Ana: 1155. (d) Tyr-
rei ad Ann. 1155. Dr. Brady in his Life, p. 298, & 299,
1
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 247.
.
و
pernicious to his Cauſe. How far he was in the wrong in all theſe
things, I ſhall not offer to determine : In what follows, I'm ſure he
cannot be vindicated. King Stephen was, as he called him, an Uſur-
per, and to prevent Uſurpations to come, it may perhaps be thought
politick, nay, juft, in a lawful Prince, to cancel and undo the Deeds
of the lateſt Intruder: But if he himſelf had a legal Title, he cer-
tainly had it in Right of his Grandfather King Henry I. and of his
Mother the Empreſs Matilda. Now 'tis certain, and I ſhall evince
it in the Life of David, King of Scotland, that this Prince was by
King Henry I. of England, acknowledged Earl of Northumberland and
Huntington, in Right of his Wife, and Prince of Cumberland and
Weſtmerlind by Inheritance from the Houſe of Scotland: And that,
when diſpoffefs’d of moſt of theſe Countries by the injuſtice of King
Stephen, he regain’d them by Force of Arms, and got them con-
firm’d to his Son Prince Henry, by a fólemin Treaty, concluded at
Durham on the gth of April in the Year 1139. Nay, 'tis own’d by
the Engliſh (*) that not only the Empreſs Matilda did all ſhe could
to aſcertain the Poffeffion of thoſe Territories to the Royal Family
of Scotland ; but alſo that her Son King Henry himſelf, when
Knighted by his Grand Uncle and eminent Benefactor King David,
did publickly Swear, That if ever he came to aſcend the Throne of
England, (and he had never aſcended it but for the Aſſiſtance afford
ed him by the King of Scots) he would give David, Newcaſtle and all
Northumberland, and that he and his Heirs ſhould for ever poſſeſs all
the Lands from Tweed to Tyne, peaceably without any Moleſtation.
This Oatki, ſo juſt; ſo neceſſary, and ſo ſolemn, he was never diſ-
penſed with, as he had been with ſoinė others, upon very lame Pre-
tences by the Engliſh Popė, yet he kept it no better than theſe: And
the only Reaſon he gave (indeed he could not find out another)
for his fignal Ingratitude, and Breach of Faith, was (6) that he
could not find in his Heart to part with fo large a. Share of his Dos
minions
Malcolm, by reaſon of his admir'd Continency and Celibacy, fir-
nam'd the Maiden, then Reign'd in Scotland, a Youth of about fifteen
Years of Age: (c) He had been brought up in the School of Vertue, by nam'd the
his Grandfather and Father, King David, and Prince Henry; and indeed
he was too Vertuous, I mean, too eaſy and too good for a King. His
Youth and Bounty gave Occaſion to ſome Diſturbances in the very
Beginning of his Reign : For Somerled, Thane of Argyle, one, whoſe
Fortune was greater than his Birth, tho Noble, and his Mind above
his Fortune, ſaid hold on the Opportunity to enrich or raiſe his
Family: He fet himſelf upon the Head of a turbulent Multitude of
Robbers, and was ſeconded in the Attempt, by Donald the Son of
Maliolm Macbeth, who had revolted, and made a conſiderable Buttle
in the foregoing Reign: But Donald was apprehended at Woithorn, and
committed to the ſame Priſon with his father. In the mean time,
Q492
the
A.D 1157
Malcolm fire
Maiden.
(a) Hoveden. P-490- Tyrrel aď' Ann. 1957. Anderſon p. 161, 162, &c. Craig: of] Hommage chap
14. &c. (6) Vid. Tyrrel ibid. Buchan, in vit
. Milcolum. IV.) Boeche Buchan.&c. in vit. Milcok
248
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
the renown'd Gilchrift, Earl of Angus, was ſent with an Army againſt
Somerled, whom he defeated, and forcd to make his eſcape into Ire-
land. This Victory, thus unexpectedly obtain’d, produc'd Tran-
quillity at home, but Envy abroad. King Henry of England took
an early Reſolution to cruſh the budding Greatneſs and Reputati-
on of Malcolm. The Oath he had taken to his Grandfather, and the
Gratitude he ow'd to his Family, were known to the World, and
he wanted a colourable Pretence for an open Breach : He therefore
induſtriouſly fought for Opportunities of trying his Patience, and
affronting his Perſon. With this View, he firit encroach'd upon the
Rights of one of his Subjects, the Biſhop of Glaſgow, and then invi-
Ill us'd by ted himſelf to a friendly Meeting at Cheſter, where he prevaild upon
Henry II. of his eaſy Temper fo far, as to make him take an Oath of Fidelity to
him: Whereas, ſays Buchanan, with a great deal of Reaſon, his
Brothers, who had Lands in England, and not the King himfelf
,
were by former Articles of Agreement to take that Oath. Howe.
ver he took it for his Brothers, And ſays Mr. Tyrrel (a) did him Ho-
mage after the ſame manner, as his Grandfather had done before to King
Henry 1. with a Salvo to all his RoyalDignities; by which Clauſe it ſeems
(he ſhould have ſaid, 'tis plain ) that the Homage was not for the whole
Kingdom of Scotland, but only for Lothian, (why for Lothian, I do not
fee) and thef. Lands, which were anciently held of the Kings of England.
To be ſure he means thoſe Lands the Scots Kings were anciently pof-
feſs’d of in the Kingdom of England' : For as, Sir Thom zs Craig (6)
judiciouſly obſerves, the Kings of Scotland had no other Dignities but
Scotland, which being preſerv’d entire and independent in this Ho-
mage, with a Retrolpect to the Homage paid to King Henry I. it
follows, that the Homage, formerly paid by the Scots Kings, to A-
thelftane, William the Conqueror, Henry I. &c. was with a Salvo to the
Royal Authority: Elſe King Henry I. a great King, if ever there was
any ſuch, was evidently overmatch'd and outwitted by his Cotem-
poraries, Alexander and David Kings of Scotland; and this Henry II.
a greater, if a greater could be, .by King Maliölm, a Boy. This is,
what I humbly conceive no Engliſhman will believe, and thence Í
conclude, that hitherto no King of England did ever pretend to a
Superiority over the Kings of Scotland, as Kings of Scotland. King
Malcom then did, on this Occaſion, nothing that was derogatory to
his Royal Dignity. Nevertheleſs, his Subjects were highly diffa-
tisfied with the Step he had made: For what Reaſon I cannot tell,
perhaps they grudg’d that he ſhould have paid Homage, even for
his, or rather his Brother's, Engliſh Territories. But what the Eng-
liſh Authors ſay, is more probable : They tell us, (c) that at this
Meeting, King Henry contrary to his own Oath, and the Grants of
his Anceſtors, which I have thewn to have been foạnded upon Ju-
1tice, Conqueſt and Gratitude, forc'd King Maliolm to ſurrender
into his Hands, the Counties of Cumberland and Northumberland, to-
gether with the Towns of Carliſle, Newcaſtle upon Tyne, and the
ſtrong
41 Ad Am. 197. Concerning Hondage chap, 24. (6) Vid. Tyrrel ibid,
2
Chap. II.
249
Of the Scots Nation.
2
ſtrong Caſtle of Babanborough, and permitted him to retain nothing
in England but the Earldom of Huntington, which lying almoſt in
the midſt of the Kingdom, the King of Scots could draw no other
Advantage from it, than what its bare Revenues afforded. • That
the Scots were diſſatisfied with ſuch a Surrender, is not at all to be
wonder'd at, but rather that they broke not out into open Rebellion:
But they were then ſincerely Loyal, and would not be Criminal, be-
cauſe their King was young and limple. They therefore put up
the Affront, and patiently ſuffer'd the Diminution of their Power.
Bút their weak Sovereign was again deluded, and they could no
longer brook the Indignities his Imprudence drew upon him. What
occafion'd it, was this;
Eleanor the Queen had, together with her other Poffefſions,
brought to her Husband King Henry, one of thoſe litigious Claims
to the County of Tholouſe, which for the moſt part become certain,
when in the Hands of Men in Power. Lewis King of France had
formerly pretended to it, in Right of the fame Eleanor, when his
Wife; þút had afterwards made it over to Count Kaimond, his Bro-
ther-in-Law, whoſe Title he reſolv'd to make good, and King Hen-
my to måke void. (a) This laſt ſtood in need of a great and well
paid Army to compafs his Deſign; for which Reaſon, he made every
Knight's Fee in Normandy, to pay fixty, Anjovin ſhillings; And in Eng-
land, and all his other Territories, what he thought fit, fay. Mr.
Tyrrel and Dr. Brady: A Proof that he rais' Money in England, with-
out Conſent of Parliament, and, as I have ſaid before, governd; as
the Conqueror, with Deſpotick Power. .,.He had already prepa-
red for the intended Expedition; but thought not fit to engage him-
felf ini à War beyond Seas, while a diſoblig'd and potent Neigh-
bour remaind in the Illand. Wherefore he found means to draw
King Malcolm (who was ſtill hịs Vaſſal for the Earldom of Huntington)
to London, and then conſtrain’d him with that little Retinue, which
he had, to accompanýhim into France. Thither they went good,
Friends in Appearance: For Henry, as the Cuſtom then was, Knigh-
ted King Malcolm, and Malcolm expreſs'd a great deal of perſonal
Courage in the Quarrel of King Henry: , At firſt, they carried all
before them, took the City of Cahors, and advancd as far as that
of Tholouſe; but "Lewis
, the King of France, put himſelf into the
Town, with any Army, determind to defend both hin and it.
Upon this King Henry defifted from the Enterprize, whether out of
Reſpect to his Sovereign, (for at an Interview of the two Kings. (b)
in 1155, he had paid him Homage for Normandy, Aquitain, Anjiú,
Tourrain, &c.) or that he found himſelf unable to Maſter a Place, ſó
ſtrongly defended; is uncertain. However, from this daring, but
otherwiſe imprudent Action of the King of Franie, aroſe great. En-
mity between the Kings, yet they were afterwards reconcild, by the
Mediation of the Pope: And ſo King Malcolm was ſuffer'd to return
Rrr
to
(*).:Tyrrei ad Ana. 1159. Dr. Brady in the Life of Henry II. p. 301. Pere D' Orleans p. 156. (b) Tyrrel
Aan. 1155
...
250
The Martial Atchievements Book II:
}
The Scots
colm.
Who makes
War upon
Engldr.d.
to his own Country, where his diſcontented Subjects were very
far from receiving him with that comfortable Joy, they expreſs'd
upon otherOccaſions.(a)They were hugely incens'd that he had joind
King Male with a certain Enemy.againſt an old and truſty Friend;and that he did
not forſee the Artifices, by which he had been gull’d both now and
before, when he made fuch an inglorious Surrender, of Territories
belonging to his Brothers in England. Scots Authors ſay, That he
was not deſpoild of theſe Territories till after his Return from
France : : But I have follow'd the Engliſh, who I find are generally
more exact in the Chronology of thoſe times.
But be this as it will, 'tis certain, that the Scots unable to put
up theſe repeated Affronts, took Arms and Belieg'd Perth, where
the King was in Perſon. He made them to underſtand how un-
willingly he had been carried into France by a. Prince, in whoſe
Power he was, and how unjuſtly he had been trick'd by the ſame
Prince, out of the Engliſh Lands: He added, or his Miniſters for
him, ithat they had better turn their Arms againſt ſuch a pérfidious
Neighbour, in order to the Recovery of theſe Lands, than, thus to
involve themſelves in the Guilt of Rebellion to the; further Diſ-
grace of their own Sovereign, and the compleater Satisfaction of the
incroaching Enemy : This was good Senſe, and therefore prevail d.
The Multitude laid down their Arms, and a War againſt England
was decreed by the King, and afſented to by the Nobles. It was
accordingly carried on with various Succeſſes on both Sides.
But
Malcolm's Genius was not fitted for: War:He courted all Opportuni-
ties of bringing about a Peace, and concluded; it in a Conference he
had with King Henry, near Carlile. By this Peace he continu'd in
Poſſeſſion of Huntington, and re-gaiņ'd Cumberland ; but contrary
to the Advice and Deſire of the Nobility about him, who boldly
told him, “That he could not alienate any, Part of his Claim to Nor-
ob thumberland, for which his Grand-father King David, as Religious
a-Prince as himſelf,had 10 long and fo bravely contended.
The King's Reputation was now quite ſunk in the Minds of his
Subjects ; but his Perſon was ſtill Sacred, and therefore by the
Nation in general, at that time, fincerely Loyal, reſpected and
guarded againſt the Attempts of ſome great and turbulent Men,
Gilchrift a who, deſpiſing the weakneſs of the Government, revolted one after
another. Angus, or rather Æneas; of Galloway, was the firſt that
der fuppref- preſum'd upon the Royal Authority; and he preſum’d ſo far as to
isfare tid give three Battels to the King's Lieutenant Gilchrift, but loſt them
all : And being forced to take Sanctuary in the Monaſtery of Whit-
born, at length begd Pardon, which the King, granted, but de-
priv?d him of a conſiderable part of his Eſtate, and kept his Son as
an Hoſtage or Pledge of his good Behaviour for the future. But
he was of a lofty Spirit, and could not brook the Diminution of his
Greatneſs, nor the loſs of that Efteem he had had in the World :
He therefore left it, and turn’d a Monk in the Monaſtery of Holy-
rooda
66
famous
Comman-
ons.
(a) Buchan. Boeth. &c. in vit. Reg:
Chap. II.
251
Of the Scots Nation..
rood-Houſe in the Suburbes of Edinburgh, now a beautiful and
ſtately Palace. This Inſurrection was no ſooner ſuppreſsd, but ano-
ther lúcceeded, and had Conſequences by far moreFatal and Bloody.
The Inhabitants of Murray were in thoſe Days extreamly Muti-
nous. They took Arms under the Conduct of Gildominick, their
Leader, and not only laid waſte the Neighbouring Countries of
Roſs, Boyn, Strathbogy, Garioch, Buchan and Mar: But when Heralds
of Arms were ſent from the King, they barbarouſly flew them.
Gilchriſt was again employ'd againſt them : But he carried not his
wonted Fortune along with him : His Valour and Conduct prov'd
ſucceſleſs on this Occaſion, becauſe too much dreaded. The Rebels
were terrified at the Approach of fo fam’d a Commander: Conſcious
of their own Demerits, they deſpair’d of Pardon, and hop'd not
for Victory. What ſhould they do, but ſell their Lives as dear as
poſſible?' They reſolv'd to do it, and folav'd them, contrary to,
their own Expectation : For they fought fo deſperately, that at
length even Gilchriſtgave way,and ownd himſelf foiled. But it was not
long before he retriev'd his Honour and the King ſhar’d in the Glory
of the joint Victory they gaind.He march'd in Perſon againſt the in-
fulting Rebels, who not daring to advance further had now retreated
to their own Country, which they reſolu'd to defend. The King
overtook them at the Mouth of the River of Spey; and a moſt bloody
Engagement enſu'd The Moravians, tho unequal in Numbers,
ſtood their Ground with amazing Reſolution and undaunted Fierce
neſs; till the King's Forces, almoſt worſted, , were reinforc?d from
the Corps de Reſerve. At length they were envelop d on all ſides,and
Orders were given out to give no Quarters to any of that perfidi- The Rebels
cus People. Accordingly they were all Slain, and theię fertile of Murray
Country was thereby entirely depopulated; infomuch, that it was defeated
neceſſary to replant it with new Colonies from all Parts of;the King- Country
dow : A fevere, but juft, and in a great: meaſure neceſſary. Punith depopula
ment; of their otherwiſe incorrigible Inhumanity, frequent Rebel,
lions, and late Breach of the Law of Nations:
Nor did Sumerled think fit to ſit ſtill in the:midft of ſo many Com-fSumerled.com
motions. He had revolted in the Beginning of this
: Kings Reign : bels
And being overthrown, as I ſaid before; had fled into Ireland, from
whence he would often come to Sea, and exerciſe Piracy
, upon the
Coafts of Scotland. But now ſo many of the Military Men of the
Nation were Slain in Battle, he doubted not to Purchaſe, or a rich
Booty from ſuch as would not fight, or an eaſy Victory from ſuch
aş would. With this View, he gather'd together a little Army of
Robbers, and made a Deſcent at a Bay of theRiver Clyde,and had the
Boldnels to penetrate into the Country, as far as Renfrew. But
there his Men, regardleſs of Safety, and intent upon nothing but
Plunder
, were ſurpris’d and cut off by a few. He himſelf, ſome fay,
was taken, and to aggravate his Miſery,brought alive to the King:
Others, that he was kill’d, together with his Son in the Action. Theſe
things were acted about the Year of Chriſt 1165: And on the Ninth
R 1 1 2
of
252
The Martial Atchievements Book il.
1
3
Scotland.
of December following, King Malcolm, when as yet but twenty five
Years old, after a vexatious and turbulent Reign of twelve Years
and ſome Months, died at Jédburgh, and was Royally interr'd at
Dumfermling. He was a Prince more Amiable than Great, more
Devout than Warlike, Eminent for his Charity and good Nature,
and only thought Weak, becauſe overmatch'd by the cunning Dif-
ingenuity and mighty Power of his Couſin King Henry II. of Eng-
land.
William, for his great Courage and Vigour in fuppreffing Riots,
ADillions and in puniſhing Offences, Sirnam'd The Lyon, ſucceeded to his
King of Brother King Malcolm. I'he firſt thing he did upon his Entrance
to the Government, was 'to demand the Reſtitution of Northumber.
land from the King of England. Henry, gave fair Words to his
Ambaffadors, and defir'd, that according to Cuſtom, the new King
of S. otland ſhould come to London, and do Homage for the Countries
of Cumberland and Huntington. King William obey'd the Summonds,
and when in the Engliſh Court, deſiſted not from preſſing to have
Northumberland reſtor’d: Nay, he is ſaid to have ſpokeri very
bold Language, and to have told King Henry to his Face; of his
Ingratitude and the Breach of his Oath. This he might do the
rather, becauſe, as the Kings of England, when they went to the
Court of France ; ſo thoſe of Scotland when they enter'd England, had
always a ſafe Conduct, and the publick Faith of the Nation to ſe-
cure them from Harın.The wary King Henry, had neither à Mind to
exaſparate King William,hor to do him Juſtice: He therefore put him
of with this Anſwer,(a) “ That in regard Northumberland was by a
“ LegalSentence adjudged from King Malcolm,and re-annexed to the
“ Crown of England, he could not alienate it, without the Confent of
a great Council of the whole Kingdom: Bút he ſhould come to the
next Grand Meeting of the Nobles, or Parliament, and there ex-
“ 'peet Juſtice to be done. William ſeem'd ſatisfied with this Affur-
ance, and ſo put on an Air of Confidence and Truſt in the. Friend-
Thip of ſo near a Relation. Nay, at the earneſt Intreaty of King
Goes to Henry, he accompanied him into France, where he diffembl’d his
Diſſatisfaction ſo artificially, that at length he obtain'd a Convoy,
Returns to and return'd Home. He had no ſooner arriv'd and ſettl'd ſome
Affairs for the Eaſe and Welfare of his Subjects, but he ſent back
Ambaſladors to England, with Orders to demand Northumberland,
or to denounce War in caſe of a Refuſal. Scots Authors ſay, That
King Henry being embaraſs’d with his other Affairs, did ſo far
comply with the peremptory Demand, as to yield that part of Nor-
thumberland which William's Great Grandfather had held; and that
the King of Scots accordingly took Poffeffion of what įwas granted,
but on this Condition, that he did not remit his Right or Claim to
tlie whole. This, tho not mention’d by old Engliſh Hiſtorians,
and therefore thought doubtful by the Modern, (a) to me ſeems the
more probable, becauſe I find that a ſeeming Peace continu'd hence-
forth
CC
C
France.
1
1
Scotland.
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1166 p. 332.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
253..
I
forth between the two Nations, during the ſpace of about five or
fix Years : Nay, 'Enòliſh Authors tell us, (a) Thật in 1,179,
King William, and Itiş Brother" David, alliſted at the Coronation of
Prince Henry, and, together with all the Vaffals of the Engliſh
Crown, fwore Fealty to him againſt all Mer, laving that they ow'd
to his fatkiệr." 'Tis worth while to give an Account of this im-
portant Tranfaction, which had ſtrong and 'fatal Confequences, e
ven with Reference to Stotland and Scots Atráirs.
The Crown of England was ever, fot ought we can ſee, Here-
ditary ; but the lineal SucceMbi had beetl often interfüpted or di-
verted: Fifft, by reaſon of lührg Wars that Kingdom had with the
Danes, arid then, by reaſon of the double Conquelt it underwent
For the Conquerors
I meat Boch Canutz
' the Dane, and William the
Norman, confidering it as theit own Acquiſition, gave it to whoin
they pleas’d. William beſtowU it upon his fecond-Son, notwithſtan-
ding his eldeſt was alive: The third ſucceeded to the ſecond, and
he, thinking to ſecure it to liis own Pofterity, made a Law in full
Parliament' to that purpoſe, and caus’d'alt, the Freeholders of the
Nation to Iwear to the Obſervation of that Law. Nevertheleſs, a-
nother folindi means to ſtep in between him and his Off-ſpring
And this fame King Henly II. his Grandchild and lineal
Heir; had with great difficulty attain'd to his Right He there-
fore dreaded and thought fit to prevent the like Difficulties, with
Reference to thoſe deſcended of his own Body. He had found by
Experience, that neither Acts of Patliament, nor Oathis were capa-
ble to defeat Uſurpation. For this Reaſon, he fought out a new and
unknown Expedient to effect' his Delight, and 'twas this
. He de-
clard his eldeſt Son, Prince Henry, King, in his own Lifetime; and Herry the
commanded him to be Anointed and Crown'd, as I have already Il. Of Eng-
faid ; but the Ceremony was rið ſooner over, but he found that land
,
two Kings cannot fit ealý uport one Titone : (b) Før at the Coro- King.
nation Feaſt, he was pleasºd, in Honour to his Son, to carry up the
firft Diſh, upon which the Archbiſhop of Yotk took Occafion to con-
gratulate him, For having a greater Servitór than any in the World,
adding, what a ſingular Obligación be ord to his Father, for the unex-
ampi'd favour : But he haughtily replyd, That it was no great Conde-
ſcenſion in his Father, who was only the son of an Earl; to perform that
Service to him, who was the Son of a King. This infolent Anſwer
gave Offence to all preſent, and the King, tho a great Maſter in the
Art of Diſſembling, could not eaſily còticeal his juſt Indignation;
yet as Paternal Fondneſs is induſtrious to palliate the Failings of
Children, fo Henry drew from the Youth of his Son, Reaſons in his
Opinion fufficient, both to excuſe his Fault
, and to continue his
own impolitick Behaviour.
The
young King had been married fome Years before with Mar-
şaret, a Daughter of France: And her Father took it ill, that ſhe
had not been Crown'd, as her Husband. The two Kings met at
Sif
Vendure
(a) Tyrrel, Echard, &c. ad Ann, 1170: (b) Echard, Tyrrel, ibid.
و
Crown's
1
254
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Vendeure in Main, where having adjuſted all Differences between
them, Orders were ſent to England for the Coronation of that La-
dy: And the Ceremony was performd with a great deal of Magnifi
cence. The Joy of the Fealt paſs’d from the Court of England to
that of France, whither King Lewis invited the young Couple, and
réceiv'd them with ſuch Demonſtrations of Kindneſs, as charm’d
the young, but made the old King jealous. A ſhort time diſco-
verd that King Henry had Reaſon: For Lewis, who judg'd better
of the Genius of his Son-in-Law, than t'other of his Son, made it
his Bulinels to win him over to himſelf : Young, Ambitious, Un-
quiet, and leſs affected with thoſe Sentiments of Duty, which Na-
ture intpire, than even the Generality of Princes are wont to be:
Henry, I mean the younger, was exactly cut out to give trouble to
a Father, who, tho he had nam'd a Co-partner to himſelf in the Em-
pire, yet did not at all incline to give up his Power. Lewis ſaw the
weak Side of both, and fail'd not to inſinuate to the young Prince,
That the Title and Dignity of a King requir’d ſuitable Revenues to
ſupport them; that his younger Brothers had got conſiderably from
their Father, Richard being in poffeffion of the County of Poiftori
,
and Jeoffry of the Dukedom of Britanny; that 'twas but reaſonable .
that he, now he was a Kiug, ſhould enjoy, if not the Kingdom of
England it ſelf, at leaſt the Dukedom of Normandy, or County of
Anjou: That otherwiſe his Dignity did not honour him, but he
diſhonour'd his Dignity; and that to be a King, ſuch as he was,
without Subjects, Revenues or Power, was a Jeſt the World would
laugh at. To be ſhort, the King of France wrought ſo powerfully
upon the Mind of this unnatural Šon, that his Father having refus d
to grant his unreaſonable Requeſts, he enterd in a League with his
Father-in-Law, whoſe Intereſt it was, or to cut out work for his o-
ver-toping Neighbour, or to weaken him by dividing his Territories.
William, the King of Scots, had, beſides theſe Motives, a juft ground
for a War, againſt a Prince that had ſo unfairly difpoffeſs'd his
Brother, and ſtill detain'd all or part of Northumberland from him-
felf. He had laid by his Arms, but not his Claim, and only wan-
ted a favourable Opportunity of taking them up with Advantage.
He thought that it was now offer'd: And accordingly, ſay the French
Authors, (a) went over in Perſon to Paris, in order to negotiate a
King Wil.
Confederacy with the two Kings, and to renew the ancient League,
liam enters which had been firſt concluded in the days of Charlemaign between France
and Scotland: A League noto become ſo much the more Neceſſary, that the
common Enemy of both was ſo dangerouſly Powerful. The Earls of Flan-
Henry the ders, Bouloigne, Blois, Cheftre, Beaumont, Leiceſter, and a great ma-
ny more of the greateſt Quality, that had any Dependence on the
King or Crown of England, enter'd into this grand Confederacy, to-
gether with the three Kings, and bound themſelves by an Oath,
never to abandon the Cauſe of the young King Henry, till they had
firſt compelld his Father to grant all he ask'd : And he himſelf took
in a League
with the
King of
France, King
younger,&c.
an
t
ta) Pere D' Oricans iiv. 11: p. 185.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 25.5
1
fame time, borto
an Oath to them, by which he obligʻd himſelf never to agree with
his father, but by their unanimous Advice and Content,
Old King Henry had been unhappy, but by half, had the reſt of his
Family continu'd in their Duty: But he had not even this Comfort: .
His Queen Eleanor (Who would have thought it :) was as immode-
rately jealous, as he was incorrigibly addičted to Variety of Loves,
He had been long captivated by the Charms of the famd Rosamund, Refamind;
whom he kept at Woodſtock, ſome ſay, in a Labyrinth, where in-
deed ſhe was inacceſſible to the Allurements of more youthful Gal-
lants, but not to the prying Revenge of an experienc'd Wife : For
even there Queen Eleanor reach'd her, and found means to end her
Life. But the more noble Object of the King's preſent Affection,
and of the Queen's Hatred, was Alix of France, formerly coritractedAliselt
with Prince Richard his ſecond Son: Her he doted on (as is uſual in France,
fome old Men, whoſe cooler Blood and unactive Spirits inflame and
heighten thoſe Delires, they cannot ſatiate) beyond all things on
Earth; happy! If not alſo beyond thoſe in Heaven. Eleanor could
not make away with Alix, as ſhe had done with Roſamund; but ſhe
did whát miſchief ſhe could: She made her Sons, Richard and Jeoffry,
to fear; left Henry tranſported with the Exceſs of his Paſſion for 10
great á Princeſs, ſhould find means to marry her, and conſequent-
iy raiſe her Children, if ſhe ſhould have any, upon their Depreffi,
on or Ruin. In a word, le frightn'd them by theſe or the like
Suggeſtions, into the Revolt of their eldeſt Brother; inſomuch, that
the old King found himſelf attack'd on all Sides, and that at the
Any other but himſelf had ſünk under the Weight of ſo much
Griet, and ſo much Enmity : And indeed he was not inſenſible of
his Malheurs : For, as if he had been Thunder-ſtruck, he ſhut him-
felf up at firſt in the City of Romen, and by his Ambaſſadors com
plain'd to the Pope, who had the Honeſty to emit his then terrible
Bolts of Excommunication, againſt alļ the native Subjects of Eng ?
land, Normandy, &c. the King's Children; nay, and againſt the
young King himſelf
. 'Twas laid of this King Henry II, that he was Henry II:
front to flý : And to fay, the Truth, he did little lefs : How, foon en-gaine the
courag'd by the holy Father, his Arms beyond Seas prov'd ſucces. Confedera
ful alinoſt every where. But England it ſelf was, all in a Flame :
Thither he came with great Expedition: And the firſt thing he did,
after his Arrival, was to perform the Pennance injoin'd him by the
Pope's Legates, for the Murther of Thomas Becket, Archbiſhop of
Canterbury, which if not committed by his Orders, had been at leaſt
occafion'd by his raih Words. When he had come within three
Miles (a) of the Church where the Prelate was buried, he ligh-
ted from his Horſe, and walk'd bare-footed to the Sepulchre, and
there proftrating himſelf," he was ſeverely diſciplin'd, and receivd
no leſs than eighty Laſhes by, Rods on his bare Flelh : So that the
only. Perſon who in his life-time could make him bow after his death
ŠľT,
brought
!!
ir
су.
5
(a) Echard ad Aon. 1174.
250
The Martial Atchievements Book II:
A. D. 1173.
England.
brought him upon his Knees : And tho he then proſecuted him as
a Traitor, he now honour'd him as a Saint and Martyr.
The Monks. of that Age attributed the enſuing Succeſs of his
Arms to the Reconciliation he thus made with God : For much a-
bout this time, he receiv'd Advice of the young King his Son's Fleet
being by à violent Storm diſpers’d at Sea, and of the King of Scot-
land's being made a Priſoner of War. This laft, in Purſuance of the
League, of which he was a principal. Member, (a) had invaded
England the Year before, and on his March through the Biſhoprick
King 17: of Ďurhim, had ravag'd the Country, and deſtroy'd or made Priſo-
liam invades prers moſt of the Inhabitants. The Engliſh, unable (6) to offend,
contented themſelves in the Abſence of their King to act defenſively;
and all they could do, was to attempt a Diverſion by burning the
Town of Berwick, and ſpoiling the adjacent Country () Richard
de Lusy, Juſticiary of England, and Humpbry de Bohun the King's Con-
ftable, were the chief Commanders in this Service And Mr. Tyr-
rel fays, that upon the News of the Earl of Leiceſter's Apprbach, who
had lately come out of Flanders with a great Number of Numans
and Fleemings, they made a Truce with the King of Scotsi. But
this is other wiſe reported by Büchánan, who tells us; that the whole
Winter was ſpent in Action, and that many Incurſions were made:
Nor is it probable that the King of Scots would have corideſeended
to make a Truce, after his proſperous Expédition into the Biſhop-
rick, and at a tiine when the Earl of Leiceſter, one of the Leaguers
,
was underitood to be at harid with a powerful Ařiny. 'Tis true,
that a Truce was afterwards concluded : But then the Englikh paid
dear for it: They own that in conſideration of it, they paid three
hundred Merks of Silver, and that at the ſame time a Truce was al-
fo concluded between their King and the King of France, which
ſhews that King William did not act but in Concert witli his Allies.
The Truce being expir’d, fay the Engliſh, (1) King Willisin
march’d into Northumberland with a great Army of Scots and Galloway
Men, (as if the Go?oway Men had not alſo been Școts) and commit-
ted ſuch great Slaughters and Barbarities, as would ſeem incredible,
had we not read of the like committed in the Reign of King Stephen
by King David, acknowledg’d by themſelves to have been one of
the moſt Religious and Merciful Princes in the World: And if his
Grandſon King Willian, did but react his part, I hope none will be
ged with a lieve that he did amiſs
. But, as Sir Thomas Craig (e) has very well
Cruelty. obſerv’d, this is the common Cant of the old Engliſh Monks, ever
ready to exaſperate their Countrymen into an irreconcileable Ha-
tred againſt the S.:ots: While they ſearch on all Sides how to raiſe the
Animoſities of the former, they are not aſham'd to charge the latter,
(tho Chriſtians, and in thoſe Days Religiouſly ſo, beyond any of their
Neighbours) with all the Enormities, they themſelves acted, when
Pagans, upon the Britains; and afterwards the Danes, alſo Pagans, up-
on them. Nay, what their more ancient Writers ſay of the Cruel-
1
+
.
ty of
( a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1173.(6)Buchan. ut lupra. (cjTyrrel ibid. (d) Tyrrel ibid. (e, Concerning Homage chap.23.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation . 257
2
ty of thoſe barbarous and inhumane Rovers, they tranſcribe and
faſten word for word, upon the moſt bountiful and pious of the
Scottiſh Kings, Malcolm Canmoré, St. Dávid, and this fame King
William. But to the purpoſe :
King Willian, having thus enter'd England, divided his Army into Invades
three Bodies: He gave the Command of one of them, to his Bro- fecond time
ther Earl David, with Orders to relieve the Town of Leiceſter; theni
befieg’d by Richard de Lucy, the King of England's Juſticiary : But be-
fore he could get thither, the Place was taken. He left another Bo-
dy before Carlile : And upon the Head of the third he himſelf paſs’d
quite through Northumberland, waſting the Country, and conquering
wherever he came. He took by Storm the Caſtles of Burgh and
Apleby, and forc'd thoſe of Werkworth and Gerby to ſurrender. This
done, he return’d to his Army before Carlile, and after a vigorous
Siege, Robert de Vaus, the Governour articld with him, That he would
give up both the Town and Caſtle at Michael :aſs following, if, by
that time, he receiv'd no Relief from the King of England: And
for Performance of this, he gave the King of Scöts Hoſtages, and
his own Oath befides. Thus the Siege was turn'd into a Blockade : And
King Wiliam, unwilling to loſe Tiine, left it in that Condition, and
attack'd firſt Prudhow, and then Anwick. Whilft he lay before this
laſt Place, he ſent the Earls Duncan and Angus, upon the Head of
conſiderable Detachments to Forrage the Couptry, which they did,
it ſeems, to very good Purpoſe, but with great Cruelty, if we may
credit the Engliſh Accourits. In the mean time, Robert de Stateville,
and Robert de Glanville
, two Englijs . Commanders, having Intelli-
gence that the Scots Army was conſiderably weakn’d by the De-
tachments, I have mention'd, left the main Body of their own Army,
and march'd early in the Morning upon the Head of a choſen Par-
ty of light Horſe, with a Deſign to ſurpriſe the King in his Quar-
ters. They came in view of Anwick, by Sun-riſing, and found the
King ſecure, and taking the Air in the Morning, with about fixty
Horſemen that attended hiin. At firſt when he ſaw the Engliſh a-
far off, he was not at all concern'd; for he thought they had been
his own Men, commanded by Earl Duncan : But the Engliſh preſently Is made
aſſaulted his ſmall Party; and, tho he made the beſt Defence he Priſoner of
could, and had his Horſe kill'd under him, made himn Priſoner, to-
gether with Richard Cumin, William Mortimer, William de Inſula;
or Life, Henry Revel, Ralph de Ver, Jordan, a Fleeming, Waldeuf
Fitz-Baliwin de Biore, and Richard Malus Juvellus, for the moſt part
Engliſhmen, engag’d in the League. This fell out on the thirteenth
A. D. 1174
Day of July 1174: So ſay the Engliſh. But the Scots tell the Story
(a) after a quite different Manner. If we may credit them,
The Truce, formerly agreed between the two Nations, was not
expir’d, and King William, a plain hearted Man, and not at all ſuſpi-
cious of the Treachery deſign’d him, lay ſecure, as he thought, (and
who ſhould have thought otherwiſe?) in his Camp at Anwick, while
Ttt
the
War.
(a) Buchan. Boeth. MS. of Icolmkil, &c. in vit. Guilelm.
258 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
1
>
the Engliſh, on the other hand, ſpent all the time of the Ceffation
in Preparations for War. But in the mean Time, they ply’d. the
King with Meſſengers of Peace, and large, but fallacious Promiſes :
For their true Errand was to ſpy gut Opportunities of violating
their Faith with Advantage. They obſerv'd that the Scots, on Con-
fidence of the Trụce, were remiſs and negligent, and that the grea-
teſt part of their Army had gone abroad to fetch in Forrage and
Provifions. They therefore return’d with Joy, and exhorted their
Commanders not to loſe the wilh'd for Advantage. Their Aic junts
met with Credit, and their Advice with Applauſe. The Com-
manders inſtantly illu'd out their . Orders to march, and having
plac'd the greateſt part of their Army in Ambulh, they themſelves
advanc'd with about four hundred light Horſe in the Night time,
and before Sun-riſing came in view of the Scottiſh Camp: The
King having unluckily gone abroad ſo very early in the Morning, was
riding in the neighbouring Fields with a ſlender Guard of no inore
than lixty Horſe, when he perceiv'd the Engliſh, whom he miſtook
for a Party of his own Men: For they had diſguis?d themſelves
with Scots Arms and Enfigns, and by this Means camie up to him,
ſet upon him, and made him a Priſoner, together with moſt of thoſe
about him, before he well knew who they were.
This, if true, was a Piece of Perfidy, all Men of Honour or Pro-
bity will ever deteft, and never imitate. But Mr. Tyrrel (a) tells
us, that the Story mult needs bę falſe, becauſe otherwiſe related by
the Engliſh ; but owns, that the King wasutaken at
. unawares, and has
this Obſervation upon the Matter, That it was a great overſight in jo
warlike a Prince, who ought. Certainly to have had his Scouts abroad to
wat b the Enemy's. Motions. To which I ſhall only add, that the
differing Relation given of the Thing by the Scots. Authors, r:iz.
that there was a Ceſſation of Arms at the time, to me ſeems the
more probable, becauſe ſo warlike a Prince had not his Scouts. abroad.
Mr. Tyrrel takes alſo Notice in this place, that the Chronicle of
Melroſs was written for the greateſt part by the Abbot of Dundrai-
nard a Scotſman; and that this Chronicle ſays exprefly, That William
King of Scots, hoping to repair old Lofjes, through evil Counſel began o
eruel War, againſt his Corfin and Lord the King of England. There-
fore (he means to be ſure) in the Opinion, even of Scatlmen, King
William was in the wrong, and ought not to have enter'd into this
War. But under favour the Concluſion does not follow: For as
the moft Learn’d and Reverend the Biſhop of Carlile has plac'd the
Chronicle of Melross (b) in the Engliſh as well as in the Scottiſh Hi-
ſtorical Library; fo 'tis certain, that Melroſs was ſometimes in the
Hands of the Engliſh; that the Chronicle was in part compas'd by
Engliſh Monks, and that the firſt part of it is a Continuation of Bede,
an Engliſhman's Hiſtory. That a Scotſman would not be apt to Stile
the King of England, the Lord of William the King of Scots, is as
certain: And I no where find, that Englifh Writers are inclinable
to
(a) Ad Ann. 1L746 A 786 ft) Virt. Dalrymp. p. 105,
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 259
to dignify the Kings of France, with the Title of Lords over thoſe
of England. The Caſe is the ſame in both, and I conclude from
thence, that neither the Abbot of Dundrainand, nor any other Scots-
man did write that Part of the Chronicle of Melroſs, that arraigns
King William for making War againſt bis Lord the King of England .
That Engliſh. Writers, and even luch as lh'd at the time, may have
done it I do not deny, but muſt' needs ſay, that 'tis probable
they were the more Partial in Favour of their own Sovereign, for
that very Reaſon, that they liv’d at the time, and conſequently may
have dreaded his Wrath, or courted his Favour, or been influenc'd
by the National Animoſities that generally rage while. War laſts bes
tween Princes. As to the Juſtice of the War; I need ſay nothing,
but only repeat what I have already told and copy'd after Mr.
Tyrrel :-(a) And to be ſhort, 'tis this, Henry II. of England, took
from Malcolm King of Scots, The Counties of Northumberland and
Cumberland, which had been made over to King David bis Grandfather,
by the Empreſs Matilda, and confirm'd by this King ( Henry) his own
Oath. To Malcolm ſucceeded King William, and he, To repair old
Loffes ( as the Chronicle of Melroſs phraſes it ) made War upon
King Henry. How far he was in the Right, I leave it to the impar-
tial Reader to judge: This is certain, he was unſuccesful, becauſe
taken at unawares.
When a Priſoner, he was moſt uncivilly, nay, barbarouſly us’d;
(b) for he was carried to Richmond Caſtle, with his Feet ty'd under
the Horſes Belly, and there, by King Henry's Orders detain'd, till
this laſt having with incredible Celerity reduc'd all Oppoſers in
England return d to France,whither alſo he appointed his RoyalCap-. Is carried
tive to be convey'd, and kept as before a cloſe Priſoner, firſt
in Caen, and afterwards in Falaiſe. His Succeſs beyond Seas, was,
as at Home furpriſing and great : The City of Rouen was at the
time beſieged by the King of France and the young King Henry; but
upon his Arrival they thought fit to retire, and not long after to
conclude, firft a Truce, and then a Peace; and that upon Terms
much leſs Advantageous to the Allies,than thoſe formerly profer’d. He makes a
King William did as the reſt, that is, he alſo made Peace, but a diſgraceful
moſt diſgraceful one, fince upon ſuch 'Terms as 'twas at once beneath Puertes and
his Dignity, and above his power to grant. He ſubſcrib'd a Pa- Crown to
that of Eng.
per at Falaiſe, and thereby became Liege-man of the King of Eng- land.
land, even for Scotland: Nay, he undertook that his Subječts ſhould
do the like, and, which is yet more aſtoniſhing, prevaild with them
to comply : For what Reaſon, 'tis not eaſie to determine: The Tract
of the Hiſtory, and Circumftances of the Times may give ſome
Light towards the Knowledge of ſome of them.
Afſoon (eas the King had been made a Priſoner, the Engliſh elat-
ed with their unexpected Succeſs, invaded Cumberland, and thought
to have conquer'd it without Blows: But they were Miſtaken ;
Ttt 2
for
to France,
(a) Ad Ann. 1157. P,303.(b) Craig concerning Homage chap. 24. Pere D'Orleans ad Ann 1173. p. 193,
Tyrrel ad Ann. 1174. p. 383. (c) Buchan, ubi fupra.
2
Book II.
260 The Martial Atchievements
and Gilbert
make an
in Galloway.
for the Scots Army remain'd unbroken, and
the valiant Gil:hriſt
commanded it in Chief, and under him one Rolland, a brave and
experienc'd Officer. They ſtood their Ground, and gave the
Enemy ſo much to do, that e’re long a Truce was agreed to, and
the Scots kept their poffeffion, both of Cumberland and Huntington,
but left Northumberland in the Hands of the Engliſh. This Treaty
was the more eaſily brought about, becauſe, as King Henry ſtood
in need of his Men to carry on his Deſigns in France, to the leading
Hufred. Men of Scotland thought fit to recall their Army, in order to fup-
preſs a Rebellion that broke out in Galəway :: For (a) Huftred, the
Infurrection Son of Fergus, by Engliſh Authors deſign’d Prince of Galloway, and
his Brother Gilbert, Lo ſoon as the King was taken, reſolv’d" to ſet
up for themſelves. With this View, they led Home their Galvegi.
ans, expellid out of the Country all the Baillies and Miniſters or
Keepers the King had impos’d on them, beſieg'd, took and de-
ſtroy'd all the Fortreſſes he or his Predeceſſors had rais’d, put to the
Sword ſuch of the Defendants as fell into their Hands, and unmer-
cifully Murther'd all the Engliſh and French they could apprehend.
So far did the Rebellion ſucceed: But at length,the Rebels diſcorded
among themſelves and the two Brothers unnaturally plotted the De-
ſtruction and Death of one another. To effect this, Gilbert calld
his Men together : And his Son Malcolm undertook to perform the
Villany. He was as good as his Word; for not long after, he ſet
upon the Illand where Huftred refided, took him, and, having firſt
order'd that he ſhould be emafculated and have his Eyes pulld out,
put him to Death. Theſe Diſorders that fell out in Scotland, were
,
it ſeems, no ways diſagreeable to the King of England : He heard
of thein with pleaſure, and, catching at the Opportunity, fent one
of his Clerks, by Name Roger de Hoveden, to Robert de Vays, the
Governour of Carlile, and appointed them both to goʻto the two
Brothers, and endeavour to bring them into his Service : So unfair-
ly did this King deal with his Couſin and Priſoner. But, fay the
Engliſh Hiſtorians, (6) when his Commillioners came to Treat with
Gilbert and the Galvegians, theſe laſt offer'd them, to the Uſe of the
King their Maſter, 2000 Merks of Silver, 500 Cows, and as many
Hogs as a yearly Rent, provided he would take them into his Pró-
tection, and ſecure them from the Servitude of the King of Scots.
This was juſt what King Henry defir’d, yet his Meſſengers would
conclude nothing till they had further Orders from their Maſter :
And he, when he heard how. Huĉtred his Kinſman was Nain, would
make no Peace with the Galvegians. They were, at a Loſs: For
the King of England, by thus lying by, afforded an Opportunity
to the Loyal Scots, to give the Rebels a ſignal Overthrow. Gil-
chrift (c) had the good Luck to do his King and Country that notable
piece of Service, lo much the more valuable, becauſe more necef-
lary, as Marters then ſtood, than any of his other Atchievements
.
In
(A) Di, Brady in the Life of Henry II. p. 318. (6) Der Brady pag. 3227
Gulielm,
(c) Boeth. in vit,
Chap. II.
1
Of the Scots Nation. 261
1
In the mean time, (a) David, the Brother of King William, Earl
of Huntington in England, and of Garioch in Scat land, who then
fought under the Engliſh Banners, receiv’d a Convoy, and came to
Scotland, where; having taken the Adminiſtration of Affairs upon
him, he ſent Ambaſſadors to France, with Orders to Treat about
the Redemption of the King his Brother. They redeem'd him ac-
cordingly: And he not only acknowledg’d himſelf the King of Eng-
land's Liege-man for the Kingdom of Scotland, as I ſaid before,
but alſo gave twenty one Hoftages, as Guarranties of the Treaty,
and put the Caſtles of Roxburgh, Berwick, fedbrirgh, Edinburgh,
and Stirling into the Hands of the Engliſh. Among theſe Hoftages,
(b) there were four Earls, beſides the King's own Brother, and the
reſt were all Men of great Fortunes, and next to Earls, of whom
we had then but few of the higheſt quality. I ſhall, for the Satil-
faction of their Pofterity, ſet down ſuch of them as had Sirnames,
Richard de Moreville, Lord high Conſtable, Richard Cuming, Walter
Corbet, Walter Olifard, John de Valz, William de Lindſay, Philip de
Coleville, Philip de Valoignes, Grandfather of the firſt of the Name, of
Value, that enjoy'd the Barony of Panmure (c) Robert Frembert,
Rob. de Burneville, Hugh Gyffard, Hugh Rydal, Walter Barkele, William
de la Hayė, William de Mortemer.
The learn’d and laborious Mr. Tyrrel (d).is ſo juſt, as tó own
that this is the firſt time, That the King of Scots did
. Homage to the
King of England, for all Scotland, and not for theſe Earldoms or Couri-
ties which were held of him before. «. But the Scots ſay, (e) That
even this Acknowledgement and Treaty was objected againſt by
" Dureſs, whilſt their King was detain’d in Priſon, therefore he
5 could not be obliged, much leſs his Succeſſor, to obſerve it.
“ That it was not only contrary to Law, but Írihumáne and Cruel,
to require of a Man, who was not his own Maſter but a Captive,
" and a Captive of the King of England, an Acknowledgment of
Superiority over his Independent
Kingdom of Scotland. That he
" who is in the power of an Enemy barbarouſly-us’d, and rudely
« toſs’d from Priſon to Priſon, may be compelld to do any thing.
" That the Engliſh, by all Men, ought to forbear pleading any
Right or Dominion upon ſuch Deeds: For, add they, and "tis
true, Richard I. King of England, even the brave Richard, whỏ
“ for his Magnanimity, was Sirnam'd Cæur de Lion, or Iyon's
“ Heart, when the Emperor's Priſoner, fubjected England to the
Emperor, and receiv'd Inveſtiture of it from him, with this ág-
gravating Circumſtance, That he alſo obliged himſelf to pay
5ooo lib. Sterl. annually, as a Tribute. (f) King fehn did yet
worlê, he not only offerd upon certain Conditions, Firſt, to
hold the Kingdom of England of the King of France, and then
of a Maburet an Prince and Negro ; but which is more, did
actual-
CC
(6
06
66
16
+
CC
66
C
06
6C
EG
Uuu
(a) Buchan: ibidem."?b) Fæder. Angi. Tom. (c) Charta penes Camitëm de Patimure. (dVid. Reign
Henry II. p;396. (e) Craig concerning
Homage Chap. 24 Anderſon's Eflay p. 163, 164. and Dalrympie
p. 207. (f) Hovenden P, 7245
262 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
(6
A,D. 1175.
“ actually make England Feudatory and Subject to the Pope,
by a moſt folemn voluntary Deed,made and Sworn to, with Con-
« ſent and in preſence of his Biſhops and Barons. Nay, his
« Son and Succeſſor King Henry ratified (a) his Fathers Deed, by
“ doing the like Homage, yet we ſhould all take it very ill, if, at
" this time of Day, either the Emperor or Pope ſhould lay
« Claim to the Superiority of England. But Reply the Eng-
lifb,
King William did not only ſubmit his Crown and Kingdom to
the King of England, when a Priſoner at Falaiſe; but alſo confirm’d
the Charter, then granted, by a publick and folemn Deeds when
free and at Liberty : For in Auguſt 1175; (6) he and his Brother,
Earl David, with almoſt all the Biſhops; Abbots, and Nobles of his
Kingdom ; Abbot Bennet adds, With all bis Franc Tenents or Freeholders
from the greateſt to the loweſt, met both the old and young King of
England, at Tork; took an Oath of Fidelity to them, and fairly gave
up the Kingdom of Scotland into their Guardianſhip and Patronage.
The Matter of Fact I ſhall not go about to conteſt; tho’’tis plain,
that all the Freeholders of the Nation, particularly the Galvegians
were not preſent at the Meeting, nor did they conſent to the igno-
minious Deed. However, 'twas certainly an unjuſtifiable, and
hitherto unprecedented piece of Cowardice in the King, and in
thoſe that comply'd with him. He was truly no King at the
time. For he had before unking’d himſelf, by the Paper he Sub-
ſcrib'd at Falaiſe
, and might have in Juſtice been treated as the
Buliol was afterwards upon
the ſame account. Buchanan (c) would
fain palliate the ſhameful Surrender, by telling the World, that tho
the Conditions were hard, yet the Scots were willing to accept of
them, that ſo they might effect the Reſtoration of one of the braveſt
and beſt of their Kings. But, to ſay the truth, in this he was
neither Good nor Brave, and was afterwards by far out-done by
two of his Succeſſors, when in the like Circumſtances.
Beſides,
as Mr. Tyrrel obſerves, (d) he had been reſtored in February before,
So that the Clergy and Nobility of Scotland could not join in this Acknow-
ledgement, out of a Deſire to enjoy their King. But, adds he, Either be-
cauſe they were convinc'd that this Homage for Scotland was truly due,
or elſe that they were th:n over-am'd by the great Power of the King of
England.
That the Homage was not truly due, Mr. Tyrrel (e) himſelf
feems to Confeſs, when he tells us, That this Charter i the more
remarkable, becauſe 'tis the firſt, wherein we find it expreſly mention’d,
that the King of Scots did Homage to the King of England for all Scot-
land. Beides
, as Mr. Anderſon (f) judiciouſly obſerves, the No-
velty of the thing is clearly imply'd in the very Deed it felf:
For tho it retrofpets to the even then pretended Subjection of the
Church of Scotland to that of Englànd, yet it does not at all men-
tion
(a) Math. Par. ad Ann. 1216 íb) Tyrrel ad Ann 1175. Dr. Brady ubi fup. p. 323. (c) In vit. Gulie:
(d) Ubi. ſup. p. 797. (e) ibid. (f) Ubi. ſup.
cared
nardo
Chap. II.
i
Of the Scots Nation.
263
tion, or ſo much as infinuate, that any Homage was formerly
paid for the Kingdom. The Engliſh contrivd, and drew out the
Papers ſubſcrib'd to, and no Body will think, that they would have
omitted to expreis former Homages had any been perform’d, or ſo
much as pretended to have been due. Sir James Dalrymple (a) has
alſo this unanſwerable Obſervation upon the Matter : He cites fe-
veral Paſſages of Engliſh Authors concerning this and former Ho-
mages, and concludes, That whoever will be at the Pains to com-
pare them together, muſt needs fee the Difference, and acknowledge;
that the former Homages were in ambiguous, general Terms, or
with Reſtrictions and Reſervations of the Lands poſſeſs’d by the
Kings of Scotland in England : Whereas this one is ſimple; plain
and expreſs, for the whole Kingdom of Scotland ; and by Confe-
quence not due by Virtue of prior Deeds.
That the Scots were then overaw'd by the great Power of the King of
England, I ſhall not deny: For (b) the King, and all the Power of
France; had a little before filed at his Preſence without one Blow
given. His Children had ſubmitted, his Rebels were under his
Feet; England was fecur’d, Ireland retain'd, Wiles ſübfervient to
his Arms,
Normandy in Poffeffion, and all the Coaſting Regions of
Britany, Guienne, Gaſcony, and others as far as the Borders of Spain,
under his Dominions. The King of Scotland had been his Priſoner;
and in order to be freed, had put him in Poffeffion of his beſt for-
treffes : So that indeed 'twas no wonder that the Scots were Over-
aw'd, hay; ſince the Enemy was actually poffefs'd of the Strength
of the Kingdom, they were in a great Meaſure ſübdu'd. Yet, 'tis
not probable, that a People ſo Fierce, ſo Proud, ſo obſtinately Te-
nacious of their Liberties and Independency; a People that had
baſi’d the Power of Rome given Laws to South-Britain, hiem'd in the
Saxons, expelld the Danes, defy'd the Normans; and but lately
fo much contributed to the Reſtoration of this fame King of Eng-
land: 'Tis not probable, I ſay, that a People,"luch as the Scots were
in thoſe Days, and long afterwards, would have reckon'd themſelves
fubdu’d, or comply'd with ſo inglorious a Surrender of their Coun-
try, preciſely becauſe over-aw'd by the Power of England. This
was one Motive no doubt; but they had others, in my Opinion,
more moving; tho hot at all Satisfactory : For I can by no means
approve of, or excuſe the Thing.
The King; in all the Actions of his Life but this one had ſhewni
himſelf to be a very great Man: The Authority of Kings in thoſe
Days was great, and the Reſpect moſt people had for the Memory
of his glorious and worthy Anceſtors and Predeceffors, St. David,
Alexander the Fierce; Malcolm Canmore, &c. was inexpreſſible : They
eſteem'd and lov’d himſelf, and every Body knows the irreſiſtible
Influence a Sovereign; tho inferior to him in Worth, and a Court
Party devoted to their private Intereſt, and their Maſter's Pleaſure,
may have over a Nation: Beſides, the Nation was then miſerably
Uuu 2
divided
;
(a) Ubi fupra (6) Echard ad Aan, 1174.
204 The Martial Atchievements Book II:
.
divided, and the Country by inteſtine Broils brought almoſt to
Ruin. Gilbert, the Chiftain of the Galvegians, was ſtill in Arms a-
gainſt the Government : Nay, he had (a) taken upon himſelf the
Title of King : And 'tis likely that the Scots, in Complyance with
the Deſire of their formerly belov?d Sovereign, chole rather to ſub-
mit to the Yoke of a Foreigner, who after all was not to alter their
Laws, nor to encroach upon their private Liberties, than to ſee the
Extinction of the Royal Family, and a home-bred (and, by reaſon
of his enormous Cruelties, abhord) Ulurper, ſeated upon the
Throne of a continu'd Series, both of Heroes and Saints. They
hop'd to get free of that more remote, and, to vulgar Eyes, ſcarce
viſible Servitude. And indeed their Hopes were not in vain : But
ſhould both the King and his Brother be abandon d ? Should the
Blood Royal pēriſh? What then could they expect, but to be un-
done by, an upſtart Villain? Who, being unable to reunite their
Minds, could never Protect their Perſons nor Fortunes, againſt ſo
formidable a Neighbour as King Henry. That this was the moſt
preſſing Motive that made them ſubmit to the King of England, is
the more probable, becauſe Engliſh Authors tell.us, (b) That after
the Diſpatch of this great Affair at York, King Henry gave leave to
the King of Scots to march with his Army into Galloway, in Order to
reduce Gilbert the Son of Fergus, and Prince of that Country, as
they Stile him : And Buchanan (c) in Confirmation of this, ſays al-
to, that William, at his return, in a few Months, by Means of Gil-
chrift his Lieutenant, quell'd the Inſurections made during his Ab-
Tence, in Galloway. This Succeſs, it ſeems, did not allay the Fer-
mert, former Miſcarriages, and probably the laſt mention'd, had
rais'd in the Nation, For,
Not long after, one Donald Bane a great Man among the Illan-
aillanderders, and who, they ſay, deriv'd his Origine from the Kings, af-
Yum'd the Name of King What colourable Pretence he could in-
vent to juſtify his Title, I cannot tell ; unleſs he ſuggeſted to the
People, that one and the fame Perſon could not at once be a Sub-
ject and King: And that in the fame Reſpect, that William, by
owning himſelf a Subject to England, for the Kingdom of Scotland,
had declar’d himſelf no King of Scotland ; That his Brother Earl Da-
vid had done the like, conſequently the Throne was Vacant; and
tliat he, being of the Blood Royal, had reaſon to Aſcend it. Had
he made ſuch a Plea, I dare ſay, he had brought over great Num-
bers to own him: Nor did he want followers, for he rigg’d out a
Fleet, and made ſeveral Deſcents in different Places of the Inland
Country: Nay, after having over-run and plunder'd both Caithnefs
and Rofs, he had the Boldneſs to fall down upon Murray. The King
marchid in Perſon againſt him, and having firft ſent out Ships with
Orders to Sail about, and burn the Iſlander's Fleet, he attackd
them with his Land Army, and put them alıſoft all to the Sword.
By this Means this Rebellion, or deſign d Ulurpation was cruſh'd
Donald Bane
Revolts a-
gainſt King
Killiam
more
(a). Boeth, in vit. Gulielm--P: 272. lib. 13; (b) Tyrrel; Brady ubi fup: tot ubi fup.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 205
gotten, Gilchrift.
more eaſily than the former had been : And by both it appears,
that King William's Misfortune in being made a Priſoner, and the
inglorious Ranſom he paid for his Delivery, had very much
weakn'd his Authority, and made his Government deſpicable, if
not queſtion d as illegal
. But, if this Prince was ſo unlucky, or fo
cowardly, as to bow under the Engliſh Yoke, he had alſo the Plea-
fure and Honour of effacing the ſignal Diſgrace, and of retrieving
the loft Liberties of his Countrey. The firſt ſtep: he made to that
Purpoſe, was this,
He was now a Widower, (a) and he Married Emergårde, à
Grandchild of King William the Conqueror : About the ſame time,
he paid one Moiety of the Sum, condeſcended upon for his Ranſom:
In Conſideration of which, his Caſtle of Edinburgh was evacuated
by the Engliſh, and reſtor'd to the Scots. And to cement the be
gining Concord between both Kingdoms, a Law was made, That
neither King Mould harbour the Enemy of tother.
Thüs King
William was in ſome meaſure reſtor’d to an Equality with the King
of England; at leaſt the King of England began to find it necefiary
to Treat with him upon Terms, not altogether unequal. But this
fame Law had almoſt ruin'd one of the braveſt, and moſt deſer-
ving Men in the World ; the often mention’d, and never tò bé for-
This great General, (b) whoſe numerous Exploits had charm'd
all Britain into an Admiration of his Merit, had not Mèrit enough
to Captivate the Heart of an inconftant Wife, or ſhe had not Eyes
to fee it: She abus’d his Bėd, or he was made to believe ſo, and
therefore caus’d her to be Slajn, notwithſtanding ſhe was the King's
Siſter. Upon this he was fummon’d to appear, but failing to diſgraca.
come on the Day appointed, he was Condemnd in Abſence: His
Houſes were demolifh'd, and his Eftate confiſcated. He made his
Eſcape into England : But upon the Promulgation of the Law, or
Agreement, I have mention d but now, was forc'd to return, and
ſhifting from Place to Place as a Stranger among Strangers, he paſs’d
his miſerable Life in great Penury and Want. While he was thus
wandering with his two Sons, the King, in his Return from his ſuc-
cesful Expedition againſt Donald Bane, chanc'd to ſpy upon the
Road to Perth, three Peaſants, who yet ſeem'd by their Air and
Mien to be more than fo, had it not been for their fhabby Dreſs
and courſe Cloaths. Upon his Approach, they left the Road,
and ſeem'd to avoid meeting with any Company. This rais'd the
King's Curioſity: He caus?d them to be brought to him and viewing
them intently, was very earneſt to know who they were. Gilchrift
plainly told him; and falling down at his. Féer, made a moving
Complaint of his Misfortunes. His Diſcourſe, and the Memory of
his former Glories and happy Life rais’d Compaſſion in the Hearts,
and drew Tears from the Eyes of all that were preſent. The
King himſelf could not chuſe but to be ſenſibly affected by ſo re-
markable
Gilchrift
:
Xxx
(a) Bocth. Buchan, ubi ſup.
260 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Favour.
Riſe.
1
markable an Inſtance of the Mutability of Fortune: He command-
ed him to get up from his Knees, gave him his Life, and gene-
Reſtor'd to roully reſtor’d him to his Honours and Eſtate; nay, and to the
fame Degree of Favour he had before. From this great Man, or,
as Boethius has it, from his Brother Bredus, to whom he gave the
Land of Ogilvie in Angus, the Illuſtrious Family and Name of
their firlt Ogilvie is ſaid to be deſcended ; a Family that continues ſtill to
pro-
duce Captains and States-men, not unworthy of its firſt Author.
But to return to the Hiſtory :
The next thing that fell out, luckily for King William, and
which did certainly efface the Diſgrace under which both he and
the Nation labour'd; was this. The Mighty Monarch, King Henry
II. of England, being now abandon'd (a) by that Fortune, that had
hitherto attended him, was, like the greateſt Potentate of our Times,
Difgrac'd in his declining Age, and forced by the prevailing Afcen-
dant of Philip King of France, and by a fecond Rebellion of Richard,
his Son and Heir, (for Henry the young King was Dead) to yield
to ſuch Terms of Peace, as his Victorious Enemies were pleas'd to
impoſe. Overconię with Rage and Grief, at his innumerable Dif-
afters, 'tis not my Province to relate, he curs'd the Hour of his
Births and laid God's Imprecations and his own, upon his. Chil-
Death of dren. Not long after, he fickn’d, confeſs'd his Sins, acknow-
A. D. 1189.
ledg’d the Juſtneſs of his laſt Misfortune, and ſo Expird. And ’tis
obſerv’d, that immediately after his Death, his Domeſticks ſervd
him after the ſame manner he had ſerv'd moſt part of his Neigh-
bours, that is, They laid afide all Decency and Humanity, rifl'd
him of his Cloaths, and left him Stript and Naked.
He was ſucceeded by his Son Richard, the ſame, who by his un-
King of
natural Rebellion, had ſo much contributed to his Father's Fall:
England.
A Rebellion, Heaven it ſelf ſeem'd to accuſe by a Miracle that en-
ſued : For, when the violent Richard, now Heir of all, came to
meet his Father's Body, royally Adorn'd for the Funeral, the Corps
gulh'd forth Blood : And he, touch'd with Remorſe, melted into
Floods of Tears. He afterwards proved to be as great and as brave
a Prince, as his Father; and by much the better Man. He honou-
red and reliev'd his Mother from her long Impriſonment, puniſhd
all thoſe that had ſtood even for himſelf againſt his Father, did Ju-
ftice to every Body, and in particular to William the King of Scotland.
He was ſenſible how much this Prince, his Neighbour,
Couſin and
particular Friend, had been injur'd : And ſince he intended to make
War upon the Enemies of Chriſt, he thought it but reafonable to
begin by ſettling a ſolid and laſting Peace with Chriſtian Neigh-
bours. With this View he invited King William to a Meeting at
Canterbury, and ſent a Royal Retinue to receive him on the Bor-
ders, and to conduct him thither. (b) They met accordingly, and
ſoon adjuited all Matters likely to beget Variance and Diſcord be-
tween
Henry II.
1
Richard I.
|
(a) Echard, &c. in his Life. (b) Dr. Brady in the Life of Rich. I. p. 423. Tyrrel ad Ann. 1189. p. 475.
Echard, &c ibid.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 267
Ellay p. 175, 176, &c.
tween them: For Richard gave up thoſe Caſtles, viz. Roxburgh and
Berwick, that till then had remaind in the Hands of the Engliſh, and
alo acquitted King William and his Heirs for ever, from all Agree- Rencunces
ments which his Father Henry had Extorted (from him and his Sub- Pretention
jects) by nero Charters, and his impriſonment. By the fame Deed, fțill to the Supe:
extant amongit the Archives of England, (a) King Richard declares Scotland.
that King William of Scotland did pay Hoinage to him, only for
theſe Lands his Predeceſſors held of the Kings of England. On the
other Hand, King William, for the Reftitution of his Caſtles, and
the Releaſe of the Fealties of his Tenants of the Kingdom of Scotland,
paid to King Richard, the Sum of 10000 Merks Sterling ; no incon
liderable Sum in thoſe Days, From all which it plainly appears (lays
Mr. Tyrrel, honeſtly and fairly.) that there was no Homage due to the
King of England for Scotland, before that time. This ingenuous Con-
ceſſion is to much the more valuable, that it comes from one, who,
as he has a clear Judgment and a great deal of Reading, ſo he is
abundantly forward, (as all good Men ought to be) to Illuſtrate
the real Glories, and to Affert the juſt Rights of his native Coun-
try. Nay, he had hitherto ſtickld as to this very Point, and made
it at leaſt a Doubt, whether the Kings of Scotland did at any time pay
Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland, to the Engliſh Monarchs. But
here his Doubts are remov’d: The Force of Truth prevails over Na-
tional Prejudice, and by yielding to Truth, he Honours both, him-
ſelf and his Country: I ſay, he Honours his Country, which,
ſince ?tis now become one and the ſame with Scotland, is the more
Glorious, by how much more Scotland has been ſo. Yet there are,
who in Spite of Evidence, and in Defiance of Truth (b) do ſtill in
fiſt upon this Claim of Homage, the Wiſeft of the Engliſh have al-
ready given up, as I doubt not but henceforth all Mankind will. :
Some have pretended, that this Deed was granted by King
Richard in Contideration of a Sum of Money, which the Scots will
never be able to prove was paid. They're miſtaken, for there's a
Charter extant, and tranſcrib'd by Mt. Anderſon, in which Charter
granted by King William to the Monks of the Ciſtertian Order, that
Prince tells ; That himſelf and his Kingdom being under Sera
vitude to Henry, late King of England, he behov?d to pay Money to
Ribard, his Sorr and Succeffor, for Redeeming of his own Freedom,
and for Reſtoring his Kingdom, to its ancient Liberty, He adds,
That this Event never before happend, and that he hspes the like ſhall ne-
A convincing Proof, that both the Money was paid, and
that the Claim of Homage for Scotland, had been till that time un-
known. But, fays Mr. Atwood, This was only a private Deed of
. King
Richard, for the ſake of a little Money, when he was intent upon the holy
War; and the Words of the Charter are ambiguous, except as to the Reſto-
ring of the Caftles. That it was no private Deed, is plain, by the
Number and Quality of the Witneſſes: And, as Mr. Anderſon judici-
oully
(4) Append. to Brady's Hift. of Engi. Num. 68, Foedera Angliæ Tom. I. p. 64. (b) Anderſon's HiA.
i
ver occur.
X X X2
268
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
ouſly obſerves, he who thinks the Words, Extortion and New Char-
ters, to be ambiguous, may think or ſay what he pleaſes. Hoveder
(a) who liv'd at the time, and from whom we have a Double of the
Deed, did not think it ambiguous or private :
He tells us
plainly, That King Richard reſtor’d to King William the Caſtles of
Roxburgh and Berwick, and did'acquit and froe him and. his Heirs for
ever, from all Allegiance and Subjection for the Kingdom of Scotland, to
himſelf and his Succeſſors Kings of England, and that King William did
Homage to him but pro dignitatibus ſuis habendis in Anglia, fór the
Dignities which he was to enjoy in England, as his Brother King Malcolin
had done before. Now, what Homage King Malcolm had formerly
paid, the ſame Hoveden (6) explains, by telling us, thát Malcolm
met Henry II. at Cheſter, and paid Homage to him, in the ſame
Manner as his Grandfather paid to Henry I. Saving all his Dignities:
With this Salvo, which muſt needs refer to the Kingdom of Scot-
land, ſince applicable to no other; did the Kings of Scots pay Ho-
mage to thole of England ; and juſtly, ſo long as they were poſſeſs’d
of Engliſh Territories. Mathew Paris (c) agrees exactly with Ho-'
veden, in the Accounts he gives of this memorable Tranſaction :
Nor does William of Newbriggs (d) differ from either : He alſo liv’d
about thoſe Days, and tells us plainly, That Henry II. was the firſt
of the Engliſh Kings who had Dominion over Scotland : Inſomuch
that 'tis plain,to a Demonſtration, that all Charters of Homage, faid
to be made by any former Kings of Scotland, are ſo many notorious
Forgeries; and that the Evidences brought from Hiſtory to the
fame Purpoſe, are but like Dreams, Fantaſtical ; and as Romances,
Fičtitious; Nay, which is worſe, Calumnious and Impudent. From
all which it appears, that the laſt Subterfuge and Suppoſition of Mr.
Atwood, is no more pungent than his other Arguments. He fays,
That if the King's of Scotland had been formerly oblig’d to do Homage for
their Kingdom, to the Kings of England, that Obligation was not leſſend
by the Charter King Richard granted at Canterbury to King William .
Very true, but the Kings of Scotland had never till then been obli-
ged to do Homage for their Kingdom to thoſe of England; nor then
neither, but by Extortion, ſays King Richard himſelf
. For which
Reaſon (and a very good one it was) that wiſe, as well as warlike
Monarch, thought fit to give up, with Frankneſs, this new and ill
gotten Superiority over a King and People, who, he, very well
knew, would never ſuffer him to keep it with Eaſe. His intended
Expedition againſt the Mahometans, towards which he ſtood in
need both of Men and Money, I truly believe, did much contri-
bute to this A&t of Juſtice ; at leaſt Hiſtorians
, generally ſay for
However, he did Juſtice to King William : And King William faild
not, in his Turn, to expreſs his Gratitude, by ſupplying him both
with Money and Men: For he not only advanc’d the Sum deman-
ded, but alſo encourag'd his Brother Earl David, (e) to whom he
و
1
gave
(a) Anderſon's Hiftor. Eſſay p. 662. (6) ibid. (e) Craig concerning Homage chap, 24. (d) Lib. 1. cap. 4.
(ej Boeth. Buchan, in vit. Guliel. Echard lib. 2. D. 216. ad Ann: 1189.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 209
gods
.
}
gave a noble Equipage, and an Army of 5000 Men to accompany
him into the Holy Land. 'Tis not to be doubted but Scotſmen, lome
of whoin never fail'd to ſhare, if not with the Engliſis. Nor-
mans, at leaſt with the Saxons of England, and the French, their more
ancient Confederates, in all the Wars, either of theſe Nations wag d,
eſpecially in the Defence of Religion and Right : 'Tis not to be
doubted, I ſay, but Scotſmen had long e're now contributed their
Endeavours towards the Relief of Jeruſalem. But becauſe this is the
firſt time, for ought I can learn, that they made up a diſtinct and
reinarkable Body in that Service, I have delay'd till now to give my
Reader the Survey he may expect from the Peruſal of my Propoſals
of thoſe Wars, coinmonly call’d Holy; the moſt Famous by far, if not
the moſt Glorious, the Powers of Chriſtian Europe did ever under-
take.
By what Means the Roman Empire, or rather that of the World,
came firſt to decay, and how it came afterwards to be divided into
that ofthe Eaſt, commonly call’d the Grecian, and that of the Weſt, we
call the Roman Empire, a Shadow of which as yet remains, I have.
elſewhere related. The Empire of the Eaſt had much the ſame
Fate with that of the Weſt: Its People and Princes, enervated by
Eaſe, Wealth and Luxury, turn’d Effeminate; and barbarous Nati- Occaſion of
ons laid hold on the Opportunity to invade and conquer thote.deli- des or Hely
cious Provinces, nothing but Paradiſe could, vye with. The Ara-War.
bian Saracens, (a) under the Conduct of their Califs, the Succeſſors
of the Iínpoſtor and fälſe Prophet Mahomet, did chiefly contribute to
depreſs the Grecian Power.. By
. Proceſs of Time, they made them-
felves Maſters of all the higher Afia, and of Egypt ; and they had
been in Poffeffion of the Holy Land, and its Capital Jeruſalem, du:
ring the ſpace of about: 400 Years, when the Turks feis d upon it in
their Turn; and by their Revolts eſtabliſh:d a new Dominion or
Empire in Afia. Theſe laft had for ſeveral years ſerv’d the Saracens ;
by whom they had been invited into' Perhia, as the Saxons were by
tlie Britains into this:Iſand. And indeed both theſes Auxiliary. Na
tions ſerv'd in the ſame manner, that is, they beat; off the Enemy,
againſt whom they had been called, and then turn’d their Arms up-
on their Pay-Maſters, and ſubdu'd them. Sö dangerous it ever was
to depend upon mercenary Souldiers, or to give footing to Stran-
gers, in a Land better, or but as good as their own. Under the Ty
ranny of theſe Turks, from Heathens now turn'd, in Iinitation of the A. D. 1097
Saracens, Mahumetans, did the Chriſtians of Afia, Syria, Paleſtine, and
principally of Jeruſalem groan; when a Frenchman, one Peter of Ami-
ens, by Profeſſion a Hermit, undertook a Pilgrimage to the Sepul. Hermit.
chre of our Lord and Saviour. He beheld with Indignation and
Sorrow, the captivated Monuments of the Redemption of Mankind:
And having convers’d about the Matter with Simon, the then Patri-
arch of Jeruſalem, engag'd at firſt to uſe all his Intereſt in Europe,
towards
Peter the
Y y y
(a), L'Hiſtoire des Croiſades par le P. Maimbourg. Tho. Mill's Hiſtory of the Holy War. The Hiſtory of
the World by Mr. Chevercau. Favyn dans fon Theatre d’honeur. Vigencre dans ſes Annotations du Talle,
'
เน
270 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
CX
t
War.
1
towards reſcuing them, and the Chriſtian Inhabitants of the Coun--
try, from Oppreſſion and Slavery. And indeed he was as good as
his Word, he wrote to the Pope, he went to Rome, he importun’d Ur-
ban II. a Frenchman as himſelf, to preſs the Princes of his Commu-
nion to an Attempt To Glorious, and, as he ſaid, fo Eaſy. He de-
ſcribd to him all the Glories of Paleſtine and the adjacent Places,
and made it appear, that 'twas practicable to conquer them. Some
have thought that Urban himſelf, or his Predeceſſor, Gregory
VII. had contriv’d the Buſineſs, and ſent the Hermit to Jeruſalem, as
his Emiſſary, with Orders to act the Part he did, both there, and
after his Return. Be this as it will; 'tis certain that the Pontif,
whether acted by Policy or Religion, or both, I do not determine
embrac'd the Project with Joy, and purſu'd it with all imaginable
Pripe Diban Zeal. He firſt ſent the Hermit (who, tho a little Man,and but deſpi-
11 the firft cable in Appearance; had nevertheleſs a great deal of Conduct to
Holy manage, and Courage to undertake the moſt difficult Enterprizes)
through moſt Countries of Europe, with Orders to publiſh every-
where, both in Converſation, and from the Pulpit, the very fame
Things he had related to himſelf. The Succeſs of this Miſſion was
incredibly great: Whether the Ardour of the Miſſionary made him
more Eloquent than he naturally was, or, that the Grandeur and
Novelty of the Project inflam'd the Minds of his Hearers, or, that
Providence would have it ſo, it muſt be own'd, that the Endea-
vours of one Man had never ſo ſudden nor ſo ſurpriſing an Effect,
as on this Occaſion. And when the Hearts and Minds of all Ranks
of People had been thus unexpectedly prediſpos'd, the Pope call'd
a Council, firſt at Placentia in Italy, and afterwards at Clermont in
Auvergn.
To that of Placentia came, among an infinite Number of others,
À. D. 1094
the Ambaſſadors of the Grecian Emperor, Alexius Comnene, who
humbly intreated, and pathetically exhorted the Weſtern Potentates
to join their united Arms with his, and to reſcue thoſe
poor
Re-
mains of the Eaſtern Empire, the Infidels threatn’d to ſwallow up;
and to add to thoſe numerous and unjuſt Conqueſts, they had alrea-
dy made over the Croſs of Chriſt. This Embaſſy was admirably
well tim'd, and contributed extremely to promote the Defign in
Hand: For by this Means, the Juſtice of the War was unqueſtion-
able, and it could not but be thought lawful for Chriſtian Princes to
ſupport with their Auxiliary Arms, a Chriſtian Emperor, Infidels
were about to deſtroy. Alexius had Reaſon to defend thoſe Terri-
tories he ſtill enjoy’d: Nay, he had a good Title to thoſe his Prede.
ceffors had loft in War, but had never given up by a Treaty of
Peace: Theſe laſt, the Europeans had a Mind, and were by him-
ſelf invited, to recover ; but then they were willing, and did a&tu-
ally oblige themſelves, upon certain Conditions, to hold them in
Fee of the Greciin Emiperors. So that 'tis evident, the War was in
every reſpect Lawful and Juft: But the Zeal of thoſe Ages would
have it allo to be Holy and Meritorioưs before God. For, in the
1
Council
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 271
CG
(C
(C
once
Council of Clermont, the Pope, as did all other Ecclefiafticks in their A. D.1095.
Sermons to the People, infifted chiefly upon the Miſeries of the
Chriſtians in Aſia, and the Devaſtation of thoſe holy Places in Firu-
Salem, and the Parts adjacent. He told the Aſſembly; “ That theſe
" Places (once the Joy and Delight of the Univerſe) were now be-
come the Grief and Affliction
of the Faithful : That the Chap-
pel of Chriſt's Conception at Nazareth, his Birth at Bethlehem, his
“ Burial on Mount Calvary, and of his Aſcenſion on Mount Olivet,
the Fountains of Piety, were now become the Sinks of alí
« Prophaneneſs. That the Holy Land, the City of God, the Inhe-
“ ritance of Jeſus Chriſt, the Center of the Earth, and the Heart
" of Chriſtendom, (ſo he thought fit to call it) was now poffefs’d
«s and fully'd by Infidels, Saracens and Turks, who may in loine
« Meaſure be ſaid to have driven the Lord of the Univerſe from
“ his Capital, and to triumph over him that gave firſt Life, and
6 and then Salvation to Mankind. That the Croſs of Chriſt, the
cc Ornament and Glory of Crown'd Heads; was trampld upon, by
is the moſt vile and wicked of Adam's Race. That therefore 'twas
“ highly neceſſary for them to take Arms, and with all the united
“ Powers of Chriſtendom, to do what one of the European Nations
« could alone effect : But that fince all were concern'd, 'twas but
< juſt that all ſhould ſhare in the Glory and Merit of the Attempt.
to "And the better to whet their Courage, he promis'd to all thoſe that
" would join in the Service, a full and plenary Indulgence; that is,
a Remiflion of all Penances uſually impos'd by Confeflors, after
66. Conifefſion of Sins, and Repentance, expreſs’d by the Sinner ; as
« alſo, a Relaxation of, or Dilpenſation with all the moſt rigorous
“ Ordinances arid Canons of the then Church. Nay, he aſſurd them,
« that; would they take up the Croſs, that is, as I ſaid before, Join in
6 the Service; they could not fail of immortal Glory, or by vanqui-
"ſhing their Infidel Enemies, or by dying as Martyrs for the Cauſe
66 of Chriſt.
'Tis almoſt incredible with what a wonderful Chearfulneſs this
Motion, (meeting with an a&tive, zealous, and credulous World)
was generally entertain'd. The Pope had not ended his Diſcourſe,
when the Allemblýcompos'd of an infinite Number of Perſons all
Melting in Tearš, beating their Breafts, cafting up their Eyes, and
lifting their Arms to Heaven, unanimouſly with one Voice, as if
they had done it of Concert, cry?d out aloud, God willeib it, God
willeth it. After this, the Houſes of moſt Men, noble and ignoble,
the publick Places, the High-ways and Streets, were filld withi
Perſons that wore a Red-Croſs upon the right Shoulder : This was
the Badge of the Liſted, which gave Riſe to the Words, Croſs and
Cruſade. And this Badge was affum'd with ſo much Ardour in all
Parts of Europe, eſpecially among the French (who, to ſay the
Truth, contributed as much alone towards this War, as all the other
Nations together) that rio Confideration of Intereſt, Pleaſure, Love,
Relation or Friendfhip, could hinder vaſt Multitudes from break-
Yyys
ing
CC
i
277 2
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Etive Croſſes they wore that ſtill remain undefac'd upon ſeveral of
ing all theſe Bonds, in order to tie themſelves anew by folemn
Vows, to perform their Part towards the Project laid down.
Friends exhorted one another to the Thing, and promis'd their
mútual Aſliftańce in it. Enemies reconcild, and the Foe forgave and
einbrac'd the Perſon he had hated before. Natural Affection kept
back, nor Husbands, nor Wives, nor Fathers, nor Sons ; even the
Religious quitted their Cloyſterss; and Quality, Age and Sex,
were no Impediment to any in that Way Tis true, fáy Authors,
That all made not God's Glory their End : For ſome went away, or
to follow their Friends, or to adapt their Devotion to their. Intereſt:
Others, left they ſhould be lookt upon ás Cowards and not a few, that
they might be exempt from the Payment of theit Debts. However
it :was, Mr. Chervereau tells us, That Italy, France, Germany, Scotland,
England, Hungary, Denmaik and Swedland, were engag’d in that War:
Arid that the Princes, Dukes, Earls, Marqueſes, Barons, Lords
and Gentlemen, fold or morgag d. their Eſtates to raiſe a Supply
for the glorious Expedition. That Author (a) reckons Scotland
among theſe the moſt forward Nations : And Pere Maimbourg (6)
tells us, that the Knights of St. Lazaregàn Order of Men, dedicated
to’the holy War, were numerous every where in Europe, but chiefly
in France Scotland, England, &c. The many. Lands they were pof-
feſs'd of in Scotland, as appears by the Charters and Grants of Prin-
ces and great Men in their Favour, yet extant; nay, the diſtin-
their Houſes and Caſtles, do :evince the ſame Thing, and are ſo ma-
ny Proofs, that tho the Scots were no fo numerous, (and that was
not to be expected from the Extent of their marrower and Jeſs opu-
Scorfwen ve- lent Territories.), yet they were 'as forward, gallahit, and zealous in
the Huly" the Service, aś any of their Neiglibours. The famous Godfrey of
Boloign; Duke of Lorrain, (from whoſe illuſtrious Family, that De la
Tour d' Advergri, yet extant in France, iş lineally deſcended) ibad un-
doubtedly a greater Share both of Labour and Glory in the firft Ex-
pedition, than any of the Confederate Pilgrims. His Brothers
,
Euſtach and Baudouin accompanied him: And next to theſe three,
the moſt noted in Story, were Hugli call?d the Great, a Brother of
Philip 1. King of France, Robert Duke of Normandy, the eldeſt Son of
King William the Conqueror of England, Robert Earl of: Flanders,
Stephen Earl of Champaign, Alan Lord Great Steward of Scotland, &c.
All Heroes, whoſe admir'd Atchievements (greater by fat than thoſe
of the Grecian Confederates of old, I mean the Agamemnon's; Achilles
,
&c. that ruin’d Troy) have not mifsd of another Homec? (c'to eter-
nize them.
The beginning of this War was nevertheleſs unfortunate: For of
no leſs than eight Armies, form’d out of an infinite Number of Vo-
A. D. 1097. lunteers, four of them were defeated in their Paſſage through Hun-
gary, Bulgaria and Greece. But this was no Matter of Wonder; they
War.
1.9D
IL
i
..
.. were
.
1
:
! Cheavceau Hiftor, of the World, in the Reign of Henry W. (6) Hiſtoire des Croiſades livre 111. (6)
The Tall
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. C
1
.
273
were rather ſo many Rabbles than Armies: They obſerv'd no Dif-
cipline nor Order:
Their Chiftains were Fools or Knaves, and then-
felves, for the moſt part, meaři, abje&t: Villains; the Raſcality of Ger-
many, France and Lorrain; who had taken the Crofs, but to affront it
and ſought not to Conquer, but to Plunder and Deſtroy : Infomuch,
that the inhabitafits of thoſe Countries through which they paſs’d,
unable to bear their Inſolence and Breach of Faith, did but ferve .
them as they deſerv’d. And it ſeems:'twas neceffary that the Chris
ftian Army ſhould be thus purg’d; by the moſt violent Remedies,
from the Dregs of the baſer and ruder Multitude. The Remain-
der arriv’d at Conftantinople; whither they cáme, partly' by Sea, and
partly by Land, and even theſe were computed to the Number of
600000 Foot, and tooooo Horſe, all Refoluté arid Brave, and by
Conſequence capable to have ſubdu’d, not only the Holy Land, bat
all Aſia and Africk. The Emperor Alexius. thought no leſs : He
trembld at the mighty Shew, dreaded the Deſigns of the arm’d
Pilgrims, and unluckily entaild his groundleſs Jealoufies on the
Minds of all his Succeſſors, who dreaming that thoſe Weſtern Chri-
ſtians pretended the Conqueft of Jerufalem, but intended that of
Conſtantinople could never be heartily reconcild to this War. Howeverz
he found that his Gueſts were powerful enough to command their
own Welcome, and therefore entertain’d them civilly, and granted
them Paſſage through his Territories ; with this Proviſo, That they
ſhould hold of him whatever they ſhould recover of the Eaftein
Émpire; Ferufátem only excepted. They frankly agreed to the O-
Perture, and he oblig'd himſelf, on his Part, to furniſh them withi
Shipping, Armour, and all other Neceffaries, towards the carrying
on of the noble Defign; which nevertheleſs he treacherouſly retar-
ded by all the finiſtrous Means he could deviſe.
'Tis not to be expected, that I ſhould enlarge upon the Patti-
cülars of this memorable Expedition, the moſt Difficult, and the
moſt Glorious, that was ever attempted by Men: In 1097, Godfrey,
who, fome fay, Coiņmanded in Chief the whole Army, which was,
if not as Numerous; undoubtedly as Gallant and Brave, as ever the
Süni behield, took the Cities of Nice and Heraclea in Bythinia, Tarſus
in Cilicia ; he croſs'd Afia Minor, drove the Turks out of Antioch,
and having worſted theſe and all the Confederate Powers of Per
rſia,
Babylon and Egypt, in ſeveral pitch'd Battles, got at laſt Poſſeſſion Godfrey of
of Jeruſalem in 1099, tho at the beginning of the Siege; as ſome Boloign.com
Authors affurë us, he had but 20000 fighting Men; fo very much falem
were their Numbers leſſen'd by Tğil, Hardſhips, Sickneſs, Deſer- A. D.1099.
tiori and Combats. The City was taken by Storm ; and there was
a horrid Maffacre made of the Saracens within it: För of late that
People had re-taken it from the Turks; but to their Coft, fince, be-
fides the incredible Loffes they fuftàin d, during the Siege, there
were kill'd of them to the Number of 706oo about the Temple.
Before the Reduction of Jeruſalem the Chriſtians had already ere-
cted two Principalities in those Parts; that of Antioch, and that of
Edella :
1
Z z z
274
The Martial Atchievements Book II
Edela: Boemond Duke of Apulia had poffefs'd himſelf of that, and
Baudowin, the Brother of Godfrey of this. And now 'twas thought fit
to proceed to the Election of a King of Jeruſalem: Raymond, Earl of
Tholouſe, was the firſt Man propos'd in the Aſſembly of Princes: But
he was old, and had the Wiſdom to decline that Grandeur he was
incapable to ſupport. The fame Honour was done to Robert, Duke
of Normandy, who, on all Occaſions, had expreſsd an undaunted
Courage and moſt active Zeal: And he too refus’d the Offer; either
becauſe he had an Eye to the Engliſh Throne, then Vacant, as he
thought, by the Death of his Brother William Rwfus, or becauſe he
imagin'd, that the Kigdom of Jeruſalem, would, in all Probability,
be incumber'd with a continual War. But, ſays Mr. Milles, he who
would not accept of the Crown, with the Croſs, was afterwards
forcd to take the Croſs, without the Crown : For, from that Day
forward, he never thriv'd in any thing he undertook. The laſt and
fitteſt Perſon condeſcended upon, was the Immortal Godfrey, who
accordingly was proclaim'd King: But he would not take that Title up-
on him: And in Mr.Chezreau's Opinion, the Hiſtorians who have made
him King, did make him ſo, purely by their own Authority: For he
was neither Anointed nor Crown'd ; Nay, he conſtantly refus'd to be
King, Becauſe, as he expreſs’d himſelf," he could not, without impious
Ambition, wear a Crown of Gold upon his Head, where his Lord and Sa-
viour had worn a Crown of Thorns. This is proved by his Epitaph,
Here lyes the Illuſtrious Godfrey of Bouloign, who gain'd all this Land,
that the Chriſtians might have it for their Worſhip. The ſame thing ap-
pears by the Ordinances and Letters of his Brother Baldwin, who
fucceeded him. They begin thus, Baldwin by the Grace of God, of all
the French and Latins the firſt King of Jeruſalem, as William of Tyre
informs us.
The ſame Hiſtorian tells us elſewhere, that Baldwin of
Bourg was the ſecond French King of Jeruſalem, and that Foulk was
the third. ' However, if Godfrey did not take the Title, 'tis certain
that he had the Power and Authority of King, and that he was the
Man in the World that deſérv'd it beſt. For, but a few Days after
the Adminiſtration of Affairs had been put upon him, with but
the King- 5000 Horſe, and 15000 Foot, he defeated the Sultan of Babylon's
dom of Fe- Army, which was ſeven times ſtronger than his own, and kill'd no
leis, than 100000 upon the Spot. He afterwards took the City of
Aſcalon, and having, in leſs than four Years, reduc'd Lycaonia, Cappa-
docia, Cilicia, Paphlagonia, Meſopotamia, and Comagena, he died of the
A. D. 1100. Plague, and was lucceeded by his Brother Baldwin, and he again by
ſuch other Princes of his own Blood Royal, as reign'd with Glory,
and build all the Efforts of the ſtill contending Infidels; till the Year
1143 ; when Edeſſa, one of the three Principalities poſſeſs’d by the
Europeans in the Eaſt, (for to the two formerly mention'd, they had
added that of Tripoli) was, by the Effeminate and Cowardly Folélin its
„Prince, unfortunately
. loft, and by Şanguin, Sultan of Aleppo and Ni-
niive, the moſt Potent of the Turkiſh Princes, regain’d.
Eſtabliſhes
.
The
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation . 275
Saladin,
The renown'd Noradia ſucceeded to Sanguin his Father, in the
Sovereignty of Aleppo : And 'twäs not long, ere this young Hero;
who had nothing of the Barbarian or Turk, but the Name, made
himſelf Terrible to all his Neighbours, eſpecially to the Chriftians:
And 'twas with much difficulty, that the united Powers of German
ny and France, under the Command of their reſpective Sovereigns,
Conrade III. and Lewis VII. kept him within Bounds. He was fuc-
ceeded by Saladin a Turk,yet more Potent, as Brave, and no leſs Am-
bitious than himſelf..
This Saladin, the Nephew of one Syracon, who, by the Orders of
Noradin, had ſeis’d on Egypt, which he Govern'd nevertheleſs with The Sultasi
a ſeeming Dependency on its Calif or Sovereign, was one of the
greateſt Conquerors and braveſt Captains of his Age. Upon the
Death of his Uncle, he murther'd the Egyptian Calif, and made
himſelf abſolute Monarch of that opulent and fertile Country;
which yet was not ſufficient to ſatisfy his unbounded Deſires of Con-
queft and Glory. He aſpir'd at no leſs than the Empire of the
Eaſt, and provided he could Conquer, he had little or no Regard,
whether Chriſtians or Infidels, Turks or Saracens. He found means
to gain the Heart, and to enter the Bed of the Widow of his Ma-
fter Noradin, whoſe Son he ungratefully difpoffefs d of Meſopotamia,
Part of Syria, and all the Territories, his Father 'had acquir'd on
both ſides of the Euphrates. Thus ſtrengthn'd by innumerable Ac-
quiſitions, and elated with amazing Succeſs
, he attack’d the Chri-
fians in their Turn. King Bandowin IV. tho in his Nonage fre-
quently worſted, yet, when come to be Major, made a vigorous
Oppoſition againit the growing Torrent. But this Baudowin, being
of a weak and fickly Conſtitution, was forc'd to truſt the Manag-
ment of Affairs to another; and he had the Misfortune to make a
very unfit Choiſe. He pitch'd upon Guy of Lufignan, a young
Frenchman of no great Reputation, either for Courage or Conduct,
to whom he gave his Siſter Sybilla, formerly the Wife of William
Marqueſs of Montferrat in Marriage. This was hugely diſfatisfying
to all the Grandees of the Kingdom, particularly to Raymond Earl lions in the
of Tripoli
, an Ambitious, Irreligious and reſenting Prince, who Kingdom of
could never forget the Injury. he conceiv'd done to himſelf by the bring of
Preferment of a perſon he ſo much undervalu’d. The Diſlatif-
fa&tion of the Malecontents was heightn’d upon the Death of the
valetudinary Baudowin, and yet more upon that of the Infant King
his Nephew, who ſurviv'd him but fix Months, and then died, as
was thought by Poiſon; whether given him by Earl Raymond, then
his Tutor, or by Sybilla his own Mother, is ſtill a Voubt: But
this is certain, Sybilla, in her own Right,and Guy de Luſignan, becauſe
her then Husband, found Means to aſcend the Throne. Earl Ray-
mond was the Heir Male, and, as ſuch, he had both Pretenſions and
Friends : But theſe laſt 'were unable or unwilling to ſet him up.
Guy had been fairly own'd King of Jeruſalem in Right of his Wite:
And to cominence a civil War,as Matters then ſtood, was to give up
Z Z Z 2
both
Great Divi:
its Ruin.
I
270
Book IK
I be Martial Atchievements
both King and Kingdom to Foreign Infidels, ready to catch at all
Opportunities of fubduing the Chriſtian States
. But Raymond had
another View of the Matter, he would needs Reign, if not by the
Ailitance of his Chriſtian Friends, at leaſt by that of his Infidel
Enemies. To bring about this, the worſt of Deſigns, he treated
with Saladin, and promis’d, what was yet worfe, to deliver
up
the
Kingdom into his Hands, and to turn Mahumetan, provided he was
made Maſter of it: Nay, he kept his Wordy for he firſt betray'd
the Chriſtian Army into an Ambuſcade, laid by the Turks near Ti-
berias ; then throwing off the Mask, he retir’d to his Principality
of Tripoli, and confirm’d the Opinion every Body had of his Trea-
fon, by Apoftatizing from his Religion, and owning himſelf, what
he really was, a Renegado. So frail is the the Nature of Man when
overpower'd by Paſſion, and deftitụte of Grace : This is never
wanting to thoſe that ſeek it : But Paffions of all ſorts, Ambition
eſpecially, obſtruct its Paſſage into the Soul. And in all Ages and
Nations we find, that great Numbers, to purchaſe Diadems, have,
as Raymond, deſpis’d Religion j; and, like the unnatural Tullia,
trode, upon Parentage : Whereas but few, not one perhaps in a Cen-
tury, have either refignd theit Gtowns in Favour of more righteous
Owners, or abdicated preciſely from a Principle of Conſcience.
Saladin in the mean tiine purſu'd his Victory, and a very great
one it was, ſince both the true Croſs of our Saviour,, at leaſt that
which every Body believ'd to be fo; and King Gay were taken.
In oñe Months time he conquer'd Berytus, Biblis, Ptolemass; and all
the Sea-Port Towns but Ajre, from Sidon to Aſcalon. He ſum-
mon’d that place alſo: But finding the Governour, Garriſon and In-
habitants reſolv’d to defend it to the laſt, he laid afide that En-
terpriſe, and undertook another he thought more eaſy, more Ho-
nourable, and no leſs Advantageous, the Siege of ferufalem it ſelf
.
Accordingly he ſat down before that Capital; and to be ſhort (for
Saladin con- I do not incline to enlarge upon a Subject fo Melancholy) made
all the king-
himſelf Maſter of the Holy City, on the Fourteenth Day of the
dom of Fe. Siege. Thoſe of the Greek Church he permitted to ſtay and live
in it as before, but commanded all the Latinės to depart. Never
was any thing more moving, or more lamentable, than to behold
fuchi Swarms of People of all Ranks and Ages thus unluckily con,
Atrain’d to abandon thoſe Sacred Places their Fathers had Purchas'd
at the Expence of ſo much Treaſure and Blood, Places they never
lov'd lo paſſionately, as now they muſt leave them. The preceed-
ing. Night before their Departure, nothing was to be heard or feeri
among them, but Sighs and Tears, and doleful Lamentations of
Women, Children and Men, both Young and Old. They could
1100 think of withdrawing, eſpecially from the Sepulchre of their
Lord : But they crowded about it, waſhing it with their Tears,
and lying proftrate on the Ground kiſs'd it for the laft time. Mo-
thers held their Infants, as yet unable to walk, in their Arms ;, Hul-
bands help'd with one Hand their Wives thus . laden with the be-
quers almoſt
ufalem.
lov'd
Chap. II.
277
Of the Scots Nation .
lord Burdens to advance, and with the other led, or rather drew
after them ſuch of their Children as could ſtep. The ſtrongeſt
Youth truſsd up their aged Fathers and Mothers on their Backs;
and all were employ'd in bringing of ſomething more Dear and Pre-
cious to them, than their Money or Moveables. The Queen and
Patriarch were Banilh'd as the reſt, and the Groans of the deſolate
Nation could not but be carried to, and heard over all the Pro-
vinces and States of Chriſtendom. All Europe Eccho'd back their
condoling Affliction to Syria, and ſome haftend to afford the re-
maining Chriſtians in thoſe Parts what Comfort they could. The
Pope, Urban III. died for Grief the very Moment he was told of
the grating News : And the Court of Rome Reform'd it ſelf ſo zeal-
qully, that beſides other voluntary Penances, even the Cardinals
unanimouſly reſolv'd to lay aſide their rich Furniture, Rétinues and
Equipage, and to Walk or Travel never otherwiſe,but on Foot, while
the Feet of Mahumetans ſhould tread on the Holy Land. ThisReſolve
it ſeems their Suceffors have not thought binding upon them; other-
wiſe, or Jeruſalem had been regain'd ere this time, or Cardinals
had ſtill been,what all, eſpecially Church-men, ſhould be, Mortified
and Humble. However, their Example, and the powerful Ex-
hortations of the ſucceeding Popes, Gregory VIII. and Clement III.
had their wonted Influences upon the European Princes.
The Emperor, Frederick of Swabia, the firft of that Name, and, by
Reaſon of the Colour of his Hair or Beard, Sirnám'd Barbe-Rouſſe, Frederick
was the firſt that took effectual Meaſures towards retrieving the
Loſſes ſuſtain’d by the Eaſtern Chriſtians : Old as he was; he ſet to recover
himſelf upon the Head of an Army of 50000 Volunteers (more he Lure unfuc
would not have ) but all choſen Men, the beſt and braveſt Germany cesfully,
could raiſe. Upon the Head of theſe he did Wonders, and pro-
bably would have effected all he intended, had not unſearchable
Providence thought fit to over-rule his Deſigns. For, as this brave
Emperor beheld the Chryftal and ſlow moving Waters of Gýdnus,
a River made famous by the Danger, Alexander the Great eſcap’d
narrowly, after having Bath'd in it, he would needs do as Alec-
ander had done, that is, he would refreſh his body by waſhing it
in the River. The Seaſon of the Year was exceſſively Hot, and
the Pores of the Body by Conſequence open: Through theſe the cold
Water got a quick and eaſy Admittance into the circulating Blood,
which being thereby retarded in its Motion, and not long after
entirely obſtructed, the ag’d Emperor fell in a Swoon, ſunk to the
Bottom, and, tho quickly reſcu'd from the Waters, yet could not,
as Alexander, be preſervd from Death. His Son Frederiik, Duke of
Swabia, ſucceeded him in the Command of the Army, and the Of-
ficers and Souldiers renew'd their Oaths to him, with as much Joy,
as ſo general a Confternation could bear. This young Prince ſhew'd
himſelf worthy of the Preferment he obtain'd: He paſs’d over the
Belly of all Oppoſers ; and a great many he met with every where
on his March
But the Plague that rag'd at Antioch was not to
Аааа
be
Barbe-Rouffe
endeavours
278
The Martial Atchievements Book II :
ܪܝ
:
:
be conquer'd as the Turkis : It ſwept off by far more of hist Men
than had been loſt in all the Combats they had fought ; infömuch
that he had not above 7000 Foot, and 5 or 600 Horſe, when he
joind the Chriſtian Army; that for two Years bypaſt, had unfüccef-
fully lyen before the City of/Ptolemais :Upon what Account I am
now to relate; and the råther, becauſe, as Mr. Milles tells us, the
Chriſtian Army that belteg‘d that Place; was, as it were,the Abridg-
ment of the Chriſtian Worlds (there being ſcarèei a petty State, or
popular City, in Europe, that had not fome Repreſentatives there.
The Chriſtians having: Soft Ferufalemn, ( which; by the By, Saladin
would not part with, as he had promis'à, in favour of the infa-
nous Gount of Tripoli, who, ſeeing himſelf thus deluded, and by
his own Subjects deſpis’d, was ſo ftruck with Confuſion and Rage,
that he firſt became Mad; and then Died, as moſt Traytors, impe-
nitent for ought we know, and unregrated :) The Chriftians, I
fay, after this great Loſs; remain’d in Poffeffion of but few or no
fortified Places in thoſe Parts; beſides Antioch, Tripoli, Aſcalow, and
Tyręs Tripoli, after the Death of Raymond, gave it ſelf to the
Prince of Antioch, and the Queen Sybilla deliverd Aſćalan into the
haņds of Saladin, in Exchange for the Perſon of her Husband, King
Guy: So that this unfortunate Prince, now deliver’d from Captivi-
ty, had nothing left him of the whole Kingdom, but the City of
Tyre; nor could he get Poffeffion even of that, the only Town he
had any manner of Right to. Saladin had laid Siege to it, in Pur-
ſuance of the Defign he had to reduce all the Chriſtian Territories :
And he had undoubtedly carried it, but for the incomparable Valour
and good Fortune of one Man, Conrade, the fourth Son of William
Marquis of Montferrat. This Conrade, after having done moſt emi-
nent Services to the Pope in Italy, and to the Grecian 'Emperor
ffacciues at Confiantinoplez arriv'd at Tyre, together with a brave, tho
finall Retinue of Volunteers, juſt as that City, réduc'd to the laſt
Extremities, was about to ſurrender. " He offerd his Aſſiſtance to
the Inhabitants, but with this Proviſo. That they should acknowledge
him as their lawful and righteous Sovereign, in Caſe: he had the good Luck
to effect their Delivery
. They agreed to the Overture, and had Rea-
forto do ſo, fince now the Kingdom was loft, and their impriſon'd
King could reap no Advantage from their otherwiſe inevitable
Ruin. He fav?d them, contrary to all humane Expectation, from
the threatn’d Danger, and henceforth would needs continue, what
he thought himlelf in Juftice to be, Sovereign of Tyre
. King Guy
thought otherwiſe, and having no other Place to retire to, after
his Redemption, deſir’d to be admitted into that City, in the Qua-
lity of King offeruſalem. Conrade refus’d the Acceſs deſir’d, and
upon this commenc'd an Eninity between thoſe two Princes, as fatal
to the common Cauſe, as it was ſinful in them. Guy undertook to
dilpoffefs his Rival by Force of Arms, but being difſwaded by the
wifer Counſels of thoſe about him, from the vain and dange;
lows. Attempt, he took his further. Meaſures from the Anger and
De-
!
Chap. II
Of the Scots Nation. 270
the Chriitis
ans.
7
1
1
Deſpair that poffefs’d him, and all on a fudden turning about to
the Left, he march'd his little Ariny ſtraight to Ptolemait. He A. Pablo
hop'd to have ſurpris'd that ſtrong, pleaſant, and well Peopld mari- belieg d by
time City; but he was miſtaken: The numerous Garriſon defpis’d
the Handful of Troops he had with him (for. he had not above
10000 Men, Horſe and Foot) and were not ſo much as at the
Trouble to ſhut their Gates. This Preſumption was like to have
coſt them dear: And 'tis beliey'd, that the Chriſtians had enter'd
and carried the Place at their firſt !Arrival, had not their Ardour
been cool?d by a falſe Report of Saladin's being at Hand, and ready
to fall on their Rear.
King Guy, by no Body accounted Brave, dreaded even the
Shadow of Saladin :. He retreated to Tvron, a little i Hill
, at
no great diſtance from the Town, and there entrench'd and
fortified himſelf, with a Reſolution to wait the Arrival of fuch Eus-
ropean Pilgrims, as their more-fotward Zeal, 'than that of the
then Kings of France and England, (I mean Philip Auguſtus, and
Henry II. who by no Reaſons could be prevaild with to lay aſidé
their particular Quarrels) brought every Day over to the Holy
Land. They came in ſuch Numbers, that in a ſhort time they
were able to defend themſelves, againſt an-Army of 100000 Meng
who having attack'd them in vain, environ’d and block'd them up
in their very. Camp; inſomuch that the Beſiegers were themſelves
beſieg’d, and had all periſhd for want of the Neceſſaries of Life,
had not two Chriſtian Fleets come in view, and caſt Anchor at the
fame time in the Road of Ptolemais. The one was Man’d with a
ſelect Number of Danes, Frifons and Engliſh, and had been join'd at
Sea by ſome French, as impatient of Delay as themſelves, t'other
with Germans. By thele, even the diſcontented; but brave Conrade
Prince of Tyre; was prevaild upon to aſſiſt in the cominon Cauſe,
and they made all together an Army of no leſs than 4000 Horte,
and 100000 Foot Saladin's Army was yet more Numerous, being
made up of 100000 Horſe, and of Foot in Proportion. In a word,
both Parties, thus ſtrengthn'd by Numbers, and by their mutual A-
nimofities enragd, came quickly to an Engagement in the open
Fields. The braver Chriſtians foon routed and diſpers’d the Turks:
But inſtead of purſuing the Chaſe, as they ought to have done, run
tumultuouſly to the Enemy's Camp, and hearkning to no Orders,
but thoſe their Avarice ſuggeſted, ſet themſelves to Plunder the
immenſe Riches, and coſtly Pavilions of the magnificent Saladin.
That Barbarian Hèro perceiv'd their Diſorder, and in an Inſtant
rallying his ſcatter'd Forces, (for thoſe Nations like the ancient Par-
thians their Predeceſſors ,were aſſoon rally’d, as they had been eaſily
diſpers’d) return’d to the Charge. But he was ſtopt in his Carreer,
by the Grand-Maſter of the Templars, whoſe Knights and inferior
Souldiers, had alone, of all the Chriſtian Army, kept their Order and
Ranks. Theſe brave Men, who were a Medley of all Nations in
Europe, eſpecially Italians, French, Scots and Engliſh, did Wonders:
Аааа2
They
0
3
1
280 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
on.
They fought almoſt to the laſt Man; and by dying in the Bed of
Honour, preſerv'd the Lives of thouſands of others: For the reſt of
the Army was again brought into fome Order, and had, for the fe-
cond time, fecur'd the Victory, but for another Miſtake. They
imagind that the Enemy within the City had fally'd out, and fallen
in their Turn upon the Chriſtian Camp: Thither they would needs
run, in order to ſave it, and Seladin fail'd not to purſue them in the
Rear: But he was repuls’d by a freſh Body of Chriſtians, who ha-
ving been appointed to Guard the Camp, had not yet been in A&ti-
Thus ended that famoựs Battle, all the Nations of Europe and
Aha had ſo much Concern about. Both Șides were Victors, and
both were Vanquiſh’d, but the loſs of Men was incomparably grea-
teſt on that of Saladin : He could beſt ſpare them, and 'twas not long
ere he was reinforcd by Numbers equal to thoſe he had loft; in-
ſomuch that the Chriſtians, now reſolvd to have the Town at any
Rate, were oblig'd' to caft up Lines of Circumvallation againſt the
Army of Saladin, and of Countervallation in Oppoſition to the
Rampiers of the City.
'Tis not my Province to enter into the Detail of all the Heroick
Actions atchiev'd at this double Siege : It had laſted two Years
when Frederick Duke of Suabia, and Leopold Duke of Auſtria arriv’d
in the Chriſtian Camp, with the Remains of that victorious Army,
Frederick Barbe-Rouſs had brought from Germany: But this Rejn-
forcement was not ſufficient, no more than the others ſent daily
from Sicily, Venice Genoa, &c, nor to conquer the Town, nor to
beat Saladin from the Neighbourhood. This was a Task not to be
fius King of perform’d, but by the perſonal Bravery and united Power of the
France, and, two greateſt Monarchs of that Age, Philip firnam'd Auguftus, King
de Lion King of France, and Richard, deſervedly call’d Cæir de Lion, King of
alisted by England. How ſoon this laſt came to the Throne, he reſolv'd up-
on the glorious Attempt, and left nothing undone, that could con-
Scotland in tribute to make it Succesful. William King of Scotland aſſiſted him
their Expe- with Men and Money, for the Reaſons I mention'd above: And
gainſt Sala- 'tis probable, that fince he was as Martial, and more Religious than
himſelf, he would have alſo inclin’d to have been an Actor on this
great Theatre of Vertue and Honour: But to fay the Truth, Scot-
land had never
Wealth enough to afford the Charges of ſo great and
fo remote an Expedition, and twas beneath the Majeſty of Scots
Kings to appear in Perſon, where they could not make a Figure,
equal to their Equals in Dignity. They therefore thought fit to
Earbroonid keep at Home, but never faild to ſend Men to the Meritorious
Service (as was then thought)
for the moſt part in Conjunction with
goes to the the French, but with the Engliſh on this Occafion. Earl David, King
Holy Land. Hilliam's Brother was the Greateſt and Nobleft in King Richard's Ar-
my, and the Scotſmen under hịs Command, being in Number 5000,
as I have already related, had no doubt their Share in the Mal-
heurs and Succeſſes of that equally glorious and unfortunate Expe.
dition. For this reaſon 'tis (beſides I incline to Illuſtrate the Worth
Philip Augu-
William
King of
Win.
of King
William
of
Chap: II. Of the Scots Nation. . 281
.
.
of that Engliſh Heroe) that I preſume, I may be allow'd to follow
the Royal Pair, I mean King Richard and Earl David, to and from
the End of their Pilgrimage.
King Richard, (a) having ſettl’d the Affairs of his Kingdom, and A. D. 51997
-contracted a moſt intimate and neceffary Friendſhip with William,
King of Scotland, who, (ſays Mr. Echard ingenuouſly and truly) re-
ligiouſly kept the Alliance.concluded in the greateſt troubles of King
Richard, to his and his Nation's Honour, croſs’d the Seas to meet
King Philip in France according to Appointment, that from thence,
with Minds and Forces united, they might ſet forward under the
Banner of the Croſs. They met at Nonancour; and after having re-
newd the Treaty, before agreed to, and given to one another repea-
ted Aſſurances of eternal Friendſhip and mutual Confidence, they
commenc'd their journey together, from Vezelay to Lyons, where,
for Conveniency of Travelling they were oblig'd to part Company.
Philip-paſs’d over the Alps into Italy, and Richard went to Marſeilles,
there to meet with his Royal Navy, which he nevertheleſs did not
find. He waited eight Days in hopes of its Arrival, and then be-
ing naturally forward and impatierit of Delays,he embark'd with the
Attendance of but twenty hir’d Galleys and ten great Buſhes, and
ſet Sail for Meſſina in Sicily, the Rendezvous of both the Kings and
their Armies. The grand Fleet; which had been accidentally dé-
taind for ſome time on the Coaſts of Portugál, by reaſon of an 11-
ruption made into that Kingdom by the Saracens, whom the Chriſti-
an Pilgrims repuls'd, came up and join'd him at Salerna, thence he
faild to Meſſina, where King Philip tarried for him, with a great
deal of Anxiety and Impatience.
Their meeting was equally acceptable to themſelves and their
Followers: And here again the twoMonarchs gave one another ſuch
Teſtimonies of Friendſhip, as every Body thought ſincerely. Cordi-
al. But this good Correſpondence laſted not long; nor could it,
conſidering their different Charácters, and the unavoidable Eniulati-
on they lodg’d in their Breaſts, and could never lay aſide, till they
ceas'd to be.
The French have made Philip a Heroe: And undoubtedly Richard
was one. They were both great Men, but had both their Failings;
Richard the greater, but Philip the leſs generous : For even the Vi-
ces of the King of England had ſomething in them that was Splen-
did, and in ſome Senfe comiendable : He was often offenſive and
injurious to others, but he was above board ſo; and where he was
an Enemy, he own'd himſelf fuch. Whereas, the King of France
was more feemingly Moderate, leſs apt to offend, and tho accusd
of being naturally Paffionate, and given to Anger, unleſs provok'd
not at all Quarrelſome : But then he was extreamly Reſenting,
when he thought himſelf injur’d, could diffemble his Wrath, and
in Spite of Honour and Conſcience, catch at Opportunities of being
Bbbb
reveng’d.
(2) Hikoire des Croiſades par P. Maimburg. livre VI. Mill's Hiſtory of the Holy War' chap. 19. Echard,
Tyrrel, Brad y, &c. in the Reiga of King Richard. Pere D' Orleans Hiſtoire des Revolut. d'Anglet liyre 11.
282 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
The Quar
dition un-
ſuccesful.
reveng’d. King Richard had the Misfortuné to have to do with
more than one of this Temper : And it muſt be own'd, that his ma-
ny great Qualifications were allay'd with ſuch Vices, I mean an un-
quiet, and fometimes turbulent Diſpoſition of the Mind: A preſu-
ming Forwardneſs, an over-daring Valour, and ſuch as led him to com-
mit a great many Acts of Imprudence; and thoſe again faiļd not to
beget Enemies, by far greater, than the ſuppos’d Injuries he had
done them. The firſt Occaſion of Offence, given by King Richard,
rels of Phi- to the King of France, was this : Richard quarrell’d with Tancred,
ard-make. King, or, rather Uſurper of Sicily, who, indeed, was in the wrong
their Expe- to him, but was ſoon brought to attone for his deſign'd Injuſtice :
For the Engliſh ſeis’d upon a Fortreſs in the Iſland, of a People call'd
Griffons : And after that, by means of an extrordinary Tuinult, on
the City of Melina it ſelf ; nay, their King, thus fülh'd with Vi.
Etory, caus'd diſplay his Banners, even in thoſe Parts of the Town
that had been appointed for King Philip's Quarters: Who, beſides
,
that he did not approve of theſe violent Meaſures, could by no
means ſuffer the Affront put upon himſelf. He reſented it extream-
ly: And in the fiqſt Heat of his Anger, commanded the Engliſh Ban-
ners to be taken down, and the French to be ſet up in their Place:
Upon this, a warm Conteſt aroſe between both Nations, which at
length, by the Mediation of wiſe Men; on both Sides, was adju-
fted thus : The Engliſh Enligns were taken down, and the French
were not ſet up. But King Philip had been irritated; and he after-
wards took it ill, that the King of England ſhould have firſt taken
up a Quarrel at a brave French Officer, preciſely becauſe the Officer
had not had the Complaiſance to ſuffer himſelf to be worſted and dif-
horo'd by himn in a mock Combat, and then declin’d to re-admit the
Gentleman into Favour, notwithſtanding the King of France beg'd
Pardon for him. Neither did the fame Monarch like to fee King
Richard enter into ſeparate Meaſures with King Tancred, whole
par-
tial Friendſhip, he had forc'd by his Arms, and afterwards impro-
ved by Treaties, he thought prejudicial to the Intereſt of France.
This Tancred was all over an Italian : He had been born a Baſtard,
yet found Means to uſurp the Throne, and to be acknowledg’d
King of Sicily: He lik'd neither of the Kings, his Gueſts, and
therefore made it his Buſineſs to heighten their reciprocal Jealouſies:
With this View, he brought a fuppofititious Letter (fay the French,
and the Engliſh, do not poſitively affect that it was a real one) to
King Richard: This Letter, he ſaid, had been fent to himſelf
,
from the King of France, who in it: warn'd him of King Richard's be-
inga Traitor ; and exhorted him to join with the French, and al-
fault that Prince in the Night. A moſt improbable Caluinny, and
ſuch; ſay French Authors, as King Richard did not at all believe, but
made this Anſwer, I'm no Traitor, and as it never enter'd into my
Mind to betray any one, ſo I cannot believe, that the King my Lord, bas a.
ny Thoughts of betraying me: He is not capable of so mean an AEtion, and
thie Latter muft be more of bior Yet upon fecond Thoughts he refolvd
to
i
Chap. II.
283
Of the Scots Nation. .
1
to improve the pretended Diſcovery to hiš Advantage, and affect-
ing Relentment, Commiffion’d the Earl of Flanders to let the King
of France know, that he had been warn’d'in time, and was upon his
Guard. Philip was aſtoniſh'd at the calumnious Story; and (corning
to take notice of the perfidious Tancred; who, he thought, had of
Concert with King Richard, contriv'd the Plot, and forgʻd the Letter;
he made Anſwer to the Earl, That this Invention of King Richard gras
too coarſe, and but a weak Pretence for a premeditated Quarrel
. 'Tick
eaſy, added he, to penetrate the Myſtery: The King of England has no
mind to Marry my siſter and he wants but it Pretence to palliate the
Breach of his Faith ; if ſo, he may depend upon it, I and mine shall be
bis Enemies for ever
Philip was not miſtaken, with Reference to the Marriage : Tiš
true that King Richard had ſworn to compleat it wich Alice; the
Siſter of King Pbilip ; But Alicé, as I have elſewhere related, was
ſuſpected to have had a Criminal Correſpondence with hiş Father
Henry II. Nay, he had been told of late, that ſhe had a Child to
him; and at length he let the King of France know ſo much. U-
pon this ungrateful Diſcovery, and upon certain new Conditions
agreed to by the two Kings, who, for the Advancement of the
grand Deſign in hand, were once more prevail'd with to lay aſide
their Animoſities, Pbilip left the other at Liberty to take to Wife,
the Perſon he lik'd beſt, Berengarls Daughter to the King of Návarré,
and ſeem'd to be reconcil'd to him, tho, fdys Mr. Echard, Tancred's
late Information (true or falſe, Mr. Tyrrel believes it to have beeri
falſe) rais’d ſuch a Diſtruſt and Jealoufy between them, that from
thence forward they were never true Friends.
Not long after, they both parted for the intended Holy Ex- A.D. 109 :
pedition : Philip was the firſt that ſet Sail, and after a proſperous
Navigation of but twenty two Days, he arriv'd at Ptolemais; other-
wiſe callid Acon or Acre. The Siege of that important City con-
tinu'd ſtill, and this was the third Year of it. Philip, if we may
believe the French Hiſtorians, could have taken it as ſoon as he ar-
riv’d: For his battering Engines, ſay they, made inſtantly ſuch a
Breach in the Walls, and his Men ſhew'd ſo much Ardour to eiiter
it
, that 'twas generally expected they ſhould have Storm'd the
Town that very Day. But Philip, unwiſely Generous, and over
faithful to his Rival in Glory, the King of England, would needs
have this laſt to partake in the Honour and Merit of fo noble a Con-
quett: And therefore, checking the Forwardneſs of his Souldiers,
declin'd giving an Affault, and contented himſelf to make good
the advanc'd Poſts he had gain’d, till King Richard fhould come
up This, in my opinion is not probable in it felf, nor honour-
able to the King of France : However, if it is true that he wait-
ed for King Richard, he muſt reeds have had a great deal of Pati-
ence, for he waited very long. And the Reafon was this,
The ſame Day that Philip and the French Forces ſet Sail from
Meſjina, Eleanor King Riebard's Mother arriv'd with Berengaria, his
Bbbb 2
new
284
The Martial Atchievements
Book II
Cyprus.
new intended Spouſe: This occaſion'd ſome Delay. But what fol-
low'd ? Much more. His Royal Navy,conſiſting of 150 large Ships,
and 53 Galleys, beſides 13 Bulhes and many Tenders, after ha-
ving put to Sea,was, luckily for the Intereſt and Glory of this brave
Prince, diſpers’d by a terrible Storm : For two of the Veſſels being
caſt away upon the Coaſts of Cyprus, and the Ship, that carried the
Princeſſes, in great Danger. Ifaac the King, (or, as he ftild him-
ſelf, the Emperor of that Illand, which he had uſurp'd from the
Emperor of Greece) barbarouſly rifl’d and impriſon d ſuch as had
eſcap'd and got to the Shore; and the Ladies, tho in the greateſt
Diſtreſs imaginable, he would not ſuffer to Land. King Richard
got quick intelligence of this uncommon Inhumanity, and reſolv’d
upon preſent Revenge: He inſtantly commanded a competent Num
King Rich ber of his Souldiers to Land:They obey’d, in Spite of Oppoſition,and
the land of Iſaac was foon driven from the Coaſts with great Diſhonour and
Slaughter and afterwards beaten out of his Camp, and taken Priſoner.
He made hisEſcape, after having agreed to Terms of Accomodation,
he was unwilling to make good. But being hotly purſu'd by the
Engliſh, and for his former Tyrrany and Uſurpation hated by the
Cyprians, he deſpair’d of being conceald, and therefore came of his
own Accord, and was ingloriouſly, but defervedly, fetter'd with
Chains of Silver. Upon this the whole Iſland, with all its People,
Strength and Riches, became Subject to the King of England, and
both Ifaac and his Daughter were led into Captivity. In this
Iſand, King Richard was honour'd by the Attendance of Guy or
Guido, King of Jeruſalem, Jeoffry his Brother, Raymond, Prince of
Antioch, Brèmund his Son, and many other Princes, who leaving
the Siege of Ptolemais, came to anticipate his Favour, and to Con
duet him thither.
1.
Thus, laden with Riches and Glory, he put again to Sea, and
Joins the by the Way, had the good Fortune to meet with, and fink a large
Chriſtian and well man'd Ship, that belong’d to Saladin ; and then arrivd in
fore Ptole Triumph at the Chriſtian Camp Yet the Siege went on but ſlowly, ,
by Reaſon of the Miſunderſtanding and Jealouſy of the two Kings,
of England and France, Each had his Faction apart, that of
Philip was compos’d of the Genoeſe, Knights, Templars, Duke of
Burgundy, and Conrade of Montferrat, who, beſides the Principality
of Tyre he was poffefs’d of, had, fince the Death of Sybilla, King
Guy's Wife, Married her younger Siſter Iſabella, and in her Right
,
(for Sybilla had no Children) pretended to the Kingdom of Jeruſa-
lem it ſelf. Guy had no Title to it, but by his Wife,and who, tho the
was now Dead, yet having been once a King, he thought he had
Right to be one while he liv'd. For this End, he courted the Pro-
tection of King Richard,and together with the Piſars, Knights of the
Hoſpital, the Fleemings and Henry Earl of Champaign, made up that
Faction, of which the King of England was Chief.
Theſe Unchriſtian Diviſions, equally occafion’d by King Philips
Jealouſy, who found himſelf Eclips'd by the more Iplendid Suc-
T
mais.
1
ceffes
Chap II.
Of the Scots Nation. 285
i
Ptolemais
ceſſes of King Richard, and by King Richard's haughty and pre-
füming Temper, who ſeem'd to infult the Majeſty of King Philip
,
very much retarded the Reduction of the Town: Yet it was
taken at length, and, if we may believe Boethius, (a), more by the is taken by
Conduct of Earl David, the King of Scotland's Brother, than by condu& of
the united Efforts of the emulous Monarchs. He tells the Story A.D. Diya
after this manner,
One Oliver, a Scot man, had been guilty of Theft or Robbery;
and, to avoid Puniſhment
, gone over to the Turks : This Rene-
gado, in his Judgment ftill a Chriſtian, was poſted on ſome of the
Out-works of the Town, at no great Diſtance from another Place,
where Earl David's Souldiers were upon Duty. Among theſe, he
chanc'd to eſpy an old Acquaintance of his own, by Name fohn
Durward, he laluted him in the Scots Language, and expreſs’d. an
Inclination to attone for his Apoftacy by ſerving the Chriſtians.
Durward told ſo much to the Earl, and he' to the other Comman-
ders, who all encourag'd the Deſign, and left the Management of
it to himſelf. To be ſhort, the Earl promis'd mighty Rewards to
Oliver ; and Oliver found means to adviſe him from Time to Time
of the Condition of the Beſieg'd ; And at length; to introduce him
and his Men into a Port of the City. This may be true,
tho I read it no where but in Boethius, and in ſuch others as have
copy'd from him: But 'tis certain, (b) that the Chriſtian Princes
had a Chriſtian Intelligencer within the Town, but could riot find
him out, when Maſters of it: This they very much regrated, but
inore, that the true Croſs of our Saviour, either careleſly lött, or
enviouſly conceald by the Turks, did no where appear.
After the Surrender of Ptolemais, the two Kings divided the Spoils
and Priſoners equally between their Men and Friends, and all were
pleas’d with their reſpective Shares; only Leopold, Duke of Auſtria,
receiv'dan Affront from King Richard, which he then wiſely put up,
but afterwards inhumanely reſented. His Banners had been planted
on the Walls, and King Richard, who lov'd him not ( ſay the French
Hiſtorians) by reaſon of his Attachment to King Philip, command
ed the Auſtrian Enſign to be taken down, torn to pieces, and thrown
into one of the Sinks of the City: Not long after this he did ano-
ther Action,no lefs blameable: For upon Saladin's refuſing to ratify
the Capitulation agreed to by the Befieg’d, he commanded, in the
Heat ofhis Paffion, fever thouſand Turkiſh Priſoners to be put to
the Sword, and by this raſh and cruel Act oblig'd Saladin to cut off,
by way of Repriſal, an equal Number of Cliftians. King Philip
was more Wife and Modetate: He ſpar'd the Priſoners that fell to
his Share, and would by no means give Occafion to the Infidels,
neither to give; nor to ask Quarters.
Thus the Conduct of theſe Monarchs was ever oppoſite : And
’twas plain, that they could no longer A& in Conjunction with
one another. Wherefore the King of France ſeeing ſo little Probabi-
eccċ.
lity
( 4 ) In vit. Guilielm. (b) Maimbourg Hiſtoire des Croiſades, liv, vi,
0
--
.
286 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
returns to
France.
1
1
lity of Honour or Advantage, reſolv'd to return home to his own
King (Philip Dominions; and the rather, becauſe by the Death of the Earl of
Flanders, he had an opportunity of enlarging them, and of at-
nexing that County to the Crown of France. Perhaps he deſign'd
likewiſe to take Advantage of King Richard's Abſence, who, fearing
to let an offended Lyon go looſe, would not grant his. Conſent
(without which Philip was by Treaty bound not to to leave the Ex-
pedition unfiniſh'd.) till this laſt had taken a folemn Oath; that he
would protect the Dominions and People of the former, and would
do no Dammage to them, nor luffer any to be done by others
.
How well he obſervềd this Obligation, we ſhall afterwards ſee:
However, home he went, and after his, Example a great many more;
the Duke of Auſtria, among the reſt. But the Duke of Burgundy
ſtay'd and comanded the remaining French. With him King Rich.
ard could as little agree as with King Philip, yet (notwithftanding
their continual Heart burnings, and never relenting Animofities,
which came to fuch a Height, that they made Ballads, or defaming
Songs upon one another. :) King Richard perform’d ſo numerous
, and
fo lignal Atchievements, that his immortal Name will ever be
ranked among the formolt in the Records of Fame.
He defeated the Tärks, wherever he found them, gwin'd two
ğreat Battels, reliev'd Foppa, feiz'd upon a Rich Caravan; that was
guarded by 19pco Men, and had undoubtedly reconquerd Jeruſa-
tem, had he not feard to have loft England. He came in View of
the Holy City once and again, and no. Body doubted but he ſhould
ſoon be Maſter of it; when, contrary to the Expectation of all con-
cern'd, he callid a Council of War, and put the Queſtion to a
ſelect Number of Officers, Whether they thought it proper to be-
gin the Siege at that time,or to defer it to another: They determind
in his Favour, that is, they advis’d to delay. This Bizzarre, and,
in Appearance,unaccountable Conduct, ſurpris'd the whole Army:
They knew not the ſecret Motives, by which King Richard. was
acted; and therefore unjuſtly concluded, that this Prince was Brib'd
by Saladin, and that he meant not to reſettle Chriſtianity in thoſe
Parts, but to make a Parade, and to fill his Coffers. Theſe Aſper-
fions, ſo inconſiſtent with the Honour and Reputation of fo Great
and. Generdus a Monarch, forc?d him to make publick what 'twas
ablolutely neceſſary to conceal : He let the Army to know that
England was all in a Flame, by reaſon of the unnatural Deſigns of
his Brothers, Earl John, and that his Territories in France were
threatn'd by the Inſidelity of King Philip. Saladin being ſoori in-
form’d of the Neceffiły under which King Richard lay, retur’d in
haſte, and tho every where worſted by his ſuperior Arms, yet he
dictated the Terms of an Accomodation : For, by the three Years
Truce agreed to, the Chriſtians loſt all the Conqueſts they had
made ſince the Reduction of Ptolemais, and the Turks continud in
Poffeſſion of Paleſtine. Thus, this great Cruſade ended, as inglori-
ouſly, as it had been zealouſly begun, and gallantly carried
on,
and
King
ܪ
}
Chap II.
Of the Scots Nation. 287
Is made Pri-
>
King Richard departed with the Difpleafure of having on one lide
concluded a diſhonourable Truce, and on the other, with the Satiſ-
faction of having beftow'd two Kingdoms.at his Departure; that of
Jeruſalem, which Guy was now willing to yield, upon the East of
Champaign, and that of Cyprus, which himfelf had conquer'd, upon
Guy. Conrade of Montferrat had been Afiafinated ſome time before,
and the Earl of Champaign, having married his Widow, had by her
the belt. Title to Jeruſalem: Guyhad none at all, ſave that he had
been the Husband of that Princeſs's Siſter; yet, as an Equivalent for
his Pretenſions, King Richard gave him Cyprus, and that Inand con-
tinu'd in his Houle, during the ſpace of 280 Years.
Thuş Richard, having ſettl’d the Affairs of the Eaſt, and feat'a, A. D. 1192
way his Queen, and Siſter, on Board the grauid Fleet, he follow’d
in a large, Bulh; which, becauſe it fail'd not ſo quick as he wifhd, akine Riels
he left at Carfun and embark’d in a light Galley ; but to his Coſt: to Europe.
For the Galley, unable to reſift the Shock of a Storm that aroſe, was
driven upon the Coaſt that lies between Venice and Aquileia. From
thence the King, defirous to avoid France took his Journey through
Germany. He thought to have paſs’d through that Country incognii-
to; but he was diſappointed': He was unluckily diſcover'd in Au-
Strid, and brought to Duke Leopold, the very ſame he fo fignally funer in Ger
affronted in Paleſtine The Duke gave him up to the Emperox, many.
Herry V. who, having a juft Claim to the Kingdom of Skily, ex-
treamly reſented King Richard's Alliance and Friendfhip with Tan-
cred. Both theſe Princes, naturally Revengeful, and ſhamefully
Covetous, jointly concurr'd in Captivating a King, whoſe Perſon
they Hated, and from whofe large and tich Territories they ex-
pected, and indeed got, a Ranfom incredibly great.
The Emperor gave private Accounts of the Adventure to King
Philip, and Philip, who, notwithſtanding his Oath to the contrary,
had already under Pretence of the Non-performance of a former
Treaty, made ſome Attempts upon Normandy, thought that now he
had a yet better Opportunity of Retaliating the Injury receiv’d
from his Rival Subject : He therefore not only invaded Normandy
for a ſecond time, but alſo encourag'd a Rebellion in England.
With this
. View, he wrote to Earl John, and offer'd all the Afliſtance
France could give towards ſetting him upon the Throne of his Bro-
ther; who, added King Philip, is more likely to die in Chains,
than to be ſet Free, in order to Reign. The turbulent; inconfide- Folm, the
rate and perfidious Earl, who, tho King Richard had been dead, had King Rich
himſelf no Right to the Crown, fince by his Nephew, Arthur, Duke ard, de ſigns
of Britany, in Juſtice precluded, gave Ear to the flattering Over- Kingdom in
ture, and inſtantly reſolv'd to uſurp. He had entertain'd the ſame
Thoughts before, and had perhaps fucceeded, but for the Gene-
neroſity, and juſtice of William King of Scotland. That Prince could
not ſtand þy, and ſee his intimate Friend undermin'd in his Ab- by William
ſence. He therefore (a) oppofs’d all the finiſtrous Attempts that
C c cc 2
were
(4) Pere D' Orleans Hiſtoire des Revol. d'Angl. liv, 11. ad Ann. 1193.
his Abicnce.
Is oppusid
King of
Scotland,
288 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
were made againſt him : And in caſe of his Death, enter'd upon
Meaſures with the Chancellor of England, in order to the Excluſion
of Earl John, and the Promotion of Duke Arthur, the lawful Heir,
becauſe Son of Jeoffry, Earl John's elder Brother. King William did
yet more upon this ſecond Occaſion he had, to expreſs his Grati-
tude and Friendſhip to his injurd Ally: For (a) notwithſtanding
he was follicited by another Ally, the King of France, to join with
him, and no doubt by Earl John offer'd great Things, probably his
Engliſh Territories, hitherto not altogether reſtor’d, he would ne-
yer give Conſent or Countenance to ſuch diſhonourable Practices :
On the contrary, he ſent Auxiliary Forces to the Loyal Englifh
(for the Nation in general behav'd admirably well) who took Arms
in Defence of their captive Sovereign. Theſe brave Men levied
Forces, and, in the King's Name, reduc'd ſuch Places 'as the Earl
had ſeis’d: And we find among others, (b) Earl David, the King
of Scots's Brother, was moſt active and forward:
As this Prince had ſhar'd with King Richard in the Glory of his
Earl David Martial Atchievements; fo he was a Co-partner in his Malheurs :
of KingWil. For, in his Return from the Holy Land, he had much the ſaine
fiam rehens Fate ; (c) his Ship was, as that of Richard, tofs’d by Tempefts
, and
Holy Land. driven upon foreign Shores, and himſelf was alſo made Captive, but
by the Egyptian Turks, who to him prov'd leſs Barbarous than the
Chriſtian Germans to Richard. He was Impriſon’d and put in
Chains at Alexandria ; but his Quality not being known, Venetian
Merchants redeemid him at an eaſy Rate. By them he was con-
voy’d, firſt to Conftantinople, and from thence to Venice : And here a-
gain he was redeem'd by Merchants of the Engliſh Nation who
knew him, repaid his Ranſom, and ſupply'd him with Neceſſaries
towards his Return. When almoſt in view of the Scots Coaſt, he
was a ſecond time overtaken by a violent Storm, but eſcap'd mira-
Arrives at culouſly, and landed at Dundee, from thence calld Deidonum, or God's
Gift, ſays Boethius ; how true I cannot tell : But Buchanan thinks o-
therwiſe, and inclines rather to Name that Taodunum, from the
adjacent Hill, and River of Tay. However, he no ſooner arriv’d,
but hearing of the Diſtreſs of his Friend and Sovereign King Richard,
(for he was Earl of Huntington in England, as of Garioch in Scotland)
he join'd, as I have ſaid, the Engliſh Loyaliſts:
From them the King's Impriſonment had been induſtriouſly con-
ceald; yet hearing, by an uncertain Report, that he was ſome-
where in Germany, they did their Duty, that is; they fent in Search
of him. Thoſe employ’d on that Errand, were the Abbots of Rox-
elai and Pont Robert : They found him at Boxefer a Village in B4-
zaria, on his Road to Haguenau, whither the Guards appointed by
the Emperor were conducting him, not as a King, but as a Crimi-
nal, to appear in Judgment before his Superiors. 'Tis not eaſy,
nor is it my Province, to expreſs how fenſibly they muſt needs be af,
Dundee.
1
fected
(m) Echard ad Ann. 1193. (b) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1194. (c) Boeth. Buchan. in vit. Gulielo.
Chap. . II
Conditions.
Of the Scots Nation. 289
fected at the moving Spectacle : But ʼtis obſerv'd by Foreigners, (a)
that one of the firſt Things King Richard ask'd of the Envoys, was
concerning The Health and Condition of his beſt friend, the King of Scot-
land. He had Reaſon : For he was moſt unworthily us’d by all his
other Neighbours : And tho the Pope threatn’d'to thunder out his
Anathema's againſt all that ſhould offer to injure his Perſon or Sub-
jects; nay, tho he actually did Excommunicate the Emperor, and
Duke of Auſtria, yet ſo great was the Avarice of the firſt
, the Reo
ſentment of the latter, the Infidelity of the French King, and Unna-
turality of Earl John, that the braveſt of Engliſh Monarchs could
not get free from Captivity, but upon the following Conditions.
1. That the King ſhould pay 100000 Merks to the Emperor, and King Ricija
50000 to the Duke of Auſtria. II. That the King ſhould marry his ard freed
Nephew, Duke Arthur's Siſter, to the Duke of Auſtria's Son,
and vity,onhard
deliver up the Captive King of Cyprus and his Daughter. III. That
the 100060 Merks ſhould be brought into the Empire at the Peril
of the King of England, and Hoftages to be given for the reſt. Nay,
if we may believe Hoveden, (b) (and why we may not, ſince an Eng-
lilkman, and no Enemy either to his King or Country, 'I do not fee)
King Richård was forc'd to give over, even bis Kingdom of England
to the Emperor, whom he inveſted in it accordingly, by the Delivery
of his Cap : But then, as had been previouſly agreed to by the great
Men of Germany and England, the Emperor preſently deliver'd it
back to the King, with this Proviſo, That he ſhould not only hold
it in Fee of himlelf (the Emperor) but alſo pay an Annual Tribute
of 5000 lib. ſterl. Theſe Conditions the King promisd to ſtand to,
and fo the Emperor re-inveſted him by a double Croſs of Gold.
Thus, 'tis plain, that King William the Lyon, of Scotland, was brought
to no meaner Condeſcenfions by his Impriſonment, than Richard
the Lyon's Heart, of England, by his. I have already obſervd, and
afterwards muſt of courſe, that his Brother Earl John, when after-
wards King of England, did yet worie: And this to me feems Provi-
dential, that both the Sons of that ungrateful and encroaching Prince
Henry II. ſhould have been in their Turns abus'd no leſs, if not
more, than the King of Scots had been by him : So true 'tis, that
Providence watches over the facred Rights of Kingdoms and Kings,
and that whoever goes about to infringe them, is for the moſt part,
even in this. World, overtaken by retaliating Juſtice. Nei-
ther did the crying Iniquity done to King Richard, by the Emperor
and Duke of Auſtria,remain unrewarded: (c) The later was puniſh'd
firſt, by many Plagues and Calamities, that fell out in his Country,
and then by a Fall from his Horſe, he broke his Leg, and of this
Accident, which was ſucceeded by a levere Inflammation of the Party
he died; in ſome meaſure Penitent, ſince he commanded the Engliſh
Hoſtages to be diſcharg'd, and the Remainder of the Money to be
remitted. The foriner had much the ſame Fate, being purſu'd by
Dddd
many
(a) Pere D' Orleans ad Ann. 1193.-(b).P. 724. Tyrrel and Brady, ad Ann, 1193; (c) Echard de
Ann. 1194. Pere D'Orleans ad Ann. 1195
290
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
King Wil
ard.
many Troubles, and by the Pope excommunicated upon K. Richard's
Account: Under which Sentence, as Mr. Echard obſerves, he ſickn’d,
and died at Meſſina. Yet he too was ſenſible of his Crime, deſir's
the King's Pardon, promis'd Reſtitution of what he had extorted for
his Rantom; and (a) actually did acquit and diſcharge him and his
Heirs, of the Homage and . Tribute, ſo unjuſtly impos’d.
William, King of Scotland, was one of the firſt that congratulated
A. D.1194. King Richard upon the Recovery of his Liberty: And he no ſooner
heard of his Arrival in England, (b) but he paid him a friendly Vi-
Liam vilits fit, and having a compaſſionate Regard to the low State of his Af-
King Rich. fairs, and his exhauſted Exchequer, complimented him (c) with
the Sum of 2000 Merks Sterling. David; King William's Brother,
had waited on him before, (d) and, as Earl of Huntington, was one of
thoſe Peers that fat in the great Council of the Kingdom, and dif-
inherited Earl John, for his monſtrous Ingratitude and Perfidy; not
only of all the Lands he then held in England; but alſo of all Ho-
nours which he expected to enjoy after the King's Deceaſe. 'Tis
å Pity he was not condamn’d to die: He deſervd no better Treat-
ment: And the Sentence, if put in Execution, had prevented in-
finite Malheurs that afterwards fell out, to the debaling of the Roy-
al Blood and Prerogative, and the letting out of Torrents of Blood:
But he was afterwards pardon'd, and thereby reſerv'd to undergo
Hardſhips, as great, if not greater, than his Demerits. However,
After that and ſome other important Affairs had been tranſacted,
(e) King Richard took Journey for Chipſton, in order to meet King
William. Theſe two Monarchs, ſo very like to one another, with
Reference both to their Misfortunes and Gallantry, exprefs'd all the
reciprocal Kindneſs and Gratitude imaginable. At length they be-
gan to talk of Buſineſs, and King William (in Right of his Anceſtors,
and in Purſuance of King Richard's own Charter of Renunciation,
by which the laſt was oblig'd (f) to reſtore him to all the Pti-
viledges and Dignities, the Kings of Scotland had formerly enjoy'd
in England) demanded the Reſtitution of Northumberland, Cumberland,
the Reftitu. Weſtmorland and Lancaſter. His Title to the County of Lancaſter, Í
know not; but he had an unqueſtionable one to the former three :
Counties. And; as I have ſaid, King Richard was bound to reſtore them, if
found due by the Recognition of four Engliſh, and as many Scots
Noblemen. The Deciſion of this Matter, had been put off, ſince the
Grant of the Charter, by Reaſon of King Richard's Abſence; and
'twas beneath the Grandeur of King William's Soul, to take Advan-
tage, as the King of France had done, of his abſent and diſtreſs’d
Neighbour. And now the like Reaſon ſtill hindred King Richard to
perform, and King William to be preſſing in his Demands. For the
King of England labour'd ſtill under Difficulties, almoſt unconque-
rable: His Subjects were ruin'd by reaſon of immenſe Sums they
had advanc'd for his Ranſom, and he had a never ending War to
wage
Demiando
tion of the
Northern
.
(3) Tyrrel, Brady, ubi fupra. (b). Orleans, Echard, &c. ad Apn. 1194. (c) Buchan. in vit. Guilel. (d) Tys:
sci ad Ana, 3194. (6) ibid. (f). The Charter it ſelf in the Appendix, ta Mr, Anderſon's Hiltorical Efey.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 291
.
wage with France. He therefore made Anſwer, that it in theſe
Circumſtances, he ſhould part with thoſe Territories, he ſhould
thereby ſuffer in his Reputation, and the World would think that Is put off by
he had been more Timorous than Juft
, and done that out of Fear, Antwer.
which he delign'd to do from a Principle of Affection and Juſtice.
He afterwards added, that he ſtood in need of Money, and upon
payment of 15000 Merks, offer'd to give up all Northumberland, but
the fortified Caſtles. · King William was content to give the Money,
but would needs have both County and Caſtles. While theſe Mat-
ters were under Deliberation, a Quarrel fell out between ſome of
the Retenue belonging to the King of Scots, and the Servants of the
Bifhop of Durham. It was occafion'd by the Biſhop's having the Inci-
vility to decline to give up hisHouſe to the Scottiſh King. King William
reſented this extreamly, and complain'd of it as an Affront done
to his Dignity. The Biſhop was iharply reprov'd, and King Rich-
ard, probably to attone in ſome mealure for the Biſhop's Infolence,
and his own Backwardneſs to put a quick End to other Differences,
granted, or rather renew'd ( for no doubt the Scots King had the
like Priviledges before ) a Charter to King William and his Heirs
for ever, yet extant in the Archives of Weſtminſter, (a) and of late
publiſh'd by Mr. Rymer from the Original. It contains in Subſtance,
That,
1
“ When the King of Scotland ſhould, in order to meet with the
King of England, enter the Limits of this laſt Kingdom, the obliging
“ Biſhop of Durham and Sheriff of Northumberland,
ſhould receive England to
"hiin at the River Tweed, and wait on him to the Teiſe, and there bear the
" the Arch-Biſhop of York, and Sheriff of Yorkſhire, ſhould receive the King of
" and conduct him to the Borders of that County; and ſo the Sehelaria
Biſhops of each Dioceſs, with their Sheriffs, ſhould attend hiin England.
“from County to County, till he came to the Engliſh Court.That,
« from the time he enter'd England, he ſhould receive every Day
“ of Allowance from the King of England an hundred Shillings;
(in thoſe Days no ſmall Sum ) and when at Court thirty Shil-
C. lings, Twelve of the King's fine Cakes, Twelve of his Biſcuits
or Simnel Loaves of fine Wheat twice bak’d, Four Gallons of his
Wine, and Eight of ordinary Wine, two Pounds of Pepper, as
“ much Cinnamon, two Cakes of Wax, weighing each eight or
“ twelve Pounds, four Wax Candles, and forty great long Candles,
“ of the King's Candles, and eighty ordinary Candles ; And that
" when he return'd into his own Country, he ſhould be conducted
back again by the Biſhops and Sheriffs, as before, and have the
ſame Allowance in Money of an hundred Shillings a Day. This
Charter was deliver'd to King William, at Northampton, 12 April 1194,
and is remarkable upon ſeveral Accounts : For it ſhews in what
confifted the Delicacy and Magnificence of Royal Entertainment in
thoſe Days, viz. In Biſcuits double Baked, fine Wine, Spices,
Wax Candles, &c. In the next place, how valuable Money then
Dddd 2
Charter
66
the King of
16
16
66
CC
Cc
was,
(a) Foedera Angliæ. Tom. 1. p. 87.
292
The Martial Atchievements Book II:
was, fuce an hundred Shillings a Day ſufficd to the Entertainment
of a King; and that three Pound ten Shillings Sterling ( for ſo much
leſs Allowance had the King of Scots, when furniſh'd with Necef-
ſaries at Court, than when on the Road ) was an Equivalent for
the coaftly Biſcuits, Wine, Spices, c. In fine, it evinces that
the King of Scots, when in England, was treated as a King, and, as
the King of England himſelf, attended by the greateſt of Subjects,
botlrEccleſiaſtick and Secular, and entertain'd with the fame Mag-
nificence in his Lodgings and Diet. But,
From whence all this? And was it not beneath the Majeſty of
a King, to live thus at the Charges of another ? Not at all : For
'tis own’d,that the Kings of Scotland were, for the Lands they poſ-
ſeſs’d in England, Subjects and Vaſſals of that Crown, and therefore
oblig'd as Peers of England, to appear upon Occaſions at the En-
gliſh Court. The Kings of England were Peers of France at the ſame
time, and as ſuch frequently attended the Court of France; as I have
already ſhown, and afterwards ſhall
. But the King of Scots deny’d
that he ought to appear at that Court, which was held without
the Limits of his Fee, conſequently no where, but in ſuch Coun-
ties of England as he was poffefs’d of. The King of England oni
the contrary inſiſted, that, ſince a Vaffal, he ought to appear wher-
ever the Superior held his Court. The Controverſy (a) was, by
the Feudal Law, decided thus, That the Vaffal is not oblig'd to ap-
pear in the Court of his Lord, without the Bounds of his Fee, but
at his Lord's Charge. Therefore, and becauſe 'twas not reaſonable
that the King of Scotland, who, wherever he is, muſt live up to
the Dignity of a King, ſhould conſume his own and his Subjects
Revenues in Territories not his own, it was agreed, that as often
as the King of Scots ſhould be call’d to the King of England's Court,
it ſhould be at the Charges of the King of England. I doubt not
but the Kings of England had, or might have had the like Concef-
fions from their Superiors, the Kings of France. 'Tis evident, at
leaft, that this was no new Conceſſion, granted by King Richard to
King William ; for by his former Charter of Retroceſſion, wherein he
gives up all Pretenſions to the Superiority of Scotland, he obliges
bimſelf, (b) To perform to King William and his Succeſſors, all thofe
things the Kings of England, his own Predeceſſors were bound to perform
to the deceas’d Malcolm and his Predeceſſors, Kings of Scotland, par-
ticularly with Reference to their coming to, ſtaying at, and returning
from the Court of England. A plain Proof, as I have faid, that
this was no new Conceffion, and that our Anceſtors in thoſe Days,
were as nobly Frugal, as their Deſcendants have fince been prodi-
gally Vain. The former were oblig’d, to attend their Kings, when
at London or elſewhere in England: They did it, and their Kings
back'd by them made a Figure when there, not inferior to that of
the Kings of England; but then they did it at the Charges of the
Engliſh
(1) Craig concerning Homoge Cb, 241.81_206. (b) The Charter it ſelf ubi fupra, and in the Appendix op
Dr. Brady's Hift, of Eng. p. 87.
!
,
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 293
return
--
Y
í
Engliſh, and the Wealth of Scotland was not impair'd. Whereas
the later Scots, by their continual Reſort to the fame Court and
City of London, where moſt of them have little or nothing to do,
have neglected the Improvement of their private Fortunes,miſpent
their yearly Revenues, impoveriſh'd their Tenants, ruin'd their
Families, dilapidated the Wealth of their Native Country, dif-
couragd its Manufactures, funk its Trade, depopulated its Cities
made uſeleſs its Product, and enervated its Strength. If theſe
Miſchiefs, brought on by the Union of the two Crowns, hall come
to be repaird by the late Union of the Kingdoms, Time will ſhew,
and Pofterity rejoice that 'tis their Fate to ſucceed not to the Sober
and Wife, but to the more effeminate and luxurious Ages. But to
The Ingenious Mr. Anderſon obſerves that it has theſe Words,
Poftquam Rex Scotia de mandato noftro tranfierit fines regni ſui : And.
left any Body ſhould conclude from thence, that the Kings of Scot-
land had been under the Command of the Kings
Kings of England, he
takes notice, (a) that the Word Mandatum ( a Mandate ) does not
refer to the King of Sots, but is a Law Term, and that it fignifies
nothing elſe in this Place, but a Writ directed to thoſe who were to
attend that Prince. Thus, when William met Richard
Richard at Canter-
bury, there was a Mandáte directed to the Archbiſhop, and Sheriff of
Yorkſbire, by which they were commanded to Attend him: And of
ſuch Mandates, a great many are to be ſeen in Mr. Rymer’s Col-
lections of Treaties, &c. directed to the Officers of the Kings of
England, bearing exprefly the Title Mandatum, and appointing
them to receive the Kings of Scotland upon the Frontiers of Eng-
land, and to Conduct them with all imaginable Honour and Safety
to the Engliſh Court. That Mr. Anderſon is in the right; I am very
apt, to believe; but ſhould he be Miſtaken, I mean, ihould it be
true, that the Kings of Scorland were by Mandates from the Kings of
England ſummon’d to appear in Courts, held by theſe laft; What then?
The Kings of France did in the like manner Summond and fend Man-
dates to thoſe of England ; nay, often in their Courts of Juſtice, ad-
judg’d the Provinces the Engliſh enjoy'd beyond Seas, to the Crown
of France. And this is no more than what the Feudal Law im-
powers Superiors to do, and obliges Inferiors to comply with. 'Tis
true, that the Mandates of the French Kings were not always obey'd
by the Engliſh, nor thoſe of the Engliſh by the Scots; but then a
War was at hand, the Beneficiary Lards were retaken, or which
is the ſame, declar'd Confiſcated by the Superiors, conſequently
his Inferiors ceas'd to be fuch, and ſince Sovereigns and Kings of
their reſpective Independent Kingdoms, they acted accordingly,
and if the War was otherwiſe juft, they acted conſcientiouſly, and
were not to be charg’d with the Crime of Rebellion, On the con-
trary, in times of Peace, they would,upon certain Occaſions lay by
their Quality of Kings, and behave as it became a Duke of Norman-
Ееее
dy
(a) His Hiſteric. Elſay p. 182,
294 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Death of K.
Richard I.
England.
dy, or a Prince of Cumberland. Thus at the ſecond Coronation of
King Richard, (for upon his Return from the Holy Land, he would
needs have that Ceremony renew'd, ) King William, (a) as Earl of
Huntington ( for to him that County did properly belong, and Earl
David was but his Sub-váſſal ) carried the firſt Sword of State be-
fore the Engliſh Monarch : The Earls of Warren and Cheſter walk'd
on his Right and Left, and carried the other two. From thence,
ſays Mr. Echard, aroſe a great Affection between the two Princes :
And Buchanan tells us, that the Scots and Engliſh were never fo, af-
fectionately united as at this time. It ſeems ſo, elfe King William,
tho not yet repoſſeſs’d, conform to Treaty, of Northumberland, Weſt-
moreland, &c. had not ſtood by, an idle Spectator of the long laſt-
ing Wars that enſu'd between England and France. But he had the
King of England's Promiſe, that how ſoon thefe Wars came to be
terminated, Juſtice ſhould be done, and he could truſt to the Word
of England. of ſuch a Prince as King Richard. But it fell out unluckily, that
the Wars did not end, but with the Life of that Magnanimous
and Invincible Heroe. He died of a Wound, he had receiv'd in
Aon mage the Shoulder, as he was taking a View of the Caſtle of Chaluz,
King of defended by a few deſperate Mehi, whoſe Death he had imprudent
ly and injuriouſly ſworn. He was ſucceeded by his Brother Earl
John, a Prince as far below him, as he had been above the moſt
part of his Cotemporaries, either in Honour, Equity, Courage or
Conduct. 'Twas therefore no wonder that he deny'd that Juſtice,
his Predeceffor had. promis'd.
He was guilty of a great many Sins of Commiſſion, by far more
hainous than this one of Omiffion : He had long ſince been
in Arms againſt the King his Father, and had afterwards attemp-
ted no leſs than to Dethrone his Brother: And now they were both
Dead, he found means to get himſelf firſt girt with the Sword
of the Dutchy of Normandy, and then to be crown'd King of
England. But before the Solemnity of this Coronation was per-
form'd, Hubert, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, a ſubtile and deſigning
Man (b) told him in a great Council, That by reaſon of his Pru-
dence and Valour, They elected him King: An unwarrantable Ex-
preffion, none but an Uſurper would have allow'd of: For, that the
Kingdom of England was not then underſtood to be Elective, is
evident from this, That the Aſſembly acquieſc:d in what was ſaid,
becauſe, They durſt not Diſpute with, or Contradi&t the Archbiſhop, know-
ing that he had not without good Cauſe thus determined the Matter. And
that Prelate, being afterwards ask'd, why he had deliver’d himſelf in
theſe unuſual and illegal Terms, Anſwer'd, That he was fully af-
ſur’d, by certain remarkable Preſages, of the Miſchiefs, King John would
bring upon the Kingdom and Crown, and that be therefore thought fit to
let him know that be Reign'd by Election, and not by hereditary Succeſſion
.
Had that unconſcientiousPrelate look'd back but to the Reign of King
Stephen, another Uſurper, and in the ſame manner,elected, he had
acted
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1194. p. 536. (6) Matth. Par. F. 197, N. 20, Eckard, Tyrrel Brad.&c. ad Aạn. 1199.
i
!
Chap. II.
295
Of the Scots Nation.
:
liam de
mands the
of the Nor-
thern Couns
acted and reaſon’d more juftly, and thought, as all wiſe Men mult
,
that the beſt Means to avert publick Calamities from a Kingdom, is
not to elect an Intruder, but to acknowledge the legal Heir. Thoſe
of Anjou,Tourain and Main, were of this Sentiment: They adherd to
Arthur, the Duke of Britany, as their ſovereign Lord, and declar'd
it to be the Cuſtom of thoſe Territories , to prefer the elder Bro-
ther's Son before the younger brother, Philip, King of France, the
Superior of theſe Provinces approy'd (and how could he in Juſtice
or in Policy do otherwiſe ?) of their Reſolutions., Nay, he took
the Prince, as yet but thirteen Years of Age, into his Protection,
Knighted him ſolemnly, receiv'd his Homage for Britany, Norman-
dy, Anjou, Poitou, Tourain and Main, and faithfully promis’d to yield
him all the Aſſiſtance and Support in his Power.
William, King of Scotland,thought himſelf unconcern'd with theſe
Tranſactions : 'Twas not his Buſineſs to determine who had beft
Right to the
Crown of England; yet he made no hafte to Recognize
King John's Title: And it ſeems he was by that Prince's Party con-
fiderd as an Unfriend; for his Brother Earl David (d) was one of
theſe ſuſpected Peers they ſummond to Court, and by many fair
Promifes cajolled into a Submiſſion. King William in the mean King wil
.
time fent Ambaſſadors, two Clergy-Men, and one William Hay, no
doubt one of the even then illuſtrious Family of Errol, into England, Reftitution
with Orders to demand the Reſtitution of Northumberland, Cumber-
land, &c. King John was in Normandy at the time; and the Ambaf- ties from
ſadors reſolving to go thither to wait upon him, were by the Arch- King John
biſhop of Canterbury, and the Earl Mariſhal of England, detain’d.
Theſe Politicians were afraid, left that impolitick but haughty
Prince, ſhould inconſiderately refuſe to grant their Demands: In
which Caſe it was plain, that the Scots would join the King of
France and Prince Arthur, and with all the Forces of his Kingdom,
obſtruct the Deſign in Hand; I mean, the intended. Uſurpation.
They therefore gave fair Words, and intreated that the King of
Scots would have but a little Patience, till King John ſhould come
over to England. With the ſame Breath they lent Meſſengers, to
Normandy, to acquaint him with the Matter, and he immediately
diſpatch'd his Son-in-Law Euftace de Veſcy to Scotland, with his Com-
pliments to King William, and Orders to aſſure him, that; upon his
own Arrival in England, he would in all Things comply with his
Deſires. He arriv'd at length: And the Scots Ambaſſadors ſtill in-
fiſting upon their Demands, he deſir’d them to tell their Mafter
,
that he very much wanted to ſee his dear Couſin, the King of Scots;
to whom, if he would meet him at Nottingham, he would do Ju-
ſtice, in that and every thing elſe. „Two of the Ambaſſadors, Ro-
ger, Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and Hugh Melvili
, return'd with this ſoft
Anſwer: And the Biſhop of Durham was appointed to go to the
Frontiers, in order to welcome and receive King William. Nay,
King John was ſo forward to have that Affair amicably terminated,
E e e é a
that
(a) Tyrrel, Brady, &c. ubi fup.
:
296
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
John,
that he follow'd ſoon after in Perſon, and ſtay'd fome time at Not-
tingham in hopes of Succeſs. But he was diſappointed, King Wil-
liam would not ſtir from Home : He was willing, it ſeems to be re-
poffefs’d of his own; but was reſolvd either not to acknowledge
King John at all, or at leaſt not till he ſhould ſee the Event of the
War, England was threatn’d with, upon the Account of Prince Àr-
tbur. Wherefore he ſent back the Ambaſſadors, who renew'd their
Demands, and told King. John, That if he continu'd his Delays,
their Malter would endeavour to do Juſtice to himſelf by Force of
Arms. Yet they agreed to a Truce for forty Days, and not long
after, Hoveden (6) tells us, that William, King of Scots, in Purſuance
of his Claim to the Counties of Northumberland and Cumberland, rais:d.
King Wil. an Army with Intention to invade England; but, that coming to the
liam raiſes Shrine of St. Margaret, his great Grandmother, at Dumfermling, he
gaint King was admoniſh'd by a Revelation in his-Sleep, that he ſhould defift
from the Enterprize; upon which he diſmiſåd his Army. This Le-
gend to me ſeems very improbable: For King William was no Viſio-
naire, nor of Humour to be frighted by Dreams and Iinaginations
of the Night, out of a War: both Juſt, and, as Matters ftood, when
the Army was rais’d, Reaſonable. But the Army was
diſmiſs'd, for
ought I can find in Hiſtory, either becauſe the Seaſon of the
Year was too far advanc'd for Action ; or the King, when at
Dumfermling, may have got Advice from beyond Seas, of the
Treachery of Wiliam de Roch, who, in the end of O&tober, or begin-
ning of November 1199, had brought Prince Arthur over to King
John, and deliver'd up the City of Mans, of which he was Gover-
How far de Roch had been provok'd by the French King (who,
ſays Mr. Echard, and perhaps truly, made only a Mask of Duke
Arthur, to conceal his own Ambition) to commit this Piece of Per-
fidy, I cannot tell : 'Tis certain, that had the Deſign ſucceeded, I
mean, had King John and Duke Arthur been heartily reconcild,
both the Kings of Scotland and France, had been put to it, and their
Arms, however juſt in themſelves, had been by far leſs plauſible, if
not countenanc'd by the Concurrence of Duke Arthur. But that
Prince foon repented of the inconſiderate Step he had made: He
was told, that his Uncle deſign’d to detain him a Priſoner, and be-
ing overcome with needleſs Terrors, ſays Mr. Echard, (I think, moſt
reaſonable Apprehenſions,) he fled, together with his mother, back
to the King of France.
That Monarch receivd him anew, but coldly; and no wonder,
the Unſteddineſs of his own and Mother's Conduct, could not fail to
leſſen them both, in the Judgment of wiſe Men. This Excuſe the
French Hiſtorians give for the after Conduct of their Sovereign;
who,
now abandoning the Intereſts, and laying aſide the Right of his Pupil,
came to an Agreement with King John, but ſuch as was equally Ad-
vantageous to the former, who got by it whatever he had a Mind
to, and Diſadvantageous to the latter, who, as is ordinary on the
nor.
like
(na) Brady in the Reign of King Jolin. p. 404.
Chap. II.
297
Of the Scots Nation. .
A.D. 1200.
1
like Occaſions, beſides humbling, the Pretender, and getting him-
felf acknowledg’d King, got nothing at all. This Treaty, tho in
a manner concluded in January, was not perfected till about Mid-
fummer : And 'tis probable, the King of Scots was in hopes, that it
would not take effect; for during that Interval of Time, when again
ſollicited to come to England, he peremptorly refus’d, notwithitan-
ding King forn went as far as York, in order to meet him. But,
Eight Days after Mid-lummer, the Kings Philip, and John, had ani
Interview, and having put their finiſhing Hands to the Treaty, King
Fohn did Homage to King Philip for his French Territories, and
Duke Arthur, by Conſent of this laſt, to King John, for Britany. Af-
ter this, 'twas not to be ſuppos’d, that the King of Scots, thus de:
ferted by his Ally, ſhould think of carrying on a ſuccesful War a-
gainſt ſo potent an Enemy: He therefore in his Turn gave Ear to
Propoſals of Peace, and condeſcended to meet the King of England at
Lincoln. Thither he came, attended by a numerous and noble
Train, .both of Scots and Engliſh: And ſometime after, (a) both
Kings, with great Pomp and Magnificence aſcending that ſteep Hill,
on the North fide of the City, fince calld Borebill
, iwore Amity and Makes
faithful Alliance, in the Preſence of three Archbiſhops, thirteen Peace.
Biſhops, the King of South-Wales, with a multitude of Scots, Engliſh,
French and Iriſh Nobility. At the ſame time, King William did Ho-
mage to the King of England, but, as was ordinary, (b) with a Salvo Pays Ho-
of his own Right, that is, of his Kingdom of Sætland. This Mr. King John,
Tyrrel acknowledges ; ) but is of Opinion, that ſome Part, even when the
of that Kingdom, then held of the Crown of England: For, ſays he, compr.
King William had at the time no Part either of Northumberland or
“ Cumberland : And as for the Earldom of Huntington, that King had
long before beſtow'd it upon his Brother David. So that nothing
can be more evident, than that the Homage was not perform d
“ for any Territories the King of Scots then enjoy'd in England, as
< Buchaiian vainly ſuppoſes, and conſequently muſt have been for
" Lothian, and fome Parts of Scotland.” Buchanan had his own
Faults; but was never thought ſo zealous an Affertor of the Rights
of Kings, as to be charg’d with Vanity upon that Score. And Mr.
Tyrrel has forgot in this place, what he ſaid but a little before, (d)
viz. That at the ſecond Coronation of Richard I. King William car-
ried the firſt Sword, as Earl of Huntington; yet his Brother David was
at that time Earl of Huntington, as much as ever; that is, he was
in Poffeffion of that County, but he held it as a Sub-vaſſal of his
Brotheſ the King of Scotland : For in thoſe Days Sub-fews were
uſual, and in Scotland are ſtill ſo. Hence ’tis, that whatever Tranſ-
miſſion or Conveyance was made by King William, in favour of his
Brother Earl David, yet the Right of Huntington was properly ve-
fted in the Perſon of the former, who therefore did carry the Sword
before 'King Richard; and, by a Parity of Reaſon, did afterwards
Ffff
How
66
66
5
(a) Echard, ubi fup; (b) Hoveden, p. 811. (c) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1200. P. 712. (d) ad Anņ, 1194. P:
$36.
298 The Martial Atchievements Book II.
they
.
Homage to King John. Nay, tho he was not yet repoffefs’d of
Northumberland and Cumberland, yet 'tis probable he may alſo have
done Homage, even for theſe Territories. The Reaſon is obvious :
King William had declin'd again and again to meet with King John,
till the Northern Counties ſhould be reſtor'd to him; and now
do meet, who can doubt, but that ſome previous Concert, in Rela-
tion to them muſt have been agreed to, which, altho it was not
ſuch as gave immediate Poffeffion to King William, yet might have
been a fufficient Ground for his doing Homage? Thus we find, (a)
that Duke Arthur did Homage to the King of France, for Normandy,
Anjou, Poiétou, &c. which Countries he did not actually poſſeſs, but,
becauſe of his acknowlegd Right to them, was accordingly to be
put in Poffeffion. Nay, it was ſo ordinary in thoſe Days to do
Homage for Lands, not yet poſſeſs’d by the Homager, that Philip
the King of France made War upon the ſame King John of England,
becauſe the latter had poljefs’d himſelf of Normandy, without firſt asking
Leave, or offering Homage to his ſovereign Lord. I return to the Con-
ſequence drawn by Mr. Tyrrel from theſe Premiſes, I think, I have
ſufficiently confuted, viz. That the Homage muſt have been paid for
Lothian, and ſome parts of Scotland, and ſhall only obſerve, with Mr.
Anderſon, that this is a Novelty, there being no former inſtance of
any ſuch thing. Beſides, I have already told, and afterwards may
chance to repeat, what ancient Authors mean, when they inſinuate,
that Homage was due to the Crown of England for Laxdiana, by
Moderns, erroneouſly tranſlated Lothian.
But, ſays Mr. Tyrrel, (b) Buchanan, and the reſt of the Scots Hi-
ftorians, nay, Polydore Vergil
, have fallen into another groſs Mi-
Itake, in aſſerting that the two Kings parted in Diſcontent, becauſe
King Willian refus’d to affift King John in an Expedition againſt the
King of France : For, adds he, there was then a Peace newly made be-
tween the Kings of France and England. Tis true, but it was a moſt
ſhameful and diſadvantageous one to King fohn: And 'tis not im-
probable, but that a Prince of his Character (how Faithleſs he was,
all Hiſtorians relate :) may even then have had Thoughts of a Rup-
ture; and, in order to a new War, fought both to ſtrengthen himſelf
with Alliances, and to detach his dangerous Neighbour the King of
Scots from the Intereſt of the King of France he was about to attack:
But King William would not comply with the unreaſonable Deſire;
and therefore I have reaſon to believe, that King John, notwithſtan-
ding the previous Concert agreed to, declin’d at that time to reſtore
the Northern Counties ; yet he did not think fit to give a fat and
poſitive Denial, (c) but defir's time to deliberate upon the Matter,
till the enſuing Whitſunday: And ſo the King of Scots took his leave
of the Engliſh Court, Royally Attended by Englifo Peers, but not at
all fatisfied with the Engliſh King. However, as Matters then
ftood, he muſt have Patience; and indeed he ſtood in Need of a great
deal : For Whitſunday being come, · King John again delay'd retur-
ning
(*) Echard, Book II. p. 231. (b) Ad Ann. 1200, p. 112. (6) Hoveden p. 797, 811,
1
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 299
و
و
King
ning the Anſwer he had promisd to give concerning the Claim, (a)
but fent a honourable Embaſſy ( the principal Man employ'd in
it, was Feoffry,Biſhop of Cheſter ) to King William, with Orders to
excuſe his Breach of Promiſe, and to intreat a further Delay till
Michaelmaſs; not that he was reſolv'd to end Matters, even then, A. D. 1201,
but an Inſurrection of his Subjects in Poiétou call'd him over to
France, and he was afraid left in his Abſence, the King of Scots
ſhould endeavour to right himſelf.
He did no great Feats againſt the Rebels, but was very kindly
entertain’d at the French Court by King Philip : But the feign’d A. D. 1201
Friendſhip of theſe two Princes could not laſt; they quarrelld the
very next Year. The true reaſon was, becauſe King Philip was in
this
of the Humour of King John; he wanted as much to diſpoſſeſs
him of his French Territories, as t'other was fedulous to keep the
King of Scots from the Poffeffion of his Lands in England: There-
fore, as the King of France was ſtill graſping at the Provinces, King
John enjoy'd in his Kingdom ; ſo he courted all Opportunities of
compaffing his Aim, and King John was ſo imprudent as to afford
him ſeverals. He had Divorc'd his firſt Wife, and Married another
formerly promis’d to Hugh, Earl of March. This was an Injury,
the Earl,equally inflam'd with Love and Revenge, could not brook :
He rais'd Commotions in Poitou, and when about to be chaſtis’d
by the ſuperior Arms of his more
happy Rival, complain’d to King ſummond
Philip as the Sovereign or chief Lord of both. Philip ſumınon'd by the King
King John to appear at Paris, and there to undergo the Judgment
of his Court. John pleaded, that as Duke of Normandy, he was by
ancient Treaties oblig'd to appear no where without the Bounds of
his Dutchy, but was told by King Philip, that as Duke of Aquitain
he was bound to appear any where, if ſummon’d by his Lord,
and that 'twas not juſt that he (the King of France ) ſhould loſe his
Right as Supreme Lord of Aquitain, becauſe his' Vaffal was alſo
Duke of Normandy. To be ſhort, King Jobe made no Appearance,
and was therefore adjudg’d by the Peers of France, to Forfeit all
the Territories he poſſeſs'd in France. This ſevere Sentence was in France.
nevertheleſs ſo much the more plauſible, becauſe at the ſame time,
King Philip declared himſelf anew for the righteous Heir, Duke Ar-
thur ; whom again he ſet up, and promis’d to repoffefs, at leaſt of
hisTranſmarine or French Dominions. Upon this a War could not
-fail to enſue-: And 'twas Duke Artbur's (a) hard Fate to be made a
Priſoner, and brought to King John. This perfidious Prince us’d
many kind Expreſſions to him, and promis’d him great Honours,
if he would totally relinquiſh the King of France, and adhere to
him, as his Lord and Uncle : But the young Heroe Anſwer’d, as
became him, diſdainfully, tho, as the Event Thew'd, imprudently,
and with plain Threats demanded the Kingdom of England, and
all the Dominions enjoy'd by King Richard ; adding by an Oath,
That he ſhould never enjoy Peace till he had reftor’d them. King
Ffff-2
fabr
fa) Tyrrel &c.ad AAN, 1201. (b) Ad Ann. 1202,
of France to
appear in
his Court at
Paris.
Is forfeited
of his Lands
+
300 The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
1
Fohn very well knew that it mult needs be ſo ; and therefore to re-
move Coinpetition, he Murther'd his Nephew not long after with
his own Hands, ſay all French Hiſtorians, and the Engliſh do not
poſitively deny it. The Report of this inhumane Act, all Ages
will ever detelt, was ſoon ſpread through all Parts.
The Eſtates
of Britanny met upon it, and fent Deputies to the Court of France to
accuſe King John, and to ſue for Juſtice. This was juſt what
King Philip could have wiſh'd for : He called an Aſſembly of the
Peers, and immediately ſuinmon’d King John, as Duke of Norman-
dy, to appear before them. Upon this,King John tent Ambaſſadors
to let that King know, that, He ſhould obey the Summonds, provided he
might have ſafe Conduct for his going and returning. He may come in
Peaie, Reply'd King Philip, with a ſtern Look. And when the Ain-
baffadors, ask’d, Whether he might alſo return ſo? Yes, Anſwerd he,
If the Sentence of his Peers permit him. The Ambaſſadors urg’d, That
the Duke of Normandy could not atten:l his Court, at leaſt without a ſafe
Conduct, ſince the ſa ne Perſon was alſo King of England. To which
the King readily Reply'd, Pray my Lord Biſhop (the Chief of the Em-
batły was Euftace Biſhop of Ely,) What is that to me? 'Tis well known
that the Duke of Normandy is my Vallal, and if he would neeis Conquer
England, and ſo acquire a higher Title, muſt I bis Sovereign Lord loſe
any thing by that ? 'He was to far in the Right: And the Ambaſſadors
made no Reply. But, ſay the Engliſh, the Sentence he and his
Nobles afterwards pafs'd upon their King, was undue and partial.
It was to this effect, " That John Duke of Normandy, being un-
" mindful of his Oath to King Philip his Lord, had Murther'd his
weldeſt Brother's Son, a Homager to that Crown, and that
« within the Seigniory of France, whereupon he is judg’d a Trai-
tor, and as an Enemy to the Crown of France, to Forteit all his
« Dominions; which he held by Homage, and that Re-Entry
« be made by Force of Arms. This Sentence was inſtantly put in
Execution ; and while the infatuated King John, regardleſs of every
thing, but the belov'd Iſabella his Queen, lay every Day till Noon in
that Lady's Embraces, King Philip more nobly employ'd, com-
menc'd that fortunate Expedition, by which he acquir’d, together
with the Sirname of Conqueror, all Normandy, Anjou, Tourain, Main,
and the beſt part of Poičkou. My Subject does not lead me to en
ter into the Detail of this War: The King of Scots was, it ſeems,
ſo impoliticky or fo Religious in the Obſervation of Treaties, as not
to concern in it : Nor would I have dwelt ſo long upon the oc-
caſion of it, but to ſhew, that whatever Superiority the Kings of
England have had over thoſe of Scotland, as Princes of Cumberland,
&c. has been, even by themſelves, as Dukes of Normandy, yielded
to the Kings of France, i, Nor did this leſſen their Royal Dignity:
And thọ the Duke of Normandy was impeached and arraignd in
France, the King of England might nevertheleſs have Reign'd ; nay,
and perhaps Triumph de even over his Superior, had his Head been
fitted for a Crown. But had he been a lawful King, as he was not,
(for
1,
Is again
Sentenc'd
to luichis
French Ter. 66
'ritories.
:
i
1
.
+
!
Chap II.
Of the Scots Nation.
301
1
(for Eleanor, the Sifter of Duke Arthur, was ſtill alive, tho ſhe
may
be
laid to have been buried, becauſe all her Life-time coop'd up in the
Caſtle of Briſtol) yet he did afterwards that, which made him no
more ſo, I mean he Unking?d himſelf, and the Manner was thus:
One Reginald, a Monk of Canterbury, was elected Archbiſhop of
that Metropolitan See, unduely, fince by Night, and without the
King's Content. He quarrelld the Thing, and the frighted Monks,
to make amends for their Folly, committed a ſecond ; they procee-
ded to a new Election, without having in the firft Place made void
the former. The Controverſy came to be debated before the then
Pope Innocent III, a Prelate whoſe haughty, tenacious, ſtubborn,
encroaching, and (Mathew of Paris ſays) avaricious Temper, no
Man of Honour, Loyalty or Religion, will offer to Excule ; all,
even thoſe of the Roman Perſuaſion, muſt ever condemn and deteſt.
He declar'd both the Elections Uncanonical, and by his Threats
brought about a third, that was really more ſo than either. Stephen
Langton, a Cardinal, was the Perſon he caus'd to be nominated; but Quarrela
the King would by no means recejve him. He had reaſon, had he Pope.
ſtop'd here : But inrag'd at ſo barefac'd an Incroachment upon his
Prerogative, he appointed Officers to drive the Monks of Canterbury
out of England, and male-treated the Biſhops that were ſent to in-
treat he would pleaſe to recall them. The Biſhops, in Obedience to
the Pope's Coinmands, folemnly Interdicted the whole Kingdom of
England, and Dominion of Wales. Upon which there was a Ceffa-
tion of all divine Service, except Confeffion, Baptifin of Infants
, and
the Adminiſtration of the Euchariſt to dying Perſons. But this vio-
lent. Remedy had not the intended Efect. It was deſign’d to awe,
but heightn’d the Wrath of the King And he left nothing un-
done, that Revenge, Avarice, or, Cruelty could ſuggeft
. He com-
manded with dreadful Threats all Prelates and their inferior Cler-
gy forthwith to depart the Kingdom, put all Biſhopricks, Abbies
and Priories, under the Cuſtody of Laymen ; Confifcated all the
Church Rents, and caus’d, the Monks and Men in Orders, while
travelling upon the Road, to be thrown off their Horſes, and rob’d
and abus'd by his Spuldiers. Only ſuch as diſobey'd
the Biſhops
and Pope, he protected; and fych as oblig’d. the King the Pope ſuſpen-
ded. But in thoſe Days the Pope's Power was exorbitant, and he did
openly and above board, what the Clergy of all Nations
, when they
think themſelves injúrd, always endeavour and ſometimes bring
about ; that is, he firſt excommunicated, and then depos’d the
King: Had the National Church and Free-holders of England
pals'd ſuch a Sentence ; nay, and put it in Execution againſt him,
they could have pleaded ſome Excule, and had acted Conſequenti-
ally: For ſince they had aſſum'd to themſelves a Power to Elect, I
do not ſee, why they might not alſo depoſe their King. But that
the Biſhop of Rome, altho in thoſe Days acknowledg'd to be the
Succeffor of St. Peter, and the Viçạr of Chriſt upon Earth, ſhould
have preſum'd to give or take away Kingdoms, as 'tis by Scripture,
(for
Gegg
302
The Martial Atchievements Book 11.
A.D. 1213
(for the Kingdoin of Chriſt is not of this World) and the Practice of
the Primitive Chriitians, condemn’d; ſo it ever was unwarrantable,
but from unjuſtifiable Precedents, and abuſive Conceſſions of Bigot-
ted Sovereigns, who, by giving up their own Rights, could neither
bind nor prejudge their Succeffors. But Innocent III. did more: He
not only depos'd King Fahn, and abſolv'd all his Subjects from their
Faith and Obedience to him, but by arming the French King, and
by raiſing as many Enemies in Oppoſition to him, as Ambition cr
Bigotry could work upon, he ſtruck him with Terror; and at
length compelld hi n to ſubmit to the meaneſt Terms of Reconcii-
ation that could be devisd. He nade him to underſtand, or (ſay
thole (a) that would fain leffen or palliate the Uſurpation of the
Pope) he himlulf thought, that his Crimes againſt God and the
Church, were ſuch as could not be expiated, without a Religiation
of his Crown. Accordingly he took it off from his Head, and hum-
To whom bly ſurrendr’d it into the Pope's Hands by his Attorney Pandolf; at
his Crown whoſe Feet he alſo laid his Scepter, Robe, Sword, Ring and all the
and King-. Royal Enligns : “ Profeſfing, that he did it neither out of Fear nor
“ Conſtraint, but of his own free Will, and in the Common Coun-
cil of his Barons : And that thence forward he would hold his
« Crown as a Feudatary of the Church of Romé, paying an Annual
6c Penfion of 1000 Merks for both the Kingdoms of England and Ire-
" land, (By good Luck, he had no Pretenſions to that of Scotland) and if
« he or any of his Succeſſors denied Submiſſion without Repen,
tance, he ſhould forfeit his Right to the Kingdoin.” One ſhould
have thought no Prince could have debas’d himself or his Subjects
to a lower Degree ; but what is it an. Uſurper will not do, to
make good his ill gotten Title? King John did yet worſe, if we
inay believe Matthew Paris, who liv'd and wrote his Hiſtory, du-
ring the Reign of his son. He'foon' repented (as indeed he had
Realon) of the baſe Surrender he had made“: And finding, that he
throve no better (as he himſelf’iş laid to have expreſs’d his Senſe
of the Matter) by being at Peace with God and the Pope, he ſent
a ſecret Embaſſy to Manomet Enafar, the Mooriſh King of Spain and
Murocco, tu intréat that Prince's Alliitance; which if he obtain'd, he
offer'd the faine Subjection to hiịn, he had already yielded to the
Pope ; as alſo to abandon the Chriſtian, and embrace the Mahume-
tan Religion : But the Black Monarch defpis'd his Profers, and dif-
mifs’d his Envoys with'Contempt and Scorn.
While thele Matters were in Agitation, one ſhould have thought,
that William King of Scotland had ſeveral Opportunities offer'd of re-
gaining, by Treaty or Force, his loft Territories in Englind: But
King William was by this time grown Old, and probably too con-
fcientiouſly Scrupulous. He lay by an unconcernd Spectator of all
theſe great Events, nor had he ſtirr'd at all, but for an Encroach,
wichting ment made upon him by King Fibr. That Prince wanted, it ſeems
to have a Quarrel, and fought to regain at Home, what he had ſo
inglo
A.D. 1213
1787c's
!
ats Drieans ad Ann, 1213.
..
Chap. II.
303
Of the Scots Nation.
arin.
Renews the
ingloriouſly loſt abroad. With this View he made tome fuccesful
Expeditions, both upon the Iriſh and Wells; and, fay; Buchanan (a)
caus'da Fortreſs to be built hard by the Town of Berwick, then in the
Hands of the Scots. King William firſt complain’d of the Injury, then
order'd the Fort to be demoliſh’d, and fo both Nations began to
The Engliſh Hiſtorians (6) give another Reaſon of this War:
They ſay, that King John quarrell’d with the King of Scots, becauſe
of his receiving ſome Outlaws out of England, and for marrying his
Daughter to the Earl of Boloign, without Conſent; as if for the Coun-
ty of Huntington, the only one Poffeffion, then held by the Scots in
England, King William, a free and independent Prince, had been
oblig'd neither to marry his own Children, nor to give Sanctuary to
Engliſh Refugees within his Kingdom. However, 'tis certain, that
they did Quarrel
, and both Princes ſet themſelves upon the Head of A. D. 1208
their reſpective Armies; but neither, it ſeems, had a mind to Fight.
They met, and by the Mediation of Friends to both, a Peace was
concluded upon theſe following Terms. King Willian's two Daugh. Bences
ters were promis’d in Marriage to King Jobi's two Sons, and with
them a conſiderable Sun of Money, for which King William gave
Hoftages to King John, who, on his Part conſented to the demoli-
fhing of his Fortreſs near Berwick, and oblig'd himſelf to perform
certain Stipulations agreed to. What theſe were, Hiſtorians do not
relate;. but that he did agree to Stipulations honourable and ad-
vantageous to Scotland, we certainly know from the Obligation gran-
ted to King John, by King William at Northampton in Auguſt 1209, (c)
for the Sum of 15000 Merks payable at ſeveral Terms: And the
Reaſon of this Grant is, becauſe of the Stipulations or Contracts en-
ter'd into, and confirın'd by the Charter of both the Kings. John
was therefore bound by Charters to perform fome Deeds in Favour
of King William ; but that he fail'd to make his Part good, I ſhall af-
terwards have Occaſion to ſhew. In the mean time Peace was
made, and the Money was afterwards paid by King Wiliam, and to
{hew, that he was very well pleas’d with that Traniaction whatever
it was, about two Years afterwards he ſent his Son Prince Alexander A. D.1211.
to London, (d) to viſit the King of England, notwithſtanding this
laſt lay then under the Sentence of Excommunication : And that
all Perſons were by the Pope enjoind, under the fame Pain, To a
void him in private and publick, at his Table, Council and common Con-
verſation. This ſhews, that the then Scots did not think that the
Roman Thunder could fall upon any but the Guilty, or that 'twas
Criminal to diſobey the moſt peremptory Commands of a furious
Pontiff. Alexander, Prince of Scotland, by the Commands of his Fas
ther King William; a Prince ſo very Religious, that a credulous Au-
thor (e) has written, that he was Favourd with the Gift of Miracles,
not only Viſited the excommunicated King, but Feaſted with him,
and was Knighted by him in a moſt folemn Manner:at Clarkenwell:
Gg.gg 2
And
(2) In vit. Gul...(k.). Tyrrel, ad. Ann. 1208.1-739. Echard p. 249. (s) Fodera Angl. Tom. I. p. 155,
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1211. p. 248,749. (®) Boeth, in vit, Guil
.
304
The Martial Atchievements Book II
ater.
And Authors ſay (a) that he return'd Home, laden withi Honour
and large Promiſes, and that he had the Applauſes and Gratulati-
ons of both Kingdoms. Nor did the reciprocal Amity end here:
for not long after, King John was advis’d by a Letter of the King of
S:otland ſent to him, of a Conſpiracy form'd againſt his Perſon. He
was going to Table, when the Letter-was deliver'd to him, and he
had not ended Dinner,when a ſecret Courrier arriv'd from the Princeſs
of Wales, his natural Daughter, and brought him another to the fame
Purpoſe. This was highly obliging in the King of Scotland; and yet
at the very ſame time he receiv'd into his Kingdom, and gave Pro
tection (6) to Euftace de Veſiy, tho accus’d of Treaſon: So falſe'tis,
that King John pretended a Right to inake War upon William, for
receiving ſome Qutlaws out of England.
Matters ſtood thus between the two Nations, when King Willian
A. D. 1214. died in the forty ninth Year of his Reign, and the ſeventy ſecond of
King Wil his Life, aina 1214. He was a Prince no doubt of great Bravery,
and Chara: lince upon that Score he obtain’d the Sirname of Ly0:1. Yet he was
guilty of a very mean Aation, when through un-kingly Fear, he tuf-
fer'd the Sovereignty of Scotland to be extorted froin him: 'And to
me 'tis ſurpriſing, that all Authors diliniſs him with fo fair a Cha-
racter as he is itill poſſeſs’d of. 'Tis true, that the brave King
Richard of England did as ill, and his Brother King John incompa-
rably worſe: Their Weakneſs may leſien, but never excuſe his Fault
:
And he, whom God and Right have made a King, ſhould never fuf-
fer himſelf to be unmade by the Injuſtice of Men. Sovereigns, as
others, are liable to Misfortunes: I hey inay be worſted in Battle,
Exild, Captivated, put in Chains, nay perfecuted to Death; but
then 'tis itill in their tower to die Sovereigns, that is, Martyrs, in
Defence of the juſt Rights of their People and Poſterity. Aš King
William betray d a great deal of Weakneſs
, when a Priſoner; lo after-
wards, when reſtor'd to his Liberty, he ſhew'd himſelf too good, or
too little a Politician: For, notwithttanding all the Opportunities of-
fer'd in the Reigns both of King Richard and King Fhr, of regai-
ning by Force of Arms, the Northern Counties, his Grandfather,
tho a Saint, had purchas’d, lawfully indeed, becauſe he had a juſt
Title to them, yet violently, becauſe by. Dint of Sword; he never
fairly attempted their Recovery, but ſufferd himſelf to be delayd
and put off by the fair Promiſes of Richard, and in fome meaſure de-
lyded by the unfaithful Contracts he enter'd into with King Ji hn;
infomuch that the Kings of Scotland bis Succeffors; could never af
terwards entirely recover thoſe Provinces they had a better Right
to, than moſt of the Kings of Eng’and, by whom they-were de-
taind, had either to them, or to the Crown they wore. So far !
think King William is not to be vindicated : But then he had Quali-
fications that made amends for thefe Failures. He recover'd his loft
Sovereignty, retriev'd the Liberties of his People, did impartial
Juſtice to them, fupprefs'd Inſurrections, tam'd the moft Stubborn,
.
was
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann, 5211. . 748,749. (6), Tyrrel ibid.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 305
by his
was undoubtedly Valiant, yet a Lover of Peace, and ſo Religious,
that Heaven favour'd him, ſome fay, with extraordinary Bleſings.
He honour'd the Church, yet was no Slave to the Pope, he contri-
buted towards the Holy War, but moderately, and in fuch a Man-
ner, as did neither Impoveriſh nor Depopulate his own Kingdom.
He was naturally Beneficent and Merciful, yet, upon certain Occa-
fions, inexorably, but juftly and wiſely, Severe ; Witneſs Harold, the
Earl of Orkney and Caithnes, who having impiouſly male-treated a Bi-
ſhop, whom he depriv'd both of Speech and Sight, was himfelf by the
King's Orders put to an ignominious Death, and his Poſterity, that
none might reinain to inherit his incorrigible and inhumane Tem-
per, emafculated. In fine, had not King William been the firft Scors
King that gave the Engliſh ſo much as a Pretence to Superiority o-
ver his Independent and Imperial Crown, he had delery'd to be
rank'd among the braveſt, greateſt and beſt of Kings.
He was fucceeded by his Son Alexander II. a Youth of great
Hopes, who being well inform’d of his true Intereſt, by the Expe Alexander II.
rience of his Father, and not, as he, made Wary and over Cautious land.
own, refolv’d to loſe no Opportunities of regaining the Ter-
ritories in Difpute. He had not been long upon the Throne, when
what he could have wiſh'd for câme naturally to his Hand.' King
John and his Barons fell out: Theſe fu'd for Protection and Am-
ſtance froń Alexander ; and, as it was' undoubtedly Politick, ſo he
thought it not unlawful to grant their Requeſt
. Upon this enſu'da
War both Domeſtick and Foreign, with reference to England. Its
Rife, Progreſs and End, I ſhall relate in as few Words as I can.
King John; by reafon of his unnatural Rebellion againft his Father
and Brother, his Uſurpation of a Throne not his own, the Mur- the Barrons
ther committed upon his Nephew, to whom it belong’d; the ſhame-
ful Loſs of moſt part of the Engliſh Territories in France, the more
infamous Surrender of his Sovereignty to the Pope, and of a late
difhonourable Truce he had made with the French King, was be-
come equally deſpicable and odious to all or moſt of his Subjects':
And tho foine hated Princes have aw'd the Engliſh into Palive Obe-
dience, I know none they ever deſpis’d, but whom they alſo
thought proper to Refift
. Never did any give them fo numerous
and to great Provocations as John: His Covétouſneſs was inſatiable,
and the Money he exacted from his Subje&s was ever miſpent :
England was Impoveriſhed, yet no Viétories were gaind; and the
Nation was very unwilling to part with their Wealth, to purchaſe
nothing but Diſgrace; or to lay out the Means of Subliſtence, that
is, to Faft, in order to defray the Charges of a War; and never to
Feaft upon the News of Battles gain'd, or Towns taken. The
Taxes imposd upon them, were all, or, for the moſt part, Arbitrary ;
and tho they muſt give, yet they liad not the Pleafüre to boaſt that
they did ſo: For I do not find, whatever late Authors would
infinuate to the contrary, that Parliaments had Power, much leſs
that Subfidies were rais'd in thoſe Days by the Authority of the
Hhhh .
Coin:
Occaſion of
Wars.
>
3
306 The Martial Atchievements Book II
Commons. If ſuch a Practice was ever in Uſe, 'twas in a great
Meaſure difus'd fince the Conqueſt. 'Tis true, that even the Con-
queror ſwore to Confirm the Laws of St. Edward, who, being him-
felf a good King, granted ſuch Priviledges to the Subjects, as he
thought would guard them againſt the Violences of ill ones. But
King William was nọ Slavę to his Word, and I have already ſhew'd
from Engliſh Vouchers, however inclinable to mince the Matter,
that, as he liv'd and reign’d, ſo he died a Conqueror. His Exam-
ple was follow'd by ſuch of his Race, I mean Henry I. and Stephen,
as, like him, had Pretenders, more legal than themſelves, to contend
with; that is, they reviv'd the old Laws, when in reed of the Peo-
ple's Favour to effect their Deſigns: But how ſoon ſecur’d from the
Danger of Pretenders, broke through thoſe Bonds they never meant
fhould tye them. The undoubted Heirs, Henry II. and his Son
Richard Í. ſtood upon their Prerogative; and Popular Laws, I mean
thoſe of St. Edward, were not, for ought I can ſee, ſo much as
talkt of in their Days; and the Reaſon of all this is very plain:
Theſe Kings were for the moſt part Foreigners by Birth, conſe-
quently not ſo very tender of their Engliſh Subjects. They reign'd
in the Right of a foreign Conqueror, and by the Means of a fo-
reign Army, (I call ſo the Normans and French) on whom the Engliſh
Lands were by the Conqueror beſtow'd: Who, ſince they had no
Title to them, but from him, muſt needs, for their own Sakes, ſup-
port his and his Succeffor's Prerogative, how Extenfive or Deſpotick
it could be pretended. But now the very French were turn'd Eng-
i liſh; and length of Time had worn out the Pretenſions of Sazen
Competitors : Preſcription had fecur’d them in Law: Edgar Éthe-
ling was long ſince dead, and his lawful Heirs, the Kings of Scotland,
had laid down their Claim, fo that henceforth a Reſtoration was
no more to be dreaded : The Barons ſtood not in need of an ab-
ſolute Sovereign. Beſides, the Kings were, by their own Grants,
in Favour of the Barons (at firſt their aſſurd, but now imaginary
Support) turn’d Poor, conſequenty Weak, and the Barons Rich,
and by the like Conſequence reſolv'd to remain ſo. Poffels'd of all
the Land, they would needs, as is uſual, rule over it; and the ra-
ther, becauſe all Authors own, that the King's Tyranny was ex-
treamly provoking. Matters ſtanding thus, only one thing could
deterr conſcientious Men (for I am willing to think ſome of them
were ſuch) from an open Revolt, their Oath of Allegiance : But
that Impedimerit was ſoon remov’d.
As one Archbiſhop of Canterbury had declar'd that John was King
by Election, ſo now another, the very fame Cardinal Langton, who,
by the Authority of the Pope, had been Elected at Rome, when he
abſolv'd the King, caus’d him to ſwear that he would aboliſh all
unjuſt Laws, and eſtabliſh ſuch as were good : He added, (a) That he
bad found a Charter of King Henry I. by which, if they thought fit
,
they
A.D. 1214
(A) Echard, Book II. p. 250.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation:
307
they might aſſert their ancient Liberties fo long loft. (a) By this means
all Scruples were clear'd, the Barons met, enter'd into a Confe-
deracy, and take a folemn Oath at the Altar, That if the King re-
fus’d to grant them thoſe Priviledges they reſolv'd to demand, they
would withdraw their Obedience, and make War upon himn. Ac-
cordingly upon his Refuſal, they defy’d him, renounc'd their Ho-
mage, rais’d an Army, and call'd it (in my humble Opinion) im-
piouſly, The Army of God, and of the Holy Church. The King, lur-
pris’d by their ſudden and unexpected Preparations, comply'd at
length with their Defires, granted them two Charters; by which
it may be ſaid, that he un-kingd himſelf a ſecond time : For by a
Claule in one of them, twenty five Barons were appointed to ſee it
well obſerv'd, and impowerd to compel, even the King himſelf; by
Force of Arms, in caſe he refus'd to ſtand to his Grants. This was
more than he thought himſelf oblig'd to perform, but he very Art-
fully diffembld his Reſolutions, till he could diſcloſe them with
Safety.
He retir’d to the Iſle of Wight, and from thence ſent to the Pope,
(whoſe proper Intereſt was now in a moſt peculiar Marner link'd to
that of the King) to defire that he would by his Apoftolick Autho-
rity make void what the Barons had done, and to the
neighbouring
Provinces, eſpecially of France, to procure foreign Affiſtance againſt
his Domeſtick Foes. He was ſuccesful in both theſe Negotiations,
the Pope very readily condemn’d the Charter of Liberties, as being
extorted by Force: Nay, afterwards excommunicated all thoſe that
refifted the King, who was alſo join'd by ſuch numerous Forces
from beyond Seas, infomuch, that had not 40000 of them beeh
drown’d by a ſudden Tempeſt at their firſt ſetting forth from Calais,
Ptis not doubted but he had made an univerſal Conqueſt of his own
Kingdom, by far more miſerable than that by the Normans. „Nay,
had not ill Conduct and other Obſtacles interveen'd, he had effected
his Deſigns, even with thoſe Mercenaries he had; for their Nuri-
bers were ftill great, and he could not fail of being daily reinforcid
by new Adventurers, whoſe miſerable Fortunes at Home, eaſily
drew them to the Poſſeſſion of large Eftates they were promis’d in
England. The Barons dreaded (and they had Reafon) the temporal
Weapons of the King thus poweſfully Arm’d; more than the ſpirl-
tual Sword of the Pope. They alledg’d, that his Cenſures were ob-
tain’d by falſe Suggeſtions, and therefore not valid: And that ſince
St. Peter only receiv'd an Écclefiaftick Power from our Saviour, it
did not belong to the Pope, tho his Succeſſor, to direct and govern in
Lay Matters. They were certainly ſo far in the right: And if their
Cauſe was otherwiſe juft, they needed not to be alarm’d by the
empty Sound of Roman Thunder. Alexander, King of Scotland, and
Lewis, the eldett Son of Philip, King of France, thought ſo, as well as
they.
Hhh h 2
,
The
(aj Echard, Tyrrel, Brady, &c. in this King's Life,
*
308
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
66
The Barons, in a ſhort time, by the every where prevailing Arms
of the King, now reduc'd to the laſt Extremity, apply'd to both
theſe Princes. (a) To Alexander they promis’d the Reſtoration of his
Engliſh Territories, and to Lewis they made an Offer of the Crown
of England it ſelf. The former's Title to the Northern Counties, ,
the Reader cannot but know, the latter's to the Engliſh Crown, Í
am about to give an Account of, and I Thall do it, as English Au.
thors have done before me, from the Conference paſs'd between
the then Pope himſelf and the French Ambaſſadors, that were fent
to aħay his Wrath. Thus the Merits of that Cauſe, the Scots fo
warmly and ſo powerfully ſupported, the Juſtice of the contending
Parties, and the Senſe of wiſe Men in thoſe Days, concerning the
Matter, will be the better underſtood.
Courcueil
, the Chief of the Embaſſy, (6). after having in a few
Words narrated the inhumane Murder committed by King John
upon
the Perſon of his own Nephew the Duke of Britanny, the Ju-
ftice that Province ſo preſſingly begg’d from their common Sove-
reign the King of France, and the Sentence of Forfeiture and Death
pronounc'd by the Court againſt the Murtherer, concluded, That
fince King John was to be reputed Dead in Law, he could not be conſide-
red as a King at all. The Pope interrupted him, and ſaid, That
" 'twas Matter of Wonder, that the Peers of France had preſum'd
to impeach or arraign a King of England. That he was lawfully
“s ſuch, fince own'd and ſubmitted to by Duke Arthur. That that
“ Prince did Homage, and ſwore Allegiance to him; and fince
" therefore his Subject, and afterwards apprehended in open Re-
bellion, he might in juſtice be put to Death, even without Judg-
That after all 'twas not certain that the King had kill'd
him, that the Fact was never made out; and that granting it to
u be true, that the King was guilty of Murder, or that, as a Ho-
mager of France, he .could be Sentenc'd in a French Judicatory,
yet not to Death, ſince he did not appear in Judgment. That
of this was but Contumacy at moſt, and therefore not to be reputed
a inortal Crime. That King John had Children, and that theſe
were guiltlefs. That even upon the Suppoſition that the King
" had been legally Condemn’d to Die, and his Iſſue barr'd from
" the Succeſſion (which could only be for the Territories he held
66. in France) yet did it not follow, that Lewis in Right of his Wife
6 Blanche, ought to ſucceed to the Crown of England. That ſhe
was not the legal Heir, and that either the Sifter of Duke Arthur,
“ ftill alive, or Orto Son of Henry Duke of Saxorry, by King John's
“ eldeſt Sifter,, was preferable to her or him, becauſe neareſt in
« Blood. Nay, that Blanche's own Brother the King of Caſtile, or
“ her eldeft Sifter the Queen of Legn, had the better Title, and by
Conſequence, that Lewis and his Wife the Princeſs Blanche had
none at all, or but a very remote one. The Pope urg'd further,
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(a! Append. to“Anderſon's Hiftor. Effay. (6) Typer ad Ann. 1216. P: 798. Brady p. 511. Pere D' Orle-
Had Aun, 1216.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 309
" That the Kingdom of England was his own Property, that King
c John held of the Apoftolick See, and that to make. War upon the
« Vaflal, was to attack the Sovereign. · That the Engliſh Barons,
« together with all their Adherents were already Excommunica-
cc ted, and that he ſaw not how Prince Lewis (and conſequently King
6. Alexander) could avoid being allo Excommunicated. And that
« in fine, as Duke Arthur before, lo fince the pretended Murther,
6 and Sentence that follow'd upon it, the King and Kingdom of
« France had acknowledgd King John to be King of England, and
« had treated with him accordingly.
Courcueil had prepar'd all his Anſwers before Hand; and he faild
not to give ſạch Colours to his Maſter's Cauſe, as were fitteſt to make
it plaufible: He reply'd, “That if King John was King of England,
“ he was alſo Duke of Normandy, and a Vaffal of France; therefore,
6 liable to the French Law; and the rather becauſe the Crime was
“s committed in that Kingdom, where the King had Power, and
u ought to puniſh all Tranſgreſors, tho they were not, as King
“ John, his own Subje&ts, elſe any Foreigner as ſuch, whether a
« King or private Man reſiding in France, might deſtroy or murder
« Frenchmen at his Pleaſure, That Contumacy, as other great
“ Crimes, was by the French Law puniſh'd with Death and Foro
“ feiture ; and that ſuch Sentences reach'd even to the Children
« of the Perſons condemnd. That ſince therefore it follow'd, that
" King John was dead by the Law and conſequently no King, Lewis
, Lemi og
6 tho not the very neareſt in Blood, had in Right of his Wife Claim his
« Blanche, a juſt Title to the Crown of England, and that this Ti-the Crowa
ustle muſt needs be good, till ſome other more Rightful ſhould
plainly appear: And fince as yet none of thoſe above-mention’d
“ had put in their Claims, his Maſter had reaſon to feiſe that
“ Crown; no Body at the time pretended a Right to, but King
John, who had none, and himſelf who had one that was viſible,
that if afterwards any nearer to it ſhould appear, he was bound
in Duty to do Juſtice. That he had another Title beſides his
“ Wife's Proximity of Blood; that King Jobs had made an unjuſt
“? War upon France, and that the King of France could in juſtice,
« not only make War upon King John, but ſubdue and dethrone
him, if in his Power. That this war not yet ended, was com
menc'd long befon King John refign'd his Crown in Favour of the
Holy. See;
and that therefore France could not be thereby pre,
judgd. That King, John was from the beginning an Uſurper
and that if Duke Arthur, the lawful Heir did Homage to him, he
“ did it by Compulſion, and was not oblig?d to ſtand to a Deed;
that had been to his great Prejudice extorted from him. And
" that in fine, if fince the Sentence of the Peers of France, King
" Philip had given the Title of King to, or ſeemingly acknowledg'd
King John as ſuch, he had only done it, to prevent greater In-
conveniencies, and to forward uſeful Treaties, that otherwiſe
might have been obſtructed: And this was but a Compliment at
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ted both Ring Alexander and Prince. Lewis : And theſe, abandon'd
beſt, and could have no Conſequence prejudicial to his Son's
" Claim. "He added, That as for the Engliſh Barons, who ſtood Ex-
communicated for their Rebellion, his Maſter did not eſpouſe
" their Quarrel, but only profecuted his own Right: And that
« he was very confident, the Pope had not hitherto meant to in-
to volve him in the Sentence of Excommunication already pronoun-
ced, fince at that time unacquainted with the Juſtice of his Pur-
“ ſuit'; and he afterwards would not, fince now he knew it,
•If theſe Arguments did not convince the Judgment, at leaſt they
mollified the Wrath of the Pontiff; and if they had any force, with
reference to Prince Lewis, ſure they had no leſs with regard to King
Alexander. This laſt, as a Subject of England, had as much Reaſon
to take Arms againſt King John, as his fellow Peers, and Barons of
that Kingdom. As King of Sotland, he was oblig'd to aſſiſt, if re-
quir’d, by virtue of the ancient League, in all Wars carried on by
France : And, as Son and Heir to his Father, could not chooſe on
ſuch an Occaſion, but to proſecute bis Right to the Northern Coun-
ties. He did it accordingly, yet unſuccesfully, for Reaſons I fall
enlarge upon in his Life. In the mean time, it ſuffices to tell, that
Prince Lewis came to London upon the Head of a great Army, that
he was by the Barons receiv’d and Crown's King : That King Alex-
anter join'd him, and that their united Forces carried all before
them for a long time ; and in all probability would have effected a
A. D. s216. total Revolution, had not King John, by a haſty Death, deliver’d
Englanding both of himſelf and them. For,
No ſooner had that, in a great meaſure, deſervedly unfortunate
Monarch expir’d, but the Engliſh (and who could blame them,
nay, who will not rather commend them?) began to reflect, that
he had left Children behind him: That theſe were Engliſhmen
born, and, if not through the Nation's own fault, to be bred ſo
too: That, whatever might have been objected againſt their Father's
Title, nothing could in reaſon be alledg’d againſt theirs. That,
fince Duke Arthur's Siſter, tho ſtill alive, had never pretended, or
had long ſince laid by her Pretenſions to the Crown, the young
Henry, King John's eldeſt Son, had a Title to it that was unqueſtio-
nable. And in fine, that this Prince, not as yet ten Years old, was
perfectly innocent, harmleſs, and free from all the Occaſions of
Diſcontent his Father had given. Theſe indeed were very moving
Conſiderations : And they prevail'd ſo far upon the Minds of the
Wifer and better Part of the Nation, that they inſtantly declard for
Ring Henry their righteous and natural Sovereign, and Crown'd him King, un-
III
. King of der the Name of Henry III.
Henceforth Prince Lewis's Affairs declin'd daily : Pope Honorius,
who had ſucceeded in the See of Rome to the deceas'd Innocent, fol-
lowd his Predeceſſors Footſteps : Nay, he was warmer in the pre-
ſent Cauſe, than his Predeceffor had been; for he Excommunica-
England.
by almoſt all the Engliſh that had formerly call’d them in, and at the
fame
Chap. II.
311
Of the Scots Nation.
wire
4
fame time vigorouſly attack'd by the young King's Forces, who
now exerted their utmoſt Valour and ſincere unfeign'd Loyalty,
were conſtrain'd, the latter to capitulate and lay down the Crown &
all his Pretences to it, and the former (I mean King Alexander) to
make the beſt of his Way to Scotland. Not long after, he came to a
Treaty with King Henry, married his Siſter, got an Equivalent for
his Chaim to the Northern Counties and other Matters, freed both
Church and State from the leaft Shadow of Foreign Pretenſions, 1249
reign’d gloriouſly, and for the moſt part peaceably till the Year 1249 11. King of
when he died, and left his Son Alexander III. but a Boy, not yet full Scotland.
eight Years old, to ſucceed him in the Throne. His Reign was; like
that of his Father, hạppy; yet not free from ſome inteſtine Broils, and
a dangerous War brought from beyond Seas. Beſides, the King con-
cern'd himſelf and his Subjects into two other Wars, the one was
wag’d in England, tother in Egypt and Africk. I ſhall give a ſhort Ac-
count of them all.
The inteſtine Broils that difturb'd the Kingdom, during the Mi-
nority of the King proceeded chiefly (a) from the exorbitant Pow-
er, and great Numbers of the Ancient and Illuftrious Family of the
Cumins For, beſides the Eatls of the Name, there were thirty two
Knights; all Mén of confiderable Eſtates, and who, as thoſe of the
famie Quality in thoſe Days 'țiever itir'd abroad without ani Atten-
dance of at leaſt twelve Horfe, and thoſe well mounted, and there-
fore ready for any Attempt or Expedition whatever. This Clan ſó
great by its native Strength, was much more ſo by its Alliances, and
the Intereſt it muſt needs have in all Parts of the Kingdom. And
we find (b) that John Strabogie, Earl of Athole, and William Mar, Earl
of Mar, were inſeparably attach'd to the two leading Men of the
Name, Walter Earl of Monteith, and Alexander Earl of Buchan. As
for Dukes, Marquéſſes and Viſcounts, we had none in Scotland at that
time, nay, nor Lord Barons, properly ſo call’d, till long after. The
Earks and Knights were the only dignifi'd Perſons (I except the Of
ficers of State) we had in Scotland: And as the Cumins were the moſt
potent among them, ſo they were as is ordinary in the like Caſes, the
moſt Inſolent and Factious. They fcorn'd to be fubject to Laws,
but would needs give them to all others, even to the King himſelf,
who being but a Chịld, tho a very ſprightly and hopeful one, was
eaſily over-ruld. This the neglected Nobility and Gentry could not
bear : A Convention of the Barons was call'd, after the uſual man,
ner, and there 'twas refolv’d to haften 'th'è Marriage formerly agreed
on (in the Year 1242) (c) between the King and Princeſs Margaret,
the eldeſt Daughter
of King Heriry III. of England. This Match 'twas
thought, by intereſting the Engliſh Monarch in the Affairs of Scotland,
would effe&tually depreſs the domineering Faction. In Purſuance
of this Reſolution, the King with a Royal Retinue took Journey for
York, where he was met (d) by the King and Queen of England, on
Iiii 2
Chriſtmaſs
(a) Boet
. Joan. Major. Buchan, &c. ad vit. Reg
. (b) Crawford in his Notes upon Buchanan. (c) Tyrrell, Bra
dy ad Ann. 1242.(a) Tyrrell Book 8. p.955:
312
The Martial Ati bievements Book II.
Is married
a
land.
A.D. 1252.
:
Scotland.
Chriſtmaſs Day, Knighted by King Hinry, and then ſolemnly marri-
ed to the Princeſs abovementioned in Preſence of a very great Conflu-
ence of the Clergy and Nobility, not only Scots and Engliſh, but of
ter of Eng- ſeverals from France. At the fame time, King Alexander did Homage
to his father in Law for the Lands he held in England; particular-
ly Laudianum, ſays. Matthew Puris
. (a) A convincing Proof, I take it;
that at that Time the King of Scotland was poſseſs'd of Engliſh Lands,
Laudiannm by Engliſh Authors Latiņiz’dLaudianum:And what theſe Landswere,
England orj we are inform’d by Matthew Paris, (b) Ralf de Diceto, (c) The An-
nals of Weverly, (d) and Matthew of Weftminfter ; (e) who, when they
give us an Account of Henry II.'s taking the Northern Counties of
England (by Modern Authors tranſlated Northumberland; Cumberland, &
Weſtworland) from the King of Scotland, expreſs them by the Words,
Comitatus Laudonenfis, or Lodonenfis, & Laudianum. So that Laudianum
muſt needs have been ſome place in theſe Counties, as I have elle-
where evinc’d, or the Náme generally given to ſuch Lands as were
in the Hands of the Kings of Scotland. By what Means Alexander
11. the Father of this King Alexander III. came to be re-poſlels d of
theſe Territories, I ſhall relate, when I come to write his Life : But
that Lothian in Scotland, was then no part of the Comitatus Laudonenſis,
is evident; for it was not claim'd as ſuch by Henry II.who ſeiz'd
upon
the Engliſh I audianum, and would upon the Scottiſh, had it ever been
reckon'd a Part of England. Beſides, Engliſh Authors Latinize it o-
therwiſe : Matthew Paris (f) calls the Scottiſh Lothian, Laudoneſium
and Simeon of Durham,(g) Lodoneium. Mr. Anderſon (b) has evinc'd the
fame Thing from a great many more Authors of the Engliſh Nation:
And he makes it plain from William Newbrigs (i) and others, that long
before this Time, Tweed was reckond the Boundary of the two
Kingdóms, and that when the Engliſh paſs’d the River, they were
ſaid to have enter'd Scotland. So that to ſay as Mr. Tyrrel, and o-
thers do, That King Alexander did Homage to the King of England
for Lothian and the other Lands he held of him, is to ſpeak equivocal-
ly, and without Warrant from their Author Matthew Paris
, (k)
whoſe very Words import that the Laudianum, for which Homage
was paid, was a part of the Kingdom of England.
'Tis very true, that King Henry, who, it ſeems, had ever a mind
to re-uſurp that extorted Superiority over Scotland, his brave Uncle,
King Richard, had fo generouſly given up, did (!) move that his Son
in Law ſhould do Homage, as his Predeceſſors had formerly done,
(faid he with a great deal of Injuſtice) for the Kingdom of Scotland.
He deſigned no doubt to take Advantage of the Youth of the en-
amour'd Bridegroom, who, he believed, would in the Heat of his
Love and Paſſion for the Beautiful Lady he had given him, refuſe
nothing to the Giver. , But he was miſtaken: Alexander, tho ņot as
yet twelve Years old, made him an Anſwer pithy and modeft, and
in
(a) Ad Ann. 1252.(0) ad Ann. 1157. (c) Scriptor. XV. p. 531. (2) Hift. Angl. Script. vol. 2. p. 159.(0) ad
Ann. 1157_(f) ad Ann. 1173: (8) Søriptor, XV. p. 205. (h) p. 219. 220. &c. (1) lib. 2. c. 30. (k) ad ANA;
252,00 Tyrrell loc. cit.
1
Chap. II. Of the Scots Nation.
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of K. Alexa
ander III.
in every. Reſpect ſuitable to the preſept Circumſtances. He told him,
« That he had come thither at the King?s Invitation, and with a View
" of being more cloſely united to himþy the Marriage of his Daugh-
ter; tut was not prepar'd to give an Anſwer to ſuch Queſtions?: The Crown
Some time before this, the ſame King Henryz notwithſtanding he of Scotland
had been in a League of Friendſhip with King Alexander II. who in the Reign
had ſo often render'd abortive all his incroaching Deſigns ; and tho
by an Article of that League, his own Daughter was contracted with
this Young Prince, yet was ſo ungenerous as to ſupplicate the Pope;
To probibit the Anointing and Crowning him King of Scotland, without
Conſent granted by himſelf, his Supreme Lord. But thisunjuſtifiable De
mand (a) the Pope pereinptorly refus?d to comply with as being a.
Thing derogatory to Royal Dignity. He alſo refusd his Petition con-
cerning the Tenth of the Church Revenues in Scotland; as being a
Singularity, to grant that to any King, in the Kingdom of another. A De.
monſtration, that, in the Judgment of the Court of Rome; the King
doin of Scotland was Sovereign and Independent. And,conſidering this
incroaching Humour of King Henry, but fo lately and fo plainly ex-
preſs’d, 'tis Matter of Wonder, that the Scots Nobility ſhould
have been ſo fond of the Engliſh Match : But they had a mind to
depreſsthe Cumins at any Rate: And it ſeems that after the Marriage
King Henry did effectually remove their Jealoufies, by giving them all
imaginable Aſſurances, that henceforth he ſhould never attempt any
Thing, to the Detriment of their King and Kingdom. Upon this ,
their Confidence in him grew ſo very great; that they were willing
(6) he ſhould act as a Curator, during the Minority of his Son in
Law and that the Scottiſh Council ſhould be regulated by his Advice.
Accordingly ſome of the Council were by his Advice remov’d; and
others plac'd in their Room. Theſe laft, upon their Return to Scot-
land,fail'd not to make loud Complaints and ſpread abroad, that, now
the King of England had got in his Hand, he would overturn all at
his Pleaſure; and what ſhould become of the Liberties and Independen
of S:otland ? They were in the wrong: For King Henry oblig'd
himſelf by his Charter and Seal, (c) (and he kept his Promiſe) not
only not to incroach upon; but on the contrary,with all his power to
maintain inviolable the Honour of the King, and the Liberties of the King-
dom of Scotland. He further declared, “ That, as what had been
done by his Advice at York, was meant for the Intereſt and Advan-
tage of both; ſo it ſhould never be a Precedent prejudicial to either.
He added, That mov'd by his Pafernal Affection, and the moſt ear-
“ neſt Deſire of his Heart, to ſee the King and his Daughter thé
" Queen of Scotland, he was about to come to the Borders to pay
" them a Viſit; but that he aſſurd the World, that he would not
" himſelf
, nor would he ſuffer any other to do ought that might
“ tend to the Prejudice of King or People ; but that towards pre-
"ſerving their Rights and Liberties, he would, if neceſſary, contri-
bute his utmoſt Endeavours." The Occaſion of his coming to the
K k k k
Borders
(a) Foder. Angl: p. 463. joj Buchan, ad vit. Reg. c; Foeder, Angl. p.501.962,
cy
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314
The Martial Atchievements Book 11.
A. D. 1255
sity of King
Alexander
by inteſtine
Broils.
Borders, (Mr. Tyrrell (a) ſays to Edinburgh; tho others write
that he came no further than the Caſtle of Werk) was this.
Some of King Alexander's Miniſters continu'd uneaſy to him and
to his Queen : (b) She complain'd to her Father of the hard Uſage
The met with ; and he was made to believe, that his Daughter was
kept like a Priſoner, and that the young King, her Husband was not
permitted to enjoy her Embraces. Wherefore, affoon as he came, to-
gether with the Queen his own Wife, to the Borders, he ſent Richard
Earl of Gloceſter, and John Manfel his Clerk, with Orders to enquire
into the State of Affairs. And Mr. Tyrrell tells us, that upon their
Arrival, Sir Robert de Rofs,and Sir John Baliol, who, with fome others,
had been appointed Governors of the King, Queen, and Kingdom ,
withdrew from Court, but afterwards appeard and ſubmitted to a
Fine for their Miſcarriages. But; if we credit Buchanan, Differences
were not ſo eaſily compos’d. For Walter Cumin, Earl of Menteith,
The Mino- was. Governor of the Caſtle of Edinburgh at the timeand hè reſolvid
to hold it out; in Defiance, as he-faid, of Engliſh Influence or Arms.
Il diſturb’d But in vain: Patrick. Dunbar Earl of March, back'd with ſome Auxili-
aries from England, forc'd him to ſurrender. Yet this A&tion of Vi-
gour had not the intended Effect; it rather heightn'd than allay'd
the Heat and Ferment of the Nation. But the Court reſolv'd to go on in
the ſame Meaſures; and with this View, iſſued out Proclamations com-
manding the Earls of Menteith, Buchan, Atbole, Mar, the Lord of Strabogie,
Hugh Abernethy, and a great many more, to appear in Judgment, and
to ſtand their Tryal. They refus d'to obey; and being for that Reaſon
denounc'd Rebels, they reſolvd to be ſo in earneſt: For they ventur'd
upon an Action, ſo daring and inſolent, that the like had
not
been
heard of in Scotland ſince the Days of Uſurpation, that is, not for the
Space of near 200 Years. They gather'd together with great Pri-
vacy, and upon the Head of a choice Company of their reſolute
Followers under the Shade and Silence of Night attack'd the Court,
which was then at Kinroſs,ſeiz'd upon the King's Perſon, & difreſpect-
fully carried him to Stirling. This done, they again took the Ma-
nagement of Affairs into their own Hands,turn'd the late Miniſtry
out of Place, and borrowing the King's Name to palliate their own
Villanies,govern'd, like all Rebels, when Succeſsful, Deſpotically. But
their Tyrrany did not laſt long: Walter, the Earl of Menteithchanc'd
to die very ſoon after; and 'twas generally talk'd, that his own Lady,
an Engliſh Woman, had poiſon'd him. What begot Credit to the Re-
port was this : A great many ofthe Young Nobility, pleas’d with her
Beauty, & willing to ſhare in her great Fortune, made love to her, in
decent and honourable Terms ; but ſhe rejected their Suits, and on a
fudden, own'd her ſelf the Wife of one Rullel her Country-man, a
young and brisk, but, otherwiſe, mean Fellow, none but a Coquette
of her Quality had preferr’d to her Bed. Her other Lovers thought
themſelves affronted by the unequal Choice ſhe had made, as if Fan-
cy could be fix'd by Rules, or Deſire determined by Birth, Riches
or
.
::, Tyrrel p. 970. () ibid.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 315
.
The Norve-
Scotland.
or Merit. However, her Paffion coſt her Dear : She was ihut up
in Priſon, and accus'd of having murther'd her Husband; but, ſays
Buchanan, purchas'd her Freedom with Money. Upon this, both
the and her Husband Appeald to the Pope's Legate for Dammages,
and Reparation of the Injury fuftain'd: But the Pope had no legatein
Scotland at the time, and by former Concordats, Scotſmen were not
bound to anſwer to a foreign Judicatory. Wherefore that Affair
had no further Conſequences :. But the King was by this Means
freed from the uſurp'd Power of an inſolent Miniſtry, whom never-
theleſs, as if the Death of one had expiated the Crime of the Re-
mainder, he had the Goodneſs to Pardon; and the rather, becauſe
’twas not ealy to puniſh ſo topping a Party as they had made in the
Nation, nor was it ſafe as Matters ſtood. For,
A Cloud was gathering on the Northern Continent, and Scot-gians invade
land was once more threatn’d by a Storm from Norway and Denmark.
The Ulurper Donald Bane had villainouſly given up the Iſlands of
Orkney, and thoſe call'd Æbuda, to the Affertor of his unjuſt Title,
the King of Norway, whoſe Succeffors had enjoy’d them theſe 167
Years bypaſt. Whence it came, that that brave Race of Princes,
who reign'd in Scotland, in this Period of Time, did not reclain
them, I cannot tell : Perhaps they durſt not Quarrel with the Nor-
vegians, about a few, and theſe not very plentiful Ifhands, left the
incroaching Engliſh ſhould have laid hold on the Opportunity of
making good their Pretenfions to the Continent. Nay, 'tis proba-
ble, that the Kings of England did contribute to maintain the Nor-
thern Uſurpers in their Poſſeſſions : For, we find in thoſe Days,
there were petty Princes, who Stild themſelves Kings of Man and
the Iſles ; whether originally Norvegians or Iſlanders, I know not :
But, tho the Kings of Norway called them their Feudatories, yet from
Mr. Rymer's Collections and other Authors we learn, that they kept
a cloſe Correſpondence with, and often reſorted to the Court of
England; nay, in Imitation of the late King of England, made
themſelves Vaffals and Tributaries to the See of Rome. Now
whether Haco, King of Norway, had a Mind to diſpoſſeſs his Co-tem-
porary, the King of Man, or if, as the Norvegians write, he and his
Father had been firſt attack’d by the Kings of Scotland, or if, as Scots
Authors fay, he himſelf was actually poſteſs’d of the Æbu lá or Out-
Iſles, as they were call’d, and meant alſo to make himſelf Maſter of
thoſe called Bute, Arran, and the two' Cumbras, ſeems to me un-
certain. Theſe laft, (a) by reaſon of their Situation (for they ly
in the Mouth of Clyde, and the Land of Kintyre is interjected be-
twixt them and the Out-Iſles) had never been reckon’d among the .
Æbuda. Yet, ſays. Buchanan, Haco laid Claim to them, becauſe
Scottiſh Iſands, and all ſuch he pretended a Right to, by the Grant
of Donald Bané. In Purſuance of this, or ſome ſuch Claim, he fit-
ted out a Fleet of 160 Ships, embark'd upon the Head of a Land
Kk k k 2
Army
(a) Tho. Crawford's Notes upon Buchanan, edit. Edin. 1708.8.40.
1
316
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
Largis.
King itaco Army of 20000 Men, and having, without Oppoſition, ſubdu'd the
lands at Air
: INands in Debate, hé landed at Air on the third Day of Auguſt, and
inſtantly laid Siege to, and took the Caſtle of that Town.
While King Alexander was preparing to repell the injurious Inva-
ſion, he is ſaid, in order to gain Time for that Purpoſe, to have
fent Ambaſſadors to the King of Norway, to enquire the Cauſe of
his Hoftilities, and deſire he would Retreat, while he could do
with Safety. But Haco had been hitherto Succesful: He had been at
great, Charges in reclaiming what he call’d his own, and would
needs have the Scots to defray them, elſe he threatrid Devaſtation
and Ruin to the whole Country. But the Scots had never been in
uſe to purchaſe Peace with Money, nor to bribe an invading Ene-
my into a Retreat : They very well knew, and England had ofteri
experienc'd it, that this was likelier to invite them to return,
than to oblige them to go off. The King therefore march'd upon
Battle of the Head of a more numerous, tho not ſo experienced Army, to the
Weſt, and met the Enemy at Largis in Cüningham. Nor was it
long before they came to an Engagement. Alexander, Lord High
Steward of Scotland, the great Grandfather of Robert II., who was
the firſt of the Stewarts, that ſway'd the Scepter; commanded the
right Wing, where were plac'd thoſe of Argyle, Athole, Lennox and
Galloway. . Patrick Dunbar, Earl of March, the Son of another great
Captain of the fame Name and Title, took Poft on the Left; and
under hiin ſuch as had been rais'd in the Shires of Lothian, Berwick,
Stirling and Fife. The King himſelf ſtood in the Center, and was
guarded by the Youth of Perthſhire, Angus; Merns, Mar, Murray,
Roſs, Caithneſs, &c. On the other Side, the King of Norway drew
up his Men with a great deal of Skill
, and, as King Alexander, placd
himſelf in the Center, upon the Head of the braveſt and ſtrongeſt
of his Army. He hop'd thereby to encounter with the King of Scot-
land, whom if he could foil, he doubted not but he ſhould eaſily
relieve and reinforce the Wings of his own Army, altho worſted.
This was no ill Contrivance, and might have been Succesful, but
Alexander, for the judicious Conduct and great Bravery of Alexander Stewart.
Lord High He made a Movement, as if he meant to Flank thoſe that ſtood in
Bravery and Oppoſition to him, and at the ſame time Charg’d their Front with
great Briskneſs. This terrified their fewer Numbers, and a great
Man among the Norvegians, whoſe Name Hiſtory does not menti-
on, chancing to fall, their left Wing began to give Ground. Alex-
ander improv'd his Advantage, inſomuch that he put them to the
Rout: Yet did not long purſue the Chace; but wheeling about re-
turn'd in good Order, and fell upon the Rear of the main Body
of the Enemy, where the two Kings were hard at Heroick Labours.
Haco had, hitherto done all that could be expected froin a great
King and an able Commander; but his Meaſures were broken by
the ludden Defeat of his right Wing, and the unexpected Onſet of
the Great Stewart. He was now almoſt envelop', and 'twas high
time to retreat : He did it accordingly, and thoſe on the Left of
Conduct.
his
Chap II
317
Of the Scots Nation.
i
.
Name,
1
Caithnes,
-ħis Army, who made a very ſtout and long Reſiſtance in Oppoſition
to the Earl of March finding themſelves on all Sides expos’d, follow'd
the Example of their King, but were all eagerly purſu'd till Night,
and the whole Country between Largis and Air, was ſtrew'd with
their flaughter'd Carcaſes. Their loſs was computed to 16000,
Boethius ſays 24000, and that of the Scots to 5000 Men.
Among the many Sot's that Signaliz’d themſelves on this glori-
ous Occalion, there was one Foreigner fingularly remarkable, I
mean, Colin Fitz-Gerald, Son to the firſt Earl of Deſmond in Ireland :
:Upon this gallant Gentleman, the grateful King Alexander was after-
wards pleas'd to beſtow'd the Lands of Kintail, (a) and from his Son Mackenzies
and Heir Kenneth, does the noble Family of Seaforth, and the Nume-of that
rous, Brave, and for the moſt part Loyal Clan of the Mackenneths or
Mackenzies deſcend. -
King Haco, with much difficulty, got back to Air, but there had
the cutting Mortification, to find his whole Fleet ſhatter'd and diſ-
pers'd by a violent Storm, that broke out the Night which ſuccee-
ded the Battle. Nevertheleſs, by means of ſome few Ships, the
Storm had not deſtroy’d, he made a Shift to get likewiſe to Orkney.
This Account of that War and memorable Tranfaction, we have
from all Scots Authors; and Authentick Records, afterwards cited,
prove that it is true úpon the Main. But becauſe the Daniſh and
Norvegian Hiſtorians contradict the Spots in ſome things very re-
markable, and not ſo univerſally known, I hope I ſhall oblige the
more curious and inquiſitive Reader, by acquainting him with
what they have related. If we may believe them : (6)
The Iſlands of Orkney were probably inhabited by the Saxons, or
ſome others of Gothick Origine, in the Days of Theodofis and Stilich);
but till thoſe of Harold, Sirnam’d the Fair-baird King of Norway, who
was Cotemporary with Kenneth Il. King of Scotland, about the
Year 846, fervid only for Retreats and Receptacles to various Pi-
rats that infeſted the Seas. But Harold, after having reduc'd the Account of
whole Kingdom of Norway to his Obedience, carried his victorious the Con-
Arms over the Seas, and ſubdu'd not only the Iſlànds of Orkney and upon Scor-
Shetland, but alſo the Æbude and Man: Nay, he over-rün Scotland, Norvegians
,
Witneſs the Rymes of Hornklofius · And Aimonius, an uncertain Au- according
thor, tells us, that Kenneth II. (the fame-who conquer'd the Picts, ters of tha:
and, lay Scots Authors, extended the Scottiſh Dominion from the Country.
Orkneys to Adrian's Wall) was but a Vaſſal to the Norvegians. One
Sigurd was by King Harold made Earl of Orkney; and hé (for in
thoſe Days the Scots were, if groundleſs Fictions deſerve to be cre-
dited, affoon vånquilh'd as áttack’d) added to his Goverinent of Ork-
half of Scotland. His Succeſſors, Earls of Orkney, did often the ſame
thing, particularly Liol and Sigürd the Fat: This made the Æbude
Tributary to the Norwegian Scepter, and that conquerd Caithnes.
L111
And
; (a) Chart. penes Comitem de Seaforth (6) Thormod. Torfæi Hiſt, rerum Orcadenſ, edit, Addo 1097 ,
P.9, 10, 11, &cy
3 1:8
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
And Thorfinn the youngeſt
Son of Sigurd, was created Earl of Suther-
land and Caithnes, by his Grandfather, on the Mother's fide, - Melholf
or Malcolm II. King of Scotland: But the Succeſſor of Malcolm, one
Karl (a King of Scotland, hitherto unknown to Scotſmen) prov'd in.
jurious to Thorfinn, and paid dear fog'it. Thorfinn defeated him and
all his Forces, more than once, by Sea and by Land, made himſelf
Maſter of all the Iſlands, and conquer'd Scotland, as far as the Pro-
vince of Fife. And leaſt any Bodyi ſhould diftruſt this. Truth, we
have (a) for it, the undoubted Authority of Farlaskald, who was
the Earl's Favourite, and Poet Laureat. This fame Thorfinn muſt
have been a terrible Man; for, having drawn a great Army'toge-
ther, from Caithnes, Ireland, the Æbuda (6) Orkney, and ſeveral
Provinces of Scotland, he would needs one Summer invade Eng-
land, notwithſtanding the Daniſh Hardecanute reignd in it at the
time: And he did it with that Succeſs, that after having gain d two
Battles, and enrich'd himſelf with the-Spoils of thoſe Places, he
over-run and laid waſte, he return’d and Winter?d at Home. One
Hace, the Grandchild of Thorfinn diſcorded about the Succeffion with
his Relations: And to intereſs their common Sovereign the King of
Norway in his Quarrel, he went over to that: Country, and by his
Perſuaſions prevaild upon the ambitious Spirit of Magnus, firnam'd
Bare-foot, to attempt the Recovery of all the Conqueſts, his Prede-
ceffor, Harold the Fair-haird had made in and about the Iſland of
Britain. That Prince was eaſily perſwaded; he brought a great
Army from Norway to Orkney; from thence : fail'd to the-, Æbuda,
(where one Gordredus reign'd at the time, with the Title of King of
the Iſles : But by what Right,the Poet. Kalius, from whoſe Rymes
we have this Story, does not tell) and reducd them to his Obedi-
This done, he made a Deſdent in Kintyre; and from thence,
by Detachments from his Army, ravagd all the neighbouring Coaſts
of Scotland and Ireland, took in the Illands : of Man and Angleſey
,
and had ſubdud almoſt all Ireland; when by the Treachery of the
Natives he was kill'd.
That King Magnus did make himſelf Maſter of the Iſland of Man,
and of the Æbud«, (perhaps Shetland and Orkney, becauſe ſo very
obnoxious to Northern Rovers, may have been poſſeſs’d by fome of
his Predeceſſors) no Author denies ; but when he did it, is the
Vhen Mag. Queſtion. Simeon Dunelm. (c) the Chronicle of Man, (d) and Orderi-
Norway lub-cus Vitalis (e) fay., that he conquer'd the Iſlands of Orkney, Man,
Slunds, be&c. in the Year 1098. But 'tis certain, that Malcolm Canmore
.
longing to King of Scotland, died four or five Years before, in 1993. . And
this Calculation agrees exactly with what all Scots Authors have
aſſerted, viz. that upon the death of King Malcolm, hisi Brother
Donald Bane, aſſiſted by the Forces of Magnus, to whom, as a Re-
compence, he promis'd to yield the Mands belonging to Scotland,
uſurp'd the Throne : And that theſe Iſlands were accordingly inva-
ded by Magnus, and, to the great. Diffatisfaction of the Scots, not
defended by-Donald.
Never-
(a) Ibid. p. 54, 58. (b) Ibid. p. 71,72, &c. *) Ibid. p. 72. (d) Ibid. p. 75.(.) Ibid. p. 764
ence.
..
Chap. П.
310
Of the Scots Nation.
un
1
Nevertheleſs, the Norvegians, contrary to the above
Calculation,
and the unanimous Conſent of Scots Authors, fay, that they.were
conquerd by their King Magnus: from.Gordredus King of the Ifes,
and afterwards yielded to him, not by Donald Bane, but by: Mat-
colm. Eanmore himſelf. To prove this, they alledge, that about 15 t
Years afterwards, when Alexander II. of Scotland fent to Haco, King
of Norway, to demand the Reſtitution of theſe Iſlands, as having been
njuſtly
extorted by King Magnus from King Malcolm; Antwer was
made, That Malcolm had no Right to them, but that Magnus after ha-
ving vanquiſh'd Gordredus,their King, had, in Right of his Predecel-
fors, Kings of Norway, re-poſſeſs’d himſelf of them. They add, that
according to Ordericus Vitalis, Kiøg. Magnus made feveral Expediti-
ons againſt the Britiſh States and pne of them in 1092, when Mala
colm Canmore was yet alive, and ingag’d in a War with William Run
fus King of England. So that 'tis probable he gave way to the Nor-
vegian Invaſion, that he might not at once have to do with two Es
ñemies, fo powerful, as William and Megnuo. Ilis tam fo much
the more apt to believe, becaufe I do not:cfee, byrwhat meangithe
King of Norway, could have been able to have advane'd Donald Bäne
1o. quickly and ſo eaſily, to the Throne, if he had not, at the very
Nick of King-Malcolm's Death, been at hand, and ready withi his Ara
my in the Iſles, to invade the Continent. And thus the differing
Accounts of the Scots and Norvégians may be reconcild; nay, that
Part of the Scots Hiſtory, illuftrated by the Norvegian. -
Henceforth the Illands; of: Orkwèy and Shetland continu'd in the
Poſſeſſion of the Norvegiaņsz
, and were govern'di by Earls Cominif
fion'd by the King of Norway, 'till the Reign'i of King James IHI. of
Scotland. The Æbuda and Man-had: Kings of their own, but;-lay
the Norvegians, ſubject and- fiduciary to theſe of Norway. Thó 'tis
certain, as I faid before, that fome of them.dáſuwnd any ſuch Val-
fallage; and, in Imitation of the Kings, John and Henry III. of England,
held their Dominions of the See of Romea uNor do I find; that any
of the Kings of Scotland, from Malcolm Canmore down tó Alexander
II. had Wars with, or did ſo much as reclaim: the Obedience of
thoſe People, thọ, as is evident from their Language, Manners and
old Monuments particularly the Monaſtery tof. Icolmkil, unqueſtion-
ably Sots. Only were told (and this ſhews that they had ftillan Eye
that way, and wanted but an Opportunity, of aſſerting their Righe)
that about the Year 1229, Alar Lord of Galloway, and Conſtable of
Scotland, (a) a bold Man, and perfectly :well skill'd in the Art of
Navigation, after having made mo doubt, by Warrint from the
King of Scotland, ſeveral Defcents upon the Æbuda and Ireland
attack'd
the Idle of Man with a numerous Army and great Fleet. Olave its of Galloway
King, who was admirably well affected and loyal to Haco King of makes War
Norway, defended himſelf ftontły for a long time; but his Brother Kings of
King Reignald being kill'd in the Cauſe he himſelf was neceſſitated to
leave. his Country, and ask? :Succours from the King of Norway; to
L1112
whom
Alan Lord
Man and the
Ines.
(a Ibid. 161.
320
The Martial Atchievements
Book II:
:
whom he gave an Account, That'Alan threatn’d-to invade Norway it
Telfand boaſted that the Seas were as open to the Scots as Norvegians.
Haco entertain'd him kindly and gave him and one Uſpack, whom he
had lately
made King of the Iſles in the Room of Samerled's two Sons,
Skrog and Dungad, who had been unfaithful to him, a Fleet and Army
to recover their Territories. They ſet fail, firſt for Orkney, and from
thence to Ilar ſund, where they ſeiz'd upon the Perſon of King Dun-
gad, and kill'd his Kinf-man Simerled. From therice, with a Fleet
of eighty Ships, they ſail'd to Kintyre or Bute, and there beſieg'da
Caſtle that belong'd to the Lord High Steward of Scotland; and at
length (notwithſtanding, it was bravely defended, and a great many
kill'd by the melted Lead and Pitch the Belieg’d threw down upon
them) took it by Sapping, and in it a rich Booty. One Scots Earl
was kill'd by an Arrow, as he ſtood on the Wall; and a Knight being
made Priſoner, pay’d. 300 Merks of Gold for his Ranſom. The Nora
vegians and Ifanders loſt 300 Men on this Occaſion, and among
thele,one Suein, a Man of Note;and to their greater Grief, four of their
Ships with all the Men on Board of them, were caſtaway by a ſud-
den Storm. They had Intelligence at the fame time, that the Lord
Alan, with a Fleet of 150 Sail,lay on the South ſide of Kintyre, with
a Deſign to intercept them: Fór which Reaſon they ſaild to the
North, and from thence to. Man; where King Olave was again
received with the Acclamations of all his Subjects. From this time,
till the Year 1244, nothing of Moment was done, with Reference
to the S:ots Pretentions to thoſe Iſlands; but then King Alexander 1!.
did redeem them from Haco, the Son of another of the ſame Name,
King of Norway : And having received the Anſwer I mentioned above,
reſolv'd to retake them by Force, but died in Carnyre, juſt as he was
entering upon the deſignd Expedition.
His Son, Alexander III: how ſoon he got free from theſe Inteſtine
111. makes Broils that diſturb’d his Minority (and by his Marriage with a
War upon Daughter of England, found himſelf ſecure on that ſide) determind
ans, for what himielf (a) to proſecute what his Father had begun : For (ſay the
A.D.iż63. Norvegians) in the Year 1263, the Kings of the Iſles wrote to their
King Haco, that Kiarnach Earl of Roſs,had, with a mighty Fleet, at-
tack’d and laid waſte their Territories, without Regard to Churches
or Monaſteries, Children or Women ; and that the King of Scots de-
clar'd, that he would never defift, till he had made himſelf Maſter
of them all. Alarm’d with this News, Haco caus’d a Royal Navy
to be fitted out ; and on the eleventh of Ju'y ſet ſail for Shetland,
K. Haco's where he arrived on the thirteenth, then came over to the Orkneys,
Progreſs
through the
and encamped near Kirkwall
, where the Army celebrated the Feaſt
of St. Olave; King of Norway, and the Principal Officers were magni-
ficently Regald on Board the King's own Ship. While he ſtay'd
here, he ſent Meſſengers to Caithneſs, to threaten Deſtruction to the
Country, and raiſe Contributions, and others to the Kings of the
Ifles and Man, to acquaint them with his Arrival, and to command
them
Alexander
Weſtern
Iles.
(a) ibid. p. 165. 166. &c.
Chap. II.
321
Of the Scots Nation. .
them to have their Forces in a Readineſs to joyn hiin. Thole of
Caithineſs pay'd what Contributions were delir’d, but Word was
brought from the Iſlės, that lon, one of their Kings, had revolted
to the King of Scots. But,not long after, Magnus, King of Man, and
Dugal, one of the Kings of the Iſles, came and waited upon him, in
his
Progreſs through a great many Ilands,whoſe Námes (being quite
different in the Journal left us of this Expedition, from thole we
give theni) I cannot expreſs. At length, even King lon came to
him, and begg’d he would excuſe him, if he had made his Submiffi-
on to, and Peace with the King of Scotland, in Regard that he held
more of that Prince, than of the Crown of Norway ; and he was
willing King Haco ſhould diſpoſe of his Lands in the Iſles, in Favour
of any Body he pleas’d. But Haco thought fit to detaini him for
ſome time by himſelf, in hopes to regain him to his Service ; àrid iii
the mean time, had Advice ſent him from King Dugal, wko, toge-
ther with the King of Man,had been detach'd with 50 Sail to ſcout
the Seas, and take in ſome of the Illès, thiát Margad and Engus; two
Governors for the King of Scotland, óf I know not what Iſlands,would
ſurrender them,and bring in a 1000 Oxen for the Uſe of the Army,
upon Condition, that when a Peace ſhould be concluded, the King
of Norway would take Caté, that they might be comprehended in
it, and reſtor’d to the Favour of their own Sovereign, which accor-
dingly was agreed to. By this Meaniś, both the Cumbra's
, I believe,
ſubmitted to the Invaders, and Buite was alſo fübdü'd by the Treache
ry of one Rudriu, who pretended to a Heteditary Right to that I
ſland, and had been formerly Forefeited and Out-law'd by the King
of Scotland, to whoſe Territories and Subjects he did, on this Occ
calion a great deal of Miſchief.
While Haco was thus buſily employed in reducing the Æbida; Mef-
fengers came to him from Ireland, inviting hiin over to that Coun-
try,upon certain Conditions : Concerning which, he ſent' öne Sigurd,
añ íllander,to treat with the Natives. At the ſame time, he diſmiſs'd
King Ionloaden with Preſents and Careffes, who on his lidę promiſed
to be Inſtiumental in bringing about a Peace with the King of Scot-
land. This laſt had frequently ſent Meſſengers to Hdco, fonetimes
Dominicans, ſometimes Minorites, with Overtures tending to an Ac-
ccommodation, and he likewiſe had feặt to the Court of Scotland,
Gilbert, Bilhop of Hamar, and Henry, Biſhop of the Orkneys, with
three more Perſons of Quality for the fame Purpoſe.
Theſe Ambaſſadors reported, That the King of Scotland had ré-
ceiv'd them kindly, and that he ſeemd not averſe from Reaſonable
Terms : The Terms were, that the Out-Iſles ſhould continue in the
Hands of the Norvegians, but that Arran, Büte, and the Cümbra's,
ſhould be return'd to the Crown of Scotland. Upon this, a Truce
was agreed to, and 'Plenipotentiariės namd on both ſides, who
inet accordingly fome where in Scotlarid; but the Terms pro-
pos’d were ſtill the ſame, and fuch as the Norvegians would not accept
of : Beſides, Haco was made to underſtand, that the Scots were
M m m in
drawing
.
322
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
;
drawing together in great Numbers, and perſwaded to ſend one
Kolbein, a Knight, to the King of Scotland, with his Letters Patents
concerning the Truce, and Orders to tell Him, that he might come
himſelf with his whole Army ; upon the head of which, Articles
ſhould be adjuſted between them amicably, if poffible; if not, with
the Sword, and to the Advantage of whoever it ſhould pleaſe God
to favour with Victory. Kolbein reported, that the King of Scotland
ſeem'd diſpos’d to accept of the laſt Part of the Alternative, but that
he had given him no poſitive Anſwer. Upon this, the Norvegians
renew'd their Hoftilities : The Kings, Magnus and Dugal, were a-
gain detach'd with 60 Ships, and a Numerous Land Ariny, who,
while they laid waſte all Lorn and Lochaber , Alan, the Brother of
King Dugal
, made a Deſcent in the low Lands, and ravag’d a large
Tračt of the Country, from the Weſt to the Eaſt, but loft ten Ships,
at a Place my Author calls Skipafiord. Nor was the Grand Army
more fortunate: A terrible Storm aroſe on the zoth of September :
The whole Fleet was ſhatter'd, the King's own Ship driven from
Anchor,and himſelf oblig’d, with great Hazard, to go in a Boat to
a Neighbouring Iſand; one of the Cumbra's (no doubt.) The Scots
obſerving this, came in great Numbers to the Shore, plunder'd thoſe
Ships the Storm had forc'd upon it, and kill'd the Men they found
on Board : But they defended themſelves bravely; and to reſcue
them, the next Day King Haco landed, to be ſure at, or near the
Largis
, and commanded Augmund Krakidantz to ſeize upon a riſing
Ground in the Neighbourhood; which that Officer had no ſooner
done, but he ſaw the whole Scots Army approaching with Diligencë.
The Battle It conſiſted of sco Horſe, admirably well Arm’d,
and finely Cloá-
of Larpis, as thed, and of an. uncertain, but great Number of Foot, with Bows
the Norvegi. and Spears ; and 'twas ſaid, that the King himſelf was upon the
Head of it. The Number of the Norvegians that were on the Land,
did not amount to above 800 Men, and with theſe, King Haco
would have ſtay’d, notwithſtanding the mightly Power he had to
encounter, had not the Great Men about him, more follicitous for
his Safety than their own, in a Manner compell’d him to return to
the Fleet, But his Men could not ſo eaſily get off : They were in-
ftantly attack'd by the Scots, in Numbers, eight to one of the Nor-
vegians, and no wonder if they were for the moſt part cut to pieces :
Tho, ſays my Author, while the Fight laſted, more of the Enemy
were kill'd than of them ; but how many, the Norvegians could not
gueſs, by Reaſon that their Slain were inſtañțly, taken up by their
Countrymen, and tranſported to an adjacent Wood.
The King of Norway was heartily grieved to ſee his Subjects thus
miferably laughter'd, and the rather becaule twas not in his Power
to fend freſh Succours to the Land, to ſupport them or bring them
off. But the next Day,he ſent thoſe that took up their Dead Bodies,
and brought them on Board the Fleet ; particularly, thoſe of Haco
de Stein, and Thorgils Gloppa, two Captains of his Life-guard, and
five more Perforis of Quality, whole long Teutonick Names, as tis
ANS,
!
1
not
!
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 323
not eaſy to pronounce, ſo 'tis needleſs to inſert. "This colie, he
thought fit to Tack about, and ſét Sail for the Out-Illes, in one of
whicli he had the Pleafure to be again invited to Ireland; the Na-
tives of that Country being willing to entertain him and his whole
Army during the Winter, if he would but undertake to free
them from the Engliſh Yoke. He had done it with all his Heart,
but his Nöbles were of a contrary Opinion, and the Winds were
not favourable. He therefore appointed Governours over the Illes
he had ſubdu'd, (and he had ſubdu'd all the Territories, formerly
aiinex’d to the Crown of Norway by his Predeceffor Magnus Bare-
foot) inſomuch that my Author is hugely diffatisfied, that Buchanan,
and other Scots Hiſtorians, Thould ſay, that he did nothing confide-
rable. Indeed I think he did not, elſe his Son and Succeffor, King
Magnus, had not ſo eafily parted, not only with his new Acquiſiti
ons, Bute; Arran, and the Cumbra's, but alſo with Man and the
Æbudes
King Haco got back to the Orkneys; with great Difficulty, and
no finall Loſs of his Men and Shipping, even according to the
Journal drawn up, probably by fome about him. When at Kirk-
wall, where he relölvd to Winter in the Epiſcopal Palace, after
having appointed Quarters for his Army, and convenient Harbours
för his Ships, in different Iſlands; that own’d his Authority, he
fickn’d; -and being extreamly ſpent with Fatigue, and by croſs
Accidents perplex’d, kept his Bed three Weeks, then ſeem'd to
Convaleſce, walk'd through the Palace, went to the Chappel, and .
viſited the Church and Shrine of St. Magnus ; but the third Day
grew worſe, took his Bed again ; and to recreate his Mind,
Caus'd his Cliaplains read Latin Books to him, which not ſufficient-
ly compréhending, by reaſon of the Application they requir’d,
and he was unable to give, he order'd the Hiſtory of the Kings of
Noiway his Predeceſſors, done in the Nortegian Tongue by Halfdane
the Black; to be brought and read to him. But ſtill his Malády in-
creas’d, and in a few Days after he had made his Will, given Lega-
cies to all about him, and receiv'd Extrea in-linction and the other
Sácráments of the then Church; he died the fucceeding. Day to the distinge time
Feaſt of St. Luty the Virgins in Preſence of three Biſhops, öne Ab- ney
.
bot, ſeveral Churchimen, and a great mariy of the principal Officers
of his Houthold and Army; who all regrated the Death of one of
tlie braveſt and bell Sovereigns; Non sony eduld boaſt of. And 'twas
obſerv'd, that, on the fame Day Kitig Håto expir’d, a Son and Heir
was born to King Alexander, as if Providence had deſign'd to glad-
en this laft, bý a double Bleſſing it once, the Death of an Enemy,
aird Birth of a Son:
Gtead Rejoicing(a) were thatde all over Scytland, and as great A. D. 1164.
Preparations for Profecuting the War : Alexander
, the. Lord High
Steward, uid Foon Chariteti; weré Tent with a tompetent Forte to reduce
the Iſland of Man: Its petty King Magnus made a vigorous Reſiſtance,
M m m m 2
but
زنان
ن
(a) Boeth. Buchan. &c. in ys. Alex. III. 11:9
.
324
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
thes.
Magnus IV.
tay.
Illexander but ſubmitted at length, and oblig’d himſelf to furniſh the King of
Lieutenants Sots with thirteen long Boats and 500 Men, as often as requir’d:
fubducs the The ſame Alexander Stewart, together with the Earls of Athole,
Man and the March and Carrick, and the Thanes of Argyle and Lennox, had Or
ders to tranſport their reſpective Followers to the Out-iſles, all which
they conquerd, and re-annex’d to the Crown of Scotland, tho not
without great Oppoſition made by the Norvegian Garriſons, and
ſome of the Iſlanders, in their Intereſt. Moſt of theſe were put to
the Sword, and the Majority of the Inhabitants, by this Means des
liver'd from a foreign Yoke, willingly return'd to the Allegiance,
their Anceſtors had paid to the Kings of Scotland, their natural So-
vereigns.
In the mean time King Magnus had fueceeded in the Norvegian
Throne, (a) who, how ſoon he had receiv'd and done the laſt Du-
King of Nor-
ty at Bergen, to the Corps of his Royal Father; by Advice of the
Senate, fent Ambaſſadors to Scotland, to put an end to the Contro-
verſy, and unequal War, the Kings of Norway had to wage at ſuch a
Diſtance, with the then more powerful, at leaſt in Money, and
no leſs Warlike Kings of Scotland. They offer'd what before had
been fought of King Haco, to give up their Maſter's Claim to the
Illes of Arran, Bute, &c. provided he might ſtill enjoy the Æbuda:
But now the Face of Affairs was alter'd, Haco was Dead, Magnus
was at a Diſtance, the Scots had gain'd a Battle, and maſterd the
Territories pretended to. Beſides, they were accuftom'd to War,
could draw a land Army in a few weeks to the Fields, and had a
Fleet ready to put to Sea, how foon neceffary: Whereas, the Nora
wegian Army had been for the moſt Part cut off, ayd their Fleet, in
a great Meaſure, deſtroy'd. Wherefore King Alexander would
give Ear to no ſuch Terms of Accomodation : He would needs
have the Norvegians to give up their Pretenſions to all the Æbuda,
and probably had alſo demanded the Reſtitution of Shetland and the
Orkneys, had not the Affairs of England been in Confuſion, and his
Affittance neceſſary to keep his Father-in-Law Henry III. upon
his
tottering Throne. This ſeems the more credible, becauſe that
Prince did all he could to mediate a peace, which nevertheleſs was
not concluded till two Years afterwards, viz. in anno 1266, when,
Peace with on the Friday following the Feaſt of St. Peter and St. Paul, (6) 'twas
agreed at Perth by King Alexander III. of Scotland, Perſonally preſent,
what Terms together with his Clergy and Nobles on the one Side, and by As-
kitin, Chancellour of Norway, and Andreas, a Baron, in Name of
Magnus IV. King of Norway on the other. That henceforth the
Kings of Kingdom of Norway, Ihould. lay do Claim to the Islands
callid Sodorenfes or Æbude, nor to that of Man ; but that they
ihould for ever remain in the Poffeffion of, and belong to the Kings
of Scotland, with all their Services, Apurteriances, Rents
, Rights,
Go. That the Inhabitants, thereof, ſhould not be moleſted in their
Rights
Makes
Alexander
If, and on
4
ju
3) Torfæus p; 171. (b) See the Words of the Treaty, apud Torfæum.p. 199. and the Contract of Marsi.
se between Erick and Margaret, inter Foed. Angl. Tom. 2. p. 1079. Article 23:
Chap II.
Of the Scots Nation . 325
!
Rights and Heritages, granted to them by the Kings of Norway,
nor quarrell’a for any thing they had done in Favour of the ſaid
Kings ; but be henceforth govern’d by the Laws of Scotland, as
tratural Subjects of the ſame, unleſs any of them ſhould think fit to
remove and reſide elſewhere ; in which Cafe they were not to be
Irinder’d. On the other Hand, as an Equivalent for this Renun-
ciation, King Alexander. oblig'd himſelf and his Succeffors, to pay
4000 Merks; at four different Terms, with a yearly Retribution or
Penſion of 100, to the Kings of Norway, and his Succeſſors for ever.
To make this Peace the more ſolid and laſting, the Lady Margaret,
eldeſt Daughter of Alexander, tho as yet but one Year old, was
promis’d in Marriage to Erick, or, as fome Scots Authors call him
Hangonan, the Son and apperent Heir of Magnus, alſo an Infant at
the time: And accordingly his Matrimonial Contract was afterwards
ratified, and Erick, by his Proxy, married the Princeſs at Roxburgh
on the 25 of July 1281.
And now Scotland, freed from Inteſtine Broils, fecur'd againſt Dan-
ger from abroad, and aggrandiz’d by the Re-union of the Æbuda, en-
joy’d a profound Peace and Calm, under the wife and vigorous
Adminiſtration of one of the beſt of her Kings. England was not ſo
happy, and the Civil Wars, which broke out in that Kingdom,
gave new Opportunities to the Scots of exerting their Valour.
Their King, fince bis Marriage with the Daughter of King Henry,
had livd in perfect Friendſhip with his Father-in-Law, and they. Great
had done all the reciprocal good Offices to one another, their reſpe- Friendſhip
{tive Circumſtances did përmit or require. To inſtance in a few.; best an der Lii
.
Henry, did only aflift King Alexander by his Advice and Forces; a- and Henry
gainſt thoſe Miniſters that diſturb’d his Minority; but; (a) by his
Mediation, very much contributed to the honourable and advanta-
geous Peace, he made with the King of Norway. Before this time,
in 1260, he had given the King and Queen of Scotland, a kind In-
vitation to the Court of England, order'd them (b) to be Royally
attended on the Road, gave them the uſe of his own Houſes, For-
reſts and Warranries, and (c) by a publick Deed declar'd, That
they ſhould not be defir'd to treat of aning Scots
: Matters concerning them-
felves, their Kingdom, or Counſellorst. This was very pleaſing to the
Queen, who, no doubt, was infinitely deſirous to ſee her Father
and conſequently fond of the Journey. But it was not altogether
ſatisfactory to the King and his Nobles. They apprehended the
Queen to be with Child, and therefore (to obviate all Inconvenien-
ces that might fall out, in Caſe of her being brought to Bed in Enga
land) they prudently defir’d; and very readily obtain'd, an Authen.
tick Deed, (d) by which tlie King of England oblig'd himſelf, and
ſwore to the Obligation, that the King of Scotland ſhould have full
Liberty to carry back the Queen his Wife, how ſoon - he ſhould
think fit: And that, in caſe ſhe ſhould chance to ſtay till her Delive
ry, he ſhould diſpoſe
: both of her and the Child at his Pleaſure. And,
N n n n
if in
(a) Anderſon's Hiftor. Eſſay. p. 228. (b) Foeder. Angl. tom. I. p. 7140 (c) Ibid, p: 783; (d) Ibid. p.7146
III.
320
The Martial Atchievements Book II.
.
1
if in the mean time he ſhould chance to die, that, in that caſe, the
Child ſhould be deliver’da to, and remain at the Diſpoſal of the No-
bles of Scotland, Upon theſe Afſurances the King and Queen of
Scotland took Journey (à) and were met by their Royal Parents at
Woºdſtęck. From thence they went to London, but took different
Roads, by reaſon the Country was over-crowded with the vaſt
Numbers of the Nobility and Gentry, that attended the two
Courts. They arriv'd at the Capital on the 15th of Auguſt, and
they were welcom'd in that City, as in Weſtminſter, with all the
Demonſtrations of Refpe&t, Affection and Duty, 'twas poſſible to
expreſs. The Queen of Scotland prov?d, as had been foreſeen, to
be with Child, and the King, Queen and Nobles, out of a tender
Regard to her Health, intreated that ſhe might be permitted to
ſtay in England, till ſhe ſhould be brought to Bed. This could not
in Reafou be refus:d : But then (ſo cautious were the then Scots) a
new Deed was granted at their Defire, more ample than the for-
mer, with this ſpecial Proviſo, (b) That if the King of Scots Should
chance to die, the Child ſhould be deliver'd without any. Diſpute or.Cavil,
to certain Noblemen therein mention'd. And for further: Security, not
only the King of England, but alfo his Brother, then King of: Almain,
with a great many more of the Engliſh Nobility;: folemnly fwore to
the Performance of this Deed; nay, the Kingi engag'd himſelf to
cauſe his eldeſt Son Prince Edward, the two Archbiſhops of Canter-
bury and Fork, &c. to do the like.
After ſo many Teſtimonies of unfeign'd Affection, expreft by the
King of England, 'twas but juſt that his Son-in-Law (who had
Reaſon to think, that after this any of the Engliſh Monarchs would
eyer again offer to incroach upon the ſo often acknowledg’d Inde-
pendency of Scotland) fhould in his Turn court Opportunities of
Thewing his Gratitude. He found but too many: For Henry was at
the Bottom but a weak Prince, and ſuch an one can ſcarcely expect
Occaſion of to live happy in England. The Minority of other Kings is ordinar-
ly, the moft troubleſome Part of their Reigns, his was the moſt
singland, du- flouriſhing. When young,he ſuffer'd himſelf to be govern’d by ſuch. .
Reign of Regulations as had been extorted from his Father, and he willing.
Herry ill. ly acquieſc'd in; and therefore was agreeable to the prevailing Part
of the Nation, bever, or feldom pleas’d, but when their Sovereigns
are precariouſly fuch, and chooſe rather to obey, or at moſt be
the meer Executors of their Pleaſures, than ito: command. By
theſe Means, Tome Princes of very ordinary Capacities, have been
reputed Great and Good, and who would do, otherwiſe, muft fally
if he is not a William the Conqueror; or a Henry VIII.
This Henry III. had neither the Cairage nor Genius of theſe,
and yet he would needs be (what all his Anceſtors, but his Father,
are by impartial Authors own’d to have been, notwithſtanding the
Conceſſions of ſome of them) an ablolute: Monarch :: He: teſtified
no leſs, bow foor he came to the Years of a Man For in a Council;
held
no
!
?
the Civil
Wars in
0
(a) Tyrrel, lib, 8; 8.979. (b) Foeder; Angl..p: 7159
7
i
an
0771
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 327
His Anceſtors, William the Conqueror; and Henry I. who had
held at Oxford in 1227, he (a) not only cancelld and made void,
all the Charters of Liberties and Forreſts; as having been by Force
of Arms extorted from his Father, and by himſelf ratified only in
his Minority, when he had no Power of his own Perſon or Seal, but
alſo declar'd, that, now he was of full Age, he reſolv'd to be Ma-
fter of his own A&tions and ſtood no longer in Need of a Governor.
granted or confirm’d the like Priviledges,had alſo cancell'dor brought
thein into Diſuſe, as well as he. But the Cafe was alter'd; they
were Great Men, he was far from being ſo. Beſides, the late Succef-
fes of the Engliſh Barons againſt King John, had taught them, that
'twas practicable to give Laws to their Maſters; and they refolv'd
not to part eaſily with thoſe dear bought Priviledges, they ſo much
valu’d. Henceforth the Reign of King Henry was but a continud
Struggle between him and his Barons. Theſe laft (by Reafon of the
bàd Counſels he followed, the wrong Methods he purſu'd, and the
hüge Sums of Money he fruitleſly expended) had, for the moſt part,
the better of him. They maintaind their Priviledges by Force, as
they had acquir’d them and by Means of both, got ſuch an Aſcendant
over their ever indigent, becauſe ſtill prodigal Sovereign, that, to
ſupply his craving Wants, he muſt needs have Recourſe to the good
Will and voluntary Grants of the Barons. For this Reaſon,he was
often obligd to call them together, and to ask (with Submiſſion to
their Advices, concerning the Management of Affairs) thofe Sub-
fidies, his Predeceffors exačted for the moſt part at Pleaſure : Nor
did they part with their Money, till he had, by new. Grants, or the
Confirmation of former ones, parted at leaſt with ſome Branch of
what had been hitherto underltood to be the Royal Prerogative.
Hence tis, that moft Authors, and with great Reafon, attribute to
hiin, the Inſtitution of Parliaments, properly. ſo call'dThe Word,
which is altogether French, may have been in-Uſe before, and ap-
propriated to thoſe Aſſemblies of Landed Men, or Grand Councils,
all Kings muſt needs call from time to time; eſpecially, when they
ftand in need of the univerſal Concurrence of the Nations they Go-
vern ; or, as
Henry 1. King Stephen, King John, Gci are pofleisd of
a queſtion’d. Title, and therefore want to make it good; if not by
Law, at leaſt by Numbers and Strength. However, thoſe Aflem-
blies, whether call?d Parliaments or no, had no regular Forin, till
the Reign of King Henry: But he, for the Reaſons I have mentiond,
was forc'd to allow of the Right they had purchas’d with ſo much
Blood and Treaſure, to give but jult as much Money to the Sovereign,
as they thought they could ſpare, or he ſtood in Need of ; and by
Conſequence, to ſhare in the Government and Direction of Affairs.
I very well know what Mr. Tyrrel, Mr. Petyt and others have ſaid,
to prove the Power and Authority of Parliaments, that is, both of
Lords and Commons, anterior to this time., nay, and to the Con.
queſt it ſelf: But after all, I am not yet, nor do I think any Impar-
Ninn02
tial
(2) Tyrrel, Brady, &c. ad Ann. ſupra dict.
328
Book II.
The Martial Atchievements
1
.
tial Man will be ſatisfied, that theſe faſt were in the leaſt concernd
either in the making of Laws,or in the granting of Subſidies, till the
Reign of this King. The Power, even of the Lords and Barons, was,
in his Judgement,an Uſurpation : But they ſtood their Ground : And
Alexander, II. King of Scotland after he had got Satisfaction, as to his
own Demands, thought himſelf no more concern'd with their Quar-
rels. His Son, Alexander III. wasof another Opinion:He could not but
repay the good Offices of his Father-in-Law; and he did it at a time,
when 'twas highly neceffary
Henry neither lov’d the Engliſh, nor was he lov'd by them: He
put all his Confidence in Strangers, whom he preferrd to the high-
eft Polts ; by whoſe Counſels he was ruld, and who alone were
enrich'd by his exceſſive Prodigalitičś. This was, no doubt, very
grating to the Nation ; and the rather, becauſe no Promiſe, no Oath,
no Length of time, could make him. cordial, with Reference to the fó
much contended for Priviledges. Wherefore, as before, ſo in the
Year 1258, the Barons (a). enter'd into a League, and laid down
fuch Meaſures, as they thought would effe&tually redreſs their Grie-
vances. They wanted but Heads to conduct them, and found two
Men very fit for the Purpoſe, Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloceſter, and
Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leiceſter •; both by their Fortunes great
Lords, and by their perſonal Qualifications,great Men. The laſt was
a Frenchman born ; but,in Right of his Mother, had ſucceeded to the
Honours and Eſtate he enjoy'd in England, was thereby become an
Engliſhman, and, as ſuch, made his Court to the King, fo ſuccesfully,
that he was conſider'd as a Favoutitë. He afterwards found means,
in Spite of all Oppoſition, to marry the Siſter of his Maſter : But this
Match, which an Intrigue of Love diſhonourable to the Royal Blood had
brought about, turn'd him for ſome time out of Favour, but at length
his Merit prevaild, he was made Governor of Guienne, arid there
had frequent Occaſions to let England know, that the Nation had in
his Perſon, one of the greateſt Captains in the Age. But then he
was the moſt Inſolent and Haughty in the World : He dard to give
the Lye to his Sovereign,who durſt not reſent the outragious Affront.
One of his Character could not fail of being agreeable to a Party of
Men, tenaciouſly bent upon depreſſing the Majeſty and Power
of Kings : And he was ſo much the fitter to compaſs this End, be.
cauſe he rebell’d conſcientiouſly, that is, he was a Hypocrite, and
by the deluded Vulgår reputed a Saint. I ſhould be thought to di-
greſs; if I ſhould enter into the Detail of the various Tranfactionis
of theſe tiinės. At length the War (often commenc'd, but never
proſecuted to purpoſe) broke out with Violence if 1 263, when,
at the fame time, Alexander, King of the Scots, was attack'd by the
Norvegians, and by Conſequence, could give no Supplies to his im-
prudent, but in the Opinion of all good Meni (particularly of St.
Lewis King of France) injur'd Ally and Father-in-Law. But by good
luck, the Norvegians were defeated, and thie very next Year 1264,
Alexander
A.D. 1254
Echard, Tyrrel, Brady, Baker, &c. in the Life of Hen.. lII.
Chap. II329
Il .
Of the Scots Nation.
و
Nations,
Alexander found himſelf in a Condition to do ſomething more, than
repay
the good Offices he had receiv'd from Hinry. He fent (a)
5000 Men to his Affiſtance: And that Prince had the pleaſure to
fee himſelf upon the Head of an Army of ſuch Officers and Souldi-
ers, as had undoubtedly, conquer’d, had they been conducted, .
by a Chiftain, or abler, or happier. . Beſides, the King himſelf and
the brave Prince, Edward his Son , King Richard,and Henry his Soni
were preſent, together with John, others fay, Alexander Cuming,
John Baliol, and Robert Bruce; Names, lays
Pere D' Orleans, (b) 10
iuch celebrated in the Hiſtory of Scotland, Roger de Clifford, Henry
Percy, Roger Mortimer, a great Number of the firſt Quality of both
With theſe flouriſhing Troops, Henry was every where like to
prevail : And it ſeems the Confederates dreaded no lefs; for the Earls
of Leiceſter and Gloceſter, in Name of the reft, wrote a reſpective.
Letter to him, profeſſing ſtill to obſerve their Oaths and the Fidelity
they ow'd him, and to aim at nothing but the Reformation of the
State, and the Removal of his own, as well as their Enemies from a-
bout his Perſon. Nay, in Confideration of the Dammages done by
them through the Kingdom, they offer'd no leſs than 20000 Pounds,
yet ſtill inſiſted, that the new Statutes of Oxford might remain in
full Force. And this was juſt what the King would' by no means
grant:He was really Un-king’d by themzthey had been extorted from
him againſt his Will. The eminently juſt and good St. Lewis, King
of France (whom even the Confederates had made Umpire and are
bitrator between them and their King) had decided in his Favour ;
and the Pope had abſolv’d and declar'd him free from thoſe Oaths,
to unfairly impos’d upon him: And now he was upon' the Head of a
numerous and gallant Army, He reſolv’d to re-gain the Right of
Monarchy, and therefore defied the incroaching Rebels ; who, on
their fide renounc'd the Fealty they ow'd him. Upon whích, enſu-
ed the Famous Battle of Lewis ; to which the Confederates, parti- A.D. 1261
cularly their Leader, the Earl of Leiceſter, prepar'd, with all the out-
ward Demonſtrations of Piety imaginable : So true "tis, that under
the Sun there's nothing new, and the Macchiavelian Maxim didever
hold, Si vis fallere plebem, finge. Deum...
Both Armies engag‘d with a great deal of Bravery ; but thoſe
Prince Edward. had to do with, being for the moſt part Citizens of
London, and conſequently unfit to fand the Shock or of a Martial Gen-
try, or of a regular and diſciplin'd Force , he foon put them to
the Rout. But he was as yet in the Heat of his Youth, and unexpe-
rienc'd ; beſides, he hated the Londoners heartily,and wanted to be
reveng'd upon them for a late Outrage they had done to the Queen,
his Mother. Thus maſter'd by Pafton, he was abandon'd by Rea-
fon, and purſu'd his Victory ſo far that he loft it; for before he could
get back to the Reſcue of the two Kings his Father and Uncle, they
had been overpower'd by Numbers, and were a&ually in the Hands
of
(.) Boeth, Euchan. in vit: Alexand. Ill. (b) Hiſtoire des Revolutions a’Angl. Liv: 3. p. 432.
Oooo
330
The Martial Atchievements
Book II
:
of their Enemy; King Henry, after a long and brave Reſiſtance, ha-
ving ſurrenderd himſelf to Leiceſter, and Richard to Gloceſter. Prince
Edward did all he could to attone for the Fault he had committed
1;
but 'twas too late, and he was forc'd to ſubmit to ſuch unequal
Terms of Accommodation, as the Victors pleas'd to impoſe. Theſe
Terins, as Diſadvantageous as they were to the Royaliſts, the Con-
K Henry III. federates nevertheleſs did not make good. Prince Edward himſelf was
imprifond impriſon'd; and with him all the Royal Family : Richard, King of
by the Earl the Romans was committed to the Tower of London, thetwo Young
Princes to the Caſtle of Dover, and the Monarch' himſelf carried
through the whole Kingdom in Triumph: The Ambitious and Po-
litick Leiceſter, only allowing him the Title, while himſelf ufurpd
the Authority and Power of King : For henceforth, he made that
Unfortunate Prince, who ſhould have choſen to die, rather than
give ſuch ſervile Compliance, Speak, Write, and Aet, what he
pleas’d: And his Pleaſure was to undo all the Loyal Subjects of the
Nation; to perſecute, to Death and Deſtruction, whover had not
been of the League ; to trample opon old Laws, particularly thoſe
vėry Liberties and Priviledges (for the obtaining and preſerving
of which he had taken Arms) to raiſe his own Creatures and Chil.
dren upon the Ruine of all others; even thoſe that had help'd him
to conquer : And in a Word, to domineer and Reign as a Conque-
All this he did, (and to ſay the Truth, but few Chiefs of pro-
ſperous Rebellions do leſs) but not without Oppoſition : The Pope
order'd hiin and all his Accomplices to be Excommunicated; the
Queen threatn’d a dreadful Invaſion from beyond Seas, and the King
of Scotland (a) by Means of his Lieutenant John Baliol, who(it ſeems,
Supported after the Battle of Lewis, had eſcaped with ſome of the Scots Auxili-
by the Scots aries) continu'd' to keep the Northern Parts of England in a State
of Independency. Every where elſe, the arrogant Earl Lorded it
over all Ranks of People. But,
As Revolts and Uſurpations, are undoubtedly great Crimes, ſo
they feldom prove fortunate in the Event. No Uſurper did ever yet,
or ever will fit fecure on his Throne : And for the moſt part, thoſe
People that do revolt from their lawful Sovereigns, ſoon find that
they only exchange one Maſter for another; ſometimes a good,
ſometimes a bad, but always a better one, than he that aſſumes his
Place. The Engliſh experienc'd this Truth u bn the preſent Oc-
cafion; and 'twas their good Luck, that they had a Young Hero,
Prince Edward, tho at the time impriſon’d, to help them to break
their Chains. The Uſurper of the Royal Authority, or his Children
more Infolent than himſelf, fell out with Gilbert, the Young Earl
of Glocefter, who, to be reveng'd for the Injuſtices he pretended they did
him,contriv’d the Means of Prince Edward's Eſcape; and they two,fup-
ported by the vigorous Diverfion made by the Scots in the North and
back'd by a numerous Party of Loyal Engliſh, that joyn’d them
froin all Parts of the Kingdom, atchiev'd a great many remarkable
Exploits
ror.
(a) Tyrrel, Book 8. p. 1037:
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation. 331
1
Exploits, and at length met with, and engag’d the Earl of Leice-
Ster at Eveſham. That Earl, as he ſpy'd the Royaliſts, is ſaid to A. D.1265
have cry’d out;' By the Arm of St. James (for luch was his ordinary
Oath) theſe Men come up in good Order; they have learn'd this from me.
He added, as if he had given over all Hopes of the Victory, Lord
have Mercy upon our Souls, for our Bodies are theirs. Nor was he
miſtaken, for his whole Army was routed, and himſelf, with two of
his Sons, and a great many of the braveſt Barons, were kill'd on the
Spot. The King had been compell’d to be preſent at the Battle,
in order to countenance, in that, as in every thing elſe, the Injufti-
ces done to himſelf: And he had been killd by the Loyaliſts; had the Battle of
he not, upon receiving a Wound in the Shoulder, cry'd out, I am Eveſham.
Henry of Wincheſter your King, kill me not.
The Victory being compleated, the King, who became to
be again truly ſuch, and the Prince his Son, march'd back to the
Town of Eveſham, and had the Generoſity to appoint the Bodies
of the Montforts to be buried by the Monks of the Place ; but that
of the Earl was firſt diſmember'd, the Head, Arıns, Legs, and Pri-
vy Parts being cut off. This was but a ſmall Puniſhment for Of-
fences of ſo high a Nature: And it ſeems that the Heavens thought
ſo; for it was obſerv’d of this towring Rebel, as of a great many more
of the ſame Character, that he, and all his Family, periſh'd and
came to nought, and that in a very few Years.
What follow'd upon this Turn of Affairs, 'tis not my Buſineſs to
relate : Henry humbld his Enemies, forfaulted the rebellious Ba-
rons, depriv'd the obſtinate City of London of its Charter and Privi-
ledges; and to be ſhort, reignd while he liv’d. And that he did
fo, I hope, it will be ownd (notwithſtanding the lame Accounts
we have from Hiſtory, of all the Scots did in his Favour) that he
and the Nation ow'd it, in a great Meaſure, to the Diverſion they
made in the North, and the Succours they ſent to the South.
This no Body could know better than Prince Edward : How he re-
paid thoſe good Offices, that help'd at leaſt, to make him one of the
greateſt Monarchs in the World, we ſhall afterwards ſee.
The Scots Valour was in this King's Reign, employ'd not only in
Scot land and England, but alſo, as often before, in the remoteſt Parts
then known to the Chriſtian World. Since the glorious, but uns
fortunate Expedition of King Richard I. of England, and of Éarl David ·
the Brother of William, King of Scotland, in the Holy Land, feve-
ral Attempts had been made towards its Recovery. The Scots
were concern'd, if not in all, at leaſt in thoſe carried on by their
Allies, the French; (a) particularly St. Lewis, for which Reaſon ,
I beg leave to go back to the Reign of Alexander II. towards the end
of which Lewis, for his eminent (and by all. Writers and Parties ac-
knowledg’d) Piety, ſirnam'd the Saint, reſolv'd upon a great and
noble Effort, towards the Relief of his fellow Chriftians. By his
Example, he animated vaſt Multitudes of his own Subjects to take
O 0002
uponi
(4) L' Hiltoire des Croiſades par Pere Maimbourg: The Hiſtory of the Holy War by The. Mills, Gent
::
i
332
The Martial Atchievements
Book II.
the Infidels.
upon them the Croſs: And by his Ambaſſadors, he ſollicited Fo-
St. Lewi, reigners to the ſame Purpoſe. Thoſe he ſent to Scotland, obtain'd
King of
what they deſir’d: For King Alexander II. made no Difficulty to give
here they the all the Aſſiſtance in his Power; and a very fair Train of brave Men
Scots in his liſted themſelves in the Service, under the Command of Patrick
tion againſt Dunbar Earl of March, Walter Stewart, Lord of Dundonald, and David
Lin:lſay of Glenesk. Theſe were all the foreign Auxiliaries Lewis
could make : For the King of England would not permit the Bi-
ſhop of Berytus, the Pope's Legate, to publiſh this Cruſade in his
Dominions ; and the reſt of Europe was rent between the Imperial
and Papal Factions. So that the whole Army (which conſifted of
about 40000 Men) was French, excepting the Scots Auxiliaries, and
therefore entirely at the King's Diſpoſal, and by Conſequence the
more likely to Profper. They took Shipping at different Ports in
France, and arrivd at the Iſle of Cyprus in September 1248. They
A.D. 1248.
ſtayed there all Winter, and thereby gave the Infidels Time to pre-
pare for their Defence. This was a great Overſight: But that gal-
lant Army, now reinforc'd by 200 Engliſh Volunteers, under the Con-
duct of William Long-Sword Earl of Salisbury, did all they could to re-
trieve it. They fet Sail for Egypt, in Purſuance of the Project for-
merly laid down by John de Brienne, King of Jeruſalem : And the firſt
Object that appears before their. Eyes, as they came in view of
Daniata, was a huge Fleet by Sea, ready to oppoſe their En-
try into the Nile, and an innumerable Army on the Shore to hinder
theirLanding. Nevertheleſs they did land, and one of the firſt
Barks that touch’d. the Ground, was that which carried King Lewis,
who fearleſly jump'd out of it, and threw himſelf into the Sea up
to the Shoulders, having his Shield hanging about his Neck, his
Helmet on his Head, and his Sword in his Hand. All about him
did the like : And this Prodigy of Valour did ſo far intimidate the
Sıracens, that they not only betook themſelves to Flight, but what
Takes Da- was more amazing, quitted the ſtrong City of Damiata, and left it
a Prey to the invading Enemy. This look'd ſomething like a Mi
racle ; and 'twas believ'd that the Lord of Hoſts had pofTeſs’d the
Hearts of theſe Infidels, with that ſort of Pannick Fear,that ſome-
times difpirits the beſt of Men. But the true Reaſon of the (at firſt
view) unaccountable Accident, was this: The Sultan Melech-Salah;
had been long Sick; and a falſe Rumour being ſpread of his Death,
the principal Officers, both of his Fleet and Army, went to Grand-
Cairo, to take care of their particular Intereſts at Court. Had the
Chriſtians purfu'd their Advantage, and march'd ſtraight to that
Capital, as they might have done, before the Nile began to ſwell,
they had put a glorious End to the War, that very Campaign
But they idld away their Time, in and about Damiata, till the
A. D. 1249. Month of November, when they took the Fields, to the Number of
60000 good Men, whereof there were 20009 on Horſe-back: An
Army fufficient, had their Conduct been equal to their Valour, to
have conquer'd all Oppoſition. The foremoſt of them pafs'd the
Nile,
mnjata.
1
.
Chap II.
Of the Scots Nation. 333
on
i
tudes of Saracens, the new Sultan Alnoadan Cajitadin (for the old
Nil, in the view of 300 of the Enemy's Horſe, but madly purſu’d,
till they were ſuccour'd by Multitudes of Saracens, who cut them
to Pieces. Another Body of the Chriſtians, among whoin it ſeems
were ſome Scots (for the Hiftory mentions one Hugh of Scotland, aş
one of their principal Officers) was like to have had the ſame
Fate : But, after they had loft a great many Men, and been all
wounded, were at last reſcud by King Lewis himſelf, who by this
time had alſo got over the River;; and with him almoſt all his Ar-
my. Upon this enſu'd an univerſal Engagement, wherein King
Lemis evincd, that a good Conſcience rather gives than takes a-
way Courage; and that Heroick Valour is not incompatible with
eminent Sanctity. He expos’d himſelf to the greateſt Dangers, re-
liev'd one of his Brothers, when in the Hards of the Enemy, by
his ſingle Endeavours ; and to be ſhort, gaind the Victory, but Gaies a Baş
not ſuch a compleat one, as could enable him to continue his tle
. .
March to Grand-Cairo. He had done well, if, contented with the
Glory, already gain’d; he had juſt then return'd to Damiata : But
he was unluckily perſwaded, (by what Reaſons I know not) to tar-
ry near the Field of Battle, till his Army was weakn’d by Diſea-
fés and Famine ; and on all fides environ’d by prodigious Multi-
was now dead) brought againſt him from the Eaſt. At length, he
attempted to Retreat, but in vain : All his Army was cut off or Is defeated
made Priſoners; and ſuch of theſe laſt, as could not Purchaſe their
Lives with Money, nor would, by renouncing their God, were
barbarouſly put to the Sword. As for the King, who bore his.
Misfortune with that Chriſtian Magnanimity, and Grandeur of Spi-
rit, which made him appear greater in Chains, than when on his
Throne, tho threatn'd with the Bernacles, a inoſt cruel Torture,
yet conſtantly refus’d to Surrender any of the Places himſelf had
not conquer'd. Damiata he was willing to part with, and it was
accordingly put in the Hands of the Mamalukes, that is, the Guard of
the Sultan, who having Murtherd their Mafter, almoſt in fight of
St. Lewis, 'now govern'd all at their Pleaſure. Behdes, he paid a
great Sum of Money, for the Ranſom of the remaining Priſoners, Is reliev'd
and ſo retir'd to Ptolemaiswhere he and his Retinue were receiv?d
with as much Joy for their Deliverance, as there had been Sorrow
for their Defeat and Captivity.
After this, he ſtay'd about four Years longer in Paleſtine, with a
Deſign to ſecure what the Chriſtians ſtill polleſs’d: And according-
ly, after repelling both the Mamalukes, who perfidiouſly. broke the
Íruce he had made with them, and fighting with Advantage a-
gainſt the Sultan of Damaſcus, he fortified the Maritime Places; and
leaving the Pope's Legate with Men and Money to defend them, Returns
he return’d to France, heartily griey'd that he had not been able to Home.
relieve Jeruſalem, which, by the Extirpation of the Coraſmins, was
again fallen into the Hands of the Saracens.
and made a
Priſoner,
1
A. D.1254
рррр
Upon
334
The Martial Atchievements Book II
Fiance.
Its Conſti-
tution and
Upon his Arrival at Paris, (a) the King of Scots fent Ambaſſa-
dors to Congratulate his happy Return: And he expreſs'd the fingu-
lar Efteem he had of the Scots Valour and Fidelity, by which he
own’d that his Life had been twice preſerv'd; once in France, when
the Counteſs de la March laid down Meaſures towards Aſſaſſinating
him, and afterwards in Egypt or Cyprus, where his Death had been
ſeveral times contriv’d by murthering Saracens. 'Tis probable,
that thoſe eminent Services were perform’d by that Scots Guard,
compos'd of only twenty Men; which, if we may believe Biſhop
Scots Guards Leſly, (b) was
firſt appointed by King Gregory
the Great, of Scotland,
when firſt to attend the Perſons of the French Kings. This Guard had conti-
the Court of nued in France, and was,. for ought I know, the only regular and
ſtanding Body of Men in it, ſince the. Reigns of the but now menti-
oned Gregory, and Charles the Groſs, King of France. The Succef-
fors of this laft, had, during a Tract of near 500 Years, ſufficiently
experienc'd the Uſefulneſs of this petty Cors : And now the Kings,
Lewis and Alexander II. agreed, that it ſhould be augmented to the
Number of ioo. This Guard ſo much honour'd and truſted in
France, and ſo deſervedly eſteem'd over all Europe, continu'd alone
Priviledges to attend the French Kings, Succeffors of St. Lewis, till the Reign of
Charles VII. who join'd ſome French Companies with it in the ho.
nourable Employment; yet fo, as to continue that Place and Pre-
cedency to the Scots, the Guarde Eſcoffoife ftill enjoys, preferable to
all thoſe that ever did, or do ferve in. Francé. For Example, the
Captain of the Scots Guards, whoever he is at the time (and, till of
late he was always a Scotſman) is, by way of Excellency, deſign’d
the firſt Captain of his Majeſty's Guards : He begins to attend on
the firſt Day of the Year, and ſerves the firſt Quarter, as they' ex-
preſs it: Nay, when others are upon Duty, he may, if he pleaſes
,
take the firſt Rank, and Officiate accordingly. When the King
is Crown’d or Anointed, the Captain of the Scots Guards
ſtands by him, and when the Ceremony is perform’d, he takes the
Royal Robe as his Due. When the Keys of any Town or Fortreſs
are deliver'd up, or preſented to the King, he returns them that
Minute, to the Captain of the Scots Guards. Twenty five of this
Guard, wear always, in Teſtimony of their unſpotted Fidelity,
white Coats of a peculiar Faſhion, over-laid with Silver Lace; and
fix of theſe, in their turns, ſtand next to the King's Perſon, at all
Times and Seaſons, whether the reſt of the Company chance to be
upon Duty or not, in the Palace, in the Church, in the Parlia-
ment, and Courts of Juſtice, at the Reception of foreign Ambaſſa-
dors; and.generally, on all publick and ſolemn Occaſions whatever.
'Tis the Right of theſe twenty five Gentlemen, to carry the Corps
of the deceas'd King, from the Capital of the Kingdom, to the Roy-
al Sepulchre at St. Dennis. To be ſhort, (for it were tedious to enu-
merate all their Priviledges) that Troop of Guards, has ever fince
the Days of St. Lewis been in Poſſeſſion of all the Honour and Con-
fidence
IM; L'Elcolle Francoile par M. Houſton. (6) In vit. Gregorij,
بهتر
66
16
open
66
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
335
fidence the Kings of France can beſtow upon their fatteſt Friends and
moſt affur’d. Truſtees : And it would look very ſtrange in that Coun-
try, ſays the Tranſlator of Monſieur Beaugue's Hiſtory of the Scots
War or Compaigns 1548 and 1549, if they fhould ſee the Braves
and fiers Efcoffvis (fo do they generally Characterize the Nation) lit
down at, and be contented with the ſiniſtre. The ſame Author akes
Notice of the mighty Advantage, as well as Honour, that, before
the Union of the Britiſh Crowns, accru'd to the whole Kingdom of
Scotland from this Cors : For, ſays he,. By this Means, our Gen:
try were taught at once the Rules of Civility, and Art of War;
“ and we were poffefs’d of an inexhauſtible Stock of brave Officers
« fit to Diſcipline, and to command our Armies at Home; and ſure,
.6 to keep up that Reſpect, which was deſervedly paid to the Scots
“ Name and Nation abroad. Nor could younger Brothers repine
" at the Laws partial in Favour of the Frft-born, when they hadan
Door to Preferments, great as their Wiſhes; and they might
« abandon with Joy the Rural Mannors of their Fathers, when
they were to be educated at the moſt ſplendid Court in Chriſten-
66 domn."
I have in this place; thought fit to give this curſory Account of
our Scots Guards and their Inſtitution in France ; the rather,becauſe,
ſince they were inſtituted or new modeld at this time, 'tis evi-
dent from thence, that the Scots, tho, by the : Negligence of their
own Hiftorians, not often mention’d by others ; muſt nevertheleſs
have made no mean Figure among the reſt of thoſe Daring and
Zealous Adventureres, that ſo often attempted the Relief of the Holy
Land ; at leaſt, St. Lewis muſt be ownd to have thouglt fo. That
pious Prince was not to be dejected by croſs Accidents : He made St. Lewis al-
a fecond Attempt to the fame Purpoſe, in the Year” 1270, and was
again aſſiſted by Auxiliaries from Scotland. Alexander III. prov'd, the Scots it
on this Occaſion,no leſs forward to ſupport what was then conſider'd
the Cauſe of Jeſus Chriſt, than his Father had formerly been. He
ſent 1000 Merks to the Pope, towards the Charges of the War,and
as many
Men to St. Lewis. Their Chief Commanders were the
Earls of Carrict and Athole, John Stewart, Alexander Cuming, Robert
Keith, William Gordon, George Durward, and John Quincy : But this
Expedition prov'd yet more unfortunate than the preceeding. King
Lewis was led upon wrong Meaſures, by the Intereſted Policy of
his Brother, the King of Sicily; for in ſtead of ſtriking at the Roots
or draining the Source of Oppoſition, he aim'd but at the Branches
and Streams : I mean,he ſet ſail for Africk in Lieu of Paleſtine, and
ſat down before Tunis, becauſe in Confederacy with the Sultans, ei-
ther of Egypt or Damaſcus. He had nevertheleſs in all Probability made
himſelf Maſter of that City and Kingdom, and thereby purchas'd an
eaſy Inlet to further Succeſs, had the King of Sicily come up, as he
had promis’d, in time. But it ſeems that Providence had decreed it
otherwiſe : The Heat of the Weather was exceſſive, and the Seaſon
of the Year, it being high Summer, abſolutely unfit for War in A-
PpPp2
frick,
A.D. 1970
Git-d a fe-
condrime bý
Wars,
7
.
330
Book II
The Martial Atchievements
fore Turnus.
:
frick, where all Refreſhments, particularly Water, were 'wanting
Hence Diſeaſes, eſpecially the Flux and Fevers rag'd in the Camp,
dies of the and cut of the braveſt and beſt of the Chriftian Army : Among the
plague be- reft,the King himſelf; aK ing who was at the fame time the honefelt
Mari
, the braveſt Souldier, the moft conſcientious Judge, and the
devcuteſt Chriſtian in his Kingdom. The Earl of Carriet, (a) and with
him moſt of the Scots Officers and Souldiers had-the ſame Fate.
: Notwithſtanding this irretrievable Misfortune, the King of Sicily
found Means to make a Peace, not at all diſadvantageous to himſelf
,
with the King of Tuni: After which, the Army disbanded, and all the
General Officers return’d to their reſpetive Countries ; only
Prince Edward of England, who, with his Fleet arriv'd before Tunis
at the ſame time that this Treaty was concluded, reſolv'd to conti-
nue his Voyage to the Holy Land, and did it accordingly. He found
the Sultan Bendocdar, who had already taken diverſe Cafles about
Ptolemais, juſt ready to Befiege that Place likewiſe, the ſtrongeft
and richeſt the Eaſtern Chriftians as yet poffefs'd : He hinderd that
Deſign,
but being unable to do more, made a Truce with the prevailing
Enemy, and ſo return'd with a great deal of Honour, to receive the
Crown his Father Henry III. who died in November 1272, had left
him.
After this ſeveral Popes made great Efforts to perſwade the Prin-
ces in Communion with the See of Rome, to unite for the Relief or
Recovery of their Conqueſts in the Eaſt; but in vain, Cruſades be-
came unfaſhionable, they had no more the Grace of Novelty, and
the private Intereſts of Neighbouring Potentates and States pre.
vail d over the univerſal Advantage and Honour of Chriſtendom;
infomuch, that the Chriſtians in, and near Paleſtine, neglected by the
Europeans, powerfully attack’d by the Infidels, divided among them-
felves, and, for their numerous Crimes, abandon'd by God, were
1291 wholly. ſubdu'd or chas’d from thence; 192 Years after God-
frey of Bulloign,and the other Heroes of the firſt Cruſade; had foun-
ded the Kingdom of Jeruſalem ; a Kingdom all the Powers of the
Weſt and Eaft ſo long contended for, and which laſted near 200 .
Years, unđét fifteen or fixteen Kings. But to return to the Affairs
of Scotland, and to haſten the particular Lives of thoſe Scots Wor-
thies; that flouriſh'd and ſignaliz'd themſelves by their Fortitude in
this Period of time;
While Prince Edward of Englandwas abroad in the Holy Wars,his Bro-
ther-in-Law, Alexander King of Scotland liv'd at home in Peace, only
intent upon adminiftring Juſtice to his people and in framing Laws for
their Wlefare and Happineſs. With England hecontinu'd to entertain
an unfeign’d Amity; and ſufficiently teſtified that he meant it ſhould
be perpetual, when upon the Prince's Return, (b) he pay'd him a
Vifit; and together with John, Duke of Brittany, who, as himſelf
,
was at the time married with a Daughter of England, aſſiſted at his
Coronation. But left this obliging Step ſhould afterwards come to
be
ز
(*) Extract.de Chron. Scot.fol. 128.(b) Buchan, in vit, Alexand. III.
Chap. II.
Of the Scots Nation.
337
i.
60
16
(G
k6 ,
Alexander was, for the moſt part, jerý cautious and wary, with Re-
Edward would not fail to lay hold on it, in order was offer’d, King
be miſrepreſented ; and that no Advantage · might be taken of his
Civility, he took Care to have a Deed from King Edward I. (for
henceforth that famous Monarch mýl be ſo call?d) declațing, (a) That
his Preferice at that Solemnity ſhould be no ways prejudicial'to him or
his Kingdom. Whether he did Homage for his Engliſh Lands on
the ſame Occaſion or no, 1 cannot well tell ? It would ſeen that that
Ceremony was delay'd till four years afterwards, when 'tis certain,
that it was perform’d at Weſtminſter 6) : And the Männer thus. I A.D:1278.
become your Leige-man (ſáid King Alexander to Edward) for ill. of Scor.
« the Larids I hold of you in the Kingdom of England and for land does
" theſe, 1. do Homage, my own Kingdom being always underſtood Edward I. of
“ to be free and independent : (S0,1
bumbly conceive, thefe Words, fal- England and
« vo Regno ineo,muſt be tranſlated) But ſaid the Bilbop of Norwich; Terms
“ If the King of England has any Right to the Homage of Scotland,lét
< it ſtand in its full Force
. To which King Alexander reply'd':
« None but God alone has Right to the Homage of my Kingdom
66 of Scotland;
nor do I hold ofany but" of God. Then Ro-
" bert de Bruce, Earl of Carrick ſwore Fealty in Name of
" the King his Mafter, to the King of England: His Words
were theſe. My Sovereign Lord, the King of Scotland, who
“ is here preſent, ſhall be faithful to you, with his Life, bodi-
ly Members, and Earthly Honour, and he ſhall keep ſecret your
« Counſels : So help me God and the Grace of Chriſt. In the Senſe
(
“ I do Homage for the Lands I hold of you in England, and for
theſe (my own Kingdom being ſtill free). I will perform the due
kc and uſual Services. This Account of the Form of Homage pay'd
by King Alexander, to King Edward I agrees perfectly with what we
read concerning the ſame in Matthew of Weſtminſter (c) and(d) Thomas
Walſingham. And hence 'tis evident, that King Alexander Ill. did
not pay Homage to King Edward for Scotland ; yet this laſt after-
wards, in his Letter to the Pope,aſſerted the contrary : A Proof, that
Ambition and Honour are different Things, ảnd that the greateſt of
Men, when acted by the firſt, are apt to forfeit the ſecond. King
ference to the Rights of his Crown but it muſt be own’d, that about
this time he was not enough ſo. The very Mention made by the Bi-
ſhop of Norwich, of a Pretenſion to the Homage of Scotland, was ſuffi-
to his Pre-
tenſions good. And he ſaw with what Cruelty (e) that Monarch had
purſu'd the Princes of Wales, Leolyn and David and that, becauſe
the one refus’d to do Homage for Wales, which, to ſay the Truth,
none of his Predeceſſors had ever pay’d, but when compell'd bý
Force; and the other, for adhering to his Brother, and endeavouring
to vindicate the Independency of his Country. Had King Alexan-
der
>
.
Qqqq
(4.). Append. to Mr. Anderſon's Elay. N.26.(b) Chartulary of Dumfermling in Biblioth. Juriſconſult. Edie
© Edit. Francfurt. p. 436. (d) Inter Scrip. Angl. Hib. Norm. p. 80. (e) Echard, Tyrrel, &c,
338
Book II
The Martial Atchievements
againſt thit:
Welsho
der underſtood the Politicks of this more provident Age, in which
we livé, he had aſſerted the Liberties of the old Britains
, joyn'd
his Arms with thoſe of Leolyn, and ventur'd his own Crown, rather
than have ſuffer’a the Principality of Wales, to be fubjugated by,
and annex'd to the Kingdom of England. But he was ſo far from ta-
king theſe Meaſures the World had reckon'd both wiſe and juſt that
Afifts him on the contrary,he aflifted his Brother-in-Law,againſt theſe Brave, but
unfortunate Princes and contributed to root the poor Remainder of
the Britiſh Nation out of Britain a Nation, by whom alone, the
beſt part of it at leaſt, had been ſo long, and ſo happily pollets’d,
Nay, to whom that better Part, but for Preſcription, did ſtill be
long. 'Tis true, that Alexander, as on all other Occaſions, fo in
this laſt, took Care to obtain a Deed from King Edward, teſtifying,
that the Afiffance given by him in the Well War was not by way of
Duty or Service;(a) but as a ſpecial Favour. (6) So far he was in the
Right; and indeed, this and the other Deeds he obtain’d, both
from Henry III. and this King Edward, ſo plainly importing the
Independency of Scotland, (were Juſtice and Right regarded by Men
in Power) had been ſufficient to have guarded his Succeffors from
after Incroachments : But of theſe Things afterwards.
The War againſt the Welſh was the laſt, Scotſmen were concern'd
in,while King Alexander livd : But it was the Misfortune of his Peo.
ple, that he liv'd not long after this; and his own, that he died no
ſooner : For he had the cruel Diſpleaſure, to ſee all the Children he
had begotten, cut off
, by the Hand of unfearchable Providence be-
fore himſelf. His Son Prince David was the firſt that ſubmitted to
Fate ; Prince Alexander, who to ſecure the Royal Race, had been
lately márried with a Daughter of Flanders, foon followed and left
no Iſſue. His Daughter, the Queen of Norway died likewiſe, and
left but one Girl behind her of the Royal Stock. Their Mother Mar-
garet, the Queen of Scotland, had gone off the Stage, not long after
the laſt Vifit fhe pay'd, together with her Husband, to her Brother
King Edward ; and the King, in hopes of retrieving theſe irreparable
Loſſes, married a ſecond time, and took to Wife a French Lady, a
Daughter of the Earl de Dreux, but before the conceiv'd, he died at
Kinghorn (as, the preceeding Day, had been obſcurely predi&ted by
the Famous Thomas Learmont, Nick-nam'd the Rymer )of a Fall from
his Horſe : A memorable Fall, which was like to draw after it,that
of the Name and Nation of Scotland. This fatal Accident fell out on
the 19th of March, the 45th Year of the King's Age, and the 37th
of his Reign,being the Year of our Lord 128. Since the Reſtoration
of King Malcolm Canmore 225. Since the Expulfion of the Picts 447.
Since the Re-eſtabliſhment of the Scots Monarchy in Britain 864.
and ſince its firſt Foundation 1616.
Dies.
7
st: Mallingham. p. 43. (6) Weſtminſt. p. 435,
ܛܐ
The
Chap. II. The Life of Malcolm Canmore 3 39
The LIFE of
wi
Malcolm III. Sirnam'd
CAN MORE
1
L
The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland.
T
1
HE Life of this King, one of the braveſt and beſt in the
World, was attended with ſuch Variety of Events, and Re-
volutions ſo ſurpriſing, that it muſt needs be equally Enter-
taining and Inſtructive to the Reader. Many things are obſervable
in it.; but nothing ſo much, as that unſearchable Providence that
over-rules the Projects and Efforts of Men, gives Kingdoms, and
takes them away, depreſſes and raiſes Families, diſtracts and re-ſet-
țles Nations, and by Means, humane Wiſdom can neither foreſee
Hor defeat, brings about its own ſecret and adorable Ends.
King Malcolm III. was the Son of King Duncan, the Grandchild of His Birth
Malcolm II. (a) He was born during the Reign of that glorious
Monarch, his great Grandfather: His Mother was an Engliſh Lady,
a Daughter of the famous and valiant Syward, Earl of
Northumberland,
and he himſelf was created Prince of Cumberland, afſoon as his Fa-
ther had afcended the Thronę. The Reign of this laſt was ſhort
and calamitous; which as it could afford but ſmall Satisfaction to
the Youth of Prince Malcolm, ſo the untimely Death of that over-
bountiful Monarch his Father, plung d him into the depth of Ter-
ror, Amiction and Want : For by theſe Means 'twas, that he was
deſtin'd to Riſe to that Pitch of Glory, he afterwards gain’d.
The eaſy Temper, and natural Debonairty of Duncan, render'd
his Perſon contemptible, and the Government unſteady ; inſomuch
that ſome of his more riotous and unciviliz’d Subjects of Galloway
and Lochaber, had the Infolence, firſt to male-treat and inſult his
Officers of State, and then to riſe in Arms againſt himſelf. But
the Rebels were ſoon routed, and their Leaders brought to the Ju-
ſtice they underwent, by the Conduct and Bravery of two great
Qq992
Men,
(W) Ford. apud Script. XV. p. 687.
is
1
340 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
-
.
2
land.
Men, Macbeth and Bancho; this a remoter, but the firſt a very near
Kinſman of the King's. Theſe two had alſo the Honour of being
the chief Inſtruments in delivering their Country, from the Ruin it
was threatn’d with from beyond Seas.
Sueno, King of Norway, the Brother of the celebrated-Conqueror
of England, Canute, deſirous to emulate the Glory that Monarch
Sueno King, had acquir’d, thought it high Time to beſtir himſelf
, and by Con-
of der war in- quering the Northern Part of the Iſland, to join his Dominions to
thoſe of his Brother. With this View he let out a mighty Fleet,
and landed in Fife, giving out, that he came to revenge the Slaugh-
ter of his Countrymen, in the Battles of Barry Croudarte and Gemme-
ry. He advanc'd as far as Culroſs, Killing and deftroying it before
him. Here King Duncan met and engag‘d him, but being worſted,
retir’d, with the Remains of his Army, to Perth. From thence
Macbeth was ſent to the neighbouring Countries to levy frelh Men,
while the King himſelf
, attended by Bancho, Thane of Lochaber, re
ſolvd to ſtay in, and defend the Town. Sueno fluſh'd with Victo.
ry, and ſwelld with Hopes of a compleat Coriqueſt of the whole
Kingdom, made haſte to beſiege the King : And whilſt he márch'd
by Land to aſſault the Place, he appointed his Fleet to come thither
alſo, by tacking about and ſailing up the River. He had the good
ſuck that his Orders were punctually obey'd, elle he had infallibly
periſh’d. How ſoon he came in view of the Town, Word was
brought to King Duncan, that Macbeth was alſo at Hand with the
Forces he had got together. This very much allay'd his Fears: But
the prudent Bancho was of Opinion, that, notwithſtanding he had
Reaſon to rely on the Juſtice of his Cauſe, and the Courage of his
Men, it might not be amiſs to tiy what could be done by Means of
a Stråtagem he had devis’d. Duncan was pleas’d with the Overture,
and immediately diſpatch'd a Meſſenger to Macbeth, with Ordets
to cauſe himn Hált on the Way; and Commiſſioners to Sueno, with
Orders to Surrender upon Terms. But he would hearken to none,
unleſs the King and Kingdom were deliver'd up to his Diſcretion.
This was by no Means to be comply?d with: However, Commiſfi-
oners were ſent back a ſecond time; and, with theſe, Refreſhments
,
ſuch as the Country could afford, and the Norvegian Army very
much wanted, and therefore greedily accepted; not doubting, but
now the Scots were ready to ſubmit to the Yoke, when they thus
courted their victorious Enemy. But, latet anguis in herba ; and the
Norvegians ſhould have dreaded the Scots at any time, but much
more, when offering Preſents: For the Bread, Wine and Åle, which
they brought to the Camp in great Plenty, were tinctur'd with the
Juice of deadly Nightſhade, an Herb, every where to be found in
Scotland, whole Vertue is, like that of Opium, Narcotick, and
will, if taken in too liberally, procure ſuch Sleep, as fierceſt Medi-
cines can ſcarcely take off. This the hungry Norvegians were not a-
ware of: They ate and drank heartily, as all the Northern Nati-
ons are wont to do, when Opportunites are offer'd: Full Bum-
pers
Book II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 341
gem.
1.
pers
went round, and by toſling Healths, they gave Wings to Death.
King Sueno indulg’d. his Appetite, and ſuffer'd himſelf to be Inebri-
ated as his Men. The whole Army lay faſt alleep, over-power'd
with the double Poiſon, Wine and Nightſhade, when Bancho, be-
ing by this time join’d by the Forces, Macbeth had, with great Priva- Is defeated
cy brought to the Town, ſally'd out upon the Head of a nume. by a Scrata
rous Party, and broke in upon the neglected Gamp. He found
none in it; in any Condition to oppoſe the Aſailants: The moſt
Part were kill'd in their Tents; others, awaken’d by the Claſhing of
Arms, the Groans of their expiring, Comrads, and the thunder-
ing Clamours the Scots rais'd, deſign’dly to heighten Terror, got
to their Feet, andran like mad Men, they knew not whither : Nor
had they Leiſure to think, before they fell upon the Swords of they
knew not who. Only ſome few, who, by Chance, or the Diſtruſt
they had of a giving Foe,' or by Command of their fuperior Offi-
cers, had not Drunk, or Drank but little, made haſte to reſcue
their King. They found him in ſo profound a Sleep, that all their
Efforts could not awaken him: They therefore took him
up
in
their Arms, and carried him to the adjacent Shore, where, by Means
of a long Boat, they got him fafely convoy'd into one of his Ships.
But the Fleet was in no better Condition than the land Army:
Moſt of the Sea-men had come the Day before to the Camp, where,
thinking to ſhare with their Countrymen in the Pleaſures of Feaſt-
ing, they were caught in the ſame Snare: So that there were no
more Men found on Board the whole Fleet, but preciſely ſo many
as were ſufficient to Man the King's Ship, which alone got back to
Norway : All the reſt were left empty, and a Tempeſt ariſing not
long after, they were toſs’d to and fro, and ſplit upon one another .
The Wreck of theſe-Ships, together with ſuch other promiſcuous
Traſh, as the River carries down with it ſelf, is ſaid to have given
the firſt Beginning to thoſe dangerous Sands in the Mouth of Tay,
the Country People have call?d Drumlam. This Overthrow, the
greateſt theſe Northern Invaders ever receiv'd in this Iſland, was ſo
much the more agreeable to the Scots that it coſt them not ſo much as
one Drop of their Blood, while they had the melancholy, yet flattering
Pleaſure, to wade through a Deluge of that of their Enemies: And the
Norvegians were ſo extreamly concernd at their inexpreſſible Loſs,
and the ſignal Affront put upon them, that henceforth their Knights,
when created ſuch, were oblig’d to take an Oath, that they ſhould,
ſo far as in them lay, endeavour to be reveng’d on the Scots Na-
tion.
Whilft the diſconſolate King Sueno was making the beſt of his
Way homeward; and the Victorious Scots rejoicing, and giving fo
lemn Thanks to God for the amazing Deliverance, News was
brought to Court; that another Fleet of Danes had come up to The Danes
Kingborn, where they had landed ; and that they had already laid invade Scota
waſte a great Part of the Country of Fife. This Fleet Canute had defeated. .
ſent froin England to reinforce his Brother's Army; but by good
Rrir
Lück,
ز
1
342 The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. Book II.
Luck, the Daniſh Supplies came too late : Macbeth and Bancho were
ſent againſt them'; and, being animated by their late Succeſs, cut off
the foremoſt without great Difficulty, and beat the Remainder back
to their Ships. Theſe laſt having a due Regard for the Memory
of their Nobles and Officers, who had fallen in Battle, ſent to Mač-
beth or Bancho, or both; and upon paying a conſiderable Sum of
Money, obtain'd that the Bodies of their Slain ſhould be decently
Buried in the Iſland of Inchcolm, where Veſtiges of their Tombs are
ſtill obſervable. The Danes did ſomething more': They took ani
Oath quite contrary to that of the Norvegian Knights ; that is, they
ſwore, That they thould never more attempt to invade Scotland, a
Country, ſo invincibly Fatal to their Anceſtors and themſelves.
Whether this obligatory Reſolution, or that of the Norvegians, re-
flects inoſt Honour upon the Valour of Scotſmen, I leave to the Reas
der to judge.
And now Scotland, free from fo dangerous. Enemies, enjoy'd a
profound Peace; but unluckily Macbeth and Bancho had the Ho-
nour of having procurd it. They were intimate Friends, and
could diſcloſe the moſt inward Receffes of their Hearts to one ano-
ther : Both were Royally defcended, and were yet greater by their
Merits and Succeſſes, than by their Birth. But as Macbeth was the
moſt Ambitious, ſo he was neareſt in Blood to the Crown : Be-
fides, he was of Kin (a) to the late Uſurpers, Conſtantine and Grim, and
induſtrioully kept up the Spirit of that diffenting Faction, by whole
Villany the great Kings, Kenneth II. and Maliqlm II. affo had been
cut off. The Law concerning the Succeſſion, the firſt had made,
and the laſt ratified, was enconfiftent with the aſpiring Thoughts of
Macbeth: And notwithſtanding the loud Huzza's of the People that
ador'd him, and the reſpectful Atteridanee of the great Ones, that
made their Court to him, he could not be eaſy, while, beſides the
King, there was another yet more reverenc'd than himſelf. This
was the young Malcolm, Prince of Cumberland, and byConſequence the
Heir of that Crown, Macbeth might have pretended to, but for the
odious Law that aſcertain'd it to the King's Children, whether of
Age to govern by themſelves or no. He had not Intereſt enough,
as powerful as he was, to get the Law recalld, by Perſuaſion or Ar-
gument : But recent Examples had taught him, that 'twas practi-
cable to make away with the Law-Giver, and then to ſet up in his
Stead. This his Wife, a Woman yet more Wicked than himſelf,
(And what is it a wicked Woman will not attempt?) never ceas'd to
incite him to: And the Incitments of a beloy'd Wife or Miſtreſs,
we all know, are, even over the greateſt of Men, but too often
prevalent. Another thing, and a very ſtrange thing it was, con-
tributed very much to Spur on the Ambition of the one and the o-
ther. Macbeth (6) and Bancho were on their Road to Forrefs; where
the Court was at the Time; and while, for their Diverſion, they
wander'd through the Fields and Woods that lay in their way, they
were
(a) Ford. apud Scriptor. XV. p. 687. Joan. Major. lib. 3. cap. 4. (6) Boeth. ad vit. Regis Duacan. lib. 120
Chap. II. The Life of Malcolm Canmore 343
were all on a ſudden ſurpris’d with the Appearance of three Women,
Tall and Beautiful, beyond what could be expected from coinmon
Humanity. All three made up to Macbeth, and ſaluted him re-
fpectfully ; the firſt
; by the Appellation of Thave of Angit, (that
Title and 'Office he was poffefs’d of at the time ;) the ſecond, by that
of Thàne of Murray; and the third, in finė, pronounc'd him King.
Macbeth made no Return to the amazing Compliments; but Banchi
quarrell’d their Diſregard of him, who, while they heap'd fuchs
Flatteries on his Friend, prognoſticated nothing in Behalf of him-
felf. Nay,reply'd the one, to you the Fates are yet more propitious;
Macbeth ſhall reign, but his Poſterity ſhall not ; from Banche ſhall
deſcend a Race of Kings : And with theſe Words, they all evaniſh'd.
I do not relate this Story, as a Truth not to be controverted;
I know not what the Devil may do, if God permits; and how far
God Almighty may providentially allow that accurfed Spirit to juggle
with humane SenlesI ſhall not enquire. Whether this was a
Dream, as Buchanan, to render the Thing more credible affirms, or
a real Viſion,as Boethius would have us to believe,or a fabulous Pre-
di&tion, not invented, till verified by the Event, I am as little able
to determine : This, I dare ſay, the whole Story is juſt as probable,
(and indeed no more) as what Authors have written of the Dreams
of Philip of Macedon and his Wife Oylmpias, concerning the future
Greatneſs of their Son Alexander ;or of the God, that in the Shape of
a Dragon carefs’d the Bride, diſguſted Philip, made Juno jealous, and
begot the Conqueror I have mention'd : Or of the Spectre, that by
jumping into the Rabicon determin' the wavering Thoughts of the
daring Cæſar, encourag’d him to follow whither Deſtiny ca!Pd him ;
and, to uſe his own Words, to cry, Facta eſt alea : Or of the Spirit
that appear’d to the Nurſe of Cicero, and foretold the Child ſhe then
ſuckld, ſhould afterwards become, what he was, the Deliverer of
Rome : Or of the Evil Genius, that before the Battle of Philippi at-
tended and threatend the undaunted Brutus. Theſe and the like
Tales (to ſay nothing of Poets) Hiftorians, and thoſe of the best
Account, have deliver'd to Pofterity : Believe them who will, this
is certain, the Pofterity of Bancho (for of him the Royal Houſe of
Stewart is lineally deſcended) fits to this Day (and may it for ever con
tinue) on the Britiſh Throne. As for Macbeth, he was; conform to the
pretended Prediction made Thare of Murray, and being by his owni
Ambition, his Wife’s Importunities, his popular Favour, his numé
rous Vaffals, his mighty Succeſſes, and his Maſter's Weakneſſes,en-
courag:d ; and ſome fay, by his Friend Bancho afſifted; he treache-
rouly ſets upon, andi murther’d the good, but unactive and impro-
vident King; at Inverneſs': From thence, pofting with all Expeditioni
to Scoon, upon the Headí of thoſe Villains he had win over to his
Party before hand; he fet the Crown upon his own Head, pre-furpsethe
tending, no doubt, the ancient; tho-abrogated Cuſtom of Law, by Throne.
which, when the Rightful Heir was Minor, the neareſt to him in
blood was appointed to reign in His Room. So difficult, naỹ fo dán-
Rri 2
gerous
Macbeeh uc
A.D. 1034
or 1049
344 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Chap II.
ز
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MalcolmCant
more
re oblig'd
to retire to
England.
gerous 'tis to overturn what has been conſider'd as a Fundamental
Conſtitution in any Nation. Compleat Ages can ſcarcely wear out
the belov’d Memory of old Laws ; and tho better ones, as in this
Caſe, fhould be eſtabliſh'd in their Place , Length of time, and no-
thing but that, will enforce an univerſal Complyance.
Macbeth having thus by Fraud, Forçe and Regicide, got him-
ſelf poſſeſsid of the Kingdom ; he govern'd it nevertheleſs
, du-
ring the firſt ten Years of his Reign, with Moderation, Juſtice and
ſeeming Piety. All this while, he was guilty of but one Crime, a
very enormous one indeed, but ſuch as moſt in his . Circumſtances
think neceſſary, and therefore pardonable
. He fought out the two
Children of the deceas'd King, Malcolm, firnamed Canmore, becauſe
of the Bigneſs of his Head, and Donald, called Bane, by reaſon of his
fair Complexion; with a Deſign to put them to death. They were
as yet but very young ; nevertheleſs, they had the Courage to con-
tend for their Right; and in ſpite of the Uſurper, made a Shift to
hold out for two Years,till at length,unable to protract the War, or
even to lurk within the Kingdom, they reſolv’d to preſerve themſelves:
for better Times, and withdrew; Prince Malcolm to his Principality
of Cumberland, and. Donald to the Weſtern Iſlands. France was too
remote ; and to the Court of England they could not go : That
Kingdoin being then, and for ſeveral Years afterwards, oppreſs’d no
leſs than Scotland by Uſurpers.; and theſe are feldom inclinable to
give Protection to Legal Princes; for that were to arraign themſelves.
Equity and Iniquity are incompatible. Carute, Harold, Hare-
foot,and Harde-Canute domineer'd ſucceſſively over England and all this
while Prince Malcolm continud in his Retirement, where nevertheleſs
he never ceas'd to correſpond with the Loyaliſts in Scotland. A great
inany of theſe, unwilling to give Obedience to a king they could
not in Conſcience acknowledge, reſorted to him, and offer'd their
Services, in order to his Reſtoration.
This Macbeth very well knew, and was fufficiently aware of: He
could not hinder honeſt Men from doing their Duty, but he brib’d
Knaves to perſonate honeſt Men ; and they too frequently intreated
his Return, and promis’d with Oaths to forward thoſe Deſigns, they
were pre-determined to defeat. The like Emiſſaries were in our Fa-
thers Days, employd by Oliver Cromwel, to amuſe and over-reach
our late Sovereign,King Charles II.while in his Exile :So true 'tis that
Uſurpation is the ſame in all Ages ; and that, as it works with the
Tame Tools, ſo it tends to the fame Ends, the enllaying of the Peo-
ple, and Deſtruction of the Great Ones : As the Engliſh: Cromwel, ſo
the Scots Macbeth, is a flagrant Witneſs of this.
While Invaſions were fear'd from abroad, or Inſurrections at
home, Macbeth govern d to the Satisfaction of almoſt every Body :
He made many Popular. Laws, which ſecur’d the Rights of the Sub-
ject, and did not much incroach upon the Prérogative of the Sove
reign; and by his Liberality towards the Nobles, he faſten'd the
molt Part of them to his Intereſt with Chains of Gold. In fine, had
hie
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 345
1
1
he not ulurpd, he had been reckond (ſays Bu:hanan) among the
beſt of Kings
. But all this, was at Bottom but Juggle and Leger-
demain. I was not enough that he had banifh'd the lawful Heirs:
He dreaded every one in Power, Bancho particularly, by Reaſon of
his Birth, his Wealth, his Parts, and the Prediction of thoſe en-
chanted Ladies that had prompted himſelf to reign. However he
reſolv’d to elude the Prophecy, ſo far as it related to Bancho: He in-
vited him and his Son Fleanch to Supper, and Regáld them nobly
as his faſteſt Friends. They had done, and were late over Night
retiring to their Lodgings, when a premeditated Tumult is raid
in the Streets ; in the Midſt of which the Father is ſet upon and Bancho kill’a
killd. A juft Judgement from Heaven, that he who had conſpir’d by Macbeth
, ,
againſt his Sovereign, ſhould fall a Sacrifice to the Jealouty of the
Tyrant, himſelf had contributed to raiſe. His Son Fleanch eſcap'd
by Providence, and was reſerv'd to be the Father of the Famous
Walter Stewart, who firſt gave that celebrated Sirname to the Immor-
tal Houſe that ſways our Scepter ; a Houſe, from which a llthe So-
vereigns, now reigning in Europe, are by frequent Inter-marriages
deſcended.
The Murder committed upon the Perſon of Bancho, ftruck the whole
Kingdom with Terror : Every one dreaded the like Treament at the
Hands of a Prince,no Services could win,nor Bounds contain: For after
this, his raging Jealouſy broke forth into open unpalliated Tyran-
ny. But as Tyrants are ever bold and daring in Miſchief, ſo in the
and Terror '
and no
'
what they deſerve, fufficiently inform them of what they may ex-
pect.
Macbeth not only entertain’d a Band of Debauchees about him to
guard his Perſon (&thoſe he pay'd out of the Eſtates of honeſt Men,he
had unjuſtly confilcated but alſo for greater Security fet about the buil-
ding of a ftrong Caſtle, on the Top of a ſteep Hill, call'd Dunfinman;
from whence he had a large Proſpect all over the Country, and
by this means could eaſily forefee and prevent Surprizes. He took
many other Precautions to ſecure his hated Life, and had never been
eafy, but for the Aſſurance given him by a Sorcereſs, (a)that he ſhould
not be vanquiſh'd, till the ſpacious Forreſt of Birnan, ſhould be
brought to his Caſtle of Dunſinnan ; and that he ſhould never die by
the Hand of any thing a Woman had brought forth. He believ'd
the deceiving Oracle: And 'twas lucky for one Macduff, the. Thane
of Fife (a very great Man in thofe Days) that he did ſo. This
Macduff was a noted Loyaliſt, (b) and conſequently none of the moſt
forward to purſue the Deſigns and Ends of the preſent Government.
The King dreaded his honeſt, yet wary Temper,and threaten’d his.
Deſtruction: But delay'd putting his Threats in Execution, as being
now aſſur’d, that while he ſept himſelf at Dünfinnan, he was invincible;
and invulnerable, tho he ſhould ſtir from thence. But he had
Siff
threat-
و
0
(a) Boet. ad vit. Macbet. lib. 12. (b) Ford. apud Script. XX. p. 688
346 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
Malcolm
Canmore.
threaten’d Macdiff; and Macduff knew that when he had promis’d .
a Mischief, he was wont to keep his Word: Wherefore the Thane
took ſhipping in hafte ;andleaving his Lady,Children and Servants,
to the mercileſs Rage of the purſuing Tyrant; who barbarouſly
put them all to the Sword, and without a Legal Sentence feiż’d u-
pon his Eftate) he retir'd to England, in Search of his Rightful So-
vereign Prince Malcolm.
By this time, Edward, the Confeſor, was ſeated upon the Throne
der die hart of his Engliſh Anceſtors: To him the Prince had been introduc'd by
ftrumental his Grandfather, Earl Syward, and Macduff found him at the Court of
fation Pofto- that generous and bountiful Monarch. He acquainted him with the
Occafion-and Neceſſity of his own Flight, and of the preſent Cir-
cuinſtances of the Country, and Diſpoſition of the Nobles and Peo-
ple. (a) He advis'd him; “ As a Son, to revenge the Murder of his
Father and the Injuries done to the Royal Family; as a King,to con-
« miſerate the Calamities of bis Subjects and as a Man, thoſe of his
« Friends and Kindred. Beſides, he told him, what the Prince very
well knew, " That King Edward was ſo good, that he would not be
wanting towards his Affiftance:That,asthe Misfortunes of Kings do
“conciliate,& move the Hearts of all Men,even of the greateſtSrangers
,
to pity and favour them; ſo the Similitude of Events & the Remem
is brance of the like Dangers King Edward had undergone muſt needs alli-.
milate hisMind, to that of a Prince now ſtated as he had been,and of a
Prince,whoſe Father and Grandfather, and indeed all his Anceſtors
,
“ when Governors of Camberland, had been ſo eininently ſerviceable
to the Monarchy, and Monarchs of England. In fine, that his Cauſe
was undoubtedly juft ; that as he would ſoon get the Hands, fo he
e had already the Hearts and good Wiſhes of his Loyal Subjects that
.66 God's Favour would attend the Good, and at laſt declare it ſelf, iri
Oppoſition to his uſurping Rival, if he was not wanting to himſelf
.
Prince Malcolm heard with Pleaſure the Inviting Diſcourſe, bụt Ex-
perience and Hardſhips had taught hiin Diffidence; and he reſolvd
to try,whether Macduff might not be one of thoſe Traitors, that had
To often attempted to impoſe upon his Credulity. He did it very cun-
ninglý, replying in this Manner. I am ſatisfied both of the Honeſty of
your Intentions, and of the Truth of what you relate; neither do
"I doubt, but that the preſent Circumſtances are favourable ; but
to be plain with you, I live with Eaſe in this Country, and you
co
fee, that I'm honourably entertain'd at this Court : I love not tq
prefer Hope to Certainty, and Time and Exile have curb’d my
Ambition that is none of the domineering Paſſions of my Soal
,
" but I ain ſubject, nay, a Slave to others : Løft and Avarice, Vices
fatal to many Kings, command me, they ly conceald as my telf
" in my private State, but may break looſe, how ſoon I ſhall be in
"Power. Take Care then, if ye wiſh well to the Blood of your
Kings, that you don't invite me rather to a Precipice; I would a-
5.void, than to a Throne, I don't much incline to aſcend.”. Mac-
duf
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duff was ſurpriz’d with the Prince's Freedom, who had thus dete-
eted his own Failures : But made this prudent Anſwer.
e Inconti-
nency is (no doubt) a Vice God Almighty forbids, and when ex-
“ cefliveand vagrant, moſt Men deteſt and deſpiſe. 'Tis a Paſſion, but
a Paſſion of the moſt accompliſh'd Souls: The greateſt of Heroes,
i and wiſeſt of Men, have felt the Power of Love, and have been
conquer'd by Beauty. 'Tis a Diſeaſe
'Tis a Diſeaſe, but 'tis one of thoſe that .
« admit of Cure, and yield to Remedies. The Addreſſes of Kings,
are ſeldom repuls’d by the fairer Sex: Their yielding Dif-
4-poſition often contributes to allay Deſire; and Variety begets
“ Satiety. But this, I mult own, is a Remedy, Chriſtian Phy-
' ficians will not preſcribe; Marriage is better, and Age a ſuré
As for Avarice, 'tis a mean and fordid Inclination, tó
poſſeſs what does not belong to ones felf: 'Tis the Vice of
" private Men, but not of Kings; I mean Hereditary ones,
“ ſuch as your ſelf.: And tho Prince Malcolm may be Avaa
ricious, I am confident that. King Malcolm will not be fò.
“ Some of your Predeceſſors have been Criminal that Way; and,
by invading the Property of their Subjects, have precipitated
« themſelves from the Throne • But then the Succeffion was uni-
“ certain, and they were deſirous to provide for Poſterity. The
56 Cafe is alter'd: How ſoon you ſhall come to Reign, you're ſure that
your Children will allo Reign after you; and you'l find, that tổ
« impoveriſh your People, is to rob them of their Patrimony. 'Tis
true, that even Hereditary Princes (or to carry on their Wars ,
when of warlike or ambitious Tempers, or to build Palaces, cué
out Gardens, adorn: Cities, öc when addicted to the more
magnificent Arts of Peace) may be tempted to exact unreaſo-
« nable Subſidies from their complaining Subjects. Nay, there are
« who have ſquander'd away their own Revenues, and incroach'd
upon
thoſe of the Publick, towards the Support of an imaginary
!
Grandeur, or, which is ttill
. worſe, the Entertainment of Para
fites, and ſupplying of Pleaſures. Princes, fo diſpos’d, are rather
to be pity’d, than reſiſted :(They wrong themſelves, and injite
their Pofterity, more than their People. Some are diſcourag’d
to and impoveriſh'd by theſe: "irregular Exactions, but others get
by them: The National Stock is not impaird, and while Mod
ney continues to circulate in a State; hone, that have either
" Head, I mean, Wit to learn and contrive, or Heart, that is,
Courage to Dare, or Hands' to Work, can Want. To conclude:
an hereditary Monarch cannot be Avaritious, unleſs he is at the
6. fame time Prodigal : And lis Prodigality, tho an Evil, is yet a
"tolerable one to all, and a real:Benefit to many.
The Prince rea
ply'd, " That he had rather now make an ingenuious Confeſſion to
him, as his Friend, than to be found guilty hereafter, to the Ruin
" of them.both: For to tell you the Truth, ſaid be, “ Whether 'tis
" the inherent Perverſeneſs of iny Nature, or that the Calamities of
my Youth, and the experienc'd Deceitfulneſs of all I have dealt
Sfff 2
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with, have at length prevaild over the Faculties of my Mind,
" I know not : This I know, that as I deal ingenuouſly and fairly
« with no Body, ſo, perſwaded as I am, that there's no Honour nor
“ Honeſty in the World, I can confide in no Body living : Every
one I believe is a Villain, that has Witor Courage enough to be
“.fo; even your ſelf I do not entirely truſt, and were I your
King, you had need to walk warrily.” Macduff, ſtund with
Surpriſe, and overcome with Horror, at the black unalterable
Colours of the Mask his Prince had put on, ſtood ſilent (a) for a
While, and after fighing heavily, Fordon tells us, that he broke out
into theſe Expreffions." Good God! What an unhappy irretriev-
« able Condition is this we are reduc'd to? We, eſpecially the
Oppoſers of Tyranny, and Martyrs of Loyalty. One of the
és three we muſt reſolve upon, all terrible, nay, inſufferable; or
to abandon our enſlavd Country, relinquiſh our butcher'd Fami-
(6 lies, and forfeited Eltates, and toil for mean Subſiſtence in fo-
reign Climates : Or, to bow our Necks to the Yoke of a Tyrant,
6 and unconſcientiouſly obey an Uſurper, that has no Right to com-
« marid:Or, to hazard our deareſt Lives, towards the Reſtoration of
a Prince, lawful indeed, but, by reaſon of the enormous Corrup-
" tion of his Nature, worſe than the worſt of Uſurpers; whoſe
« Luſt, himſelf acknowledges, is inſatiable, and Avarice boundleſs:
« That's nothing ; but 'he's a Cheat to boot, a Diffembler, that has
Truſt to give, and, by his own Confeſſion, deſerves none; Fickle
" and falle, o Heavens ! Sure thou never deſign'd this Man for a
66 Ruler of Men ; and ſhall we be bound to receive him as ſuch?
« No, let others do what they will, I'm fix'd in my Refolution, I
“ ſcorn to Breath, where either Malcolm or Macbeth ſhall Reign:
« Exile, eternal Exile is my Choice.” With theſe Words, he beat
his
Breaft, Wept bitterly; and turning his Eyes to the North, faid, "O!
66. Scotland, for ever farewell;" And ſo was about to fling away.
Then Malcolm, extreamly ſatisfied, with ſo plain a Demonſtration of
Honeſty, took him by the Hand, embrac'd him with Tears in his
Eyes, and declard the Cauſe of his Diſſimulation. After this, they
had frequent Conferences together: And having concerted Mea-
fures, and reſolv'd on the Means of dethroning the Uſurper, Mac-
duff went privately to Scotland, to advertiſe the Loyaliſts of the de-
fign'd Invaſion, and diſpoſe them to favour it. This could not
be ſo ſecretly effected, but that Macbeth came to the knowledge of
it; and the rather, becauſe he had Intelligence of the forward Pre-
parations made in England againſt him. For the generous King
Edward was eafily prevaild with, to give Affiftance towards an
Expedition, that muſt needs reflect ſo much. Glory upon himſelf.
He appointed an Army of 10000 Men to be levied; and
Command of it to Earl Syward, Prince Malcolm's Grandfather. A
great many Volunteers, defirous of Honour, and willing to learn
the Art of War, join'd this Army from all Parts of the Kingdom:
And
66
no
gave the
(a) Ford. apud. Script, XX. 8. 694.
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 349
i
And fome writé, tħat a Fleet was alſo fitted out upon the fame Oc-
cafion. Thus it was plain, that a ſpeedy Invaſion was deſign’d; and
Macbeth, to guard againſt it, fell foul upon ſuch Perſons as he
thought were difaffected to his Government. This
, and the earneſt
Defire, almoſt the whole Kingdom had, of a new Revolution, made
great Numbers take Arms, and form themſelves into a Body. (*)
The Nation was all in a Flame, when, Malcolm with his Engliſh Aux-
iliaries, advanc'd to the Borders: And he no ſooner enter'd the
Kingdom, but by the continual Reſort of honeſt Men, he had the
Satisfaction to ſee himſelf on the Head of a numerous Army, cap-
able to Conquer in Spite of Reſiſtance. But it ſoon appear’d, that no
great Reſiſtance would be made : For the Uſurper's Men deſerted
him daily, and went over to their lawful Sovereign. He therefore
withdrew to his Caſtle of Dunhinnan, with ſuch as yet adherd to his
Intereſt : But diſtruſting even theſe (and iideed he had Reaſon to
diſtruſt all true Hearted Scotſmen) he ſent his Friends to the Æbude
and to Ireland, with Money to hire Foreigners. Prince" Malcolm
follow'd him cloſe upon the Heels, (b) the People praying for him
all along as he march’d; and, with joyful Acclamations, wiſhing
Succeſs to his Arms. His Souldiers took this as an Omen of Victo-
ry;
and as they march'd by the Wood of Birnan, cut down green
Boughs, and ſtuck them in their Helmets; pretending thereby to
Triumph, even before they had Fought. i Macbeth ſaw them from
his lofty Tower; and, perceiving the green Boughs; he found out
the Fallacy of the Sorcereſs, that had cheated him into a Belief,
that he ſhould not be vanquiſh'd till the Wood was brought to his
CaſtleNevertheleſs, he reſolu'd to try his Fate, and put his Men
in order of Battle: But upon the firſt Onſet his Heart fail'd him,
and he ſhamefully run away, and left the Field. Upon which his
Souldiers, abandon’d by their cowardly Leader, laid down their
Arms; and ſubmitted to Malcolm. So ſay all the Scots Authors I
have ſeen. But the Engliſh; c) unjuſtly aſcribing all the Honour
of this Victory to Earl Syward, tell us, “ That he fought with
« Macbeth, and defeated him, with the Deaths of many of his
Scots, and ſuch Normans, as had before gone over to him: And
quite expelling him, made Malcolm King in his Stead, according
to the Orders he had receiv'd from King Edward." They add,
That the Victory was purchas'd with the Lives of many of the
Engliſh and Danes, beſides Syward's own Son; of whoſé Death
56. when he heard, he demanded, Whether he had receiv’d his Wound
“ behind or before? And when he was anſwerd Before, he declar'd
« himſelf Glad, otherwiſe be ſhould not have thought him worthy of Bu-
" rial.” This may be true; and I doubt not, but Earl Syward's
Son might have been like his Father, one of the valianteft Men in
the World. Beſides, He did many good Offices to Malcolm, and by his
own Courage and Conduct (as well as by the Engliſh and Daniſh
Tttt
Auxi-
16,
66
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ib
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(*) Boeth. ad vit. Macbet. I. 12. (6) Buchan, in vit. Macbet. (6) Echard ad Ann. 1053, Book I, Willielm,
cited by Ford. apud Scrip. XX. p. 698.
350 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
Auxiliaries he commanded) no doubt very much contributed to
wards the Reſtoration. But that he alone, or the Forces under his
Conduct, defeated Macbeth, or that he made Malcolm King, is, to ſay
no worſe, a Miſtake. Fordon (a) is poſitive, that Malcolm himſelf,
with the Scots that own'd and join'd him, upon his firſt Entrance in
to the Country, had the Honour to reſtore himfelf: That had
Malcolm been abſent, and King Edward himſelf been in Perfon, to-
gether with Syward, at the Engagement, he doubts not, but Macbeth
and his Men had ſtood their Ground: And in fine, that before the
Work was compleated, Earl Syward and his Army were neceſſarly
recall d to oppoſe Griffin, King of the Well, who, this very Year
A.D. 1054 1054, (b) Headed a Rebellion in England, invaded Herefordſhire
,
and gave a Defeat to King Edward's Nephew, Rodulph. 'Tis more-
over obfervable, that the Accounts given of this Matter, by the
Engliſh Hiſtorians, are inconſiſtent and contradictory : For here
they tell you, (c) that King Edward or his Lieutenant, made Mal-
colm King; and there (d) that he ſucceeded to the Kingdom by his
own hereditary Right. But to put the Matter out of all doubt,
and to evince, that Syward, tho he help'd his Grandchild to get
Footing in Scotland, yet did not make him King, as is aſſerted, we
need but advert to the Death of Syward, and the Coronation of Mal-
colm. This laſt was not Crown'd, nor did he get Poffeffion of the
Kingdom, according to Fordon and Buchanan, till the Year 1057,
nay, not till 1961, according to Boethius and Leſly; before either of
which Years, Earl Syward was Dead, if we may truſt the Engliſh
Chronicles (e). A plain Proof of what Fordon afferts
, That King
Malcolm ow'd his Crown to his own Valour, and the Loyalty of his
Subjects, who, it ſeems, made War upon the Uſurper, for at leaſt
three Years, before they got him pulld down. The finiſhing Stroak
was given at Lunfanan, whither Macbeth had retreated, hoping,
with the ſmall Party of thoſe that followd his Fortune, or perhaps
with his hir’d Foreigners, to maintain himſelf in that Mountain-
ous Northern Country. But he was miſtaken. Malcolm and Macduff
purſu'd himeagerly: And they ſay, that the latter, who, by the by,
was not born of a Woman, but, like the firſt Cæfar, had been cut out
of his Mother's Womb, kill'd him with his own Hand. And thus
the Superſtitious Wretch found for the laſt time, to his irreparable
Loſs, how vain 'tis to depend upon Propheſies, and how dangerous
to conſult with the Devil; or, which is all one, with Sorcerers,
if there are any ſuch: For I do’nt give implicite Faith to the Sto-
ry I have related, and apologiz'd for. However, this is certain,
Ala-beth was kill'd, after a checker'd Reign, (the beginning of it
having been tolerable, the end Tyrannical to the higher Degree)
of ſeventeen Years.
Diſcite
Nacbeth
kill'd.
d) Script. XX. p. 696. (b) Echard ad Ann, 1053. Book I. chap. 6. (c) Chronic. Melrof. ad Ann. 1054
Cired luy Sr. Janes Dalrymple chap. 9. (d) Ibid. (e) Chron. Melrof. ad Ann 1955. vid. Dalrymple ibid. vid.
Tyrrel ad Ann. 1055,
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 35
Y
>
Malcolm.Can
more reſtor'd
A.D. 1057
1
Diſcite quam fceptris non tutum fidere, Princeps
Ele volo, jam.de Principe nullus ego.
Says he of himſelf, or rather Mr. John Johnſton in his Name; and
elſewhere.
Suftulit inſidiis cognato fanguine Regem,
Et pretium fieleris
, Regia Sceptra tulit;
Cæde furit, cede ergo perit : fors ilicet æqua
Artifices cædīs arte perere ſua.
The Death of the Uſurper,did not quite overturn the ufurpation
He had a Son ; and this Son, tho a Fool, (and therefore firnamd Fa-
tuus) the Favourers of the late Government carried to Scoon, and fa-
luted King; notwithſtanding of Malcolm’s having aſſum'd the Title,
and taken upon him the Adminiſtration of Affairs ſome time before,
viz, on the 25th Day of April 1057. As Luthac (ſo was the Mock-
Monarch calld) uſurp'd rafhly, ſo he ſoon paid the Price of his Te-
merity: He had not Forces to keep the Fields; all he could do, was
to lead a vagrant Party of Deſperado's, who, after plundering the
open Country for Subliſtance, were retreating Northward to the
Mountains for Safety. But Malcolm overtook them in Strabogy, and
put them all to the Sword, yet had the Generoſity to honour ſo far
the Blood that had run in their Veins, as to appoint, that the Bo-
dies of both Macbeth arid Luthac ſhould be buried in the Royal Sepul-
chre of Icolmkill.
Thus was King Malcolm reſtord to the Throne of his Ànceſtors :
And with him, Honour, Probity, Peace and Plenty to Scotland. The
Nation in general was over.joy’d, and every Body look'd for a long
uninterrupted Series of Halcyon Days. Indeed Affairs were now fo
ſettid, that no open Force could diſturb the Government : Yet (ſo
difficult a Province it is, to win over Hereditary Rebels to Loyalty)
the King, as great and as good as he was, was not abſolutely ſecure
againſt private Conſpiracies. He had Intelligence, that ſome of
that obftinate incorrigible Fa&tion, (that had murther’d his Father
and baniſhed himſelf) were renewing their Cabals, and that they
had plotted his Deſtruction. The whole Circumſtances of the De- Diſcovers a
ſign were diſcover'd to him : He commanded the Loyal Informers his Life
to keep the thing ſecret from all the World but himſelf. They o.
bey'd ; and at length, the Villain that had undertaken to ſtrike the
Blow, came to Court, attended by a numerous Vaſſalage, ready to
favour his Eſcape. (a) The King received him graciouſly, and in-
vited him, together with fome other Nobles, to a Hunting Match.
Accordingly, the next Day, the whole Court took Horſes, and af-
ter being wearied with Sport, they came to a pleaſant green plajn,
that lay in the midſt of a Wood; and in the middle of it there was
a riſing Ground, either by Art or Nature fitted to receive the Hun-
ters. Here they all aliglited from their Horſes : And the King, pla-
Tett i
cing
(a, Turgut'cited by Ford. apud Script. XX. p. 697, Buchan. Boec. in vir. Reg:
352 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II
66
66
Offers to
fight the
Traitor,
66
66
cing himſelf
a little above the reft, conform tó Cultohi, appointed
to each his Station and proper Place; that the Beaſt inight no where
get out of the Wood, without being by fome Body or other eſpyd
and purſu’d. This done,he aroſe from his Seat, and, (with a chear-
ful Countenance, deſiring the Traitor to attend him, he went
back to the Forreſt, then turning himſelf to him, he is reported
to have ſpoken as follows, Now,faid he, you have your Oppor-
tunity ; we're alone, our Arms are alikė, 1o Eye can fée, nor
« Ear can hear us : If you have the Soul of a Man in you; be a
“. Man of your Word, be bold and dare to kill your King, while
“ you may freely and ſafely, nay, in foine Meaſure, honour-
ably. I ſay honourably ; for if you mean to do it by Poiſon, 'tis
" buť what a Cook-maid may effect; if to attack my Bed a Whore
can do that as bravely as you ; if to give a ftollen Thruſt with a
“ hidilen Weapon, each Cowardlý Ruffian can do the ſame. Come
« ſhew your ſelf a Gentleman, give me fair Play; I ask no more,
« than I am willing to grant”. And with theſe Words the King
was about to draw his Sword: But the Traitor, terrified with the
unexampld Bravery, threw by his Arms, and falling on his knees,
begʻd (what he deſerv'd not)Forgiveneſs
. Nevertheleſs,it was gran-
ted to him, upon certain Terms ; and both return'd from whence
they had come, and the Buſineſs of the Day went on as before.
Whether King Malcolm expreſs'd more Courage or Clemency on
this Occaſion, 'tis hard to determine : This is certain,he ſhewd him-
ſelf a Hero more than a King.; and this Action (certainly true, be-
cauſe related by Turgot, who liv'd in the Time) muſt needs be
reckon'd
among thoſe extraordinary ones, that have in them a great
deal of the Merveilleux ; and which therefore all Men will admire, ,
but Sovereigns take care how they imitate.
Scots Authors agree, that henceforth King Malcom’s Reign was
peaceable, till the Normans invaded and ſubdud England, when the
War, like a Gangrene, over-Ipread the whole Illand. Bút the Eng-
liſh lay, (a) "? That Malcolm in 1060(that is, not full three Years af-
ter his Reſtoration) went and gave a Viſit to King Edward, and con-
" tracted fó great a Friendſhip with his Neighbour Tofti, who was
" made Governor of Northumberland, in the Room of Earl Syward,
" lately deceas’d, and who was appointed to attend him on his Way,
" that they became fworn Brethren; tho to what Effect, the Event
6 ſhew'd within two Years : For Toſti, being gone to Rome, his
ſworn Brother Malcolm, took the Advantage of his Abſence,cruel-
ly waſted the Places under his Government, and broke the Peace
u of St. Cuthbert in the Holy Iſland.”. To me this Story ſeems alto-
gether incredible. Indeed 'tis not unlikely, that King Malcolm, af-
ter his Reſtoration might have gone (as then the Cuſtom was)to the
Court of England, either to thank his Benefactor, King Edward, or
perhaps to do him Homage for the Principality of Cumberland; (That
he did not for his Kingdom of Scotland, Mr. Tyrrel (6). is ſo
66
હદ
66
juſt
(*; Echard ad And. 1057. Book I. Chap. 6. Tyrrel ad Ann. 1061 Boek VI. (b) ad Ann. 1054.
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 353
Quarrels
juit as to acknowledge ;) or to renew old Friendſhip between the
Crowns : But that he and Tofti Should have become ſworn Brethren,
is what I do not ſo well underſtand ; much leſs, that a Prince of
his celebrated Honour and Integrity, ſhould have violated his Oaths,
and, in Tofti's Abſence,perfidiouſly and cruelly waſted his Government
This was not only a Breach of Friendſhip committed againſt Tofti
the Governor, but a Piece of the blackelt Ingratitude towards his
Benefactor and Ally, King Edward; a downright inſulting him,
and a plain quarrelling with the Engliſh Nation. I wiſh that Sime
on, who gives an Account of the Injury offer’d, had alſo acquainted
us with the Reſentment return'd : But I read of no ſuch Thing, and
therefore conclude, that he muſt be in ſome Miſtake, at leaſt, as to
Circumſtances of Time and Perſons. Malcolm then made it his Bu-
finels (as 'twas his Duty) to keep Peace with Edward the Confeſſor,
neither did he quarrel with his Succeſſor Harold ; but when he found
that William the Duke of Normandy had maſter'd England, 'tis highly with King
reaſonable to think, that he was not at all fond of the Neigbour-Conqueror
hood of a Prince, potent, bold and fortunate, more than any of the of England.
Sovereigns of his Ço-temporaries in Europe. How far he itrove to
foment and heighten the Diſcontents of the conquer'd Engliſh, jor en-
ter'd into their frequent Conſpiracies, or favour'd their Inſurrecti-
ons againſt the Conqueror, I cannot determine : But if we ſhall cre-
dit Engliſh Authors, (a) The Root of all his Dangers was in Scotland,
which Country had always been a-Sanctuary for his Enemies, and the Mal-
contents of his Kingdom, and ſoon after became, the Receptacle of his
Competitor Prince Edgar. But, before Edgar offer'd to gothither, they
ſay,(b) that King Malcolm openly favour'd a dangerous Inſurrection in
the North of England, but that, by the Mediation of the Biſhop of
Durham, a Peace was concluded between the two Kings,but of ſhort
Continuance : For about Autumn following, the Earls Goſpatrick, Wal-
theof and Marleſweyn, with ſeveral of the Northumbrian Nibility,
fearing to be impriſon’d, as many others at that time were, drew over
Prince Edgar Etheling to their Party, and with him his Mother Agatha,
and his Siſters Margaret and Chriſtina,and paſs’d by Sea out of England
into Scotland, where being kindly receiv'd, they remain d'all that Winter,
and that Malcolm was ſo affected with the Beauty and Vertues of the La-
dy Margaret, that about two years after, he married her himſelf.
The King of Scots, having thựs above Board declar'd himſelf Pro-
tector of the Engliſh Liberties and Royal Stock; a terrible Appear-
ance was made in Oppoſition to the Conqueror, (c): who, thereu-
pon taking the Alarm, ſent away the Queen his Wife into Normandy A.D. 1063
for her Security; and for his own, pretending to curb the Inſolence of
his Countrymen, invited the Engliſh Nobility to Court, diſclaim'd
the Title of Conqueror, and renew'd the Laws of King Edward.
'Twas no Wonder that he was thus affrighted: For,much about this
time, the Sons of the late King Harold return'd from Ireland, gain'd
u u u u
а.
(6) Echard ad Ann. 1068.& 1072. (6) Echard ad Ann. 1068. Tyrrel ad Ann. cund, (f) Tyrrel,Echard,
ad Ann. 1069.
354 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
3.
a Battle, and over-ran two Shires; and the Northumbrians revolted a-
gainſt the new Governor of Durham : Robert Cuming ſurpriz’d him in
the Night, and maffacred him and 700 of his Men : Belides, Daniſh
Fleet of 240 Sail arriv'd in the Humber, and had no ſooner landed
their Men, but they were joyn’d by Edgar Etheling and all his
Followers from Scotland. The Conqueror was not wanting to himſelf
in the mean time; nor did his. Fortune fail him :He came in Perſon
to York-Shire; waſted the Country with Fire and Sword, and is
faid to have routed the Daniſh Army. Nevertheleſs,'tis own’d,that on
this Occaſion,his Gold was inore ſerviceable than his Arms. He ſent
priyately to Éarl Osbern, the Daniſh General (a); and, by means of
a great Sum:of Money, prevail’d-upon him to leave the Kingdom.
Which accordingly he did ; but when arriv'd in Denmark, the King
his Brother, ſuſpicious of his Fidelity, banilh'd him, as he deſervid,
from thence; a Puniſhment too ſmall for'an Adion To vile. "Tis pro-
bable, that the like means were us’d.to debauch Edgar · Etheling's
Engliſh Adherents : Certain 'tis that a great many of them abandon'd
that unfortunare Prince, and made their Peace with the Ravilher
of his Scepter, and the Ravager of their Country. Amongſt thefe, ,
we find Gafpatrick and Waltbeof, particularly mention'd; (6) but
ſo far from being cenſurd for their Perfidy, that on the contrary,one
would think, they had done but their Duty, and return'd to their
Allegiance : And King William's Generoſity (Policy, I would have
faid) is highly commended,who thús reſtor’d them to Favour. And
here Mr. Tyrrel (c), is at a Lofs to know, where Edgar Etheling and
his diſtreſs’d Family ſtay’d, now he was abandond by lo many of
his Attendants.; the Danes having retir’d, and the whole North be-
iņg reduc'd to the King's. Obedience. Wherever they were, 'tis
molt probable, that they ſtill continud under the Protection of King
Malcolm, for he laid not down hiss Arms; tho the invading Danes,
and most of the revolted Engliſh did : He was rather exafperated
by the Treachery of both; and, underſtanding that Goſpatrick was
made Earl ofi (Narthamberland; to be avengd of him, he invaded
Northumber- that Country: (d) upon the Head of a numerous Army of S:ets; and
(if we ſhall believe Marianus Scotis) (9) fome French Auxiliaries, (a
Teſtimony that the old French League had been lately renew'd) And
then turning Eaſtward; he deſtroy'd all Téyfdäle and the Parts ad-
jacent on both ſides. Helalted de Hundreds Kild; from whence,
after having put ſome Engliſh Noblémen to the Sword he fent a
great Detachyment back again, with much of the Plunder, deſigning
likewiſe to intercept ſuch ofthe Inkábitants as had before withdrawn
from their Houles, and were now returning to them. Nor did he
mils of his Aim. He did more: For; having laid waſte Part of Cleveland,
he alſo did the like in Heorterneſs by a new and ſudden Incurſion; and
from thence, marching through the Biſhoprick of Durham, the bereft
all the Inhabitants of their Goods, and ſome of their Livés : Nay,
Hc invades
ލް
jan.
A.D. 10701
he
() Echard, Tyrrel, &c. ad Ann. 1069 (6) Echard ibid. (c) ad Ann, 127.0.(d) Tyrrel, ibid: (e) Cited by
Dalrymple Chap. 8.
Chap 11. The EightySixth King of Scotland. 355.
66
66
CA
+
he is reported to have burnt feveral Churches, together with thoſe that
Hed thither for Refuge; and, amongſt the reſt, the Church of St. Peter
ju Weremouth. A moſt incredible thing, conſidering the innate Hu-
manity of that magnanimous Monarch, "Who (to tranſcribe the
very
Words of Mr. Tyrrel) whilft he, rode near the River Were;
as feeding his. Eyes with theſe fad Spectacles, had Advice, that :
Edgar. Etheling and the Ladies his Siſters, together with Simards
« firnam'd Barry, Marleſweyn, and a great many Eng'iſh Noble-
wen, were arriv'd in the Mouth of that Harbour. Upon which,
as he went preſently to meet and bid them all.Welcome, and pro-
ci mis’d them à ſafe Retreat in his Dominions.” Such a noble Aft
of Generoſity; to me ſeems inconſiſtent with the Cruelties laid at
his Door.' Or, if it is true, that he made fuch an unmerciful War
upon a Nation, he pretended to protect, and his Intereſt oblig'd him
to court, 'tis moſt likely, that he only did it, to retaliate the Out:
iages, Goſpatrick had committed upon his Subjects of Cumberland:
When be heard of them, continues. Mr. Tyrrely be was foarce able to con-
tain his Paffion, and commanded for the future to kill or carry away Captivë
indifferently, all the Engliſh that ſhould fall in the Hands of his Soulliers.
Accordingly vaſt Numbers were Nain, and ſuch as were fit for La-
bours, were made Priſoners, and kept as Slayes; inſomuch that
Scoriand became ſo ſtockt with Engliſh Servants, that there was hard-
ly a Villagé, nay, nor a Houſe without them.
'Tis ftrange, that while King Malcolm is own’d to have beeri Cia
vil and Generous, almoſt to Exceſs, to the Blood Royal and Nobi-
lity of England, he ſhould prove at the ſame time ſo unconſcionably
Severe towards the Engliſh Plebeians : For 'tis acknowledg’d, both
by Malmsbury and Matthew of Paris, (a) That the whole Nobiity of
England went to the Scots. And Mr. Echard (b) tells us, that about
this time, (a time, whien, ſays the ſame Malnisbury, England became
the Habitation of Strangers, and no Native was either Earl, Bis
fhop, or Abbot) many of the Engliſh,
forſaking the Place of their Birth,
were receiv'd into the Favour of King Malcolm ; and being by his Libe-
rality Setti'd in Scotland, have Jahce that time . propagared, and brought
forth Branches of many noble Families, whole. Pofterity continue to this
Day.
King. Malcolm haviåg over-run the Northern Parts of England, te-
turn’d Triumphantly to Scotland, (c) where he found Edgar Ethe- Proteas tú
ling, and thole Noblemen -andBiſhops that attended him, fafely gar Eibeling.
arriv’d: He welcom'd and entertain’d them Nobly, as he had pro-
mis’d, and not long after put in Execution, what it feeins he had
before defign’d: That is, he married the Princeſs Margaret, in the Silter.
Year 1070, about two Years after he had received her, and her di-
ſtreſs’d Family, into his Dominions. Whether they were driven tbi-
ther by contrary Winds, when the Voyage was intended for Hungary,
as inoft- Scots and ſome Engliſh Authors affirm ; or that, as Sir James
Dalrymple (d) more probably conjectures, they had been previouſly
u u uu 2
invited
(2) Craig concerning Homage chap. 12. (b) ad AAN. 1072. (c) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1070. (H) Loc. cir,
Marries his
-356 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
Is deſerted
by Edgar
Friends:
invited, is a Matter of no great Importance. He lov’d the Lady,
and ſhe deſerv’d it; yet more for her Prudence and Piety, than for
her commanding Beauty,or Royal Extraction. And now he was,
by the double Bond of Love and Honour, irretrievably faſtn’d to
the finking Intereſt of the Saxon Race, he muſt needs reſolve to
encounter the fierceſt Refentment of the Norman Conqueror. He
dreaded it not ; now eſpecially, when the Engliſh (imore and
more diſguſted by the hard Ulage they met with, and the manifeſt
Violation of all theſe folemn Oaths King William had taken to ob-
ſerve their ancient Laws) once more aſſembld a numerous Army,
and nam'd Elgar Etheling, their King, ſay ſome, (a) others, their
Leader. What this Army did, or how they were diſſipated, I no-
where read : We are only told, that King William, by the Advice
of Archbiſhop Lanfranc, renewid his former Oaths, by which the
Engliſh being ſatisfied, all return’d to their Habitations; but that
the King, who had concealed his Intentions, within a few Days af-
Echeling's ter, privately and ſuddenly endeavour'd to ruin thoſe ſeparately,
whom united he could not overcome; which he perform’d, by kill-
ing ſome, diſpofſeffing others, and out-lawing many more: And
that upon thiſ, Prince Edgar fed again into Scotland. So lame an
Account of ſuch a conſiderable Tranſaction; does not at all fatisfy
the curious Reade; and I am inclinable to believe, that Prince
Edgar did not come from Scotland without an Army to favour the
Inſurrection deſign’d. But it may be, that this Inſurrection being
cruth'd in the Bud, by the fraudulent Methods King William fol-
low'd, Edgar failing of the Succours he had depended upon, was
neceſſitated to retreat. This is the more probable, becauſe a late
Author of the Hiſtory of England, (b) after having given an Ac-
count of the new perſonal Oath, King William took before Lanfranc,
adds,that immediately thereafter the Scots invaded England,and ſome
Lords revolted in Favour of Prince Edgar. But he ſays, both the
Scottiſh Invaſion, and the Revolt of the Lords were ill tim’d; and
that the People, re-aflur'd by the Conqueror's fair Promiſes, grew
indifferent as to the Change which had been made in the Rig
or Succeſfion of the Crown. Beſides, tho they were well affected to Ed-
gar, (in whomº remaind (c) all the Hopes of the true Hearted
Engliſh, and of whom they made this Ryme:
Edgar Atheling, England's Dearling ;)
:
:
1
..
*
yet they diſik'd the Company with which he came attended, and hated the
Entrance of a Scottiſh Army into England, more than they lov’d their
Darling. A Bizarre, and unaccountable Effect of National Pride
and Jealouſy : England was enſlav'd by a Foreigner, a Duke of
Normandy, that is, a petty Sovereign of France, who through Floods
of Engliſh Blood, and, by the depopulating of Countries and Towns,
had
.
(a) Echard, Tyrrel, ad Ann. 1070. (b) Edit. Lond. 1701. in the Life of King Will.I. () Tyrrel ad
Ann. 107
on.
Welconies
to Scuiland.
)
Chap. 11. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 357
had fought his Way to a Deſpotick Power over the free-born Nati-
He was now fo ſecurely fix?d on the uſurp'd Throne, that
the Nation alone could not over-turn him: A neighbouring King (by
his Education, and Match with the Royal Princeſs of England, an
Engliſhman) takes up their Quarrel, offers to liberate them from the
Yoke of foreign Tyranny, preſents them with their natural and
lawful Soverign; a Sovereign, whoſe glorious Anceſtors had
made them a Nation, and who himſelf was their Darling. No,
they ſcoin to be indebted for the ineſtimable Favour to a King of
the Scots; and they had rather continue in Chains, than have
them loos’d by the hated Hand. They therefore chooſe to fit ſtill,
and, to their infinite Affliction, ſee all the Promiſes and Oaths of the
Norman Conqueror evaniſh into Smoak; while their Engliſh Prince,
unable to ſave them againſt their Wills, is again forc'd (a) to flee
into Scotland, whither alſo a great Number of the braveſt Patriots
follow'd. Others went into Denmark, and ſome into Norway, pur- the Engliſh
ſuing any Methods to avoid the Norman Yoke. Amongſt thoſe the Refugees in-
great Earls Edwin and Morchar were eminent (b): But the former in
his Paſſage towards Scotland, was betray'd by his own Followers and
Slain; and Morchar betook himſelf to the Iſle of Ely : And a little A. D.1091
while after, Ogelwin, Biſhop of Durham, Walter Biſhop of Hereford,
and Syward Barne , came alſo thither by Sea out of Scotland; and 'tis
probable they came not without ſome Scots Forces to attend them.
Theſe Noblemen Cantond themſelves in the Ifland, and defended
it bravely for a long time, till at length the cowardly and intereſt-
ed Monks of the Place, to recover their Lands and Goods, on which
the Conqueror had ſeis’d, conſtrain’d them to ſubmit; only the vali-
ant Hereward, and a few Followers, with great Difficulty eſcap d 04
ver the Fens, and got into the uſual Sanctuary of his diſtreſs’d Coun-
King William, by his former Succeſſes, and this laſt Adventure, be-
come abſolute Maſter over the Engliſh, thought it was high timey
to put an End; if poffible, to all future Diſputes. With this View
he reſolv'd to follow his Competitor into Scotland; and by this william the
Means to ſtrike at the Root of his Dangers. Accordingly he in- Sonderer
pable to ſubdue the whole Kingdom; but he found unconquerable
Difficulties in that Country, by reaſon of the Mountains and Mar-
ſhes, over which his Army muſt pafs. He therefore gave over his
Expedition that Way, and march'd directly into Lotbian, (where
King Malcolm then lay) fully refolv'd to put an End to the Quarrel,
by à deciſive Battle
.. For ſome Days (ſays Sr. William Temple,
(d) with his uſual Elegancy of Stile and Juſtneſs of Thought)
" the two Armies ſtood at a Bay, ſeeming both prepar'd for a
“ fierce Encounter; and yet both content to delay it, from a mu-
tual Reſpect they had to one another's Forces and Diſpoſitions.
trymen, Scotland.
1
EC
X X X X
66 They
1
(a) Echard ad Ann. 1070. (b) Echard, Tyrrel, ad 'ang, 1071. (c) Tyrrel, Echard, ad Ann. 1974. (d)
Introduct, to the Hiſt. of England p. 120, 121, & 122.
358 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
(C
66
66
(G
CG
« They were indeed not much unequal in Numbers, nor in the
“ Bravery and Order of their Troops. Both Kings were Valiant
" and Wiſe, having been train'd up in Arms, inur’d to Dangers,
" and much einbroild at home in the beginning of their Reigns.
is They were now animated to a Battle by their own Courage, as
s well as their Souldiers; but yet both confider'd the Event, in the
« Uncertainty and the Conſequence. The loſs of a Battle, might
prove the loſs of a Crown; and the Fortune of one Day determine
is the Fate of a Kingdom. They very well knew, that whoever
fights a Battle, with what Number and Forces, what Proviſi-
ons and Orders, or Appearances loever of Succeſs, yet at the
is beſt runs a Venture, and leaves much at the Mercy of Fortune,
< from Accidents not to be foreſeen by any Prudence, or govern'd
by any Conduct or Skill. Theſe Reflexions began to diſpoſe
« both Kings to the Thoughts of ending their Quarrel, by a Peace
c rather than a Battle: And, tho both had the ſame Inclinations,
yet each of them was unwilling firft to diſcover it; left it might
« be interpreted to proceed froin Apprehenſions of Weakneſs or
« Fears, and thereby diſhearten their own Souldiers, or encou.
rage
their Enemies. The Scots at length begun the Overture,
" which was receiv'd by King William with a Shew of Indifferency,
6 but with a conceald Joy; and the more reaſonable, as having
" the greater Stake, the leſs to win, and the more to loſe, by the
« Iſſue of a Battle.” Scots Authors, (for I have hitherto fol-
low'd the Engliſh) do all, on the contrary, affert, That King William,
weary of the War, and diftruftful of the Event, was the firſt that
defir'd Peace at the Hands of King Malcolm : 'Beſides, they acquaint
us. with ſome remarkable Paſſages of the War, I ought not to
omit. If we may believe them, (a) upon the firſt Breach between
the two Kings, one Roger, a Norman, was ſent into Northumberland,
to oppoſe the united Forces of King Malcolm, and thoſe of Earl
Syward, who fided with Edgar Etheling ; bụt Roger being defeated,
and not long after killed by his own People, Richard Earl of Gloceſter
was ſent with a much greater Army: But he too was tyr’d out by
Patrick Dunbar, who fatigu'd him with frequent Onſets and light
Skirmiſhes; inſomuch that his Men not daring to ftraggle froń the
Camp, or to forrage in the Country, he was forc'd to retreat. At
laft, odo, King William's half Brother by his Mother Arlette, led a
much ſtronger Army to the North of England, and having waſted
almoſt all Northumberland, and ſlain fome that offer'd to hinder his
Depredations, King Malcolm and Earl Syward ſet upon hiin, as he
was returning Home with a good Booty, flew and took many of his
Army, and recover'd the Prey. When his Army was recruited,
Robert, William's eldeſt Son, was employd, (to uſe the Phraſe of
an Engliſh Author) (b) in thoſe hard and neceſſitous Wars of Scotland;
but to no better Purpoſe: For he only pitch'd his Camp
River Tine, and rather kept off, than attack'd the Enemy; and ſo,
at the
conten-
(a) Boeth. Buchan, in vit, Malcol. (b) Hiſtor. of Eng!. edit. Lond. 1701, p. 94,
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland 359
contented himfelf with building a Caſtle at the Ford of the River,
I have mention’d, where had been before a ſmall Village,calld Monk-
cefter, from certain Monks that liv’d there in great Auſterity, and
Retirement : But after the building of this Fortreſs (deſign’d to curb
Invations from Scotland)it was from thence calld (as 'tis at this Day)
Newcaſtle.
The Engliſh agree with the Scots in their Accounts of this Expe.
dition of Prince Robert ; only they place it in the Year 1080 ; that is
eight Years after they ſuppoſe the Peace to have been for the ſecond
time concluded between the two Kings ; adding,that King Malcolm
(a) broke that Peace in 1078, invaded Northumberland, as far as the
River Tine, killid a great many Men, and, carrying away more Pri-
foners, return'd home with large Spoils
. He had done the like, ac-
cording to them, during the Reign of Edward the Confeflor; And he
had alſo broke looſe upon William the Conqueror, before he came
to be ingagd in the Quarrel of. Edgar Etheling : And now, this
Prince having laid aſide his Pretenſions, and being reconcild to the
Conqueror, he takes up Arms again, and invades England, without
any Provocation given him : For they inform us, neither upon
what Account thefe three Wars were commenc'd ; nor by whom,nor
how long, nor with what Succeſs they were carried on: Nor in fine,
on what Conditions ; nay, nor when they were ended. Inconfi-
ſtencies,in my Opinion, more groſs than thoſe Mr. Tyrrel lays at the
Door of the Scots Hiſtorians; the moſt Part of whoſe Relation of the
the then Wars, he ſays, (b) is a meer Romance ; for no ſuch Man
as Roger did invade the Scottiſh Dominions in thoſe Days,nor was there
a Duke or Earl of Gloceſter in England, till long after. And as for
Biſhop Odo, he was not fent to the North againſt the Scots, but to
revenge the Death of Walcher Biſhop of Durham. But 'tis own’d,
that there were ſuch Perſons then in England, as Odo and Roger ; and
that the firſt, at leaſt, was intruſted with the Command of Armies,
and why not both ? And why not againſt the Scots ? The old Eng-
liſh Hiſtorians do not ſay ſo; I grant it i And altho no Earl of Glo-
ceſter is mention’d by them, yet it does not preſently follow, that
there was no ſuch Man in Being, nor that the former, they do men-
tion, have not been employ'd to make War upon Scotland. I have
juſt now ſhewn, that theſe Authors have omitted to record Perſons
and Matters more important than theſe. But be this as it will (for
I do not love to contend about Triffles) one Thing the Authors of
both Nations are agreed in, that after a long and a bloody War, a
Peace was at length concluded, and probably in Anno 1072. The
King of England (c) demanded three Things : Firſt, That all the colm Canmore
Engliſh Exiles ſhould be given up; an Article abſolutely rejected by the Conque,
the King of Scotland, witneſs Edgar Etheling, who continued to ſtay
in Scotland as long as he had a mind, and did not return, nor ſubmit
to his prevailing Rival, (d) till the next Year 1073, according to
the Chronicle of Melroſs ; nay, not till 1074, according to the Saxon.
X X X X 2
Second's
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1078.(6) ad Ann. 1039.(c) Craig concern. Homage, Chap.23. d) Dalrymple Chap: 8,
Peace be
tween Mala
ror,
360 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
و
Secondly, That henceforth no more Engliſh Exiles ſhould be recei-
ved or entertain'd in Scotland. This was alſo deny'd ; witneſs the
famous Goſpatriik, who falling anew under the Diſpleaſure of King
William, was after this Treaty (if we may believe Simeon) (a) again
receiv’d into Favour by King Malcolm, who gave him Dumbar, and
the adjacent Lands in Lothian. Thirdly, That the King of Scots
ſhould do Homage to King William, as King of England, for the Be-
neficiary Provinces he held in that Kingdoin. To this laſt Article,
King Malcolm thought fit to agree : He had already done all could
in Reaſon be expected from him, in favour of the righteous Heir,
whole Quarrel, he, and he alone, of all the Sovereigns in Europe,
had eſpous’d and vigorouſly proſecuted for ſeveral Years
. He had a-
gain and again preſented England's Darling to the People of Enga
land : They would not receive hiin from his Hands ; what could lie
do more?' 'Tis probable, that Prince Edgar himſelf (who after-
wards laid by his Claim and ſubmitted) was not deſirous, that his
Benefactor and Brother, ſhould, upon his account,continue to proſe-
cute a War, by reaſon of King William's Fortune,become hopeleſs on
his fide. All King Malcolm demanded, was, that he ſhould con-
tinue in Poffeffion of his Engliſh Territories ; and, that luch of the
Engliſh Outlaws, as were willing to return to their Country, ſhould,
upon their ſubmitting to the Government, be reſtord to their E-
ftate. A grating Article to the rapacious Normans ; yet yielded to
by their Sovereign, and to the Peace was made; and (b) in Memo-
ry of it, there was a Stone Croſs erected in the middle of the Moun-
tains of Stanmore in Yorkſhire, having the Arms of both Kings engra-
ven on the ſeveral Sides of it: And this Croſs, by the Engliſh, or ra-
ther Normans, call’d Rere Croſs, and by the Scots, Rey Croſs, that is,
the Royal Crois, was for the future to ſerve for a Boundary between
the two Kingdoms. Mr. Camden ſaw the Remainder of it, probably
ftill extant.
That, in Purſuance of the Treaty, King Malcolm did Homage to
King William, is poſitively afferted by the Engliſh and not diſown'd by
the Scots; but whether for all Scotland or the Lowlands or for Cumber-
land, as no old Engliſh Author has told, ſo the Moderns are willing
to doubt : Nay, Mr. Tyrrel, a Writer every where judicious, and
in moſt Things ingenuous does us the Honour to declare, (c) That
" Holinſhed and others of the Modern Engliſh, have, without any
" Authority from their ancient Hiſtorians, ſaid in expreſs Terms,
“ that the King of Scots, then did Homage to King William for all
« Scotland." The Teftimony of ſo great a Man, no ways inclin-
able to leſſen the Glories of his Country, is in my humble Opinion,
alone fufficient to ſilence the Tongues and efface the Writings, of
lucl as have by Word or Writing (I ſhould ſay Forging) afferted the
contrary. Theſe Seducers of Mankindand Stifflers of Concord, Sir
Thomas Craig, Sir James Dalrymple, Mr. Ridpath, and Mr. Ander-
fon, have confuted beyond the Poſſibility of a Reply : And from
them
fa, Dalrymple ibid.(1) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1072. Buchan. Boet. &c. in vit. Malcolm. (c) Tyrrel. ibid.
A
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 361
them (eſpecially from the laft mention'd). I ſhall borrow Tuch Ar-
guments, (and I ſhall do it conform to my ordinary Method, in as
few Words as poſſible) as I think neceſſary to vindicate the Memo-
ry of the Monarch (whoſe Life I write) from the ignominious Alper-
fions, Envy and Malice have caſt upon him. And,
Firſt, 'tis pretended, that this King Malcolm did Homage to Ed-
ward the Confeſor for his Kingdom of Scotland : Witneſs a Charter
extant among the Archives in Weſtminſter, publiſh'd by the Learn'd
Mr. Rymer, and tranſcribed by Mr. Ridpath and Mr: Anderſon: (a)
The Subſtance of it is, That King Malcolm and his Son Edward, Earl
of Carrick and Rotheſay, own'd that they held the Kingdom of Scot-
land of Edward King of England, Liege Lord of Scotland, doc. and
that this Charter was granted at York in the 9th Year of King Mal-
colm's Reign, with Conſent and Advice of Margaret his Confort, and
of Edgar Etheling her Brother, C.,,
The Forger of this Paper, wlioever he was, muſt needs have
been as much a Fool as Knave; equally unacquainted with Anti-
quity, one of his Trade ſhould have throughly underſtood, and
withi Honeſty , to which, tis plain he had no Pretenſion. His whole
Work (I mean the Charter) is but one continu'd Blunder : The
Character of it, is by hundreds of Years after King Malcolm's time :
Its Syllabication is modern : He makes the King to ſpeak in the
plural, which none ever did, in either of the Kingdoms, till the
Reign of King Jobn of England : He puts in his Mouth an imperti-
nent Addreſs to the King of England, in the Nature of a Prayer, Do-
mine nofter,&c. He deſigns Him Rex Scotorum & Inſularum adjacentium;
a Title, by which never any of the Kings of Scotland deſign’d them-
felves : He miſcalls his Eldeſt Son Prince Edward, by entitling
him Earl of Carrick and Rotheſay; whereas the Heirs of Scotland were
then deſign’d Princes of Cumberland, and never aſſum’d the Title of
Rorbeſ ay till the Stewarts came to the Throne; about 3 11 Years after
the Date of this Homage.He hasan affected Genealogy of Queen Mar-
garet, which is nothing at all to the Purpoſe, and makes Uſe of the
French Word, Parliament,not known in Britain till after the Conqueft.
But that which proves this Homage to be a Forgery,beyond all Con-
troverſy is the ſuppoſed Conſent of Margaret, Queen of Scotland, and
Prince Edward her Son. She was not Queen of Scotland till after the
Conqueſt, as every Body knows, and I have but juſt now from Eng-
lib Authors documented. And if, with them, we ſhall ſuppoſe her
Marriage to have been ſolemniz’d iu the Year 1070, that is, four
Years after King William invaded England, and add to theſe four-
teen more (For no ſooner could Prince Edward be capable of ſigning
a Deed of this Importance ) and to theſe again, ſome few Years in-
terveening between the Homage pay’d to King Edward and the Con-
queft of King Willium ; it follows, or, that this Prince Edward mult
have conſented to and ſubſcrib'd the Charter, about twenty Years
Y y y y
before
:
(a) Ridpath's Preface to Sir Thomas Craig's Book of Homage and the Append, to Mr. Anderfon's Hiftor:
Effay, &c
3
302 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
و
before he had a Being, and about fix before his Mother was marri-
ed; or that his Mother was married at leaſt fourteen Years before
the Death of King Edward, which is contrary to the uncontrover-
ted Accounts of all Hiſtorians whatever ; and by Conſequence, to
the Senſe of the Learnd, and the Reaſon of Mankind.
The next Argument adduc'd to prove that Malcolm was, even
as King of Scotland, a Subject of the Kings of England, is drawn
from the Laws of Edward the Confeffor, and William the Conqueror,
as publiſh'd by Mr. Lambard in his Archaionomia. Thoſe Laws I have
from Sir Thomas Craig's Oblervations, already ſhewn to be equally
favourable and honourable to Scotland and Scotſmen, ſo far as they are
genuine : But that they are not all fo, Ms. Anderſon has prov'd to
à Demonſtration. For (to lay nothing of the Exceptions hinted
at, by the moſt worthy, impartial, and eminently Learn’d, Doctor
William Nicolſon, Biſhop of Carlile, againſt Mr. Lambardºs Edition
of theſe Laws) () Mr.Lambard himſelf fairly acknowledges, that he
tranſcrib'd them from two Copies ; is the latter of which; there
were ſeveral Things not be found in the more ancient; and that theſe
Things he had caus’d print in a leſser Character. Now all thoſe Pa-
ragraphs, which point at the Superiority and Dominion of England
over Scotland, are printed in the leffer Character: A plain Proof they
are fictitious,fince not to be found in the ancient Copy. We have a
Copy of theſe Laws in Hoveden ; another in the Chronicle of Litch-
field ; a third in that of Leiceſter ; there's a fourth mention'd by the
fainous Antiqua ry, Sir Henry Spelman : In all which, there's not a
Syllable that inſinuates or imports the pretended Homage ; nor is
there any thing in Brompton, a moft exact Collector of the Engliſh
Laws, concerning thoſe of the Conqueror, to that Purpoſe. That
he fild himſelf King or Monarch of Britain, is plainly falſe : That
Pope Eleutherius, who liv’d in the Year 67, thould have written a:
Letter in 169, to King Lucius, Monarch of Britain ; and in it regu-
lated the Limits of the Britiſh Monarchy; is downright Nonſenſe.
That the famous King Arthur ſubdu'd Scotland, Ireland, Norway, Dr.
as far as Rafia, and made Eaſter Lapland the Boundary of the King.
dom of Britain, is ridiculous : That Ina was choſen by an Angel, to
be the firſt Monarch of Britain, is no leſš abſurd. In fine, that Sot-
land had its Name from one Scottus, a famous Captain, is a meer
Whim, like thoſe juſt now hinted at to be found no where upon Re-
cord, fave in thoſe Legendary Paragraphs and ſpurious Charters
hatcht by juggling Monks, or Forging Hardings, who, to purchaſe
a Penfion,(as that calumnious Fire-brand John Harding (6) did from
Henry VI. of England) or to get their Livings augmented, have by
Forging Deeds, vitiating Laws, and coining Stories, endeavour'd to
trick their Sovereigns into a Belief, that they had a Right to in-
vade and trample upon Kingdoms and Kings at their Pleaſure.
But,
و
I am
(a) Anderſ. Hiſtor. Eſſay, p. 116, 117, &c. (6) Mr. Anderf p. 105. 106. &c.
J
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 303
:
Quells into
Walter the
I am ſatisfied, that I have dwelt too long upon theſe invidious Ar-
guments, the Learn'd' and Judicious, both of the South and
North of Britain, had confuted to my Hand : I return to the Life
of King Malcolm. He had no ſooner put an End to theſe foreign
Wars, Policy, Juſtice, Gratitude, and good Nature, had made him
undertake, and carry on as long as the leaſt Hopes of Succeſs re-
main’d, but the unruly Temper of his more unciviliz'd Subjects,
cut out new Work for him at Home (a): For much about the
ſame time, thoſe of Galloway and the Æbuda, in one Part of the
Kingdom, and in another, thoſe of Murray, Caithneſs, and Roſs, ſtinc Broila
diſclaim'd the Royal Authority, took Arms, ravag’d the Country,
and committed Murthers, wherever they met with Oppoſition.
Againſt theſe, Macduff (the ſame that had ſo eminently contribu-
ted to the Reſtoration) was ſent with an Army; and againſt thoſe,
Walter, the Grandchild of the celebrated Bancho, by his Son Fleanch.
To be ſhort; luch was the Conduct and Courage of thoſe two
great Men, that in a ſhort time;.' both Rebellions were quell’d, and
the principal Authors of them exemplarly puniſh’d. But this
King was ever more forward to reward Merit, than to puniſh
Offences : He made Walter, Lord High Steward of Scotland, that son of the
is, he made him General Receiver of the Royal Revenues : And anch, made
from this Office, the now Royal Family, and all the collateral Scotland.
Branches, that have ſprung from the honour'd Stock, have their
Sirname to this Day. Macduff had done more, and was more no-
bly repaid : For the King appointed that his Pofterity ſhould have
the Honour of placing the ſucceeding Kings, when about to be
Crown'd, in the Chair of State : That they lhould lead the. Van of
the Royal Armies : And that if any of his Family ſhould be guil-
ty of the unpremeditated Slaughter of a Gentleman, he ſhould pay
Merks of Silver, as a Fine, and but 12, if of a Plebeian. This
lait Law was obſery'd; (if we may believe Buchanan) as long as any
of that Family were in Being; which if true, the Poſterity of Mac-Macduff
,
duff did not laſt till the Days of Buchanan; tho other Authors on the ſaid to be the
contrary aſſert, That the noble Family and preſent Earl of Weems Anceftor of
have the Honour of being deſcended from that illuſtrious Patriot : Family of
Witneſs theſe Verſes done by Mr. John Johnſton to his praiſe;
Exilium vici, Regem in fua regna reduxi,
Subjeciqne armis colla tyranna meis.
Addo decus priſcis meritis, monumenta vetuſta
Servat adhuc rerum Vemifana domus.
Credità res pole haud fieri hæc niſi Cæfaris armé ;
Cæſar ego caſa de genitrice feror.
24
the Weems.
?
The ſame Poet has alſo celebrated the Praiſes of the firſt Stewart,
as follows;
Y yyy 2
Armo-
(2) Boeth. Bucban, in vin. Reg,
304 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
1
1
to thoſe, or the Children of thoſe that had ſuffer'd under the late
Armorum felix domui virtute rebelles,
Pramia magnanimo Principe dante tuli.
Reddidi avis decus antiquum, gens
alta
nepotum
Sceptrigerum per me nomina tanta gerit.
His creſce auſpiciis fanguis meus ; addite fatis
Fata meis; etenim vos meliora manent.
Theſe two, it ſeems, were the largeſt Sharers in the Favours
and Rewards of this King: But he was bountiful to all, eſpecially
Uſurpation. He did not think, that naked Loyalty would ever be
proof againft Temptations; or, that upon the ungrateful Suppofiti-
on, that Friends would ſtill be ſo, 'twas Politick to neglect them,
in order to win over Enemies. On the contrary, he very well
underſtood, that Rebels are to be born down, till they come to
learn, that 'tis their Intereſt to be Loyal; and that Loyaliſts muſt be
encouraged, not ſo much that they may perſevere in the Will (for
that Men of folid-Principles will ever do) as that they may have
Power to guard the Perfon, and ſupport the Government of their
Sovereign. He therefore, upon the Entrance of his Reign, con-
veen'd an Aſſembly of the Nobles and Clergy at Forfar; and the ve-
ry firſt thing he did, was to gratify thoſe that had been inſtrumental
towards his Reſtoration, and to dedomage ſuch, as Macbeth had,
upon his own, or his Father's Account, injur’d. To theſe, or the
Offspring of theſe brave Men, he either reſtor's or gave ('tis
hard to tell which). Tenements and Baronies of Land; from the
Names of which, many ancient Families, yet extant, have their
Sirnames Sirnames. Boethius mentions theſe following; the Gordons, Setons,
ducd into Leſlies, Lockharts, Abercrombies, Meinzieſes, Learmonts, Lauders,
Meldrums, Calders, Shaws, Strachans, Rattrays, Dundaffes, Cockburns,
Mars, Myrtouns, &c. Nor were his Rewards confin’d to the Loya-
liſts of his own Kingdom, He heap'd Benefits upon thoſe of Eng-
land; whence 'twas, that ſuch Multitudes left their native Soil
,
and ſo obſtinately adher’d to their legal: Prince, Edgar Etheling.
Thoſe the Conqueror was, by the Treaty of Peace, oblig’d to re-
ſtore to their Eſtates : But a great many of them chole rather to
breath a free Air, under a bountiful Patron, than to enjoy the
moſt plentiful Fortunes, under the Arbitrary Sway of one they con-
fider'd as an Uſurper. From theſe are deſcended the Maxwels,
Lindſays, Ramſays, Preſtons, Sandilandfes, Bilats, and a great many
more Families; ſtill extant and flouriſhing; as are alſo the Mauls, Fo-
theringhams, Lürthwicks, &c. whoſe Anceſtors are ſaid to have come
from Hungary, and belong’d to the Retinue of Agatha, the Wife of
Edward, the Outlaw of England; and of Margaret, the Queen of
the Scots.
Theſe illuſtrious Foreigners, eſpecially the Engliſh, were accep-
table to King Malcolm; becauſe they were, as his own Wife, for
their Loyalty, baniſh'd from England. But becauſe he himſelf had
got
Scotland.
ri
--
..
m
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland. 365
Conqueror
got Engliſh Education : And as Education of Youth very much in:
Huences the Opinions, Manners, Maximes and Actions of Manhood,
and old Age ; lo he preferr’d the Engliſh Language, their Dreſs and
Cuſtoms, to thoſe of his native Country. The Scots were; in
his Opinion, too coarſe in their Apparel, too favage in their Way
of Living, too Fierce and Reſenting, and conſequently Unquiet,
Mutinous, and apt to commit thoſe Barbarities, that had been fa
tal to ſo many of the beſt of his Anceſtors. He had a Mind to po-
liſh and civilize the Nation: The Deſign was reaſonable, but the
Means he employ'd were altogether improper : For the then Eng- Manners of
liſh had Vices, by far more dangerous to the State, than thoſe he the Scots and
labour'd to correct in the Scots. Theſe laſt were, if compar'd with the Days of
politer Nations, Barbarous and Wild ; but then they were Hardy,Ro-Male
bancare
buft, Sober, contented with Little, patient of Hardſhips, Lovers of William the
their Country, unanimous in the Defence of it, and every way
fitted for the moſt daring Atchievements. Theſe Qualifications had
enabld them to reſiſt thoſe Swarms of Barbarians that conquer’d
all other Nations, their Neighbours: Whereas, the Engliſh, whoſe
Manners they were now unhappily invited to imitate, had added
the Gluttony and Drunkenneſs of the Danes, to that Effeminacy fo
natural to all thoſe that live in rich and plentiful Countries (a).
Piety, and all good Literature were become unfaſhionable, even
among the Clergy: The Monks were cloathed in fine Stuffs and ob-
ſerv’d not the Rules of their Orders : The Nobles were given up
to Idling, and a diſſolute Life, neglected the Service of the Church,
made a Prey of the common People, debauch:d their Daughters,
and then turn’d them to the Stews; while the meaner Sort ſpent
Night and Day, and their whole Subſtance in Rioting and Feaſting,
and practis'd all thoſe Enormities, which effeminate both the Bo-
dy and Mind: In ſum, the Generality of the Engliſh Nation (for
ail were not alike) ripend for Servitude, were to fooliſhly vain,
that they laded their Arms with golden Bracelets, and mark'd their
Skins with diverſe Images: And at the ſame time were ſo ſhameleſly
indulging to their inordinate Appetites,that they would eat till they
ſurfeited, and drink till they vomited. Theſe laſt Vices they com-
municated to the Normans, their Conquerors, who, in Exchange
taught them thoſe Arts, and introduc'd thoſe Cuſtoms among them,
which (by their own Induſtry, and the continual Concourſe of
other Foreigners,they are ſtill ſo wiſe as to welcome and encourage)
have made their naturally fertile Country, one of the Richeſt, and,
in every Reſpect, moſt Flouriſhing in the World. So that, as I have
elſewhere oblerv'd from Engliſh Authors, England was better’d. by
being undone : And it may be ſaid of that fortunate, tho then di-
ſtreſsd, People, Periiſſet nifi periiffet. : Nature has not been by far ſo
bountiful to the Northern, as to the Southern Part of the Iſland :
Yet Scotland has thoſe nåtive Advantages from its Situation, its Ri-
vers, its Harbours and golden Seas, (I may ſay ſo without Exagge-
Z z 2 z
ration)
(2) Echard, Book I. chap. 6. p. 133.
S
306 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
1
+
1
ration) which, if artfully improv’d, might render its frugal, brave,
healthy and laborious Inhabitants (for ſuch are ſtill the moſt
Part of Scotſmen ; whom Faction, Self-intereſt, mean Pride, and
thameleſs Luxury, have not quite debauch’d) ſecond to none but
the Engliſh in Wealth or Power. This we now hope the Engliſh
will, for their own Sakes, endeavour to Effect : But then they
could not, for the Reaſons I have expreſs’d. What they could,
they did ; that is, they taught us their Saxon Language, which
till ſoftn’d and polith’d, by being allay'd with the Latine and French,
was as harſh and uncouth as our own; which our Anceſtors had done
better to have tranſmitted to their Poſterity, who no doubt had re-
fin'd it ere now. With their Language, they brought in thofe De-
grees and Titles of Honour, Vanity is ſtill fo fond of, tho in reality
no better nor leſs barbarous, than the Deſignations of Thane and
Abthane, formerly in uſe. But, which was worſe, they introduc'd
all theſe modifh Vices, the Nation deteſted before; ſuch as Vanity
of Apparel, Magnificenice in Featting, Voracioutneſs in Eating, Mad-
neſs in Drinking, Softreſs in Bedding, Riot, Luxury, Effeininacy,
Loofneſs and Exceſs in all Things, but Acts of Honour and Vertue.
Moſt Part of the Nation, the Nobles eſpecially, devour'd the plea-
fing Bait, and ran headlong into Debauchery, which they miſcalid
by the falſe Names of Politeneſs and Gallantry. By good Luck the
provident King began very early to take notice of the growing
Miſchief: He wiſely forſaw that ſuch Courſes would prove the
Ruin, not only of Religion and Piety, but of military Diſcipline;
and by conſequence uſher in thoſe Means of Subjection and Con-
queſt, by which England had been ſo lately enſlav’d. He therefore
reform’d his own Court with great Exactneſs, and afterwards made
mation of ſumptuary Laws, very ſevere, and as ſeverely put them in Execution.
Other Laws or Cuftoms, tending to Looſneſs or Sin, he abrogated;
particularly that infamous one of Ewen, the Heathen, by which the
Landlord or Superior, when the Widow, Daughter, or Servant-
Maid of the Vallal was married, liad a Priviledge to anticipate the
Bridegroom in the Enjoyment of his Bride. In lieu of this unexam-
pld Priviledge, he ſubſtituted a Metk of Silver, payable by the
married couple to the Landlord; and this Payment is to this Day
call’d Marcheta mulierum. As in England, fo likewiſe in Scotland,
Churchmen had begun to degenerate from the Learning and Piety
of their celebrated Predeceſſors : And whereas Scotſmen had former-
ly been the Apoſtles of Heatheniſh, and Maſters of Chriſtian Na-
tions, (for to theſe they had by their Le&tures and Pens reſtor’d the
liberal Sciences; and thoſe, by their perſuaſive Sermons, and yet
more eloquent Lives, converted to Chriſtianity) they now wanted
thoſe Treaſures of Knowledge and Vertue, they had ſo liberally be-
ftow'd upon others. Of the four Scots Biſhopricks, only two, that
of St. Andrew's, and that of Murthlack, preſerv'd the Spirit of Reli-
gion, and Vigour of Diſcipline. Thoſe of Glaſgow and Whithorn,
had retain'd nothing of their eininent Founders, Kentigern and Ni-
Malcolm en-
deavours
the Refor:
Manners.
.
nian,
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland
307
nian, but a Veneration for their Names. Theſe laft
, the King took
Care to reform, by appointing Learn’d and Exemplary Men to go-
vern them : And, to theſe four Sees I have mention'd, he added two
more, that of Murray and that of Caithneſs ; böth which he fill'd
with able and good Prelates.
Theſe were Actions becoming a Magnificent and Chriſtian
King; but they were ſuch, as Uſurpers and Tyrants have perform’d
as well as he; or, out of Policy, to delude the People, and oblige
the Clergy; or, from an erroneous Opinion, that by theſe petty
Compliments put upon the Deity, that ſtood in no need of them, their
crying Iniquities, Slaughter, Rebellion, Perjury, doc, might be ob-
literated ; ſo that (notwithſtanding King Malcolm's ſollicitous Care
towards the Reformation of his Subje&ts ) he had done nothing in
my Opinion commendable, had he not begun by reforming himſelf.
He did both : And, next to the prevailing Grace of God, he ow'd
all the moſt ſhining Performances of his Life and Reign, to the
prudent and eminently pious Endeavours of his incomparable Con-
fort, Queen Margaret. The moſt copious Languages want Words;
and Oratory,Figures, fit to expreſs the exalted Merits of this vertuous
Woman, the wifeſt of Men could not find out. Turgot, her own
Confeffor, an Engliſhman of undoubted Veracity and good Learning;
wrote her Life, and that of her Husband. Others have copied af-
ter him ; and if from theſe I ſhould but collect, and ſét dowń theſe
Things they have recorded, I ſhould be thought to write Fables ;
at leaſt, to exchange the Character of an Hiſtorian or Biographer,
for that of a Panegyriſt. She (a) was no ſooner ſeated
Vertues cĖ
Throne, but ſhe baniſh'd from about it all the Diſorders and Im-
St. Margaret;
pieties that wait upon Great Ones : Lewdneſs, Intrigue, Slander,
Calumny, Envy, had no footing in her Court ; Vertue, and no-
thing but Vertue, was-countenanc'd: Charity eſpecially, the recom-
mended to others, and practis'd her ſelf; feeding, with her Royal
Hands, about threeſcore indigent Perſons at a time, and every Day
waſhing the Sores,and dreſſing the Wounds of fix of the moſt abject and
miſerable. When ſhe went abroad about the Affairs of the King-
dom, or her Devotions, a Troop of Widows and Orphans would
circle her on all Sides as their Mother : She heard their Cryes with
Compaffion and Patience, and by her Liberality draind up the
Source of their Tears. Her Prayers were fervent and frequent : And
ſhe not only often receiv'd the Sacrament of the Euchariſt; but by
reviving the Cuſtom of Eaſter-Communion, then in dif-ule, made all
thoſe that would not be thought ſcandalous to do the like. The Abuſes
crept in about the Obſervation of Lent, ſhe alſo took away; and
The fo far prevaild upon the good Diſpoſition of the King, that had
his Royal Authority been ſufficient to bring about a thorow Refor-
mation in the Church and State, the National Sins, I mean Quar.
rels, Fewds, Murders, Rapines, had been quite eradicated, and no
Acceſs had been given to the Foreign ones, I mention'd:But the Dil-
Z z 2 2 2
ea ſe
(a) Dr. Mackenzie, in the Life of St. Elred,
upon the
308 The Life of Malcolm Canmore Book II.
ry,
eafe was Epidemick and fierce, and the Remedies employ’d, did in-
deed palliate and allay the more frighting Symptoms, but were not
able (as generous as they were) to effect à Cure.
King Malcolm was thus bufily employ’d'in reforming and ſettling
his Kingdom of Scotland, when William the Conqueror, King of Eng-
land,died. He was ſucceeded by his ſecond Son, William Rufus ; or,
becauſe he would ſhew the World, that he could diſpoſe of England,
his own Conqueſt, as he pleas'd ; or, out of Reſentment againit Ro-
bert, the Duke of Normandy his Eldeſt Son, who had formerly taken
Arms againſt him ; or, by Reaſon that he thought the haughty,da-
ring, and cruel Temper of William, were Qualities; more proper
for ape, who was to govern a Nation, but lately ſubdu'd, and na-
turally ſtubborn, than the mild and eaſy Diſpoſition of Róbert. This
laſt however could not well brook the Affront put upon him : He
A. D.1091. quarrell’d with his Brother, but was foon foild, and brought to
Terms of Peace ; one of the Effects of which, was this. King Wil-
ļiam, jealous of Edgar Etheling, who, by his Reconciliation with the
Conqueror, was poffefs’d of a great Eſtate in Normandy, caus’d
Duke Robert (a) deprive him of his Lards, and baniſh hin out of
the Country. The injur’d Prince had
Recourſe to his uſual Sanctua-
the Court of his Brother-in-Law,King Malcolm; and ſo came into
Scotland as before. The King of Scots, no doubt,reſented his Quarrel :
And he could du no leſs in favour of ſo near a Relation, for whom he
had done ſo much before; and the rather becauſe he himſelf had ob.
tain'd from the Father, thoſe Poffeffions the Children had unjuſtly
reſum'd. This, I take it, was the Occaſion of the Breach that en-
ſud betwixt hiin and King William: For, if we may believe the Eng-
out between liſh, (b) Malcolm was the firſt Aggreſſor, and ſay they, took Advan-
Malcolm an- tage of their King's Abſence, and invaded Northumberland ; which, to
William Ru- be ſure, a Prince fo religiouſly ſcrupulous as he was become, and
now ſo‘old, had never done, unleſs provok'd by ſome notable Injury.
S:ofs Authors (í) ſeem to deny the Matter of Fact, and aſcribe the
War to nothing elſe, but the irreligious and incroaching Humour of
"William, who, they fay, pick'd a Quarrel, and ſurpriz'd the Caſtle
of Alnwick at that time poſſeſs’d by the Scots. This is the inore likely,
becauſe 'tis own’d; that when a Treaty of Peace was afterwards ſét
on foot, the King of England did oblige himſelf to reſtore to Malcoln
(d) twelve Mannors, which he had formerly held of his Father ;
à Proof that he had previouſly ſeiz'd them. However, 'tis certain,
that in 1091, King Malcolm did invade Northumberland, where he
was like to have made a conſiderable Progreſs'; had he not been
hindred by, I know not what Accident, Hiſtory does not relate.
He retreated ſuddenly and unexpectedly, for God would have , it ſo,
ſay the Monaſtick Hiſtorians of England; but his Army carried a-
way great Store of Booty along with them.
In Auguſt following, King William, and his Brother, Duke Robert,
inarch'd upon the head of a numerous Army to Scotland, whither
they
fa) Echard ad Ann, 1991.(6) Echard, Tyrrel,&c,ibid.(c)Boeth, Buchan.&c.in vit. Reg:(d)Echạrd. Tyrrelibid:
War breaks
و
fus K. of
England,
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland 300
:
0-
Peace.
they had ſent a great Fleet before, to annoy the Coaft : But this
Fleet was much ſhatter'd by Tempeſts, and moſt of the Ships loſt
or diſpers’d; ſo that King William muſt wholly rely on the Numbers
and Courage of his Land Army; and of that too he had loſt a great
many, by Hunger and long Marches. Theſe Diſaſters (whoever
invades the Mountanous Parts of Scotland, muſt expect to meet with)
made William to know, that, as the King of Scots would not be bul
ly’d, ſo he was not eaſily to be beaten out of his Rights. This
Truth he was yet more convinc'd of, when, as ſome write, Robert
de Moubray, Earl of Northumberland , or, as others, Duke Rebert, his
Brother, had view'd the Scots Army, and inform’d him of their Num-
bers, and Reſolution to fight : He then found that he had advanc'd
too far, and endeavour'd to find out the means of retreating with
Honour. His Brother did him the friendly Office : He underſtood
that Edgar Etheling was in the Scots Army; he apply'd to him,
thers ſay, (a) to King Malcolm himſelf, who entertain'd him kindly
for the Space of three Days in his Camp, and propos’d Terms of
Accommodation. They were ſuch as Malcolm accepted of, nor
Makes
could he in Reaſon decline them' : For his Brother-in-Law, Edgar
Etheling was again reſtor’d to his Eftate ; and the King of England,
not only gave up the twelve Towns or Mannors, in Diſpute, but alſo
oblig'd himſelf to pay every Year twelve Merks of Gold to the
Scottiſh King, with this Proviſo, That Malcolm ſhould yield the ſame
Obedience to King William, which, by the laſt Treaty, he had yiel-
ded to his Father, that is, that the King of Scotland ſhould do
Homage to the King of England, for the Lands he poffefs'd in that
Kingdom, as the Kings of England ever did to thoſe of France, while
they were in Poffeffion of French Territories.
"Tis probable, that this Treaty was concluded, not in Lothian, as
fome would have it,(6) but in York-Shire,at a Place then call'd Loyden,
now Leeds,to which King William,bad found himſelf,by Reaſon of his
great Loffes,oblig'd to retreat and where he met with King Malcolm who
a little before,is ſaid, by Engliſh Hiſtorians (c)to have march'd with
his Army from Scotland into Lothene in England. The Sound and Re-
ſemblance of theſe Words Loyden and Lothian (which Authors have
converted into Latin as they thought fit) have occafion'd the Scots
Country Lothian, and the Engliſh Loyden, to be frequently miſtaken
for one another : And this Miſtake has furniſh'd Mr. Atwood and on
thers, with a groundleſs Argument whereby they pretend to prove,
that Lothian was of old a Part of Northumberland, or England,and that
this King Malcolm did Homage for it to King William. But 'tis ac-
knowledged by Ordericus Vitalis, that, at that Time Lothian was a
Part of Scotland: And Sir James Dalrymple (d) has from a great ma-
ny Engliſh Writers, Ancient and Modern, ſuch as Florence, Simeon,
Brompton, Camden, Tyrrel, doc, evinc'd, that by theſe Words (An-
cient Authors make uſe of) Lothene in Anglia, Loidis, Provincia
Loudicenſis, and the like ; Leeds in York-Shire is to be underſtood :
Ааааа:
For
(2) Orderic. Vitalis. (P.701. (b) Tyrrel. lib. 4. p. 185. (1) Chron. Sax, ad And. 1093. (d) p. 193.
/
mwa
2
370 Fbe Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
again.
و
For which whether King Malcolm or any other Scots Kingdid Homage
tothe Kings of England,no Scotſman is concern’d to inquire. Be it as it
And quarrel will, the Peace laſted not long. King Malcolm had too much Ho.
nour and. Advantage by it ; at leaſt King William thought ſo : He
ſcorn'd perhaps to become in ſome Meaſure Tributary, tho for a
ſmall Sum, to one unequal to himſelf in Power, and in one Reſpect
his Vaſſal. Perhaps he lik’d not to have a Vallal, that both could
and would, when Occaſions were offer’d, controul his - Deſpotick
Commands. For theſe or the like Reaſons, he fail'd in Perfomance
of ſome Things agreed to: Malcolm complain'd of this Breach of
Faith by his Ambaſſadors ; (a) and the Engliſh Nobility;ſollicitous to
perpetuate the Peace, (b) propos’d an Interview of the two Kings
which accordingly was conſented to, and Malcolm was condu.
<ted with great Honour to Glocefter, the Place appointed for their
Meeeting. But the haughty William us’d him uncivilly, and, fay
the Engliſh, refus’d to admit him into his Preſence, unleſs he would
do Homage to him in his own Court. Had he only defird, or not
pretended to exact or force this Piece of Complaiſance , I ſee no
great Reaſon, why Malcolm fhoud not have humour'd hiin ſo far;
but he was not to be Hector’d into any thing unufual: For himſelf and
his Predeceffors had wont to make their Acknowledgement to the
Kings of England, no where but in the Confines of both Kingdoms;
that is, where the Beneficiary Lands (for which the Acknowledge-
ment was made) did ly. He therefore left Gloceſter in a great Dil
content, and reſolv'd to do himſelf that Right King William had de-
ny’d. With this View, he rais d a great Army, invaded England,
and made great Devaſtations as far as Alnwick. He ſat down before
that Place and reduc'd it to that Extremity,that thoſe within were
forc'd to treat of a Surfender. Accordingly, Robert Msubray, the Go-
vernor , or, as others write, Moreal of Bebanburgh his Steward, came
out on Horſe back, with the Keys of the Caſtle on the Point of his
Spear, and preſented them to the King, as if he' deſign'd to ſurrén-
der. The King, and indeed every Body elſe, believ'd him fincere :
But in ſtead of doing what he pretended, he treacherouſly run his
Spear into the King's Eyes and leaving him half dead, wás carried
off by the Swiftneſs of his Horſe; on the Confidence of whoſe Heels,
he undertook the memorable Enterprize. Prince Edward his Eldeft
Son purfu'd the Villain, with great Haſte and no Precaution, and
thereby fell into an Ambulh, laid on Purpoſe to favour Moubray's E-
ſcape, and was alſo Nain. So ſay, all the Scots. Hiſtorians: And
. fome of them add, That from this inglorious Action of Robert Mors-
bray, the Piercies,his Off-ſpring did derive their Name and Origine.
A.D. 1093: The Engliſe () deny the Matter of Fact ; and on the contrary allert,
that both King Malcolm and Prince Edward were kill'd in Battle ;
that the Scots Army were routed, and that moſt of it, either fell by
the Sword or periſhed, in the Rivers, ther much ſwell’d: bythe Win-
ter
MalcolmCan.
more kill'd.
Läs
(a) Chron. Sax. ai dan.1993. Dalrymple Chap. 8. (b) Florent. Simeon and Hoveden cited by Dalrymp.
ibid. (c) Boet, Buchan. Sac. in vit. Reg. (d) Echard, Tyrra, &c. ad Ann. 1993:
ܝܐ ܀
Chap. Il. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland 37. 1
A
f
ter Rains, as they were retreating to Scotland. This is the more
probable, ſays Mr. Tyrrel, becauſe the King's Corps remaind in the
Power of the Engliſh, and, being found among the Slain, was by
two Country Fellows put in a Cart, and buried in the Monaſtery of
Tinmouth.
'Tis true, that he was firſt buried in that Monaſtery, which was
at no great Diſtance, and might have belong’d to the Scots in thoſe
Days : Nor is it Matter of Wonder, that the Army, being dif-
courag’d, by the double Loſs of a King, and a King's eldett Son
and Heir, ſhould have interr’d them both, where Conveniency al-
low'd, and Decency did not hinder : But that two Country Fel-
lows ſhould have perform’d that Office to the Corps of a King, is
highly improbable: The Engliſh Nation was ever Generous : Had
they gain'd a Victory, and killd the Scots King in Battle, to be
ſure, the General had taken care of his Corps, and either convoy'd
it to Scotland, or at leaſt buried it with Honour and Reſpect. But
Otis a Miftake that a Victory was obtain'd, or that a Battle was
fought, or, if any ſuch thing happen'd, it may not be impertinent to
ask, Who were kill’d on either ſide, beſides the two Princes? How
many Colours, what Priſoners were taken? In fine, Why did not
the Victors purſue their Advantage ? They had never
, a fairer Op-
portunity : For all turn’d to Confuſion in Scotland, in a very ſhort
time; and the Uſurper Donald Bane had never been able to have
expeil'd, as he did, thoſe Engliſh, his Brother King Malcolm had ſet-
tled in Scotland; and at the fame time to have repulsd an Engliſh
Army, Aufh'd with recent Victory, and animated with almoſt in-
fallible Hopes of an eafy Conqueft.
Queen Margarét, (a), worn out by her conſtant Watching, fre-
quent Fafting, and the other Auſterities of her inimitable Lité, lay
Sick in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, whilſt her Husband was carrying
on the Siege of Alnwick. Four Days before her Death, ſhe was
more than uſually ſad, and, expreſſing a very deep Concern to those
about her, ſhe told them. That a great Misfortune had hap-
pen’d to the Kingdom. They took this for an effect of her Mala-
dy, and thought that ſhe was raving ; but, they were foon unde-
ceivd : For within two Days, her Son Prince Edgar arriv'd from
the Camp, and, at her earneft Intreaty, acquainted her with the
diſnal News. She was not at all diſmay'd, but thank'd God, that
had thought her worthy to undergo thoſe Tryals fhe hop'd would
refine her Soul, and conſume the Droſs of her "Sins: Then ſhe let
a few Tears drop from her 'melting Eyes, and emitted many pious
Ejaculations to Heavert, whither her happy Soul, now diſengag'd from
all Attachments on Earth, in a few Minutes follow'd. 'Twere St. Marga
rah, if not Criminal, to think otherwiſe of a Princeſs, endow'd with
all thoſe Vertues which make the Saints. The Church of Rome
honours her' with the Title; places her' as fuch in their Kalendar,
and celebrates her Feaſt on the roth of June, the Day on which
Aaa a'à 2
flie
ret Dics.
(1) Dr. Mackenzie in the Life of St. Alred.
372 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
of Malcolm
Canmore.
ſhe expir'd. Her Body was carried with Royal Pomp to the Mo-
naſtery of Dumfermling, and interr'd in the Church of the moft Ho.
ly Trinity, ſhe her ſelf had built: Thither alſo was that of her Hus-
band afterwards tranſlated.
He had Reing’d 33 Years, when he died, fighting for Honour
Character and Juſtice: Theſe had been his favourite Vertues, during the
whole Courſe of his Life. He had ſo much of the firſt, that he
could not ſit down with the leaſt Affront offer'd to his Royal Per-
ſon or Dignity, no not when a very old Man; and which is
more,
a moft Religious Chriſtian : But he knew that the Character of a
Chriſtian, is not incompatible with that of a King, and that Kings
may, and ought when in their Power, not only to ſeek (for that's
allow d to every Body) but to take Reparation for Wrongs. King
Malcolm did it on all Occaſions ; but he did it openly and honou-
rably, indeed too much ſo ſometimes : Witneſs the fingle Combat
he fairly offer'd to a private Man his own Subject, nay, a Traitor
he could have Sentenc'd to die, yet nobly pardon'd. A proof that
he was not, as Mr. Tyrrel writes of him, Ton apt to revenge the leaſt
Injuries. Revenge is a mean and abject Paffion; and 'twas beneath
hiin to ſeek it: But he ſtood upon his Honour, and would ſuffer
nothing derogatory to the Crown he wore.
He had many Wars,
but never an unjuit one. The firſt he manag’d in Perſon, was a-
gainſt the Tyrant Macbeth; and whether he expreſs’d more Pru-
dence, before he undertook it by the Sollicitations of Macduff, or
Courage in proſecuting it, notwithſtanding Earl Sward with his
Engliſh Auxiliaries had been recallid, is not eaſy to determine.
The Civil, Wars, he was afterwards forcd upon by the riotous Dif-
poſition of the Highlanders, I ſuppoſe no Body will arraign. But
Sir James Dalrymple ſeems to diſcommend his tenacious Attachment
to the Intereſt of his Brother-in-Law, Edgar Etheling, and is of Opi-
nion, that he thereby, rather diminiſb'd than increasd the Dominions left
him by his Predeceſſors, and that he was overmatch'd by his Cotemporary
King William the Conqueror. If he loft Part of his Dominions and
was overmatch'd notwithſtanding he had the whole Engliſh Nobility,
on his Side, he had been much more ſo, had he made no Party in
England at all. Had he fitten ſtill, and ſuffer'd the Torrent to run
on, he himſelf had probably been ſwallow'd up at laft: And all the
Reward the Scots Olyffes could have expected from the Norman Gy-
ant, was, what Poliphemus promis'd to the Grecian Heroe, that he
would devour his Friends one after another, and reſerve him
for the laſt Morfel. If then King Malcolm faild in his Politicks
with reference to his Wars with William the Conqueror, 'twas only
in this that he fail'd: He ſhould have oppos’d him upon
his
very firſt Entrance into England, cruſh'd his budding Grandeur, and
joind with King Harold, or any Body, rather than to have permit-
ted a Prince of his Power and Character, to conquer a neighbouring
Kingdom. He knew not, it ſeems, how far Stateſmen and Di-
vines have thought it lawful to make War, for no other Cauſe or
Reaſon
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland 373
Realon, but meerly to keep Danger afar off, and Neighbours within
Bounds: Principiis obfta. The Ballance of Power in this land
(his greateſt, if not only Concern) was, by his Remiſneſs, fix'd on the
Conqueror's Side; before he was aware of the Danger that threat-
ned his own Dominion's. Perhaps he thought that the Engliſh, fo
naturaly Brave, would have been allo fo Wiſe, as to re-unite their
whole Forces, and by their own native Strength retrieve the loſt
Battle of Hoſtings. Perhaps, lyke fome of his Pofterity, lie bad
not Freedom of Conſcience to quarrel with a Sovereign, who as yet
had never injur'd him, nor to be over forward in medling with the
Concerns of a People not his own. But how ſoon he was invited
to the Support of Equity; I mean, how foon the Exild Royal Fa-
mily of England fought Protection from him, he afforded it gene-
rouſly; and tho he meț not with the Encouragements, he had reaſon
to look for, yet he kept his royal Word, ventur’d his Life, and,
which was niore, his Crown; and riever put up his Sword, till he
had obtain'd ſuch Conditions for the rightful Heir, as this laſt. was
content to accept of. If he reſtor’d him not to the Throne of his
Anceſtors, being (by the Iniquity of the Times, and the Fortune of
a prevailing Invader) over-match’d, he could not help it: Provi-
dence had its own unſearchable Ends : And 'twas not the firſt time
that,
1
Victrix cauſa Diis placuit, fed victa Catoni.
,!
A's Cato, invincibly ſtiff, he adher’d, to the laft, to that Cauſe, he and
all good Men thought the Jutteft. He made nothing by it for
himielf, but ratlier diminiſhid than increas’d the Dominións left him by his
Predeceſſors : But Vertue 'never fails of being rewarded ſooner or lat-
ter: And his Offspring have found it; nay, England, to this Day muft
needs acknowledge, that, to his Obſtinacy in the Proſecution of
thafe Wars, he 'undertook in behalf of the Saxon Race of their
Kings, the popular Laws, Rights and Priviledges they ſtill enjoy
and boaſt of, are in 'a great Meaſure owing: This may feem a Pa-
radox at firſt view ; but 'tis a Truth: For 'tis plain, from the
whole Conduet of King William I. and 'particularly from the mani-
feſt Violation of the Oaths he took to govern by their ancient Laws,
that he had never taken, much leſs kept them, but for the
continual Dread of Invaſions from abroad, and Inſurrections at
home. Molt part of thefe were made, and all theſe encourag'd
by the King of Scots, and the Engliſh Nobility he entertain'd in Scot-
lind; inſomuch that he has the Honour of both. But King Wil-
liam violated his Oaths ånd Laws. ?Tis true, but ſtill he was a lead-
mg Example to the Kings, his Succeffors, and After-Generations
were thereby taught to ask and force from them, thoſe Grants, they
nor he durft ſcarcely refuſe. This I take notice of the rather, be-
caufe fome Engliſh (notwithſtanding the whole Nation did then, and
and have ſince reap'd ſuch valuable Benefits from this King's gene-
Bbb b b
TOUS
•
374 The Life of Malcolm Canmore, Book. II.
}
rous Endeavours to retrieve their loft Liberties) do neverthelefs tax
him with Cruelty in his way of making War, and (a) miſconſtruct
his laſt Diſaſter, as A Puniſhment for the five Devaſtations be made in
England. God Almighty beſt knows, for what Reaſons and Ends
he fometimes permits the beſt of Endeavours to be fruſtrated, the
beſt of Cauſes to be worſted, and the beſt of Men to meet with that
Fate, we think, ſhould attend but the worſt. King Malcolm and
his whole Family often ſtruggld with, and were fometimes over-
power'd by, Adverſity, the certain Adverſary of Juſtice and juſt
Men : But upon the Main, Heaven was propitious to him, and
he was viſiblý bleſs’d, during his Life, with a happy Reſtoration, a
glorious Reign, and an incomparable Wife ; and after his Death,
with a ſecond Reſtoration of his Children, and with Children as
happy as Diadems could make them, and as good as Nature could
frame, and Vertue accompliſh.
Of the fix Sons, (b) he had by Queen Margaret, the eldeſt was
Èdward: He died Nobly in Purſuit of the Coward that murtherd his
Father. The ſecond, callid Ethelred, was cut off by Sickneſs in his
Youth. The third callid Edmund , in Imitation of his Grandmo.
ther Agatha, and Aunt Chriſtina, forſook the World and its Vani-
ties, and dedicated himſelf to the Service of God in a Cloyſter.
The other three, Edgar, Alexander and David, reign'd ſucceſſively:
The laſt was, as his Father, a Heroe and as his Mother a Saint; an
Affertion more true than credible, as I ſhall evince in his Life. As
for Edgar and Alexander, the one was juſtly firnam’d Probus, and
the other Acer; and we have theſe Characters of them froin St. Æl
red Abbot of Riedwall
, “ Edgar, ſays he was of a mild and ami-
“able Temper, and, in every thing, like to his Grand-Uncle, King
« Edward the Confeſor: He had nothing in his Nature that was in-
“tereſted, harſh or Tyrannical, and he governd his Subjects, as
a Father, with Affection and Kindneſs. Alexander again was,
as his Brother, to Churchmen and Monks amiable and humble
“ but to the reſt of his Subjects, beyond Expreſſion, terrible: He
was a Prince of a great Spirit, and of an uncommon Reach, ex-
tending his Thoughts and Cares to every thing. The Courage
" of his Heart, was greater than the Strength of his Body: He was
" Learnd, &c.
Beſides his Male Iſſue, King Malsolm had two Daughters, by the
fame Queen Margaret, Matilda and Mary. Matilda was brought up
in a Monaſtery with her Grandmother and Aunt; from whence
ſhe was not eaſily drawn, tho to be the Wife of King Henry, the
beſt and greateſt of the three Sons of William the Conqueror. In
her Perſon, the old Engliſh Race was replac'd on the Throne of Eng,
land; and from her are deſcended all the Emperors, Kings and
Princes, who Glory to have drawn their Grandeur from the illu-
ftrious Houſes of York and Lancaſter. She was, for her many Ver-
tues and eminent Bounty, firnam'd the Good : And of her it was ſaid;
Proſpera
(-1) Dalrymple, chap. 8. (1). Boeth. Buchan, in vit. Malcolm. Dr. Mackenzie in the Life of St, Ælred,
66
CC
6C
(6
t
1.
no
Chap. II. The Eighty Sixth King of Scotland 375
Prospera non latam fecere, non aſpera triſtem :
Aſpera riſus ei proſpera terror erant.
Nun decor effecit fragilem, non ſceptra ſuperbam,
Sola potens humilis, fola pudica decens.
1
i
.
Mary was married to Euftace, Count of Bulloign, Brother to the
Immortal Godfrey King of Jeruſalem : From her are alſo deſcended a
Glorious and long laſting Race of Heroes and Sovereigns.; amongſt
the reſt, the Dukes of Bulloign and Auvergn; whence the late ſo much
celebrated Turrene , to whoſe Valour, and more thani Cæfarean
Conduct, Lewis XIV. of France is indebted for all theſe admird
Actions, which begot him the Sirnáme of Great, and laid the Foun-
dation of that ſo much dreaded Grandeur and Power, the united
Politicks, Forces and Treaſures of Europe have had ſo much ado to
reduce.
King Malcolm had another Son,call’d Duncan; but he was a Baſtard,
and tho very brave, yet in every other Senſe unlike to the lawful
Ifſue of his Father. (a) He uſurp'd the Crown of Scotland, by the
Help of the Normans and Engliſh ; and ſay the Engliſh, held it of the
King of England : Which, whether true or no,. is no Matter of Mo-
inent : He was a Baſtard and an Uſurper; and,tho a lawful King,
could as little alienate the Sovereignty of Scotland to the Engliſh, as
his Competitor Donald Bane, an Ulurper likewiſe, could diſmem-
ber it, by giving away the Weſtern Iſlands and Orkney to the Norvegi-
ans. But as both aſcended the Throne with a juſt Title,ſo they were
in a ſhort Time moſt juſtly pull'd down from it ; Donaldzby Duncan,
and Ducan again by Donald ; and this laſt, the laſt of Domeſtick U-
furpers, (for I can allow neither the Bruce nor Baliol to have been
of the Number) by the righteous Heir, King Edgar. I know that
fome (b) have endeavour'd to juſtify the Title of Duncan, by making
him the legitimate Son of King Malcolm, by his firſt Wife, Ingibiorge,
the Widow of. Torfinn, Earl of Orkney, and Mother by her firſt Mar-
riage, of the Earls Paulus and Erlendus. But this Account given of
him by Torf&us is Unchronological, and contrary to the more unque-
ſtionable and joint Authorities of all other Authors, both Seots and
Engliſh. I alſo know, (c) that in a Charter, granted by him to St.
Cuthbert of Durham, hedeligns himſelf, Duſicanus, filius Regis Milcolum-
bi, conſtans hereditarie Rex Scotia : But his own Aſſertion can neither
legitimate his fpurious Birth, nor his unjuſtifiable uſurpation, He
had a mind to entail the Crown upon his Pofterity, by art hereditary
Right : Who doubts it, and who is the Uſurper that has not the
ſame Deſign ? But God Almighty diſappointed him; and he fell
a Sacrifice to a Man as wicked, and, not long after, as unforturiate
as himfelf. This ſhews that the beſt of Men may beget the worſt
of Children, and that Vertue is not always hereditary ; tho for the
moſt part it is ſo, when eminent : Witneſs all the legitimate Iſſue
of the fame King Malcolm, whoſe Life. (tho much more might be ad-
B bbbb ?
ded,
a) Daltymple Chap. 8. (6) Torfæus Chap. 16. vid. Dalrymple ibid. (c) Dalrymple ibid,
.
i
370
Book. H.
The Life of St. David,
ded, even from foreign Vouchers, as Eadmerus,and others (who itile
him, Milcolumbus nobilifimus Rex Scotia ), Ihall end with the
fotlowing Diſtichs of Mr. Fohn Fobnſton ; tho, to ſay the Truth, they
come far ſhort of the Merits of lo prudent, generous, warlike, juſt,
and religious a Monarch, as his A&ions proclaim him.
Virtute illuftrat titulos, tituliſque decoris
Fata ducum, & meritas ſignat honore comas.
Hofte:quater fufo, Spoliis decoratus opimis,
Læta coronatis figna revexit: equis.
Armaque nata domi toties compeſcuit, armis
Jam pofitis, populo fcribere jura libet.
Immanem luxum, exemploque ac lege coercet,
Pronus do effufo facra favore juvat.
Stat decus æternum meritis; ſtat fama laborum,
Et pretium virtus teftis ipfa fui eft.
:
He adds, with more Energy and Grandeur of Stile and Thought;
Tu patria certas, patria & pietatis amore,
Nec.patria aut pietas cedit amore tibi.
O multum felix rerum diſcordia! Magne
Marfpiter in Reges talia bella ſere.
:
.
1
:
:
The LIFE of
.
David, Sirnam'd the
SA I N T
The Ninty firſt King of Scotland.
!
'T
IS ſodifficult and ſo rare to be Great and Holy at the ſame
Time, that the Scripture mentions it as a Worrdet; but .
for one and the fame Perſon to be not only holy and great,
but alſo warlike,is next to impoſſible. Indeed 'tis obſervable,that moſt
Princes that are thought to have merited a Place in the Kalendar of
Saints have been ſcord out of the Liſt of Heroes; the eſſential Quá-
lifications
Chap. II. The Ninty firſt King of Scotland377
.
و
0
lifications of great Chiftains, ſeem incompatible with thoſe Vertues
Chriſtianity has recommended. Reſignation of olie's own Will to that
of others, Meekneſs of Spirit, Lowlineſs of Mind, Patience to fuf- í
fer the greateſt of Amictions, and moſt ſignal Affronts , Mercy to
forgive the moſt notable Injuries, Diſintereſtedneſs, to part with the
Goods of Fortune ; nay, and the Priviledges of Birth; Simplicity;
to act without Fraud or Diffimulation, Humility, to think bet-
ter of others than of ourſelves and Submiſſion to be dependent on the
very. Caprice of Superiors. Theſe, and ſuch Ingredients as theſe,
make up the Compoſure of a good Man in the Senſe of the Goſpel
and whoever is ſuch, deſpiſes Glory, and therefore is deaf to the
Applauſes of Victory ; avoids War, becauſe a Lover of Peace ; if
neceffitated to take Arms, does it but ſlowly,and fo loſes the Oppor-
tunities of doing it to Purpoſe ; Fights with Mercy, and thereby
loſes the Benefit of Rapine and of Slaughter: Is ever willing to
'take up with reaſonable Terms, and by Conſequence, can never
extend his Conqueſts. Beſides, he is Bountiful ; too much ſo, for
the moſt Part, to the Souldiery, tho mutinous ; to the Officers, thó
Covetous; to the People, tho Seditious; to Great ones; tho Factious;
to Counſellors, tho Treacherous; and to Traitors, tho try'd and
convi&t. Hence 'tís, that good Princes are generally thought weak;
their Lenity is miſcall’d Timidity ; their Piety,Bigotry, and their
Bounty Simplicity : Hence Plots and Conſpiracies ariſe at Home,
and from Abroad come Incroachments and Invaſions. To be a great
Prince, 'tis, for the moſt part, neceſſary to be Martial and Daring:
And to be ſucceſsfully ſo, 'tis not always enough to have a good
Cauſe, and a numerous well paid Army, to have Skilful Officers and
Hardy Souldiers, a conſummated Knowledge of the Art of War, noč
to have manag’d it, whether by Sea or Land with Reputation; to
command anexact Diſcipline, to prefer Valour, to diſcourage. Ti-
midity, to be forward to attack, and flow to retreat; to know when
to march, and how to encamp ; to conceal onés own Deſign, and
fpy out thoſe of the Enemy ; to be wary in Deliberation, and
brave in Action : In a Word, to be ſucceſsfully Martial, 'tis not al-
waysenough to be at once a Sovereign, General
and a Souldier: There
are concomitant Qualifications beſides,oftentimes as neceſſary. To in-
ftance in fome, 'tis neceſſary to makeWar; but 'tisno Matter, whether
the Cauſe be juſtor not provided the People are pre-diſpos’d to engage
in,& contribute to it : Then it muſt be commenc'data fit Time, when
the Enemy is unprepar'd, and trick’d-into Hopes of Accomodation:
The Sovereign that undertakes, or his Council that adviſe it, muſt
lay afide Humanity and Juſtice, find out colourable Pretences, ſpread
abroad irritating Calumnies; affront Honour, defy Honeſty, palli-
ate Uſurpation, foment Rebellion, contemn Right, fupport Wrong,
combine with Knaves, diſperſe Libels, low Jealouſies, ſcatter Dif-
cord, bribe Foes, cheat Friends, perpetuate Taxes, promiſe Woni-
ders, fay and gain-lay, fwear and perjure, pretend Law, preach up
Religion, and trample upon both. "By theſe and the like Means,
C c đ c ;
Wars
)
378
The Life of St. David , Book. II.
His Educa-
tion.
Wars may be, and often are commenc'd with Zeal,carried on with
Succeſs, ended with Triumphs. But theſe are Means, Chriſtians, if
truly ſuch, do deteft ; and therefore I ſay 'tis hard, 'tis next to im-
poſſible, for a Prince to be at once a good Chriſtian, and a great
Warriour. Julian the Apoſtate was ſo much convincd of this, that
he would not ſuffer a known Chriſtian to carry Arms under him.
He thought that the Evangelical Vertues debas'd Courage, and en-
ervated Vigour : But he was miſtaken, fincere Vertue is ever bold;
a good Conſcience fears no Death, and Chriſtians dare venture upon
any Thing but Sin. So that it ſo very few Princes are found equally
conſpicuous in Story, for their Military Atchievements and A&tions
of Piety, this is not at aļl to be aſcrib'd to the want of Courage to
make War, but to their laudable Inclination to cultivate Peace. And
if ſuch of them as Neceſſity has compelld to unſheath their Swords,
have been either foild, or not fo univerſally Succeſsful, this again is
by no Means to be attributed to any Deficiency in their Courage or
Conduct : They knew the Means of Succeſs,but would not uſe them,
and they ſcorn'd to Triumph, as moft Conquerors do, in Rebellion,
Uſurpation and Violence.
Nevertheleſs, there are thoſe who have reconcil'd the Sword and
the Croſs ; Courage in War, and Moderation in Peace ; Juſtice and
Force ; the Heroe the King, and the Saint. David I. of Scotland
did it : He was the Sixth Son of the great King Malcolm and the
bleſſed Queen Margaret. Upon their Death, and the 'enluing
Troubles, he was, together with his Brothers and Siſters, convoyd
by the affectionate Care of his Uncle Edgar Etheling into England.
They were all equally brought up under the Tuition of this faithful
Guardian, who gratefully repay'd to them all thoſe Offices of Gene-
roſity, Naturality and Charity, he had receiv'd from their Father
.
Nay,he did ſomething more in their behalf, than King Malcolm had
been able to do for him ; for he was a principal Agent and Inftru-
ment, towards their Reſtoration to their Country and Dignities
. By
his Means, and the concurring Loyalty of his own Subjects, Edgar,
King of Scotland, had been plac'd upon the Throne of his Father. Tó
him
ſucceeded his Brother Alexander ; and all, or moft Part, of this
Time, David continu'd to reſide in England, where he liv’d in great
Plenty and Honoạr : For (beſides the Principality of Cumberland,
which, it ſeems, (a) he poſſeſs’d, during the Reign, at leaſt of his
Brother Alexander he was alſo Earl of Northumberland, Huntington
and Northampton, (b) in Right of his Wife Matilda, the Daughter of
Waltheof, who was the Son of Simard, Earl of Northumberland, and of
Judith Counteſs of Huntington and Northampton, a Niece of William
the Conqueror, from whom ſhe had the Earldoms I've mention’d.
Nor were theſe the only Endearments that detain’d Earl David i11
England : His Siſter Mathilda was married with King Henry I. and
that Illuſtrious Monarch, charm'd by the Beauty and Goodneſs of
his Royal Confort, and ſecured on the Throne by her Intereſt and
iinine-
His Birth;
(1) Vid. Dalrymple, p. 168. b) Dalrymple, ibid. & p. 176,
Chap: II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 379
.
A. D, 1.126:
immediate Deſcent from the Saxon Kings, her Anceſtors and his Pre-
deceſſors, kept a moſt friendly Correſpondence, and an unviolated
Peace, with her Brothers, the Kings of Scotland ; and no doubt;
had a peculiar Regard for the youngeſt, Earl David, who, 'tis pro-
bable, was often at his Court; and, as his Brother Alexander, even
when King of Scotland, affifted and ſervd under him in his Wars:
Nor did this brotherly Love and neighbourly Friendſhip ceaſe;
while King Henry liv'd.
David confirm'd it, how ſoon he came to be King by the Death of Comes to
his Brother: For two Years after; (a) having ſettl’d the Affairs of A. D. 14241
his own Kingdom, he paid a Viſit to KingHenry, and by him was
Goes to Eng?
inoſt Honourably receiv'd, and Royally entertain’d, for about 12 land
.
Months ; ſo long did he ſtay in the Engliſh Court, where nothing
of Moment was tranfacted without his Privacy and Advice. 'Twas
by his Counſel chiefly (and why he gave that Counſel I cannot
tell
, to be ſure he gave Reaſons both juſt and ſatisfactory) that
King Henry's Brother Duke Robert. was taken out of the Cuſtody of
the Biſhop of Salisbury, and committed cloſe Priſoner in the Caſtle
of Briſtol, to the Care of Earl Robert, the King's natural Son. But
the Preſence of David was neceſſary in England, upon another Con-
fideration, by far more Important : Prince William, the only Son
King Henry had by his Wife Matilda, a Son, who was the Joy of
his Father, and the Hope of the Nation, to whom they had unani-
mouſly taken an Oath of Allegiance, as to the Heir both of their
Norman and Saxon Kings, had been unfortunately drown’d in his
Paſſage from France into England; and now Matilda, his full Siſter,
the Widow of the Emperor Henry IV. was the only ſurviving Child
left to the diſconfolate Father. As ſhe re-united her Brother's dóu-
ble Right to the Succeſſion in her Perſon; ſo her Father was earne-
ſtly bent to have her unexceptionably ſecur’d in it. But this was
no eaſy Task : She was a Woman, and Women had never yet (for
ought I can fee) ſway'd a Scepter in Britain, tho Men had often
done it in their Right. For this Reaſon, King David himſelf might
have pretended preferably to her, in Right of his Mother Queeni
Margaret, by whom alone the Saxon Race had been preſerv'd : So
might Stephen Earl of Mortaign and Boloign, in Right both of his
Mother Adela, a Daughter of the Norman Conqueror, and of his
Wife, nam’d, as the Empreſs, Matilda, the Daughter of Mary, who
was alſo, by her Mother Queen Margaret, of the Saxon Race. To
obviate theſe and the like Difficulties, King Henry thought fit to
exact an Oath from all the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons of
England, but eſpecially from King David, and Earl Stephen ; by
which they bound themſelves, to receive, if he ſhould chance to
die without Iſſue Male, his Daughter Matilda for Queen of Eng-
land. David, it ſeems, had laid aſide all Thoughts of pretending to
a Crown, he had ſo little Proſpect of winning; and therefore as a Sub-
ject of England for his Engliſh Territories, he
frankly took the Oath (6)
Ccccc 2
(a) Chron. Sax. ad Ann, 1126. (b) Echard, Tyrrel, &c. ad Ann. 1127,
and
380
The Life of St. David, Book II.
Matildalaw-
of the
Crown of
England.
Stephen u-
Matilda,
Acknow- and reſolv'd to keep it. Sure this could not but be infinitely
Ncice she agreeable to King Henry: For, by this Means, his Daughter
Empreſs
was not only rid of a potent Competitor, but aſſurd of a faithful
fui Heireſs Protector, equally willing, as a good Man, and able, as a potent
Prince, to aſcertain her Title. After ſo great an Example, none
could offer to oppoſe the Royal Pleaſure : All ſwore, and among
A.D. 1127" the reſt, Earl Stephen. This laſt (and with him the whole Repre-
ſentatives of the Engliſh Nation) renew'd his Oath again and again;
not only to the Empreſs Matilda, but alſo to her Son, Prince Henry,
afterwards the II. of England, whom ſhe bore in 1132, to her fe-
cond Husband Jeoffrey Plantagenet, Earl of Anjou. But he kept it
not: For no ſooner did King Henry die, but he fell upon Means
(what they were I have elſewhere related) of getting himſelf
, and
the whole, or the greateſt Part of the Kingdom of England, abſolv'd
from their Vows. In a Word, he perjur’d himſelf, and uſurp'd
furpes the the Crown. All yielded to the criminal Yoke, Præter atrocem ani-
England
, in mum Catonis ; fo I may ſpeak of the inflexible Honour and Conſci-
prejudice of
ence of King David, as ſtout as, and a more fortunate Defender of
the Empreſs
Equity and Right, than the auftere Cato. For that very Year (a)
A, D. 1135. he fortified Veſſein; no doubt againſt King Stephen, fince we read
of no Miſ-underſtanding that ever broke out between him and the
late King Henry. The Year following, he was either invited, as
the Engliſh fay (6), by a loyal Party in England, to ſupport the Right
of the Empreſs, or, as the Scots (o), provok'd and irritated, firſt by
the Menaces of King Stephen, and then by ſome Depredations made
by his Command upon the Scottiſh Borders. For, ſay they, King
Stephen, grown inſolent by the Succeſſes of his beginning Reign, not
only forgot the_fair Promiſes and repeated Oaths he had made to
the Engliſh (a Truth theſe laſt do not at all deny) but alſo began to
preſume upon Strangers, requiring particularly of the King of
Scots, that he would do him Homage for the Countries of Cumber-
land, Northumberland and Huntington. To this King David made
anſwer, That he, together with Stephen himſelf and the whole Nobili-
ty and Commons of England, had not long ſince oblig'd themſelves by
Oath, to obey the Empreſs Matilda, the now lawful Queen of England:
vid eſpouſes
That he had ſince paid Homage to her as ſuch, for theſe Counties
the Quarrel he held of her; and that he would acknowledge none other, while
ſhe or her Son were alive. The juſtice of this Anſwer is ſo much
the more conſpicuous, that King David was, as I have above rela-
ted, equally concern’d in Matilda the Empreſs, and Matilla the
Queen : But the Queen was only ſo in fact, the Empreſs by Right:
And King David thought that Poffeffion gives not always a Right
to poffefs. Upon this a War enſu’d: Who was the Aggreſſor, 'I
Makes War ſhall not determine : This is acknowledg’d, (d) King David inva-
pole king ded England, and took both Carlile and Newcaſtle
, together with all
the Fortreſſes (e) in Cumberland and Northumberland, to Durham,
eexcept-
King Da-
of his Neice
Matilda,
Stephen
i
(a) Chron. Sáx. ad Ann. 1135.(6) Echard ad Ann.1 136.(c)Boeth. Buchan. &c in vit.David. Dr. Mackenzie
in the Life of St. Ælred,&c.(d)Echard, Tyrrel;ad Ann. 1136. Hiſtor. Joan. Prior.Hagullt. p.258. inter Scrip. X
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 38 1
.
(excepting Babanburgh) unexpectedly, ſays Mr. Echard, and treache-
rouſly, ſays Mr. Tyrrel, no doubt after the Authors they follow. But
fince he had Right to both theſe Counties, and was a&tually polleſ-
fed of them in the Reign of King Henry, 'tis plain, ķing Stephen
fince his Acceſſion to the Throne, muſt needs have leis'd them into
his Hands: And with what Juſtice the Memory of the conſcien-
tious King David, ſhould be branded with Treachery, becauſe, for-
footh, he repoffeſs’d himſelf of his own, and would nơt hold themi
but of the Empreſs, to whom, as rightful Sovereign, they be,
longd, I cannot comprehend: For to her he made all the Nobles of
theie Counties take an Oath of Fealty, and give Hoſtages to him-
ſelf in her Naine. Did not King Stephen expect this at his Hands?
Or, if he did not, upon what Aſſurance could he build his Confia
dence? Had King David own’d him as lawful King? Or; had hej,
as moſt Part of the Engliſh, violated his Oath to Matilda ? No,
but he pretended a friendiy Vift, and in his Journey to thoſe. Places,
treacherouſly ſeis:d upon them. We all know, (and I ſhall after-
wards make it appear) that when the Kings of Scotland went to vi-
fit thoſe of England, they were receiv'd upon the Frontiers, by a
numerous Train of Engliſh Nobility, and Royally conducted through
áll the different Stages of their Journey to Court. If then King
David pretended a friendly Viſit, whence caine it, that King Stephen
did not inſtantly appoint an Engliſh Retinue to attend him? Which
if he did (as to be fure he would have done, had any ſuch Vifit
been pretended) by what Means could theſe Places have been ſur-
pris’d, and how could a Scots Army have paſs’d the Borders, and
advanc'd ſo far, without the Engliſh had ſent Word of it to their
King? Did he rely ſo much upon King David, who he knew was
ſo deeply engag’d in the Intereſt of Matilda, that he had no Spies a-
bout him, nor on the Frontiers to watch his Motions, and give
Intelligence of his raiſing of Armies, and marching them into Terri,
tories which were not his own? However, he got Intelligence of
the thing, when 'twas done, and unconeern’dly ſaid, Very well then,
what he has thus treacherouſly taken, I will manfully recover.
not quite ſo good as his Word: He raisd a great Army indeed, and
mareh'd Northwards
, as far as Durham; but halted there: And King
David, (a) being at the ſame time at Newcaſtle, a Peace was conclu-
ded, ſay the Engliſh (b), upon theſe Conditions. “ That, ſince A Peace,
King David would not take an Oath of Fealty himſelf to King
Stephen, yet that Prince Henry his Son ſhould take one, and do,
Homage for the Territories he held of him. Then the King of
“ Scots ſurrendr’d Northumberland and Newcaſtle, but detain'd Carlile
" and Duncaſter, and his Son was put in. Poſſeſſion of Huntington,
as an Augmentation of his Dignity and Revenue.” Others, and
(C) with a great deal of Probability, That, beſides thoſe Territories
granted to Prince Henry, King Stephen alſo promis'd, that he ſhould
Ddddd
He was
66
CC
GC
not
(a) Dalrymple p. 170. Hiſtor. Joan. Prior Hagullt. Ibid. () Tyrrel ibid: (c) Richard Prior of Hagulita,
ad Airin: 1 136.p. 3 12. Joan. Major in vit. David,
382
Book. II.
The Life of St. David
A.D. 1137.
War.
not dipoſe of the County of Northumberland in favour of any other, till
he had firfél heard the Claim of that Prince for it, and done him Juſtice in his
own Court : And that upon the Faith of- this Promiſe
, Werk, Aliwick;
Norham and Newcaſtle, were evacuated by the Scots, and return'd to :
the Engliſh. This is ſo much the more likely, becauſe, after the
Concluſion of this Peace, we find King David (a) ftill infifting
that Northumberland might be reſtor’d to his Son. Which Demand
being by King Stephen refus’d, or at leaſt put off, upon Pre-
tence of his being neceffarly detain'd in Normandy; theſe Dila-
tors did not ſatisfy King David: He rais’d a powerful Army the
next Year, and march?d on the Head of it
, as far as Roxburgh, with
Renews the a Deſign to penetrate into the very Bowels of England, where Miles
de Beauchamp (b), the Governour of Bedford Cafle, had openly de-
clar'd himlėlf for him, and wherë 'tis alſo reported (c) that a Plot
was privately carried on by fome of the Engliſh to Murther all the
Normans upon a Day agreed on, and then to deliver the Kingdom
into his Hands. This Plot he certainly knew not, or, if he did, he
had no mind to favourit, elſe he had not ſo eaſily comply'd with the
Overture made to him by Thuvſtan, the Archbifhop of York. This
Prelate waited on him at Roxburgh, pleaded the Abſence of his Maſter,
King Stephen, and obtain'd a Truce till he ſhould come Home. He
arrivd in England a little before Chriſtmaſs, and, being elevated by
his late Succeſies in Normandy, he abſolutely refus d (d) to beſtom
Northumberland on Prince Henry, as King David demanded. Þay,
he march'd down, notwithſtanding the Rigour of the Seaſon, and
even on Chriſtmaſs Day attack'd Bedford Caſtle, which De Beauchamp
held for the King of the Scots, and preſs’d it ſo hard that he took
it in a ſhort time.
King David in the mean time, finding himſelf ſo often diſappoin-
ted, reſolvd in good earneſt to do that Juſtice to his Son, the King
of England denied. Wherefore he ſent William, the Son of the late
Uſurper, King Duncan, his Nephew (a valiant Commander, whom,
for that Crime, his Father not himſelf was guilty of, he would not
Invades puniſh) with part of his Army, and Orders to beſiege the ſtrong
Caſtle of Werk in Northumberland. (e) William attack'd it according-
ly; but not being able to make it Surrender, the King himſelf and
his Son Prince Henry went thither with the main Body of the Army,
and endeavour'd to take it by diverſe Engines and various Affaults,
but could not; ſuch was the Bravery of the Garriſon, the Strength
of the Place, and the exceſſive Cold and Sharpneſs of the Weather:
For this Expedition was made, according to Mr. Tyrrel
, much a-
bout the ſame time that King Stephen reduc'd Bedford Caſtle; con-
fequently in January or Frebruary. Wherefore, that ſomething
might be done to purpoſe, the King reſolv’d, at leaſt to forrage the
Country, and reward the Labour of his own Men with the Spoils
of his Enemies. He committed unheard of Cruelties, if we may
believe
.
England.
(a) Dalrymple, p. 170. (b) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1137, (e) Tyrrel ibid. (d) Tyrrel ibid. (®) Tyrrel ad
at 1139
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 383
C6
66
うう
​believe ſome Engliſh Writers, (a) a Thing incredible of this King,as
I ſhall afterwards evince : And to fay the Truth,. Mr. Échard (6) has
ſo much Reſpect for his Memory, as to impute what was done amils,
only to the ruder fort of the Army;" who(continues he)too tragically
reveng’d the Injuries of the Empreſs Matilda ; by ripping up the
“ Wombs of Big-bellied Women, and toffing their Infants
upon
thie
< Points of Spears, ſlaying the Prieſts at the Altar, and diſmem-
bring their Dead Bodies, after a moſt inhumane Manner
'Tis hard to tell what Truth may be in theſe Accounts we have only
from Enemies, determin’d, as the Engliſh of old were, to keep up
the National Animofities that rag'd between the two Kingdoms, and
to found the Trumpet of Strife, to alarm the People, as often as their
Sovereigns deſign d to quarrel. I ſhall not be poſitive, but Barbarities
may have been committed by!an Army, that beſides about fòurty
Days Proviſions (for ſo much did each Souldier carry along with
him) had no other Means of Subfifterice, but what they purchas'd
by Plunder ; and what the Souldiery can do, when let looſe, every
Body knows, and all Countries have felt. . This I'm ſure of, King
David was far, from countenancing, much leſs commanding, Enormi-
ties of this kind ; and the Humanity of his Nephew and General,
William, who fav’d the Church of Hagulſtad from being deſtroy’d, is,
even by Engliſh Authors (c) commended. After this Expedition,
which ended about Candlemaſs, the King return'd with his
wearied, but enrich’d, Army; and the rather, becauſe he had Intel-
ligerice, that King Stephen upori the Head of one much more numer
rous, was one his March to diſlodge him. That King followed him,
and paſting the River Tweed, (to be even with bim, ſays Mr. Tyrrel)
laid waſte moſt of the Borders of Scotland ; that is, if I take it aright,
He deſtroy'd the Inhabitants, without any Diſtinction of either Age or Sexy
(not ſparing the very Churches) and flew the Infants hanging at their
Mother's Breaſts: and the Prieſts before the very Altars ; elle he could
not have been Even with them, in the Senſe of theſe Authors, after
whom Mr. Tyrrel has copied. Thus, its eaſy to retort but I would
forbear Reflections ; and tho there's a great Difference between the
'avow'd Characters of both Kings, yet I am not apt to believe, that e-
ven King Stephen, none of the moſt conſcientious of Princes, thould
have been even with Infidels at this Rate. Indeed he could not :
For the King of Scots, having now retreated into his own Dominions,
did not leave the Borders fo.very open to Hoftilities (d). He en
camp'd his Army within a certain Bogg, not far from Roxburgh, and
there lay watching, with a Deſign, no doubt, to guard the Country,
as well as to fall upon the Enemy by Night, in cafe he could get
them decoy'd into the Town. With this View, he wiſely commaria
ded the Garriſon and Townſmen to open their Gates to King Ste-
phen, if he ſhould come that Way : But this laſt, being forwarn'd
of the Stratagem, as alſo of another Deſign projected by ſome of his
diſfaffected Nobility,who had conſpir’d, upon the firſt Engagement,
D d d d d 2
las Tyrrel, ibid. (b) ad ann. 1138. (c) Joan. Prior. Hagulit. ad Ana. 1138. (d) Tyrrel, ibid.
to
384 The Life of St. David,
Book. II.
Battle of
to revolt to the Scots,in behalf of the Cauſe they purſu’d; & likewiſe,
conſidering that a great Part of his Men were unwilling to ſerve;that
Proviſions began to fail; and in fine, that he was threaten’d with
Inſurrections at Home, he declind going to Roxburgh, and thought
beſt to return with his Army into the Southern Parts. King Stephen
having thus retreated, and the Holy Days . of Eafter being now o-
ver ; King David took the Fields anew, invaded and laid waſte,
both the Sea Coaſt of Northumberland, and the Biſhoprick of Dur-
ham, then fat down before Norham and took it, but generouſly of-
fer'd to reſtore it to the Biſhop, who was Lord of the Place, if he
would but return to the Allegiance all the Biſhops of the Kingdom had
ſworn to the Empreſs, his Niece.
While the King himſelf was employ’d in this Siege, he ſent a con-
ſiderable Detachment of his Armyz runder the command of William,
Clitherton, his Nephew, into York-Shire, where he carried all before him ; and,
routing a great Party of Engliſh, at a Place call Clitherton; kill'd
many, and took more Priſoners. After which, without any Re-
fiftance, he did what he lik?d in the Country. This Overthrow of
the Engliſh at Clitherton; is perhaps what Scots Authors call the Bat-
tle of Allerton : () They give us this different, and more full Ac-
count of it.
An Army of Scots, ſay they, under the Conduct of thie Earls of
March, Menteith and Angus (William,the King's Nephew, they do not
mention) enter'd England ; and meeting the Engliſh at Allerton, a
ſharp Battle was fought with equal Slaughter on both Sides, as long
as the Enemy ſtood their Ground. At length, the Engliſh gave
Way, and were routed. Great Numbers perifh'd in the Flight,
and many of the Nobility were made Priſoners : Among the reſt
,
their General himſelf, the Earl of Gloceſter : Stephen, extreamly
concern’d at the Loſs of ſo many brave Men, and fearing, left the
Kindred and Friends of the Captive Nobles, might be alienated
from him, relus'd no Conditions of Peace : He pay'd a Round Sum
of Money, for their Ranſom, ſay ſome ; others, that they were re-
leas’d without Ranſom. But this they all agree in , He quitted all
the Claim, which, as Chief Lord, he pretended to have over Cum-
berland; but obſervd the Articles of this Treaty no better than the
Oaths he had taken to the Empreſs Matilda ; and afterwards to his
own Subjects of England. For, before the Armies were quite dif-
banded, he again ſurpriz’d fome Caſtles in Northumberland (which
Country, or a great Part of it, the Scots had ſtill poſſeſs’d; and con-
fequently, did not inhumanely ravage, if we ſhall believe them) and
by driving away Bootys from the Scots Territories, renew'd the
War. Upon this, the Scots took Arms again, and deſpiſing an
E-
nemy they had but lately
, overthrown ( A fatal Error, by which
Kingdoms have been undone ) attack'd them rafhly at the River
Tees , but paid for their Folly,and were beaten in their Turn ; yét
:
1
}
I
ز
not
( Boeth, Buchan. Dr. Mackenzie, &c. ubi fupra;
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 385
:
!
not ſo, but that they quickly recruited, and forc'd King Stephen to
thoſe Terms of Peace, of which afterwards.
Mr. Tyrrel (a) offers to confute this Relation, by thoſe Argu-
ments that follow. King Stephen did not begin the War (ſays he) nor
did be give up any part of Northumberland to King David. No indeed,
but King David, in Right of his Wife was in Poffeffion of it, as I have
ſhewn, before King Stephen's Acceſſion to the Throne ; and who did
ufurp this, would not probably ſeruple to invade that. But Arch-biſhop
Thurſtan did not attend King David at Roxburgh, in order to ſue for
a
Peace in this Year I 138,but in the precedent: Nor was it in this Year neither,
but in the preceeding, that King Stephen march’d to, and retreated from the
ſame Place. What then ? And who is concern'd about this Chro-
nological Triffle, firice both Matters of Fact are uncontroverted ?
But Thurſtan did not agree to any ſub Condition, as that the Englih
ſhould deliver up Northumberland to. Prince Henry , and therefore
could not break the Truce, in not delivering it without their King's Conſent.
How far Thurſtan condeſcended to that Condition, I can't tell ;
but I have ſhewn from English Vouchers, that King Stephen promis’d
to enquire by Legal. Methods into the Claim laid by Prince Henry
to Northumberland, dr to, at leaſt, a Part of it, and to do him Ju-
ſtice in his own Court. He did it not ; and therefore he broke
the Truce : And the Scots may be very well ſuppos'd, to have laid
waſte that Part of Northumberland Prince Herry did not claim. A Me-
thod all Nations take on the like Occaſions : When their own is
detain'd from them, they ſeize on, or over-run what is not their own:
But the Earl of Glocefter was never truſted by King Steplen, with a-
ny Command under him; he being always on the ſame side with the King of
Scots ; conſequently; did not command an Army againſt them, not
was he taken Priſoner. Engliſh Authors ſay not that the Earl of Glo-
ceſter commanded an Army againſt the Scots ; yet ’tis not impro-
bable, but he may have done it. Mr. Tyrrel tells us, that he did
ſubmit(notwithſtanding he was a natural Brother of the Emprefs) to
King Stephen ; and that he ſwore Fealty to him, in the Year 1136 ;
nor did he renounce his Allegiance till after Woit ſuntide, in the Year
1138. Now the Battle of Allerton,as the Scots call it ; or, as the Eng-
lish, of Clitherton, was fought according to both,before this laſt Time
condeſcended upon ; conſequently, while the Earl continu'd as yet
to diſſemble with the King: And’tis not unlikely,but the King diſſem-
bling alſo with him, might(or to try his Fidelity, or to win him over
to a hearty Compliance)have entruſted him with an Army againſt
the Scots. He knew that a Man of Honour would not readily be-
tray the Truſt, and ſuch a Truſt too, as that committed to his
Charge, if he came to accept of it. And to me it ſeems more pro-
bable, that the Earl would be apter to decline fuch a Command,
than the King would be affraid of entruſting him with it. As for
the Silence of Engliſh Authors about this Matter, I ſhall fay nothing,
but that they do not contradict the Thing, thothey mention it not:
Eeeee
And
I
(a) ad Ann. 1138.
386
The Life of St. David,
Book II.
i
And thoſe that do would do well to tell us, who he was that did
command the Engliſh, when they were overthrown at Clitherton ; and
who were the Priſoners that are own'd to have been taken. In fine,
Mr. Tyrrel objects againſt the Relation of Scots Authors, that, There
was but one Battle fought between the Engliſh and the Scots in the two
laſt years, (for he will not allow the Ation at Clitberton to deſerve the
Name, tho many of the Engliſh were kill’d, and more made Priſoners
)
That there never was ' ut one Battle near Allerton, commonly call d'that of
the Standard ; and that in it the Scots were utterly routed. That Scot's
Authors may have miſtaken the Word Clitherton, for that of Allerton,
I ſhall not deny ; but that they gain'd a Victory near one of thoſe
Places, is uncontroverted. That the Victory was very conſiderable,
cannot be doubted ; if it is true, as the Scots affert , that immediate-
ly thereafter, King Stephen fud for Peace, and refus'd no Conditions
.
But if a Peace did not enſue, till the Scots were afterwards foild at
Allerton, or (which I ſhall grant to be all one) In the Battle of the
Standard, it follows, that the Loſs, they fuftain'd on that Occafi-
on, was not by far ſo great as the Engliſh repreſent it. And the Rea-
ſon is this. After that Engagement a Peace followed very ſoon;
and the Terms of it were equally honourable and advantageous tó
the Scots, as is evident, even from the following Relation, I ſhall
borrow from Engliſh Vouchers.
Not long (a) after King David had reduc'd Norham; and his Ne-
phew William, had defeated the Engliſh at Clitherton, and ravag’d, or
jaid the whole Country under Contribution, ſome Souldiers, fally-
ing out of the Town of W.erky took many Waggons loader with
Victuals
, and Baggage belonging to the King of the Scots: They al-
ſo routed a Party coinmanded by his Son Henry. The King provok'd
by theſe A&tions, march'd ſtraight to Werk, and beſiegd it the ſe-
cond Time (b); but having increasd his Army,he left the Siege to
be carried on by two of his Thanes or Barons, and march'd towards
York. He was joyn’d by Euftace Fitz-John, a Baron of the North of
England, and Lord or Governor of the Caſtles of Alnwickin Northum-
berland, and of Mealtòn in York-Shire, who(being either addicted to
the Intereſt of the Empreſs, or diſoblig’d by King Stephen) now o-
penly declar'd for the King of the Scots. From this ſuſpected Lord
(and many ſuch there were in England, who, as Mr. Echard (c) tells
us, by King Stephen's Example and Proceedings, had been ſufficiently
taught the Arts of Perjury) the King of England had taken the Go-
vernment of Bamboroug? Caſtle : Thither the King of Scotland directed
his March, probably hoping that the Garriſon would yield to
Euftace their late Governor. They did it not : But the King fell u-
pon a Party of them unawares, and killed about 100 Men. He af-
terwards laid walte the adjacent Country; took the Town of Mel-
ford, repais'd the Tine, enter'd the Biſhoprick, and there ſtay'd for
ſome time, till the Reinforcements, he expected from Scotland, ſhould
joyn
:
:
a) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1138. Vol.2. Book 4 p. 210, 211. &c: (6) Joan. Prior. Hag. p. 261. ad Ann. 1128,
Dalrymple p.171.(c)ad Ann, 1138.
Chap. II. The Ninty firſt King of Scotland. 387
join him. They came at length, and his Army conſiſted now of a-
bout 26000 Men. Upon this, they ſay, he grew ſo confident, that
he threatn’d to lay waſte, or over-run the greateſt Part of England :
And no doubt he might have done it, had the Empreſs's Friends
beftird themſelves, as he probably expected.
However, he left Durham, paſs’d over the River Teys, and carrying
all before him wherever he went, enter'd Yorkſhire. He lay encam
ped by South the Teys when Robert de Bruce, and Bernard de Baliot
,
two Noblemen, Vallals both tº him and to the King of England,
waited upon him, and promis’d, that if he would delift from Ho-
filities, they would obtain from King Stepben (what had been ſo
often ask'd, and as often refus’d) the Country of Northumberland, for
his Son Prince Henry. 'Tis not eaſy to tell
, for what Reaſon; King
David rejected the Overture; perhaps he truſted not to their Word,
no more than to their Maſters ; perhaps he nobly preferr’d the In-
tereſt of the Empreſs, to his own; and would not lay down his
Arms, while he had a Proſpect of righting her. Beſides, he had a
good Army, not eåfily to be rais’d anew, if once disbanded; and
his Men fluſh'd with Victory, were earneſtly, nay inconſiderately
bent upon A&tion. His Nephew William (a) particularly is ſaid
to have oppos’d the Advice given by Buliol and Bruce, who, being
thereby irritated, renounc'd the Allegiance they owd to King Da-
vid, for ſome Lands it ſeems they held of him in Gatewegia (that is
,
in Annandale, then within the Extent of Galloway) and return’d to
the Army commanded by Archbiſhop Thurſtan, King, Stephen's Lieu-
tenant. But this Martial Prelate was himſelf detain'd from the
Field by Sickneſs andold Age, and therefore appointed Ralph, Titular
Biſhop of the Orcades to command in his Room; for he was an Engliſhman
born, and, tho conſecrated a Biſhop, never fill'd that, nor perhaps any
other See, but upon Occaſions ſupply'd the Place of, and officiated as
Vicar to others. He acted his Part very well on the preſent Occa-
fion : And, as Archbiſhop Thurſtan before had ordaind a three Days
folemn Faft, and earneſt Supplications to be made to God, for the
Support of that Intereſt and Cauſe, againſt which all the Biſhops
of the Kingdom had folemnly Sworn ; ſo now. Biſhop Ralph not
only made long and invective Speeches againſt the late Scottiſh Bar-
barities, but alſo abſolv'd all thoſe from their Sins, who ſhould
happen to fall by the Hands of the Enemy; and caus’d a certain
Machine, call’d the Standard, to be erected in the Midle of Catun
Moor, the Field of Battle, on the Top of which they plac'd a Sil- Standard.
ver Pix, and in it (as was given out) the conſecrated Hoft. Be-
fides, they hung on each ſide of this Macliine, the Banners of St.
Peter, St. Johni of Beverly, and St W'ilfred; ſo good an Uſe have
Churchmen in all Ages known to make of Religious Pageantry; and
ſo much have the Vulgar been miſled into the Aſſurance of heaven
ly Prote&tion, by the hypocritical Grimaces, and Legerdemain
Ťricks of their ſpiritual Guides ; who, while they have no other
Eeeee 2
View,
a
Battle of the
(a) Dalrymple p. 173.
388
The Life of St. David
Book. II.
1
1
very War.
View, but to indulge their own Appetites, and gratify their pri-
vate Pallions, ride on the deluded People to Perjury, Rebellion,
Death, and if God Almighty do not ſtop them in their Career,
Damnation. The Engine had its deſign’d Effect: It gavea keener
Edge to the natural Courage of the Engliſh, made them refolute in
the
Defence of it, and diſpos’d them to think, that they fought for
the Cauſe of God, whoſe facred Name their Leaders had ſo often
atteſted to Witneſs, even thoſe Vows they violated by making this
The Clergy and Monks had acted their Part; but the Souldiers
had ſcarce got themſelves in a Readineſs to fight, when Word was
brought that the Scottiſh Army was at Hand : And now the greateſt
Part of the Horſe alighted, the better to fight on Foot; the choi-
ceft of whom being mingld with the Archers, were plac'd in the
Vanguard : But moſt of the chief Commanders and Barons, were
drawn up in the main Body about the Standard ; the reſt of the
Army lying round them, as near as poſſible, whilſt the remaining
Body of Horſe, with the Horſes of thoſe Souldiers who had aligh-
ted, retir’d further off, that ſo they might not be frighted with
the Noiſe and Shouts of the Scots.
The Scots on their Side alighted alſo; and among the reſt, the
King himſelf, their Horſes being kept at a Diſtance: But there
were ſome Conteſts among them, about the Order of Battle ;
each Body contending who ſhould fight in the Place of Honour,
that is, of greateſt Danger. The Galloway Men, or Picts (as yet ſó
call’d by Engliſh Authors) pleaded their Priviledge of leading the
Vanguard, alledging greater Security in their Courage and Loyalty,
than could be expected from the Welſh, that is, I ſuppoſe, from
Foreigners, and ſuch were the Engliſh, many of whom, being of the
Empreſs's Party,were now in the Scots Army. They gave for In-
ſtance the Victory obtain'd at Clitherton, which they ſaid was ow-
ing chiefly to their Valour. Nay, Malyſe, Earl of Strathern, is ſaid
to have ask'd the King, with unbecoming Boldneſs, Why he truſted to
the Welsh, when he well knew, that none of them, thó arm’d Cap-a-pe,
durſt venture upon him tho unarm’d? He was contradicted by Alan de
Percy, an Engliſhman, the natural Son of the Great Alan. However,
the King yielded to the Requeſt of his Subjects of Galloway: But, to
make amends to the Engliſh, he appointed a Body of them, as he
did another of French, (a Proof of the Amity and League that conti-
nu'd in King Davids Reign, as I have ſhewn it to have done in that
of his Father, between the two Kingdoms of Scotland and France)
to guard his Body: The reſt of the Engliſh Auxiliaries he mixt
with the Scots of Murray, and plac'd them in the Center, not far
from his Perſon. His Son, Prince Henry commanded the right
Wing, where ſtood thoſe of Cumberland and Teviotdale ; and with
him was join'd the above-mention'dEuftace Fitz-John. In fine, thoſe of
Lothian and thoſe of the Iſles, together with the Lavernani, (who
theſe
(a) Dairyınpie, p. 172. Aldred Abbot of Rieval. p. 342..
Chap. 11. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 389
i
theſe were I know not) were poſted on the Left. And in this Or
der did the Scots Army advance, with prepoſterous Halte, and in-
confiderate Boldneſs, and attack'd the advantageouſly potted Erie-
my, on the Plain calld Cutun Moor, not far from Alverton, now
Northallerton in Yorkſhire.
When they ſaw the Standard not far off, ſome Engliſh Hiſtorians
ſay, (a) that their Hearts began to be ſtruck with a Pannick Fear :
But others tell us (b), that the Galloway Men broke in upon the
Enemy with three Shouts, no great Sign of their being frighted by
a meer Shew. However they were, notwithſtanding their Afſurance,
and the Boaſts of their Leader Earl Malyſe worſted : For being but
lightly arm’d, they were not able to endure the Showers of Arrows;
and Force of the Engliſh Swords. Two of their chief Commandersa
Ulgric and Dunenald were killd upon the firſt Onſet: At length
they fell back upon the Lothians, and theſe (their Leader being allo
ſlain by an Arrow) upon the main Body, where the King was in
Perſon. He did all he could to rally them; and accordingly ſome
came back to his Royal Standard (which was a Dragon) and made
up a freſh Body; inſomuch that the fight was renew'd, and the
King (with the few that were about him) ſtood bravely to his
Arms (c), till his beſt Friends urg'd him to defift. He yielded to
Neceffity, and commanded his Men (d) to fling their Tokens, (I
mean the Marks by which they knew each other) and mix
themſelves with their Enemies, which they immediately did, and ſo
eaſily paſs through the Vanguard of the Engliſh. So fays Mr.
Tyrrel: And this is a Proof, both that they had ſtood their Ground,
till they were quite envelop'd, (and no Men could, orought to do
more) and that the Scots, in thoſe Days, did not deſerve the Epi-
thet of Barbarous, Mr. Tyrrel gives them ; fince, by their Garb and
outward Shew, not to be diſtinguiſh'd from the civiliz’d and well
bred Engliſh. The King was forc'd to flee, but being got out of
Danger, made no very great Hafte, that ſo he might the better in
his March pick up thoſe that had eſcap’d. At length he arriv'd ſafe
at Carlile, tho much concernd for Earl Henry his Son, who was left
behind. This brave Prince (e) efteeming Honour more than Life
and Safety, had, even after his Father's Retreat, ruſh'd in among
the retiring Souldiers, and with undaunted Bravery perſwading
them to regard themſelves and his Perſon, had reſtor’d the Battle à
third time. But he top at length, being overpower'd by the main
Body of the Engliſh, was conſtrain’d to quite the Field, and came
alſo to Carlile, the third Day after the King his Father's Arrival.
This is the Account Engliſh Hiſtorians give us, of this famous
Battle and Victory; for ſo are they pleas'd to terin it. They add;
.66 That the Engliſh Army was but ſmall in Compariſon of the Scottiſh;
" that nevertheleſs they loft but few Men on their Side, and killed or
u took Priſoners, above 10000 of rhe Enemy: For, ſay they, ſo many
« Scots were miſſing, when they were muſter'd after theic Return to
Fffff
Scotland.
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann, ubi fup. 76). Dalrymple ibid. (c) Echard ubi fup. (d) Tyrrel ubi fup.(e) Echard ubi lupa
390 The Life of St. David
Book. II.
Scotland. Scots Authors, on the contrary, affert, that the Engliſh
Victory, and the Loſs ſuſtain'd by the Scots, were but incontide-
rable. Nay, ſome undervalue this Action ſo much, that they
paſs it over in Silence ; and others relate it, but as it were en paſſant:
Nor have I ſeen any, that have thought it worth their while, to
enter into the Detail.' 'Tis impoſſible to determine the Controver-
fy at this great Diſtance of Time : All we can do, is to judge of
the Cauſe by the Effects, I mean, of the Battle by its Confe-
quences.
Mr. Tyrrel (a) tells us, that it had this Effect, That the Scots
were now drjven, not only out of Part, but out of all Northumberland. I
wiſh he had cited his Vouchers ; to be ſure he had not this froin
the fame Author whoin he follow'd but in the preceeding Page, (b)
where he tells us, That the Engliſh Forces, getting large Spoils-----rea
turn’d Himè in Peace ; and that their ſudden Departure tended. very much
to the Prejudice of the King's Affairs. 'Tis plain then, that they did
not ſtay to reduce any one Fortreſs or Place poſſeſs’d by the Siots in
Northumberland, nor elſewhere. Nay, Mr. Tyrrel himſelf, purſuing,
the Thread of the Story, tells us (c) That, notwithſtanding this Defeat,
the King of Scots no ſooner had heard that the Engliſh Forces were rea
turn’d Home, but recruiting his ſhatter?d. Army, he again marchỉd into Eng-
land, and laid freſh Siege to the Town and Caſtle of Werk. This is a
very remarkable Sort of Victory, and an Overthrow, that has fome-
thing in it very ſingular: For here's a victorious triumphing Army
that retreats, and a ſhatter'd one that recruits in an Inſtanț, and be
fieges Towns. The Victors ſeem vanquith’d, and the Vanquilhd
triumph. 'Tis true the Place they attack'd did not inſtantly fur-
render ; but the ſhatter'd Army of the Scots (d), having the whole Coun-
try round about in their Power, ſo block'd it up; that it could receive no
Relief any way; inſomuch that the beſieg’d, when they had eaten up all
their Horſes, were at laft forc'd to furrender it to King David; and he
caus’d both Town and Caſtle to be demoliſhd. This was the firſt Effect
of this ſo famous Battle and Victory, gain'd by the Engliſh over the
Scots: Nor was it the only one. For,
In the mean time (e), Albert, Biſhop of Oſtia, the Pope's Legate,
came from the Court of England, to that of Scotland: He found
King David at Carlile, and propos’d Terms of Peace, but could
ſcarce obtain a Truce. Here again the Victors ſeem vanquiſh'd:
They employ no meaner Agent than the Popes Legate to ſue for
Peace, and the Vanquilh'd, notwithſtanding he was a Saint, even
in the Popiſh Senſe, has ſo little Reſpect for bis Holineſs, that he
declines to admit him; or, which is all one, his Legate, as Media-
tor in a Treaty. A Proof, that all Popiſh Saints have not been ſo
blindly Submiſſive to Popes, as is commonly: belieyd: And that to
be Holy and Good, one needs not to be Prieſt-rid. But,
Matilda, the Queen, was more ſucceſsful than the Legate : She
was the Wife of King Stephen ; and, by her Mother Mary,the Niece
of
:
(a) Tyrrel ad Ann, 1138. (6) P, 213, (0) P, 215. (4) p. 215. (e) lbid,
Chap. II, The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 39 i
.
of King David; and (a) therefore did all the could to reconcile
them. She came and waited on her Uncle (b): And by her Means,
a Treaty of Peace was ſet on foot, (c) about the Beginning of the
Winter, but took nof effect till the Year following 1139; when ear-
ly in the Spring, ſays Mr. Tyrrel, (d) King Stephen marchid with his
Army into Scotland, which he had "laid waſte' with Fire and. Sioord, till at
laft the King of Scots was forc’d to make Peace with him. This exact
Author has written ſo much, that he ſometimes forgets what himſelf
writes. He had formerly told us, (e) that the Peace was owing to
the Mediation of the Queen, and the Terms were "luch, as made
both King Stephen and his Barons unwilling to grant or accept of Makes
them : And now he ſays, that King David was forc'd to make Peace. A. D. is zga
Had he told us the Terms agreed to, he had confuted himtelf; but
by good Luck others have been more ingenuous;and fairly acknow-
ledg’d, (f) that the Thing in Debate was yielded to the Scots ;
That is, Northumberland was deliver'd up to Prince Herry ; only the
Towns of Newcaſtle and Babanburgh, and the Lands belonging to the
Monaſteries of St.Cuthbert, and St. Andrew remaiii'd in the Hands
of the Engliſh: But then King, Stephen was oblig'd to give to the
Prince an Equivalent for theſe in the South of England. So that
stis plain to a Demonſtration, that King David was not fored to make
Peace,unleſs he may be ſaid to be forc'd to make Peace, who gets by
it that very Thing for which he made War.
Northumberland (g)was deliver'd up to Prince Henry at Durham,on the
gth of April : A Demonſtration, that King Stephen did not march with
his Army into Scotland, and lay it waſte with Fire and Sword. (b) He
did not beſiege the Caſtle of Slede, which belong:d to the revolted
Earl of Gloceſter, till after Chriſtmaſs. This Caſtle, no doubt, held
out ſome Time: And 'tis not alledg'd, that King Stephen march'd in-
to Scotland, till it was ſurrenderd ; no, not till the Spring: So that
if he Täid Scotland waſte' with Fire and Sword, he muſt have per-
form'd the mighty Atchievement, in the Space of about one Month :
Nay, and in fo ſhort a Time return'd with his Army to Durham, and
both enter'd into, and compleated a Treaty of Peace. This is ſo far
from being practicable, that, I humbly conceive, no thinking Man
will believe it poſſible. At this Rate, he had out-done Pompey
and Calar, as expeditious as they were in ſome of their Wars, and
ſaid with the latt, Veni,' vidi; -vici : But he neither came, law nor
vanquiſh'd ; Witneſs the Treaty in all its Circumſtances
. By it
· King Stephen yielded all that was; or in Reaſon could be, demanded
of him, and King David nothing : For 'tis not ſo much as pretended,
that this last did ever violate his Oath to the Empreſs, confequent-
lý he never acknowledg’d King Stephen as King of England. 'Tis
true, his Son Prince Henry did, and he could do no leſs; ſince by
him put in Poffeffion of ſo-fair a Province as Northumberland ; for
Fffff 2
which
j
و
commend
(a) Tyrrel ibid. (b Buchan. in vit. David. (c; Tyrrel ibid. (d) ad Ann. 1139; p. 219. 6. ad Ann, 1138.p;
215. (f. Joan. Prior Hagi ad Ano, 1139. p. 265. & 330. Dalrympte. p. 173.68, Joan. Prior ibid. (b) Tyrrol
P, 219,
392
Book. II.
The Life of St. David,
which, he not only paid him Homage, but waited on him at Not-
tingham, not as an Hoſtage, ( as Mr. Tyrrel (a) aſſerts ) but as a
Friend, a Kinſman, and the firſt of the Engliſh Laity. For the Ho-
ſtages given for the Security of this Treaty were, (b) the Sons of
Earl Gospatrick, of Hugh de Morevilla, of Earl Fergus, Mel and Mac,
ſaid by the Engliſh Author, to have been five Scots Earls. Beſides,
had Prince Henry been in the Engliſh Court, as an Hoftage, I leave
it to any one to judge, what Uſage he met with, when the
very
next Year, his Father King David, notwithſtanding the Treaty, de-
clar’d ſo openly for the Empreſs; but he was very civilly us'd by
the King, and much eſteem’d and careſs’d by the Nation. A Proof
of this is that he married Ads,the Siſter of William, Earl of Warren,
a Perſon of high Rank, fingular Beauty and great Worth. He alſo
attended the King in ſeveral of his Expeditions againſt the Lords that
had revolted; particularly at the Siege of Ludlow. Caſtle; where’tis faid
(c) that this adventurous Youth was by the Betieg’d pluck'd from
his Horſe with an Iron Graple, and had been taken, had not King
Stephen with extraordinary Valourand Honour ſuccour'd and brought
him off.
King Stephen had hitherto, by his Conduct, Valour and Vigilance,
(for tho none of the beſt of Men, yet he was a very great Prince)
kept the ſtill pretending Empreſs at a Diſtance beyond Seas, brought
her Party at Home to a State, if not of Submiſſion, at leaſt of Non-
action, gain'd over the Prince of Scotland to acknowledge his Title,
and as Earl of Northumberland, Huntington, &c. to ſerve under him:
And which was more, he had now laid the King of Scotland aſide,
who having obtain'd all himſelf or his Son could challenge, was not
(till requir'd by the Empreſs, to whom as Prince of Cumberland, Loc.
he had ſworn Allegiance)todiſturb the eſtabliſh'd Government. But,
unluckily for King Stephen, he quarrelled with the Biſhops and Clergy,
by whoſe Intereſt and Power he reign'd : And they ſoon taught him
what it is to alarm the Zeal of Holy Church, or to ſeize as he did,
(d) upon the Perſons of Biſhops. In this, he was ſo much the
more Impolitick, becauſe he very well knew that the then Church of
England, did not conſider him as an Hereditary Monarch. They had
previouſly declar'd, (e) that, as they had elected, ſo they ſwore Fealty
to hiin, on this Condition, Viz. So long as he preſerv’d the Liberty of the
Church, and the Power of its Diſcipline. This was a fair Warning,
and in ſo far they dealt honeſtly : Yet King Stephen, as precari-
ous as his Title was, would reign alone ; and they reſolv'd he ſhould
Theſe Diviſions (f) between the King and the Bilhops, occa-
The Em fiond many to revolt, and encourag:d the Einpreſs to come over in
i purſues Perſon ; who, with her. Brother, the Earl of Gloceſter, landed at A-
boer Right rundel in September, with an Attendance of no more than 140 Men. So
Crown of inconſiderable a Party did the think ſufficient to embroil a diſtracted
Nation,
not.
England,
.
(a) P. 219.(b. Joan. Prior. Hag.p.330. Dalrymple p.173.(c) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1139.Echard.ad Ann. 1138 lub
fin. (d. Echard ad Ann. 1139.2, 181, & 139.(0) Tyrrel ad Am, 1136. p. 242. (F, Echard, Tyrrel, scc, ad
A. 1139, 1140, &c.
..
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 393
Ts affifted by
Makes King
Stephen Pris
Nation, and to dethrone a King, whoſe beftTitle was that the Clergy
and Nobles had elected him, and the People ſubmitted. Nor was
ſhe much miſtaken.
he Loyaliſts or Rebels ( for ſo are they differently call’d by dif-
ferent Authors) flock'd to her Royal Standard from all Corners of
the Kingdom. Among the reſt, King David, her Uncle (a) came to King David.
her Afliſtance ; and, to be ſure, he came not fingle. A moſt bloody
and long laſting War enſu’d, and, for ſeveral Years henceforth, we
find nothing in the Hiſtory of England, but taking, and re-taking of
Towns and Caſtles, plundering and burning of Houſes and Churches,
and all the Marks of Trouble and Deſolation. At length a Deciſive
Battle was fought at Lincoln; in which the King's Party was routed, funer.
and himſelf taken Priſoner; and afterwards, either through Suls
picion or Hatred ingloriouſly fetterd with Irons.
This Victory made the Émpreſs abſolute Miſtreſs, not only of
England, but alſo of Normandy: The People of that Country taking
the Opportunity to revolt in her Favour; inſomuch that, as the
ſole Monarch of both Countries, ſhe commanded in all Affairs, and
diſpos’d of all Dignities and Offices at her Pleaſure : But her Plea-
ſure was not to be regulated by Counſel or Reaſon , eſpecially when
The found her ſelf poſſeſs’d of the Capital of the Kingdom. Her
Uncle, the King of Scots, who accompanied her thither, (b) and her
Brother, the Earl of Gloceſter, did all they could to allay her femi-
nine Haughtineſs, and to perſwade her into diſcreet and moderate
Meaſures ; but in vain : She was a Woman, and, like moſt of her
Sex, when in Power, would hearken to no Counſels, but thoſe her
Pride and Reſentment ſuggeſted. She caus’d King Stephen to be
fetter'd with Chains, ſcornfully rejected the moſt humble Requeſt
of her Couſin, the Queen, who begg’d not the Crown, but Life and
Liberty for her Husband ; and, to be ſhort, gave ſo much Diſguſt by
her rigid Deportment, eſpecially to the Londoners, that they pri-
vately conſpir'd againſt her ; inſomuch, (c) 'that ſhe herſelf, her
Uncle King David, the Pope's Legate, her Brother Earl Robert, and
the reſt of the Noblemen of her Party, were forc'd to withdraw
from the City. Not long after this, the Legate, who was a natural
Brother of King Stephen (for Reaſons foreign to my Purpoſe) de-
ſerted her, as he had done fome Years before ; and moſt of the No-
bility of England followed his Example. But the King of Scots was incà-
pable of Change: He was acted by Principle, & was therefore immove-
able:He continu'd to attend her in Adverſity, (d)as he had done in Pro-
ſperity, & with him the Earls of Gloceſter & Hereford,& ſome few Barons.
They beſieg'd the Caſtle of Wincheſter to be even with the Legate
to whom it belong’d; but it held out bravely, till at length a ſupe-
rior Army approach'd towards its Relief. Upon this, they were
oblig’d to raiſe the Siege and retreat : But being overtaken and ſet
upon, the Earl of Gloceſter, who brought up the Rear, was made a
Ggggg
Priſo-
و
و
:
(a) Joan. Prior. Hag. ad Ann. 1140.(b) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1141. p. 233.235. (c) Tyrrel ad ann. 1141.pi
236.(d) Tyrrel p. 237.
I
394 The Life of St. David, Book II.
).
a
David
Oliphant.
:
The Em.
.
England.
krings Datid lifard, or Oliphant, who is a frequent Witneſs in the Charters of the
1. after the Kings, David, Malcolm, and William, had the Honour of being very
Defeat ofere ſtrumental in bringing off his Maſter. Duke Robert was afterwards
kis Niece. releas'd,and ſo was King Stephen, they being exchang’d for one ano-
ther : But the War ſtill continuing, and the Affairs of the Empreſs
declining, it was her Fate to be cloſely pent up in Oxford, and very
nigh made a Priſoner ; yet ſhe eſcap'd to the Admiration of the World:
Thus about four Years paſs’d, with amazing Variety of Succeſſes
and Diſaſters ; and every Year on each Side, produc'd freſh Cala-
mities, to the infinite Dammage of the whole Kingdom, but moſtly
to the ſtrengthning and increaſing King Stephen's Intereſt: For, du-
ring this Time, the two famous Earls, Robert of Gloceſter, and Milo
of Hereford , Men of great Abilities, and unſhaken Fidelity to the
Empreſs, both loſt their Lives; one by a Diftemper, and the other.
by an Accident. Theſe reiterated Misfortunes made the Empreſs to
leave England and retire into Normandy, where ſhe continu'd with her
preſs leaves Husband, the Earl of Anjou, till his Death. What King David did
all this while, we know not diftin&tly · This we are ſure of,by what
I have already related, he was a ftrenuous Afferter of the Empreſs's
Right ; and Mr. Echard (b) tells us, that under that Pretence, he
ſeiz’d upon the County of Northumberland. But he is miſtaken; that
County had been deliver'd up to him, at leaſt to his Son, by the
Treaty I have mention’d: And while Confuſion,Rapine and Slaugh-
ter, rag'd throughout all the reſt of the Kingdom, the Northern
Counties, being in the Hands of the Scots,enjoy'd a profound Calm.
And ’tis probable, that King Davidadded to theſe ſome more of the
adjacent Territories : For we find, that in Anno 1142, (c) William
Cumins,their Cumin his Chancellor, by the Grant of the Emprefs,enter'd the Caſtle
Riſc in Scot- of Durham, and took Poſſeſſion of that Biſhoprick ; but he afterwards
reſtor’d it to the Biſhop,reſerving Alverton and ſome otherLands,which
were yielded to his Nephew Richard. This Richard (d) was Father to
WilliamCumin,the firſt Earl of Buchan,and Lord chief Juſtice of Scotland;
and from him deſcended the Great, Noble and Numerous Family of
the Cumins, which afterwards made ſo great a Figure in Scotland.
The Retreat of the Empreſs did not ſecure King Stephen in his
Throne : She had a Son, and he, tho but a Youth of about fixteen
Years of Age, had already the Wit, Courage and Conduct of the ab-
19, the Em- left Men. He left France, his native Country, where he had many
prefi's Son fair Poſſeſſions, and afterwards acquir’d more, and came over to
England, with a ſmall but ſelect Army. Prince Henry (for ſo was
A. D. 1149. he call’d) no ſooner arriv’d,in ſearch of that Grown he had ſo much
Right to, but he was joyn'd by thoſe, who,out of a Principle
of Loy-
alty had ſtill adherd to his Mother. Nevertheleſs, he had not For-
ces(e)ſufficient to make open War againſt King Stephen, and there-
fore
.
Prince Hen-
lands in
England.
(a) Dalrymple, p. 174. (6) Echard ad Ann. 1141. p. 185. (c) Chron. de Melroſs. Joan. Prior Hagulſtad.ad
Ann, ut fup. (d) Dalrymple. p. 174. (e) Tyrrel ad Arn, 1149. D. 247.
Chap. II. The Ninty firſt King of Scotland. 395
and attitud
by King
.
fore march'd ſtraight to King David, his Grand-Uncle, in order to
be inſtructed in Feats of Arms by him; who, without Controverſy
(if we may credit Buchanan) (a) was the greatett Warriour of that
Age. King David (b) receiv'd him at Carlile with great Honour
and Magnificence, and at the Feaſt of Pentecoft enſuing, Knighted Is Knighted
him, together with ſome young Noblemen of his Retinue; in a
molt ſolemn Manner, as the Faſhion then was. The Ceremony was David.
no ſooner perform’d, but the King, having rais’d an Arıny towards
his Aſſiſtance, went in Perſon with him to the Campaign; but it
prov'd not bloody. King Stephen oppos’d their March, and bɔth
Armies, after they had lain the whole, Sumner watching each o-
thers Motions, return’d Home without Action.
Thus the War was renew'd, chiefly by the Forces and Directie
on of the King of Scots; and it was henceforth profecuted with Vi.
gour, both in Normandy and England. Prince Henry's Purty had
the better for the molt Part, yet King Stepsen was not idle : He
meant to ſecure the Succeſſion to his eldelt con, Prince Edſtaze, a
bold and warlike Youth. With this View, he endeavour'd to inveſt A. D. 1155
him (c) with the Engliſh Diadem, and in a grand Council at
London, callid for the Purpoſe, commanded the Archbiſhop of Cana
terbury to ſet it upon his Head:'But he abſolutely refus’d, alledging
that the Pope had forbidden to Crown him, whole Father had,
contrary to his Oath, uſurpd the King:lom. The reſt of the Bi-
ſhops, now returning to their Duty, expreſs:d themſelves much in
the ſame Manner, and were all ſhut up with their Primate in one
Houſe. Nay Henry, of Wincheſter himſelf (d), (who was, or had
been Legate to the Pope, and who, by making his Brother King,
had brought ſuch Miſeries upon the Nation) at length ſtruck
with Remorſe, contributed his utmoſt Endệavours to bring about à
Peace. The great Work was forwarded, not only by the repents
ing Clergy, but alſo by all thoſe that had any Regard for their
afiliated Country, or Love for their Sovereign. Andis reported,
that while King Stephen, at the Head of his Army, was giving Or-
ders for a Battle, his Horſe mounted thrice with his fore-Legs,
till át laſt he fell down backwards, to the great Hazard of the King's
Perſon. Upon this, the Earl of Arundel took Occaſion to exhort
him, to be warn’d by theſe ill Omens, and not to expect any Succeſs a-
gainſt the juſter Cauſe. Upon this Advice it was reſolv’d to come to
à Parley; and a Treaty was ſet on Foot,notwithſtanding the vigorous
and ſpiteful Oppoſitioh made againſt it by Prince Euſtace. But he
died ſuddenly, and his Brother William was, as himſelf, neglected;
ſo that the Treaty went on: And 'twas agreed, Thạt Stephen ſhould
enjoy the Crown of England during Life, but that he ſhould be luc-
ceeded by Prince Henry; which accordingly fell out the very next A. D. 1154.
I would not in the leaſt derogate from the Courage and Conſtan-
cy of thoſe Engliſh Loyaliſts that fought ſo bravely, and ſo tenaci-
Ggggg. 2
.o!!fly
(a) In vit. Reg. (b) Echard, Tyrrel, &c. ad Ann, ut fup. (c) Echard ad Au. 1151. (a) Echara ad Ann. 1153
i
Year 11 54.
$
:
!
390 The Life of St. David Book. U.
ouſly adher'd to their rightful, tho exild Sovereigns, the Mother
and Son. They did much, but I hope, 'twill be acknowledg’d
that King David did more. He appear’d more early in Oppoſition
to the Uſurper (for ſuch he thought King Stephen) than any Party
of Men in England ; nay, ſooner than the Empreſs her felf
. Ali
,
or moſt part of them, chang’d Sides, and took contradictory Oaths; he
never did.
Had it been poſſible to have brib'd him, 'tis not to be
doubted, but King Stephen would have done it: He had made no
Difficulty to have given up a Province or two to a neighbouring
Prince, capable to have fecur'd him and his Poſterity in the Poffel
fion of a Kingdom, Nor could Favour or Conſanguinity prevail
any more than Intereſt
, over King David : Had he been capable of
being gain'd over from Juſtice, ſure Queen Matilda (by all Accounts
reported to have been a more reaſonable Perſon than the Emprefs,
and as near a Relation to him) had prevail'd : But nothing could
do, no not the Clergy, nor their then acknowledg’d Superior, the
Pope : He had vow'd to God, and he would accept of no Diſpenſa-
tion from Men. Accordingly God Almighty bleſs’d his Endea-
vours : For with his own Scots Forces, and but a very few Engliſh
Auxiliaries, he did right to himſelf, in Spite of the elſewhere tri-
umphing King Stephen : And when the Empreſs appear’d, and o-
penly challengd her Right, he aſſiſted her to Powerfully, that ſhe
gain'd the Kingdom, and
had kept it, had fhe but follow'd his Advice.
Her Son was more pliable to good Counſel, and was therefore more
fortunate : He comply'd with moderate Overtures, and ſuffer'd
his contending Rival, not only to live in Freedom and Safety (a
Requeſt his Mother had refus’d to grant) but to Reign while he
liv'd.
Thus, after England had felt all the ordinary Calamities that wait
on Uſurpation, during the Space of about 18 Years, Peace and Ju-
ftice were again reſtor’d to the Nation, together with the lawful
Heir : And all this was in a great Meaſure owing to the unſhaken
Fidelity, ſteddy Conduct, and powerful Aſſiſtance, of the King of
Scots. "A Favour Prince Henry, when King of England, ought not
to have forgotten : For 'tis plain, he had never been King, had his
Grand-Uncle oppos’d him, in Conjunction with King Stephen ; or,
had he but ſtood by, and unconcern’dly look'd on. And this
ſhews, that the Scots, when united among themſelves, were ever
able to caſt the Ballance of England, when divided, as they had a
mind.
War is certainly one of the greateſt Evils that Nations are liable
but 'tis ſuch an Evil, as is often, like unpalatable Medicines,
neceſſary. Some People, eſpecially the Britiſh, are naturally fo
Bizarre and Inconſtant in their Temper, ſo impatient of Eaſe, ſo
Stubborn and Factious, that the Greateſt and Wifeft of their Sove-
reigns, have like cautious Phyſicians, thought fit from time to
time, to moderate the Activity of their Spirits, by Blood-letting;
I mean, by employing them in foreigu Wars, left being fatten'd and
oppreſs'd
to;
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland 397
King David
I. quells Cia
tions.
oppreſs’d by Idling and Wealth, they ſhould relaple into their ulu-
al Diftemper, Phrenſy ; and act the Chirurgeons upon themſelves;
that is, fall foul upon one another, and make War at Home. As
beneficent and good as King David was, he experiencd, that, till
his Subjects were employ'd in thoſe juft Wars he wag’d in England,
they were in ſome Meaſure incapable of enjoying the Bleſſings of
Peace, Plenty and Piety, he endeavour’d to fettle among them
For, about two Years after his Acceſfion to the Throne, a dange-
Tous (a) Commotion was rais’d by Angus, Earl of Murray, who, as
ſome ſay, was deſcended (b) of Duncan, the late Uſurper; and vil Commo:
perhaps as ſuch pretended to high Matters : But he was cut off with
all his Followers; and William, the Son of Duncan, was receiv'd into
Favour, and afterwards preferrd to Honour and Truſt; a Proof
that he had not been concern’d in the ſeditious Attempt. Malcolm
Macbeth, an hereditary Enemy to the King, endeavour'd a ſecond Re-
bellion; but he was taken and committed Priſoner in the Caſtle of
Roxburgh; and, not long after, his Son Dovenald, being guilty of the
fame Crime, was alſo apprehended at Whit-horn, and us’d in the
fame Manner. 'Tis probable the Father and Son were eminent
for their Intereſt and Power in Galloway; and that thoſe of that
Country (then much larger in Extent than it now is) adher'd to
them: For we find, that, @) fome Years afterwards, Robert Bruce,
in order to diſſwade King David from invading England, deſir’d him
to remember, That by the help of the Engliſh Arms, he had been
terrible to thoſe of Galloway; and that Walter Espec, and ſome Enga
liſh Noblemen (whether as Volunteers, or, by the Orders of their Ma-
fter, King Henry !. I cannot tell) waited on the King at Carlile,
and affitted him in quelling this laſt Rebellion. This I mention
the rather, becauſe I incline to omit no Opportunity of doing Ju-
ftice to the Merits of the Engliſh Nation. And ſo much of King David's
Wars : 'Tis now time to talk of the no leſs glorious Actions of his
more peaceable Reign.
One of the moſt commendable Things he did, was this: He en
deavour'd by all Means, that Juſtice ſhould be impartially admini-
fter'd to his Subjects; and that they ſhould be inſtructed in the
Knowledge of Right and Wrong. With this View, (d) he employ'd ſe-
veral of the moſt Knowing and Learn'd of the Nation to make a
Collection, not only of the Laws of Scotland, but alſo of thoſe they
had obſervd to be of greateſt Uſe in their Travels abroad. This
done, he call’d a grand Council from all Parts of the Kingdom ;
and by their Advice he pick'd out from theſe Collections, that Sy-
ſtem of the Scots Law, we commonly call Regiam Majeftatem. A Laws of
Syftem, fo Excellent, and ſo deſervdly admir'd, that the English, King David
by borrowing from it, or rather adapting it entirely to their own
Uſe, have made it a Doubt, whether we have our Law from them,
or they from us. The moſt knowing Sir Thomas Craig was indeed
H h hhh
of
(a) Buchan. Boeth. &c.in vit. Reg. (b) Dalrymple, p. 169. (c) Ethelred de bell. Standerd. p. 345. (d) Ang
derſon's HiſtorEffay, p. 137, &e, Chron. Kínloſs penes Sir Robert Sibbald.
398
The Life of St. David , Book. II.
.
of Opinion, that the Regiam Majeſtatem, was no Part of the Scots
Law; but that it was taken from Glanvil an Engliſhman, who was
Chief Juſtice under Henry II. and by Conſequence unwarrantably
impos'd upon this Nation: But he was Miftaken ; and, ſince bis
Time, the learn'd Clerk-Regiſter, Sir John Skeen, and after him,
Mr. James Anderſon, and Sir fames Dalrymple, have reſolv'd the
Queſtion, by uncontrovertible Evidence: For, to ſay nothing of
the moſt renown'd Engliſh Antiquaries, Spelman and Selden, who
both acknowledge, that theſe Laws were publiſh'd by the Command of
David I. of Scotland, and conſequently were but tranſcrib'd by
Glanvil, or his Maſter King Henry II
. of England, who did not begin
to Reign, till about the Death of King David. The thing is evi-
dent from the following Obſervations.
The Compoſer of the Regiam Majeftatem, in the roth Paragraph
of his Preface, tells plainly, that he digeſted theſe Laws by Order
of King David, Cum ſano confilio totius regni ſui, tam populi quam cleri.
Beſides, King William, the Grandchild of King David, by one of his
uncontroverted Statutes, appoints, That if any be challeng’d for Theft,
the Cuſtom and Statute of King David Jhall be obſerv’d. And King
Alexander II. his great Grandchild, ordains, That all ſtoln Goods ſhall
be brought to the Places, appointed by King David; the I. to be ſure : For
King David II. did not Reign till very long after. Now theſe two
Statutes of after Kings, do plainly allude, the I. to the 16 Chapter,
and the II. to the 20th of the I. Book of the Regiam Majeftatem.
Beſides 'tis remarkable (and I had the judicious Obſervation
from a Perſon of Quality, who, to ſay nothing of his refin’d Taſte,
with Reference to the politer Arts, and Belles Lettres, is eminent,
tho he would not ſeem to be fo, in the Knowledge both of Hiſtory
and Law) that when King Edward I. of England, had in the Year
1304, brought Scotland, (as he thought) to Subjection, that Prince
appointed (a) Les Lois que le Roy David fift; the Laws of King David
to be fought out and revis’d, together with the Emendations and Addi-
tions fince made by ſucceeding Kings. The Laws then of King David,
were the ſtanding Laws of the Kingdom in thoſe Days : And what
other Laws he made, beſides thoſe contain’d in the Regiam Majeſta-
tem, we know not; but are ſure, that to theſe, Emendations, and
Additions were put by fucceeding Kings. 'Tis therefore plain,
that the Scots Regiam Majeftatem, is the Original; and that the
Engliſh Glanvil has borrow'd from, and copy'd after King David:
And no wonder, that a Prince, ſo eminently Juſt in all the Acti-
ons of his own Life, ſhould have been, as Juſtinian and other
great Monarchs, ſollicitous to collect good Laws, and tranſmit
them down to Pofterity.
He did Juſtice to all (6), but chiefly to the Poor: Their Cauſes
he heard himſelf with incredible Patience and Condeſcenſion,
Juſtice and while he remitted thoſe of the Rich to the Judge Ordinary; and
Charity.
if a falſe Judgement had been given, he would not relčind it, but
His great
compelled
(a) Pryn Colle&tions Tom. III, p. 1055. (b) Buchan, Joan. Major in vit. David.
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland. 399
1
compelled the Judge himſelf to pay the Dammages awarded. John
Major, to ſhew the tender Feeling he had of the Miſeries of the
Inferior People, tells us, that one Day, deſigning to divert himſelf
and his Court with Hunting, he had call’d for his Horſe,and had his
Foot in the Stirrup, when a poor Man approach’d, complain'd of
ſome Injury done him, and begg’d to be redreſs’d. The King,
inov’d with Compaſſion, alighted, heard his Complaint, gave him
Satisfaction, and then, and not till then, took Horſe, as he had be-
fore defign'd.
His Beneficence to the Church and Church-men was extraordinary;
(a) for he not only repair’d ſuch Monaſteries, as were decay’d by His Libera-
Age, or defac'd by the Injuries of War, but to the fix Biſhopricks, Church,
formerly erected, he added four more, viz. Roſs, Brechin, Dunkeld, cordemod,
and Dumblane: As alſo, the Abbies of Jedburgh, Kelſo, Melroſs,New- cated.
bottle, Holy-Rood-Houſe, Kinloss, Cambuskenneth, Dundrenan; and Ho-
mecultram in Cumberland. He founded likewiſe two Religious Houſes at
Newcaſtle ; one for the Benedictines another for the White Monks ; And
for profeſs’d Virgins or Nuns, two Monaſteries; one at Berwickand
another at Carlile : All which he provided with competent Revenues.
His Liberality in this Reſpect many condemn, others approve and
cry up to the Skies. His fevereſt Cenſors are John Major, a Popiſh
Prieſt, and the Learn'd Buchanan. The firſt is of Opinion, that had
he confider'd how many Religious Houſes his pious Anceſtors had
already erected; with what Parfimony Church-men,eſpecially Monks,
ought to live and what inconſiderable
Duties or Subſidies the
Scots Na-
tion was then in Uſe to pay to their Sovereigns;he had not thus laviſh-
ly ſquander'd away the Royal Revenues, to feed the Luxury of Pre-
lates, and debaſe the Devotion of Monks. For, ſays he, and indeed
truly, no ſooner did Opulency get Enterance into Cloyſters, but Ir-
regularity follow'd : Great Men's Children , young, riotous, and de-
bauch’d, ſtole, nay, openly intruded themſelves into the Church,
which they diſhonour'd by their Ignorance and Vices : Abbays, and
Church-Lands were given in Commendam ; and thoſe licentious Su-
periors, had not the Front to cruſh the Seeds of thoſe Vices in their
Inferiors, which had grown up to ſuch an unmeaſurable Height in
themſelves. Hence, adds Buchanan, as in Bodies too Corpulent the
uſe of all Members ceaſes; fo the Sparks of Wit,oppreſsed by Plen-
ty began to languiſh ; Learning became nauſeous; Piety,Superftiti-
ous ; and Vice was taught, even in the Schools of Vertue. Upon the
Main,they're both in the Right : Thoſe Houſes were deſign das Aſylums
or Sanctuaries for Piety, as Colleges for Learning, as Seminaries of
Godlineſs, and Retreats from Sin. Thoſe that retird thither, fati-
ated with the Heavenly Manna, they reap'd in the Deſert, ought not
to have look'd back upon the Fleſh-Pots of Egypt ; they ſhould have
deſpis’d the World, and the World had honour'd them, and never
re-enter'd into it, but to amend it. In a Wotd,
In a Wotd, it muſt be ownid,
that Church-men, if vicious, are the very worſt of Creatures ; and
H h hh h 2
the
(a > Sportiſwood, Book 2d, p. 34. Dr. Mackenzie in the Life St. Ælred, Buchanan, Boet. &c,
ܪ
Book. II.
400 The Life of St. David
to pre-
vent.
is a
the Church of Rome came to ſtand in need, even in the Popiſh Senſe,
of a thorow Reformation. Yet King David is not at all to be
blam’d: (ſays Arch-biſhop Spottiſwood) He was, in the Opinion of this
Reform'à Prelate , a moſt wiſe King, knew very well his own Work,
and could proportion his Gifts to his Revenues. His Donations,ac-
cording to the higheſt Eſtimate made of them, did not amount to a
bove 120000 Franks;a valuable Sum indeed in thoſe Days,but ſuch as
he could ſpare: Witneſs his Succeſſors, who,tho not ſo liberally, yet
founded many Monaſteries in ſucceeding Ages : A Proof that he did
not leave them deſtitute of Means to ſupport their Royal Dignity.
If Abuſes crept in afterwards by Length of Time and the Corrupti-
on of Perſons; this the good King could not help, nor live to
The Scots Biſhops and Monks, for many Centuries before,
had from their Cells diſpers’d Light all over the known World : Nay,
in his Days, we find none of them noted for Ignorance or Vice. And
if the Reaſon objected ſhould hold, the beſt of God's Creatures,and the
moſt pious Inſtitutions which ever were in the World, ſhould be all
condemnn'd: For what is it, that was ever put in the Hands of Man
to uſe, that has not been abus'd : Remaneat ufus, tollatur abuſus,
Maxime, Wiſe Men, in the like Caſes will ever practiſe. Beſides, ſays
the Arch biſhop (a) this further will I boldly affirm ; that if there
be any Profuſion excuſable in Princes, it is this : And the Reaſon is
plain : For, as theſe Foundations are the moſt laſting Monuments, to glo-
rify their Memories, ſo they are their readieſt Helps to ſupply their Necef-
fities on all Occaſions. Indeed we have often found by Experience
that 'tis ſo ; at leaſt, where the Prince and eſtabliſh'd Church are in
good Terms: Witneſs the equally loyal and liberal Church of Eng-
land in the Days of King Charles I. And witneſs thoſe of France and
of Spain at preſent; had it not been for their Duns gratuits, King Lew-
is had been humbld,and Philip dethron'd ere now. The Wealth of the
Church,is, or ought to be with Reference to the State, what the Cors de
Reſerve are in Armies; and where the National Church is poor, the
Country, not only wants thoſe beautiful and laſting Ornaments elle-
where to be ſeen, but alſo, a ready Fund to ſupply, upon Occaſi-
ons,the Deficiency of all others. Iffo, King
David cannot be ſaid to have
given away the Revenues of the Crown :He onlylent a Partofthem, or
rather laid them up in Store for the Uſe of the Kings his Succeſſors, the
Benefit of the Nation,& the Improvement of the Country.Hence thoſe
noble Structures and ſtately Edifices, inconſiderate Zeal afterwards
overturn'd ; Edifices ſo wonderful, that their very Ruines are ſtill
admir’d. Hence the high Ways and Bridges, yet extant in ſeveral
Parts of the Kingdom, the Piety of Bihops erected. Hence the
fat and well cultivated Lands, the Labour and Induſtry of Monks
improv'd. Beſides, 'tis obſervable, that where the Church is
rich,and Church-men live in Celibacy, there noble Families are more
laſting, and all Ranks of People better provided for : And the Reaſon
is evident ; for beſides the numerous Hoſpitals they build for the
Enter
.*
:(,ibid,
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland. 401
Entertainment of ſuch Poor, as would otherwiſe have died, for want
both of Medicine and Food : They generally beſtow great Part of their
Yearly Revenues towards the Support of their neareſt of Kin. They
conſider their Nephews and Nieces as their Children, and take Care
to have them educated conform to their Rank, Inclination and Parts.
Nor is their Care, as that of Parents, confin'd to but one Family ;
all their Kindred ſhare in their Gifts : And ſince there is not one;
tho never ſo mean and deſpicable, but is ſome way or other related
to Churchmen in Place, it follows, that there are none in a Nation
but are better'd by them, inſomuch, that if the People continues in:
digent and miſerable where ſucha Church is eſtabliſh’d,this is owing
to the unhappy Circumſtances or Conſtitution of the Country,
which, if depriv'd of theſe Means of Encouragement and Support,
would be unhappier. Widows and Orphans would be really lo,
tħere being no Perſons willing, nor Funds ſufficient to afford them
Subfiftence or Education. None without a Stock or Employment
could thrive ; and none, or but few, come to Employments that
had not been
born to a Stock : The beſt Families would at length
decay, and Children become burdenſom to Heirs, becauſe obliga
to provide for all thoſe, who ( were the Church Rich) would by
becoming Churchmen, both provide for themſelves, and ſupport
their Brethren and Friends. Women and Maids, eſpecially thoſe
of mean, but Honourable Families, would be expos’d to all the
Temptations that aſſault the Weaker Sex; becauſe oblig’d to live
in the World, and unable to do it for want of Patrimonies. Thus
Chaſtity ſhould have no Safeguard, nor Piety a Retreat from Word-
lings ; nor could Learning flouriſh, where none could get either Hö-
nour or Wealth by being Learn’d. Theſe, or ſuch Reaſons as theſe,
might probably induce King David to be liberal to the Church
which, had Care been taken to keep Churchmen to their Duty,
might have prov'd lo beneficiár, even to the State, that after-Kings
would not have thought this one to have been, what King James
I. is ſaid to have call'd him, A ſore Saint to the Crown.
So much Courage, ſuch Juſtice, and ſo great Beneficence could
not fail of begetting Love and Reſpect, both for his Perſon and Gó-
vernment. Accordingly, all his Subjects obſequiouſly comply'd with
whatever he deſir’d: He reign’d in their very Hearts; and, by Con-
ſequence, proſperouſly; yet was twice affected with unſpeakable Death of
Grief ; but fuffer'd both Calamities with Heroick Patience. The his Wife.
one proceeded from the untimely Death of his Wife, t'other, from
that of his Son. His Wife, an incomparable Lady, for whom he
had all the Tenderneſs her great Beauty and greater Vertue defervid,
died in the Flower of her Age, and in the 7th Year of his Reign. He
liv'd full twenty Years after her ; and all this time, not only con-
tinud a Widower,but, as all Authors agree, kept even his Thoughts
free from the ordinary Defires of healthful Nature : For his con-
ftant Application to the publick Concerns, both of War and Peace,
is a ſufficient Teſtimony that he was far from being of a weak or un-
Iiiii
manly
402
The Life of St. David, Book IL
Death of his
Son and
Heir,
Prince Hen.
y.
ز
manly Conſtitution ; but, it ſeems, he was ſatisfied, that, as he who
marries does well, lo he who marries not does better.
The ſecond and moſt cutting Amiction of his Life, was occaſion'd
by the Death of his Son, Prince Henry, the Comfort of his old
Age, the Heir of his Crown and large Territories, the Darling of
his People, nay,and the Object ofthe Admiration and Love of the
Engliſh as well as the Scots. Both Nations (for both were very much
concern'd in him;the Scots, as in the Heir of their Crown; the Engliſh,
as in the greateſt Prince and firſt Peer of England) confider'd his
Death as a publick Calamity : Every particular Perſon lamented the
private Misfortune, which he thought had happen’d to himſelf. He
had been fick ſome Years before ; and, if we may believe St. Bera
nard, (a) had been recover'd by a Miracle : But Miracles are rare,
and never to be look'd for ; and it God Almighty wrought one in
his Favour, he did not think fit to repeat it: So he died in the Year
1152. His Father's Grief was increas'd by the Circumſtances of
the Time ; for he was now an old Man, and his Grand-Children
young ; by Conſequence, not yet able to ſupport the Weight of
the Government ; whereas his Grand-Nephew Prince Henry, who
was to ſucceed King Stephen in the Throne of England, was then in
the Heat and Fervour of his Youth, and naturally of a fierce, reſt-
leſs and ambitious Temper. He fear’d, that if he himſelf, whoſe
Authority alone was capable to over-aw that Prince, ſhould die,
as 'twas probable he could not be long liv’d; he feard, I ſay, what
afterwards fell out, that Prince Henry,forgetting the Obligations put
upon him, would catch at the Opportunity of aggrandizing him-
ſelf, by incroaching upon his Neighbours. Theſe Confiderations e.
very Body thought capable to depreſs his languiſhing Spirits, and
to ſhorten the few Days of his remaining Life. But, beſides his
Martial Temper, he had, by the Exerciſe of all the Chriſtian Ver-
tues, ſo ſtrongly fortified his Mind againſt the Fierceſt of humane
Paſſions, that he had attained to an immoveable Conſtancy.
This appear'd very plainly on the preſent Occaſion. For,
When his Nobility fear'd, that he ſhould have funk under
the Weight of irreſiſtible Grief, he call’d them together to an En-
tertainment in his Palace, and, in ftead of ſeeking Comfort, gave it
to them; who, to ſay the truth, ſtood more in need of it than
himſelf. He told them (a) “'That no new thing had happend
to him or his Son : That he had long fince learn'd from the
« Converſation and Sermons of good and learn d Men, and more
particularly, from the Examples of his Father and Mother, that
" the World was governd by the Providence of Almighty God :
" That Providence was not to be refifted, and that he ever ob-
"ſerv'da Ray of it, in the darkeſt Night of his Afiations. That convincd
(as he ever was) that the powerful Worker of all things does
C
CC
CG
C6
no-
(a) In vit. Malach. (6) Buchan: Dr. Mackenzie ubi ſup:
Chap. II. The Ninty firfi King of Scotland. 403
CC
(
CC
« nothing but for a good End, tho hidden from the Weakneſs of our
Conceptions, he could not grieve for ought that could happen,
" but that he rather found Joy in the midſt of Sorrow and Comfort in
46 Troubles. That Heaven had been please to bleſs him with many
Afidions of the ſame kind: For, continud he, my Father, when
I was but an Infant, paid his laſt Tribute to Nature ;. He was the
• Father of his people, eſpecially of the Poor, as well as mine ;
5 and could Tears have preſerv'd him, he had never been cut off,
« Death, to execute the Decrees of its Sovereign, did alfo feiſe my
"Mother : I ſpeak nothing of her Vertue; the World knows it.
My Brothers, who lov'd me with a peculiar Tenderneſs, were
• ſnatch'd from me one after another. My Wife, whom I honour'd
« and cheriſh'd above all things on Earth, was likewiſe taken from
me by Death. The Son has now follow'd his Mother, and no
Wonder, fince he, as they, was born on no other Terms, but
6 that he behovd to die, and, by dying, pay that Debt to God and
« Nature, which he contracted before he was born. This is our
« Cafe, and 'twas his
, and if we are, as we ought to be, always
ready to pay our Debts, when cravid, 'tis no matter how, foon
“ our Creditor, God Almighty, ſhall call on us for it. If only wic-
6 ked Men were ſubject to Death, then we might juſtly grieve at
u the Loſs of our Kindred : But we ſee that good Men die as well
as the bad, and often fooner, becauſe ſooner ripe for theſe Joyes
46 laid up for them in Heaven., All Chriſtians ought therefore to
66 be throughly ſettl”d in this Perſuaſion, That wo evil can happen to
5 the good, whether dead or alive. As for my Son, if he has been
66
call d upon before us, that ſo he might the ſooner viſit and enjoy
6 the Fellowſhip of my Parents and Brethren, thoſe precious Souls
the World was not worthy of; why ſhould I regrate or envy his
56 Happineſs? Sure I cannot do it, but out of a Principle of Self,
Love; and ſhould I mourn for him, it might be thought that I
grudge at nothing but the Loſs I my ſelf have ſuſtain’d. To
conclude, I have more reaſon to rejoyce that God gave me a Son,
who in your Judgment, and conſequently in that of all my Peo-
ple) deſervd to be lov'd while alive, and is now lamented when
4 dead. Since 'tis fo (as ye by your many good Offices of Reſpect,
u both to me and him, have abundantly ſhewn) I ought not, can-
not
regrate the Loſs of a Treaſure, which I have poffefs'd ſo ſhort
a time, nor ſo many fair Hopes that are now evaniſh’d, nor that
dear Part of my Heart torn from me: Neither can I complain
56 of Injuſtice ; God has re-demanded what I heli of his Goodneſs:
I think to follow him, and hope to be quickly deliver'd from the
Miferies, Anguilhes and Diſgraces, that are inſeparably mingid
amongſt the greateſt Pleaſures of the World, to begin an Eterni-
ty
of Pleaſure in Heaven.
Theſe laft Words, ſome think he ſpoke with a Prophetick Spirit:
For, ſays John Major, he fore-knew his Death, either by a natural
iiiii
lottinct.
T
06
CC
CC
66
CC
CC
CC
CC
CC
1
2
404 The Life of St. David
Book. II.
.
İnſtinct, or, which is more credible, by an Inſpiration from Hea-
ven, a Year before it happen'd; for which Reaſon he redoubl’d his
Aets of Charity, and was more than ever, afſiduous in his Devo-
tions, feeding the Poor with his own Hands, and receiving
the bleſs’d Sacrament every Sunday. Nor did he neglect the Af
fairs of State : Prince Henry had left three Sons behind him, Mal-
colm, William and David, and as many Daughters, Adama, Margaret
and Matilda. The eldeſt Son Malcolm, he commended to the Care
of the Nobility, but more particularly to that of Duncan Macduf,
Earl of Fife, a very powerful and prudent Man; whom, in Quality
of Governour to the young Prince, he commanded to wait on hiń
through the ſeveral Countries of the Kingdom, with Orders to
few him to the People, and to cauſe him be receiv'd and pro-
claim'd as the undoubted Heir of the Crown. William, his ſecond
Grand-fon, he took along with himſelf to Newcaſtle, nani'd him
Earl of Northumberland, and caus’d the principal Men of that Coun-
try to do him Homage, and give Hoftages for their Fidelity. In
fine, he made David, the youngeſt, Earl of Huntington in England,
and' of Garioch in Scotland. Theſe Deſtinations John Major arraigns,
as impolitick : 'Twas poſſible that the younger Brothers, might,
by Engliſh Influence, be afterwards prevaild upon to prove unduti-
ful to the elder : And this Danger might have been prevented had
the young Princes got Poſſeſſions in Scotland, and the Engliſh Coun-
ties remaind in the Hands of the Scots King. However, no Mil-
chief did enſue upon this equal Diviſion: And Naturality, as well
as all the other Vertues, deſcended down to moſt of the Pofterity of
King David.
Margaret, the eldeſt Daughter of Prince Henry, was afterwards
His Proge- married (a)to Conan, Duke of Britany, and Adama the ſecond, to
Florence, Earl of Holland : And from them are lineally deſcended all
thoſe of the ſo long contending and rival Houſes of Auſtria and
Bourbon. What came of the youngeſt, Matilda, I do not find upon
Record : 'Tis probable, that in Imitation of ſo many of her neareſt
Relations, ſhe deſpis’d the World, and became a Nun.
Beſides Prince Henry, by moſt Authors, mention’d as the only
Child of King David, we have good Authority (b) to believe
that he had a ſecond Son nam'd Walter, Walthemus, or Walderus
:
But the pious Diſpoſition of that Prince's Youth, made him
leave the World before he well knew it, and become a Monk in
the Abbacy of Melroſs : He was afterwards preferr'd to be Su-
perior of that Monaſtery, and was elected Biſhop of St. Andrews,
but declin'd that Honour. He died on the 3d of Auguſt 1159,
is ſaid to have wrought many Miracles, and is now ranked among
the Saints of the Roman Church.
ny.
The
(a Cltron. Melroſs. ad Ann. 1160, & 1162. (6) Chrop. Melroſs ad Aan, 1153. Vit. Pontiff. St, And. MS
in Bibl. Jurid. Edinburg.
Chap. II. The Ninty Firſt King of Scotland. 403
His pious
A. D. 1153.
The King was now well ftricken in Years, and, not long after,
fickn'd, and faw Death at Hand. He had fearleſly viewd it before
in all its moſt frighting Shapes, and beheld it, on this more
certain Emergency, with a ſerene Eye, a pleaſant Countenance,
and a Mind, as uſually, undaunted: Nay, he welcom'd it, as a
Herald ſent from his Sovereign, with the long’d for News of an Death.
eternal Peace ; yet he prepar’d himſelf for the Meeting, as became
a humble Penitent, and a contrite Sinner. He would not ſuffer
the bleſs’d Sacrament to be brought to his Bed-Chamber, but
caus’d himſelf to be carried to the Church. He no ſooner enter'd it,
but he made a ſhort and fervent Exhortation to all about him, in-
treating they would be ſerious in their Devotions with him : Then
having heard Divine Service, he receiv'd the bleſs'd Sacrament upon
his bended knees, and ſo return'd to the Palace, where he was not
long, before he felt the neareſt Approaches of Death: Then, with
theſe Words (the laſt he ſpoke) Jeſus, my Saviour, I render thee the
Kingdom wherewith thou didft intruſi me; put me in Poſſeſſion of that,
whereof all the Inhabitants are Kings; He exchang’d his earthly, for
a heavenly Crown, and ſo died at Carlile, after a glorious and hap-
py Reign of 29 Years, two Months and three Days, in the Year of
our Lord 1153, on the 24th Day of May, and was afterwards bu-
ried at Dumfermling with Royal Pomp and Splendor.
'Tis not eaſy to give a Character of this Prince, in any man-
His Cha
ner anſwerable to his Merits. He equall'd all bypaſt or preſent racter.
Warriours. He had to do with an active, unfaithful and daring
Enemy, at once a King of England, and a potent Sovereign of
ſeveral Provinces in France; by Conſequence much Superior to
himſelf in Wealth or Power ; yet he plainly over-match'd him, in
three different Wars : For by the firſt he forc'd from him the ſer-
ritories contended for ; and in the next, he was a principal Inſtru-
ment in pulling him down from the Throne he had uſurp'd, and
in placing the lawful Heireſs upon it
. She had not Steddineſs
enough to fit ſecure : But then the conſtant Protector of the juſter
Cauſe, did by her Son, what he had done by her ; that is, he made
him King : I may ſay fo, fince 'tis evident, that King Stephen had
never been brought to diſinherit his own lawful Son, William ; and
to adopt his greateſt Enemy and Rival, Henry; had King David
ſtood by an unconcern’d Spectator of their Battles. So that what
was ſaid of Pompey, may be apply'd to King David; Æque pulchrum
elle judicavit o vincere Reges & faceré. But, if he was Brave and
Generous as Pompey, he was, as Cato, inflexible, auſtere and rigid in
Right. The greateſt Wits of Antiquity ſeem to have contended
who ſhould beſt expreſs the admird Vertue of the Roman I mentio-
ned laft: The Good, ſays Virgil
, (a) are plac'd apart by them .
ſelves, and Cato gives them Laws: And Horace tells us, (b) that
all the World fubmitted to Uſurpation, but the unconquerable
K k k k k
Spirit
() Secretoſque pios, his dancem jūra Eatonem. (b) Et cuncta terrarum lubacta, præter atrocem animum
Latobis.
1
1
400 The Life of St. David, &c. Book. IJ.
Spirit of Cato. Another (a), that he was, Homo virtuti fimillimus, per
omnia ingenio Diis quam hominibus propior, qui nunquam recte fecit, ut
facere videretur. Could ſuch Pens as theſe be found to write the Life of
King David, how nobly would they write upon a Subject as far eleva-
ted above thoſe they handld, as Fortitude, properly ſo call’d, is above
Courage miſapply'd; as Juſtice is above Ambition; Patience above
Deſpair; Charity above Humour; the Heroe above the Brave; and
the Saint above the Heroe: So far did the Chriſtian Excellencies of
King David, ſurpaſs the nobleſt Endowments of the Alexander's, Pom-
pey's and Cato's. Nay, if we may believe Buchanan, (b)(no Flatterer of
Kings). He equalld all former Kings in military Science, and excell'd them in
the Arts of Peace ; in ſo much, that,
if the beſt Heads and greateſt Wits ſhould
Set themſelves to frame the Character of an accompliſd Prince, they could
never deviſe nor imagine ſuch an one, as he did expreſs himſelf in the whole
Courſe of his life. Archbiſhop Spotiſwood (c) ſays the ſame thing, and
much inthe fame Words. Sir Thomas Craig (d) calls him, The moſt Reli-
gious Prince that ever was heard of ; and complains bitterly of fome
Engliſh Authors, who, in ſtead of acknowledging the good Offices he
did to their Conſtitution and Royal Family, ungratefully tax him with
Barbarity in making War: As if it was poſſible, that the ſame
Prince, whoſe only Fault (if he had any) was to have been prodi-
gal in his Favours to the Church and Poor, could have killid
Prieſts at the Altar, and butcher'd Children and Women with
Child. That he did make War, when provok'd to it, and that he
made it with Vigour and Reſolution, is certainly true. And John
Major (e) tells us plainly, that it was an eſſential Part of his Chara-
Eter,
Parcere ſubjectis, ở debellare ſuperbos.
But moſt part of the Engliſh do him Juſtice: Mr. Miles (f) ac-
knowledges, that while he was but Earl of Huntington, he had for
his Armorial Bearing the Lyon of Scotland within a double Treſ-
ſure, which, by the by, confutes what Mr. Rymer has aſſerted, and
ſhews that the Kings of Scotland did actually bear the Double Tref-
fure, as a Badge of their more ancient Alliance with France. Matthew
Paris (8) gives him this Teſtimony, that he was, Vir magnæ ſancti-
tatis & mirifica largitatis : And St. Ælred (b), (accounted an Engliſh-
man by ſome of that Nation, adds, That he was exactly like the
King whoſe Name he bore, A Man according to God's own Heart. St.
Bernard (i), his Cotemporary, extolls him highly, and meaning to
praiſe his Son, Prince Henry, ſays, That he was like to his Father
King David; a brave Souldier, a prudent Captain, a juft Man, and
a Lover of Truth: His Words are theſe, Henricus eft iſte------ uni-
cus patris ſui, miles fortis & prudens, patriſonans (ut aiunt) in fe&tando
juſtitiam amorem veri : That is, the Eloquence of St. Bernard
could praiſe the Son by no means better, than by faying, that he
follow'd
(a) Velleius Paterculus. (b) ubi fup. (c) Book. II. p. 37. (d) Diſput. concerning Homage chap. 23. (*)
bi lup. (f) Dalrymple p. 176. (8) Idem p. 175.(5) Dr. Mackenzie ubi ſup, (i) in vit Malach.
i
Chap. II. The Life of Alexander II. &C. 407
follow'd the Steps of his Father. In fine, Mr. Johnſton celebrates
King David, as follows,
Aurea progenies, genus alto a ſanguine Divum,
O decus, o patriæ floſque jubarque tuæ ;
Auſpice te, antiqui imperii nova jura refurgunt,
Cumque novis redeunt fæcula priſca bonis.
Relligio tua cura, tuis ſuper omnia fatis
Res provecta foris, res quoque adaucta domi:
Arbiter & belli do pacis, cui nulla tulere
Sacla parem. Vos 0 Sæcula magna voco !
Sors bona, fors felix, vitæ in te cuneta beatæ
Clauſit, & imperii munera cuneta boni.
Auget opes thalamis
, patriam ſua ope. Omnia felix,
Prole, thoro, imperio, relligione, fide.
Omnia quum
ſuperet, quid reftat ? Vincere ſemet a
Vincit, ſe magnis aquiparatque Diis.
The LIFE of
1
ALEXANDER
II
1
The Ninty fourth King of Scotland.
1
T
HE Scots Nation has been bleſs'd with three Kings of the
Name of Alexander ; all ſo reſolutely tenacious of their own
Rights, and of thoſe of the Church and State,by Providence
committed to their Care ; that I was,for a long Time,dubious, which
of the Lives I ſhould write apart. Each of them deſerves to be pro-
pos'd as a Pattern for Princes to imitate. But I make haſte to come
down to later Ages ; and my deſign'd Brevity does not allow me to
inlarge upon the Actions but of a few (a). This Monarch was the
Son of King William, Sirnam'd the Lyon, and of Emergarda, a Daugh-
ter of the Earl of Beaumorit, and a near Relation of the King of Eng- K. Alexander
land. He was born in 1199, the ſame Year, in which Richard, the A. D. 1199
King of England, died, and King John ſucceeded. (6) He went by his
K k k k k 2
Fa-
(a) Buchan. Boer, Lely, my L. Ormond, John Maj. MSS. of Icolmkill, in vit. Alex. II. (b) Tyrrel ad Ann;
1212.
408
Book. II.
The Life of St. David,
A. D. 1212
He goes to Father's Orders to the Court of this laſt, when as yet but fourteen
England,and Years of Age, and was Knighted by him, in a very ſolemn Manner
,
is Knighted.
at Clarken-well. King Form lay then under the Sentence of Excommuni-
cation; and all that would dare to treat or converſe with him, were
by the Pope threaten'd with the ſame Thunder. King Wiliam was
a very religious Prince : He had a great Reſpect for the then
Church; nay, and for the See of Rome in particular, as is plain from
the Pope's Bulls, directed to him, and his Letters to the Pope ; of
which afterwards : And no doubt he believ'd, that even Sovereigns
were liable as others to Ecclefiaftick Cenfures; but he knew that
theſe Cenſures could only affect ſuch as are not only guilty of
notorious Crimes, but are alſo incorrigibly impénitent. Perhaps
he thought that King John was ſuch; yet was not perfuaded, that
he or his Son was therefore oblig’d to neglect their own Affairs, or
to for-go their lawful and juſt Rights, by giving up all Correſpon-
dence with him. He had but lately concluded a Treaty with that
Prince, and had already perform’d his Part of the Contract, and
now ſent the Young Prince his Son, to preſs him to do the like. Be-
fides, (a) ſays Mr. Tyrrel, after Walter pf Coventry, he was now
pretty well in Years, and the Remoter Parts of his Kingdom being
much diſturb’d with inteſtine Seditions, he implor'd the Affisance
of the King of England, and fent to him his only Son, and commit-
têd him to his Care intirely. If he did ſo, at this Time of the Day,
when he very well knew that the King of England ſtood himſelf
in need of Albftance, and could give it to no Body, he was old indeed,
I mean his Intellectual Faculties muſt have faild him, and he knew
little of the Affairs of the World : Which yet cannot be alledg’d, fince,at
the ſame Time, or very ſoon after, 'tis own'd, that he advis'd the
fame King John of a Conſpiracy, form’d by his own Subjects againſt
him. The Truth is, he hop'd by this Shew of Confidence, and his
other good Officers, to win that faithleſs Monarch over to the Per-
formance of the late Treaty : But he was miſtaken; King John would
never be brought, either to repay the Money receiv’d, or to marry
the two Princeſses of Scotland to his two Sons, as he had promisd ; or
to grant Poſſeſſion to the King of Scots of the Northern Counties. 'Tis
true, he treated Prince Alexander very nobly, and that Youth was
deſervedly admir’d and careſs’d by him and his Subjects : But theſe
were Compliments that paſs of Courſe ; and it ſeems, Alexander con:
fider'd them only as ſuch. For,
Upon his very firſt Acceſſion to the Throne, when as yet but
fixteen Years old, he reſolv'd to recover by Force, what the Mis-
fortune of his Father had loſt,and the Injuſtice of King Fohn detain'd.
He joins
He wanted but a fair Opportunity of commencing a War, and ſuch
rons of Eng, an one foon offer'd it ſelf as luckily for him as he could have wiſh'd.
King Point The Barons of England had taken Arms againſt their King, for the
Reaſons I liave elſewhere related at farge : Whether juft on their
Side or no, as I do not determine, ſo King Alexander was not con-
cernd
A.D. 1214.
with the Ba-
(A) Tyrrel ibid.
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 409
i
و
1
។
cern’d to enquire. The Articles of the Treaty, I mention’d but
now, and have elſewhere given a full Account of, had not yet been
made good by King John; and Alexander,as a Sovereign Prince, had
Reaſon to compel him to Juſtice; and as a Subject of England, his
Quarrel might be the ſame with that of the Barons. Thele, as well
as the Citizens of London,courted his Favour, by the moſt preſſing and
obſequious Addreſſes imaginable. They begg’d he would defend
his own and their Rights, and offer'd him all the Encouragement,
in their power to give. Accordingly, they (a) recogniz'd his Title
to the Provinces in Diſpute, by a great many moſt folemn and Au-
thentick Writs. They had Reaſon ; never was any Party of Men
fo hard put to it, nor was Aſſiſtance given ſo very much a propos.
King John, upon the Head of his Mercenary foreign Souldiers,
was like a foreign Enemy, bearing down all before him with irreſi-
ftible Force and mercileſs Rage: (b) He divided his Ariny into fe-
veral Bodies; theſe rang’d through all Parts; and, if we inay cre-
dit Matthew Paris and others, neither ſpar'd Sex nor Age. The
Prieſts they took from the very Altars, with the conſecrated Hoſts
in their Hands; then wounded, tortur'd and rob’d thein. The
Caſtles and Houſes of the Barons they demoliſh'd or burnt
and to extort Money from Perſons of all Conditions, they hang’d
ſome by the Privities, others by the Legs and Feet, fome by their
Arms, Hands or Thumbs,injecting Saltand Vinegar into their Eyeszand
others they laid upon Trivets and Grid-irons over burning Coals,
and then put their parch'd Bodies under Ice to cool them : Info
much that all Commerce ceas’d, and no Markets were held but in
Cemeteries or Church-yards. King Alexander could not hear of theſe
inhumane Barbarities without Horror and Deteftation : He pitied
his unhappy Neighbours; and in Purſuance of the Agreement he
had made, he rais'd an Army,(c) enter'd England,took Norham-Caſtle Invade
which yielded to him upon certain Conditions ; and then continu-
ing his March, he mauld the King's Party, wherever he found any
of them, and reduc'd all Northumberland to his Obedience. The In- Conquers
habitants of that Country repair'd with Joy to the Standard of their
Deliverer, and all the Barons paid Homage to him, as to their Righ-
teous Lord. Nay, even thoſe of York-Shire did the like : They came
to him from all Parts, to implore his Protection, and, ſays Mr. Tyr-
rel, did him Homage (I rather believe, that theſe laft only ſwore to
the Performance of the Treaty agreed to)at the Abbay of Melroſs.
While Alexander was thus bufied, King John and his Mercenaries
were not idle. They could not get the Perſons of thoſe Barons, that
had fied for Refuge to the Scots Army, into their Hands; but they
ſpent their Fury upon the Towns and Lands theſe had abandon'd,
all which they deſtroy'd with Fire and Sword ; tho fome of the Ba-
rons had prevented them, and ſet Fire to their own Houſes and
Corns before hand : So that almoſt all the North of England was de-
L 1111
popu-
(a) Append. to Mr. Anderſ
. Hiſtoric. Eſſay Num. 26.(b) Echard, ad Ann. 1216. 2.255. Tyrrel,&c. ad cund
Ann. (c) Tyrrel ibid. Buchan. in vit, Alex. II. Charon Melroſs, MSS. of Icolmkih,
.
England.
all Nortbum-
berland,
410 The Life of Alexander II. Book. Il
Defends
;
و
i
populated and laid waſte. Nor did the South of Scotland fare much
better; for King John paſs’d the Borders, and penetrated into the
Country as far as Haddington. He fet Fire to that Place, as he had
done to Dumbar, and waſted all Lothian and the adjacent Country.
But King Alexander put a Stop to his Fury : By this Time he had
Scotland. got more Forces together; and, having encamp'd between the Pent-
land-Hills and River of Esk (towards which Place, he had Intelli-
gence that the Enemy deſign'd to march) he at once guarded the
Neighbouring Country from Devaſtation, and provokd the inva-
ders to a deciſive Battle. But they durſt not venture upon it : They
therefore retreated by another Way, but left behind them indelible
Marks of Infernal Rage. The Writer of the Chronicle of Melroſs,
who then liv’d, (ſays Mr. Tyrrel) gives a large Account of the Bar-
barities they committed ; and left it ſhould be thought, that King
John himſelf rather conniv'd at, than commanded them, the Ma-
nuſcript of Icolmkill, as well as other Authors, tells us ; That forget-
ful of his Royal Dignity, and of all Decency, he ſet Fire with his
own Hands to the Abbay of Coldingham, in which he had been lodg’d
and entertain'd. He alſo took, burnt, and then deſerted the Towns
of Roxburgh and Berwick; and ſo leaving Scotland, he return’d to
England, where again he repeated, or rather continu'd, the ſame
A&s of Depredation and Horror. The Towns of Werk, Alnwick,
Mydfurd, and Morpeth were reduc'd into Aſhes ; and thoſe that fa-
vour'd the Barons, wherever found, were put to the Sword. Thoſe
that adher'd to him were us’d much in the ſame Manner by the King
of Scotland: That Prince,extreamly deſirous to put an end to this more
than Civil War, (if I may uſe the Expreſſion of Lucan) made all the
Hafte he could to purſue and ingage the retreating Enemy. With
this View, he re-enter'd England, and led his Army quite through
Northumberland, as far as Richmond ; but King John (as backward to
fight, as forward to plunder and deſtroy) by long Marches made out
Offers Battle of his Way; and he unable to overtake that Prince, return'd through
to K. John. Weſtmorland, and in his Turn ravag’d the Country adjoyning to
Carlile
, took that important Place, and having orderd it to be for-
tified, diſmiſs’d his Army, and ſo ended the Campaign.
The next Year brought along with it a new Face of Affairs in the
Iland. The Barons, thus miſerably oppreſs’d, by an unnatural King,
themſelves had unwarrantably elected; by his Cowardice fubjected
to the Pope, who having at firſt encourag'd them to withſtand their
excommunicated Sovereign, had now excommunicated them, for
purſuing the Meaſures himſelf had put them upon; and over-run by
foreign Souldiers, who, had it not been for the Diverſion made by
the Scots, had in one Year depopulated and laid waſte the whole
Kingdom of England : The Barons, I ſay,irritated upon fo many
Accounts, came to an unanimous, but deſperate Reſolution, to ſhake
off that Yoke they did not think themſelves oblig'd to bear. With
this View, they ſent and invited Prince Lewis, the Eldeft Son of
Philip King of France, over to England, and made him an Offer of
the
A.D. 1216.
Chap.ff. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 411
(6
CC
the Crown. He accepted of it, notwithſtanding all the Efforts
made by the Pope, to deterr him and his Father from the Enter-
priſe
. His
, or rather his Wife's, Title to the Kingdom of England;
i have elſewhere given an Account of, as alſo of the Reaſons ad-
duc'd by all Parties, in Vindication of their reſpective Behaviours,
and ſhall only add in this Place, That upon his firſt Arrival with a
mighty Fleet, and a conſiderable Land Army into England, he af-
ferted his own Right, by publiſhing to the World; “ That King
John was never a lawful King; Firſt
, becauſe convict of Treaſon
" againft his Brother Richard. Secondly, becauſe his attaining to the
“ Crown, was by pure Election. Thirdly, becauſe he was ſolemnly
6 condemn’d by the French Peers for the Murther of Duke Arthur, the
righteous Heir. Fourthly, becauſe,altho he had been King, yet he was
no more ſuch, ſince he had ſubjected himſelf and enthrald his King-
“ dom to the Pope: And that, as the great Men of France had alrea-
« dy declar'd, ſo he hop'd thoſe of England would as unanimouſly
“ aſſert and mantain this point, even to Death, viz. That no King or
“ Potentatc hus Power to give away or transfer his Kingdom: That there-
« fore the Right of Succeſſion was devolv'd to him (Prince Lewis)
by Inheritance of his Wife, who was Niece to King John.” And
ſome Engliſh Authors (a) add alſo, By the Election of the Nöbility; ani
improbable Suggeſtion; ſince, in this fame Writ, he argues, that
King John was no King of England, becauſe he was ſuch by pure
Election. And Mr. Tyrrel () tells us, from the Hiſtory of Wil-
liam Thorn, that he claim'd an Hereditary Right to the Kingdom of Eng-
land, which (tho indeed by no means allowable, fince his Wife was
not the neareſt in Blood) yet the Barons generally ſuſtain’d, and,
conform to their previous Agreement, flock’d to him from all Parts;
and did Homage to him, as to their lawful Sovereign.
King John lay at Dover at the time, upon the Head of his Army;
but it conſiſted of Strangers, and for the moſt part Frenchmen : For
which Reaſon, he could no longer truſt to their Fidelity, nor at-
tempt any thing in Oppoſition to the Invaders, leſt his Men ſhould
defert to Lewis. He therefore retir’d with his Army to Wincheſter;
and Lewis, by this means, Maſter of the Field, march'd unmoleſted
to London, where he was Proclaim’d, and
Crown’d King of England, Lews of
with all the uſual Ceremonies, to the ſeeming Satisfa&tion of all
Ranks of People ; who, notwithſtanding the Pope's Legate, Cardi. King of
nal Wallo, Excommunicated him and all his Adherents, yet unani-
moully join'd and acknowledg’d him. King Alexander (C), among
the Reſt, after having march'd his whole Army through England,
but in a peaceable Manner, and without doing the leaſt Dammage
to any on the Road, came to the Capital, and did Homage to Lem-
is, for the Lands he held in England : And Lewis, on his Part, not ander mar-
only recogniz?d, (d) and by his Letters confirm'd King Alexander's his Apmay
Title to the Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and Weſtmore- London.
L 11112
land :
.
France
Crown'd
England.
King Alegea
(a) Echard ad Ann. 1216. p. 256. (b) Ad Ann. cund. p. 795. (c) Tyrrel, Eckard, ubi fup. Buchan. Boethi;
kc etiam ubi fup. (d) Appendix to Mr. Anderſon's Hiltor. Eſlay. N. 36.
412 The Life of Alexander II. Book. II.
Fiench and
Engliſh
tents.
land; but alſo took an Oath, as did all the Barons, that they would
never make Peace with King John, without the Conſent of King
Alexander : But, ſays Mr. Tyrrel
, To this Oath they were no
Slaves.
The Scots and French Forces, being thus join'd with the Engliſh
Joins the Male-contents, were no longer to be withſtood : They reduc'd, tho
not without ſome Oppoſition, the Counties of Kent, Suſſex, Suffolk,
Male-con- Northfolk, Eſſex, York, Lincoln, &c. and the unhappy King John
was ſo deſperately inrag’d by his repeated Malheurs, that he leemid
determin’d to bury himſelf under the Rubbiſh of Towns, and
Ruines of the Country. Lewis and Alexander had thought fit to
truſt the Managment of the War, for ſome time, to the Conduct of
their Lieutenants, and to go over to France, in Order to an Inter-
Goes with view with King Philip. That Monarch met them at Boloign: With
Prince Lewis Alexander he renew'd the ancient League between Scotland and
France, and advis'd Lewis, to make ſure of the Caſtle of Dover, a
very ſtrong Place he had imprudently left behind him in the Hands
of the Enemy. Both Princes therefore, upon their Return from be.
yond Sea, ſat down before it, where (while they us’d incredible
Toil and Expence, in a furious but ineffectual Siege,) King John
upon the Head of a mighty Army of Robbers and Vagabonds, the
Defire of Plunder had made Loyal, broke forth with a ſudden Vi-
olence, and, like a furious Tempeft, over-run many Counties, to the
Ruin and Deſtruction of the Baron's Caſtles, Houſes; Lands and
Poſſeſſions in all Parts; infomuch, that after having loſt all, one
would have thought, that he ſcorn'd to have the Comfort of being
regrated by any Man. Yet there were thoſe that did regrate him;
nay, would have return'd to their Allegiance, but that they drea-
ded his implacable Temper, and fear'd, as is ordinary, when the
Offence is of a high Nature, that he would never Pardon them
heartily. Several things concurr'd to this Change, in the Difpofi-
tions of moſt Men.
King John kept himſelf (as indeed he had Reaſon) in perpetual
Motion and Action; and while he ravag’d and deſtroy'd their Eſtates
on one side, they thought not their Services ſufficiently rewarded
on the other. Lewis did not, it ſeems, truſt them entirely: He
thought the Engliſh Nation was generally fickle and mutable, and
conferr'd upon his own Frenchmen, all the Territories and Caſtles
he had ſubdu'd. Nay, 'twas talk’d, that a Frenchman, the Viſcount
d: Melun, while on his Death-bed at London, declar’d, that the
Prince had ſworn, that when he had conquer'd England, he would
for ever baniſh all thoſe who fought for him againſt King John, as
Traitors to the Realm, and deſtroy their Pofterity. This Report,
true or falſe; was induſtriouſly ſpread abroad; and it very much
contributed to alienate the Affections of the People from Foreigners,
rhey naturally did not like. It gauld them extreamly to think that
the Prince they ſerv’d, had ſtigmatiz’d them with the Character of
Traitors : And it added to their Grief, that they were Excommu-
nicated,
i
1
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 413
Death of
of Englandi
Henry III.
nicated, and by Conſequence reputed Rebels, both to God and the
King, to the Church and State.
While Matters ſtood thus, it fell out luckily for the wavering
Barons, that King John died, not of Poiſon (a) as was (but not till
long after) fally reported, but of à Fever occaſion d or heightn’d, John King
by his eating too many Peaches, and drinking new Ale or Bracket.
Upon this the whole Kingdom alınoſt unanimouſly revolted from
Lexis to Henry III. King John's eldeſt Son, an Engliſhman born,
and (fince Princeſs Eleanor had at leaſt virtually reſign'd her Preten-
fions) their natural and lawful Sovereign. This young Prince was
Proclaim'd and Crown'd King at Glocefter eight Days after the succeeds to
Death of his Father : And in preſence of Cardióal Wallo, ſeveral King John,
Earls, Biſhops, Barons, &c. he took the uſual Oath, did Homage
to the Pope for the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and faith-
fully ingagd to pay the 1000 Merks yearly to the See of Rome,
which his Father King John had granted to it. This endeard the
young King to the then Pope, by whoſe Legate, Prince Lewis, and
åll his Party, were every Sunday and Holy-day declar'd Excommu-
nicated. Nay, his Succeffor, Honorius III. (by his Poſt preingag’d
in the Defence of a Cauſe, the Court of Rome had thought good,
when in the Hands of a very ill Mán, and which was now bette-
red and made more plauſible, by being Headed by a Child inno-
cent and harmleſs) let both Lewis and King Alexander to know, that
he would inftantly confirm and ratify the Sentence of Excommuni-
cation, Wallo had already pronounc'd againſt them. He was as King Alexa
good as his Word, the two Princes were Excommunicated, and the
Kingdom of Scotland was folemnly Interdicted, as that of England cated by the
had formerly been. Yet Lewis did not give up his Pretenſions, till A. D. 1237
he had loft two Battles, one at Lincoln, and another at Sea, and
was himfelf beſieged and pent up in the City of London. Being
thus ftraitn’d, he was forc'd at length to capitulate, to renounce his
Claim to the Crown, and forthwith to depart the Kingdom of Eng-
kind. King Alexander was conditionally comprehended in this
Treaty, (6) thát is, if he himſelf ſhould pleaſe to accept of the
Terms which were, that he ſhould reſtore all the Caſtles, Lands
and Priſoners he had taken in England, ſince the beginning of the
War, and that King Henry ſhould do the like by him. This was
not equal : For King Henry had taken nothing from him at all, and
the Barons had ſworn to ſee him get Juſtice, with Reference to his
Pretenfions to the Northern Counties; yet here they faithleſly à-
bandon'd him, notwithſtanding his juſt Right, themfelves had lo
often and ſo folemnly recogniz'd, and the great, ſuccesful and ear-
ly Efforts he had made towards their Preſervation ; Efforts fo ne
ceffary, that but for them, England had been not only waſted and
fubdu d, but for the ſecond time planted with thoſe French Mercena-
ries, their own King had brought over.
ni
communi-
1
.
)
M m m m m
Before
() Echard Book II: P. 258. Týrrel vol. 2. p. 803, 804. (b) Fodera Angl. Tom. I. p. 221,
414 The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
all the pore
Returns to
Scotland.
Before this time King Alexander had foreſeen, and was aware of
the ungrateful Returns he was like to meet with : For how foon he
perceiv'd that the Humour of the Nation was alter'd, he thought fit
to look homewards, and to ſecure at leaſt thoſe Territories he had
gain’d. With this View, he march'd back upon the Head of his
Army, as before, in a peaceable and friendly Manner, as if he had
ſtill been among Allies and Friends: But the Engliſh People let him
to know, that he was in the Midſt of his Enemies. They gather'd
together in great Numbers, fell upon his Rear, and cut off all the
Straglers they met with. Upon this he altered his Meaſures, kept
his Men as cloſe together as was poſſible, march'd through, and en-
camp'd in the moſt fertile Countries, caus'd ſeize
upon
table Wealth could be found on the Road, and ſo return’d to
Scotland, enrich'd with the Spoils of a faithleſs People, that had
invited him thither, and now endeavour'd to impede his Return.
I do not ſay ſo, as if I meant to reflect upon the Engliſh Nation,
becauſe they preferred their own natural Sovereign, the young King
Henry, to Foreigners, whether Scots or French: On the contrary, I
cannot but commend both their Wiſdom and Loyalty : They had
certainly Reaſon to cut off all future Occaſions of War, or Com
petition, with Reference to the Crown: And this they could not
effect, but by giving it to the righteous Heir. But then they might
have made their Conditions, and oblig'd him to make good their
Agreement with the King of Scots; and the rather, becauſe he ask'd
nothing, but what not only they in their Diſtreſs, but even King
John himſelf
, when on the Throne, had thought juſt, and had ac-
cordingly treated about with King William. But now the Engliſh
Barons had no more uſe for the good Offices of Alexander: They fet
Henry upon Means of recovering even thoſe Countries themſelves had
yielded. The former had fortified Carlile ; and as the Inhabitants,
particularly the Clergy, had frankly ſubmitted, ſo now they ftill
continu'd to adhere to him, notwithſtanding both he and they
were for that very reaſon Excommunicated. But it ſeems their
Conſciences did not check them upon that Score ; for they conti-
nu'd to receive and adminiſtrate the Sacraments, to aſſiſt at Divine
Worſhip, and to perform all Religious and Chriſtian Duties as be-
fore; nay, they choſe one of the King's Chaplains to be their Bi-
thop. (a) Of all this King Henry made grievous Complaints to the
Pope, and he, by his Bull, dated at Avignon, the Day of July,
cominanded his Legate to exert all his Rigour and Power, towards
chaſtifing or reducing the Chanon Regulars of Carlile (who, he ſays,
have nothing regular, but the Name,) and the King of Scotland,
whom he calls an excommunicated Perſon, and an Enemy to the
Church (he ſhould have ſaid to the Court) of Rome.
'Tis probable that Prince had ſtarted as little at this laſt Thun-
derbolt, as at the former. But the Caſe was alter’d, Prince Lewis
had retir'd to France, given up his Pretenſions, and the Engliſh
were
1: Fixer. Angi. p. 218, 219, 220.
Chap II
. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 415
K. Henry III.
Refers Die
A.D. 1219.
و
were unanimous in their Allegiance to King Henry. Wherefore
King Alexander, ſince he could make nothing by continuing the War, Makes
was at length wrought upon to make Peace. A Cellation of Arms Peace with
was in the mean Time agreed to ; and the Pope, after having ta-
ken off the Interdict he had put on the Kingdom, and order'd the
King and his Servants to be loos’d from the Sentence' of Excom- ferences to
munication, was by both Princes made Umpire of their Differences. the Pope
Accordingly Pandulf, (a) who had ſucceeded, in Quality of Le-
gate, to Wallo, was appointed to conſider and determine them. He
did conſider them as he was order'd, but wav'd giving a definitive
Sentence : For what Reaſon I know not ; probably, becauſe if
he had decided the Matter, he behov'd to have done it in favour of
King Alexander ; and this was, what neither himſelf nor his Maſter
can be ſuppos’d to have inclin' tc. (6.)He was at the Time Biſhop elect
of Norwich, conſequently a Creature of King Henry : And as that
Prince ſhamefully call d (c) the Pope, in his Letters to hiin, his peculia
ar or Special Lord,and himſelf, by his Favour, next to that of God, King
of England ; ſo the Pope in his Bulls called King Henry bis Son in a few
culiar Manner, and acknowledg’d an Obligation urôn himſelf, no
doubt, as being his Sovereign Lord, to favour his Perſon, and fup-
port his Cauſe. This is evident from a great many Places of the
Collection of Writs publiſhed by Mr. Rymer. Nay, the Pope's
Partiality in Favour of the King of England, was ſuch at this Time,
that, to obtain the like Favours, other Princes, particularly Reginald,
(d) King of Man, as he ftiles himſelf, by Hereditary Succeflion, cour-
ted the Honour of being alſo a Vaffal of the See of Rome ; to which
he willingly ſubjected his petty Kingdom, to hold it by an Annual
Tribute of twelve Merks. King Alexander had nobler, and juſter
Thoughts of his Royal Dignity and Imperial Crown : He ſcori'd to
hold it, but of God alone : And in his Letters to the ſame Pope, he
always ſpeaks the Language of an Independent Sovereign. 'Twas no
Wonder then that the Pope or his Legate, or both, declin’d to givë
a Deciſion, which muſt be in his Favour, conſequently to the Loſs
of ſo ſubmiſſive a Son as King Henry; and 'twas much, that the in-
tereſted and covetous Legate (for ſuch all Authors, eſpecially the
Scots, (e) ſay he was) was not by Engliſh Money or Influence wrought
upon, not only to delay, but alſo to pervert Juſtice : But it ſeems;
he was not ſo wicked, or durft not venture upon an Iniquity fo
ſtaring and palpable. On the contrary, he, or ſome others about
King Henry, advis’d him to give ſome ſeeming Satisfaction to the
King of Scots ; and if he could not quite take away, at leaſt, to pala
liate and ſtave off Differences. The Advice was ſeaſonable,as Mac-
ters food; and accordingly a ſecond Interview of the two Mo-
narchs was propos’d and agreed to.
In Purſuance of this Agreement, () the next Year they met af
York; where, no doubt, King Alexander, as before and afterwards,
M m m m m
urg'd
2
(a) Foder, Angl. p. 235.(b) Ibid. p. 228. (c) Ibid. p. 229. (d)Ibid. p. 234(e) Boet. Buchan. in Vit. Alex.
II. (f) Tyrrel ad Ann. 1220.p. 840.
416 The Life of Alexander II.
Book. II.
.
urg'd that the Conditions of the I reaty made by his father and
King John, in the Year 1209, might inſtantly be ratified and exe-
cuted by King Henry. This laſt, or his Council, made a Shift to
put off the preſent Execution of ſome of them, but yielded to the Per-
formance of others; I mean, to the ſtricter and nearer Affinity of both
Families and Nations. With this View, King William of Scotland
had deliver'd up his two Daughters, tho as yet but Girls, unfit for
Wedlock, in order to be educated at the Engliſh Court, and after-
wards married to the two Sons of King John. This was ordinary
in thoſe Days ; and King John did; in the fame Manner, (a) deliver
his own eldeſt Daughter, the Lady Jean, to Hugh de Lezinan, Earl of
March and Ingoleme, in View of a Marriage between him and the
Princeſs ; but that Earl us’d her much after the fame Manner the
Daughters of Scotland were us’d in England ; that is, he made no
Haſte to enjoy his Bride. Nay, he did worſe ; for upon the Death
of King Fohn, he married her Mother Iſabel, the beloved Wife, now
Widow of that Prince ; and yet had the Confidence, for what Rea-
ſons I know not; unleſs it were to extort a Sum of Money from her
Brother, to detain the Princeſs Jean ſomewhere in France. This
was ſome Obſtacle to the intended Alliances between the Royal Fa.
milies of Scotland and England : For 'twas agreed, that King Alexan-
der (6) ſhould take to Wife the ſame Lady Jean, eldeſt Siſter to
King Henry, but becauſe ſhe was yet in the Cuſtody of the Earl of
March, her Father-in-Law, King Henry oblig'd himſelf to uſe all
poffible Endeavours towards her ſpeedy Relief; and if this could not
be effected within the appointed Time, in that Caſe King Alexan.
Marries a der was to marry Iſabel, the youngeſt Siſter. As for the two Siſters
of King Alexander, they were allo by the King of England, () to
be married in England, to the joynt Honour of both Kings. And ac-
fers marries cordingly Princets Marjory the eldeſt, was beſtow'd upon the famous
in England. Hubert de Burgh, (d) Jutticiary of England. Iſabel the Younger, the
King himſelf
very much affected, (e) and would have married, but
being, for I know not what Reaſons of State, diverted from that De-
fign, (f) he afterwards gave her to Gilbert, Earl Mareſchal, one
of the noble Predeceſſors of the ſtill firſt Engliſb Peer in Being ; I
mean, his Grace the Duke of Northfolk : So that Buchanan is out, in
aſſerting, that only one of the two Princeſſes was married in England.
King Henry did alſo perform the Obligation he and his Barons had
enter'd into, to procure his Eldeft Siſter for the Bed of the King of
Scots : He wrote for her again and again ; and by his Menaces, In-
treaties, and Money, at length įprocur’d her Reſtoration ; and the
Ceremony of her Marriage was perform'd with a great deal of Mag-
nificence in the following Year 1221.
This Match had the Effect intended by the Court of England :
The Queen, they had given to Scotland, was lovely and good, and
therefore deſervedly belov'd by her Husband, who, upon her Ac-
count,
(a) Foeder. Angl. p. 242, 248, 253. (b) ibid. p. 240, 241. (Op: 240. (d; Tyrrel ad Ann. 1221. p.842.
(2) Tyrrel, p. 872. (f) Tyrrel p. 894
Daughter of
England.
His two Si-
Chap II. The Ninty
fourth King of Scotland. 417
more
count, and that of his own Siſters, and Coulin, John; the Son of
the now deceas’d David Earl of Huntington, who, (a) in Right of
Ranulph, his Uncle by the Mother's Side, ſucceeded in the great
and opulent Earldom of Cheſter ; and, perhaps, upon ſome other
political Conſiderations, did not at all concern in, nor offer
to take Advantage of the inteſtine Jarrs, that afterwards divided King
Henryand his Barons. For that Prince,when he came to be Major,recall'd
the Grants,he ſaid they had extorted from himſelf and his father, and
the Barons now grown ſtubborn, and imbolden'd by Succeſs,kept faſt
their Advantages and thought it no Sin to draw their Swords againſt
their lawful Hereditary Sovereign, in Defence of thoſe Priviledges;
they had forc'd from an Uſurper. But King Alexander was ſo far
from countenancing their Affociations or Inſurrections, that on the
contrary, for ſome Years, he kept a very cloſe and friendly Corre-
ſpondence with the King, his Brother-in-Law. They would ſometimes
meet together upon certain ſolemn Occaſions, (b) as they did in the
Year 1229 at York, where they kept their Chriſtmaſs with great
Magnificence and Joy. Some of their Miſſives ſent to one another,
are ſtill extant, (c) particularly thoſe occafion'd by the Marriage
contracted between Frederick, Emperor of Germany, and Iſabel, the
youngeſt Daughter of King John. But 'tis plain, that all this was
but Trick and Compliment on the Part of King Henry; a Princ
even Engliſh Authors acknowledge, not to have been a nice Obſer-
ver either of Oaths or Treaties.
King Alexander had not hitherto defifted from urging (tho he did
it but gently) that Juſtice might be done him, with Reference
both to the Northern Counties, and ſome other Articles of the
Treaty agreed to by his Father and King Fohn: But Juſtice had ariſe be
not been done; and to elude it, King Henry bethought himſelf of tween King
an Expedient, unworthy of a Chriſtian, or Man of Honour. He and King
could not but know, that neither he, nor any of his Predeceſſors Henry.
had ever any Right or Title to the Superiority of the Kingdom of
Scotland; or, if they had, that it had been extorted by his Grand-father
Henry II. and as ſuch given up, in the moſt folemn and Authentick
Manner imaginable, by his Uncle Richard I. Neither could he be
ignorant, that, but of late, and in his own Time, (as I ſhall after-
wards evince) Pope Honorius III. a fair and lawful Judge of the
Controverſy, at leaſt with Reference to him, and in his own Opinion
(if we may believe his Letters above taken notice of ;) had freed the
Church of Scotland, as having ever been the immediate Daughter of that of
Rome (for ſuch are the Words of his Bull) from all Subjection or De-
pendency on any other Church whatever, and, in particular,on that of
England. Nevertheleſs, (now Honorius, whom he could not go a-
bout to deceive, was dead, and ſucceeded by Gregory, who knew
nothing of the Matter) he approv'd of an Appeal (d) which the
Arch-biſhop of York was to make, in order to hinder the King of Scots A.D. 1233.
Differences
1
2
from
Nnnnn
() Tyrrel, p. 879. (b) Tyrrel p. 868. (c) Foder, Angl. p. 356. (d), ibid. p. 328,
418
The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
from being Crown’d, in Prejudice of the Royal Dignity of the King of Eng-
land, and that of his own See. Nay (to give lome Colour of Juſtice
to this Appeal) he complain'd again and again to the Pope, that (2)
the King of Scotland, notwithſtanding he was, as ſuch, a Vaſſal of tbe
Engliſh Crown, and had ſworn Fealty to himſelf, yet ceas'd not to affront
his Superior, and attempt ſeveral Things (What they were, is not
recorded) to the Prejudice and Diminution of his Honour: A heavy
Charge, if true : But how.makes he it good ? Thus: He recites the
AD. 1235. extorted Agreement of Subjection made by King William to
King Henry II
. and pretends that his Father King John was compre-
hended in that Agreement. Nay, fallly aſſerts, that, in Purſuance
thereof, King William paid Homage to King John ; and that the
preſent King Alexander had done the like, both to King Fohn and to
himſelf ; than which, nothing could be more unfair and diſingenu-
ous : And I'm ſorry, that Crown'd Heads ſhould ever have been
found capable to deſcend fo low beneath the Character of a Man of
Honour ; I may add, or of common Senſe: For’tis ſurpriſing, that
this Prince or his Council did not forſee, that he muſt prove the
bold Affertion, or be caſt in the Judgement, even of him he appeald
tó, when he knew he had no Proofs, nay, not ſo much as the extor-
ted Deed of King William, to produce ; and therefore could not hope
tö deceive the Pope. But perhaps he flatter'd himſelf, that the
Pope would comply with the Cheat: And if he was not really; that
at leaſt he would ſeem to be deceiv’d; and the rather, becauſe he
might have gain’d by being impos’d upon : For,if Scotland had been
acknowledg'da Fee of England, Proceſs of Time, and a fecond King
John, would probably make it, as England, a Part of the Patrimony
of St. Peter. Indeed by the firſt Steps Pope Gregory made
would have been tempted to think, that he meant to be, as 'twas
his Intereſt, partial: (6) For he wrote two Bulls to King Alexander;
and in moſt preſſing Terms exhorted him to ſtand to the Agreement,
as repreſented by King Henry. 'He alſo ſent another Bull to the
Arch-biſhop of York, and Biſhop of Carlile to the fame Purpofe. But
King Alexander was no Novice in theſe Matters : He did not believe
that even St. Peter was by his Maſter impower'd to diſpoſe of King-
doms; arid tho he had, he very well knew, that his Succeffors, al-
tho own’d to be ſuch, may be mif-informd, and that their ſingle De-
ciſions are not, even in Spiritual, much leſs in Temporal Matters,
infallible. He had therefore no Regard to the Bulls ; Nay, they had
a quite contrary Effect upon him than what was expected; for
they rather ſharpen’d than ſoften’d him in his Demands and Claims a-
gainſt the King of England. This appear'd evidently from his Be-
A. D.1236
haviour the following Year, (c) when, in an Aſſembly of the Engliſh
Nobles at York, he charg’d their King, who was preſent, with Vio :
lation of Treaties, demanded the Reftitution of the Northern Coun-
tits; and ir Café of further Dilators threatn’d a War. Mr. Tyrrel
tells us, that ſeveral concurring Circumſtances embolden'd the King of
Scots
(5) Fæder. Angl. p. 334, 335, 371. (b) ibid. loc. citar. a) Tyrrel, p. 894. Mattkew Paris, ad Ann. 1236;
one
2
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland419
.
و
An Inter
Scots to make ſo high Demands; as, That he rely'd on his Affinity
with the great Marlhal of England ; that he hop'd to win over Leu-
elyn, Prince of Wales, to break the Truce he had lately concluded
with King Henry, and that England and France were åt the Time
in no good Terms. It may be ſo: And he had Reaſon to Nick the
Opportunities offer'd: However, it ſeems that his Reaſons or
Threats had no bad Effect. King Henry became willing to hearkeni
to Terms of Accommodation, and in ſtead of challenging any Supe.
riority over Scotland, offer'd a yearly Revenue, as an Equivalent for
King Alexander's Pretenſions to Northumberland,&c. The Sum was not
accepted of at this Time; but another was condeſcended upon to
terininate Matters ; and Otto, the Pope's Legate, was again made
Umpire, and, it ſeems, peremptorly order'd' to give a final
Sentence.
The two Kings met at York, as before, and their Differences were
long and warmly debated. King Henry Yaid no Claim to Scotland, view of the
nor any Part of it. A plain Proof, that he could not; for he had two Kings
a favourable Judge, who, he was fure, if Grains of Allowance A. D. 1237.
had been to be given, would have plac'd them on his Side of the
Ballance. King Alexander, on the contrary (a), demanded the
Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and Weſtmorland; as his In- Their Diffe
heritance. He likewiſe defir'd Satisfaction for the Sum of 15000 mind and
Merks; paid by his Father King William to King John, in Confide- adjuſted.
ration of ſome Conditions; this laſt had never perform’d; as allo,
for the Non-performance of the Contracts of Marriage; paſt at the
ſame time, between King John's two Sons, Henry and Richard, and
King William's two Daughters; Marjory and Iſabel: Å Demonſtra-
tion, I humbly conceive, that theſe Princeſſes were not (as Mr.
Tyrrel (b) and ſome others have written) deliverd up as Hoſtages;
but rather given up as Royal Brides, to the King of England; and
that the 15000 Merks were given as Portions to them, and in
View of the promis’d Marriages : But Reaſons of State, or, the In-
clinations of Parties had hinder'd the Conſummation of theſe Mar-
Tiages : And, by an After-Treaty, King Alexander had confented,
that his Siſters might be beſtow'd upon others: King Henry had ac-
cordingly given them to Husbands, in no Senſe inferior, or to Wil-
liam great Marſhal, the younger,or to Simón Montfort (c)both fuccef-
fively married with Eleanor, his own Siſter. For this Reaſon ’tis,
that, it feems, no Regard was had to the Complaint made, withi
Reference to that Article of the Agreement:Nor could King Alexander
inſiſt upon re-demanding the Portions, his Father had given to his
Daughters : Sotift all his Claims were reduc'd to that, which was
indeed the only valuable one, and related to the Northern Coun-
ties. They were plainly his, by ancient and modern Agreements:
His Anceſtors had, for ſome hundreds of Years, been in Poffeffion of
all, or moſt of them : But then the Kings of England, ſince the
Nnnnn 2
Con:
(a) Foeder. Angl. p. 374, 375. 376. (b) In the Life of King John. p. 739. () Tyrrel in the Life of King
plan. p. 806. Brady ibid.
420 The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
.
.
Conqueſt at leaſt, had ever grudg’d their being diſmember'd froin
the Crown they belong’d to. They were an Inlet to England; and,
as the Peers of that Nation lik'd not to have an Equal, they muſt
bow to; ſo the Sovereign did not love to have å Vaſſal, he could not
at his Pleaſure depreſs. What he chiefly complain'd of, was, That the
King of Scots, a foreign Prince, and always in Amity with a yet
more remote Foreigner, the King of France, ſhould be poſſeſsid of
walld Towns and Itrong Caſtles, within the Kingdom of England;
and crav'd, that at leaſt theſe might remain in his own Hands.
This was very hard upon the King of Scotland, who had equal
Right to the Fortreſſes and Lands: And had the King of France de-
manded any ſuch thing, with Reference to the Territories the King
of England enjoy'd in that Kingdom, we ſhould have heard of very
loud Complaints. Yet,fuch was the Partiality of the Legate; King
Alexander muſt comply with the unreaſonable Overture ; and he
was oblig'd to give up his Pretenſions to all the fortified Places that
lay within the three Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and
Weſtmorland, and to acquit and releaſe King Henry and his Heirs, of
this and all other Claims. But then in Lieu of theſe, and as an
Equivalent for ſo great Conceſſions, King Henry gave to hin, and
his Heirs, Kings of Scotland, two hundred pound Lands, within the
•Counties above-mention'd. And, to ſhew that this was to incon-
ſiderable Return, it was exprefly provided, that if theſe Counties,
without the Caſtles, ſhould not be found ſufficient to make good
the yearly Revenue condeſcended upon, that what was deficient
ſhould be ſupplied in Places adjacent. Theſe Lands were to hold
of the King of England: And for them, King Alexander did Homage
and ſwore Fealty to him ; but this was all the Service he was bound
to perform, ſave the yearly Reddendo of a Falcon at Carlile : For
henceforth all Law Suits were to be determin’d by Judges, nomina-
ted by King Alexander, who, if they ſhould be ignorant of the Eng-
lif Law, or Cuſtoms of the Counties, then Engliſbi Judges might
be aſſociated with them ; but ſtill the Proceſs muſt be carried on,
and the Sentence pronounc'd and executed within the Bounds of
the Fees, and no where elſe : Nor was King Alexander, nor his
Heirs, oblig'd, as before, to repair to, or anſwer in the Court of
England, upon any Account whatever. This laſt Clauſe, if I mi-
ſtake not, (for 'twere tedious to inlarge upon all the other Privi-
ledges and Immunities granted by the fame Décreet) was what
King Alexander conſider'd as moſt valuable: For it made him really
Sovereign over thoſe Territories, and a Vaffal but in Shew. This
was a fubftantial Equivalent for the Loſs of the Caſtles, but theſe
(formerly their own Security, and that of the adjacent Countries)
being now given up, he ſtood in need of a Guarrantee for the Per-
formance of the remanent Articles; and the Pope was thought a
very good one. To his Juriſdiction, Alexander, and with him his
Barons, willingly ſubmitted ; but with a great deal of Caution
and Prudence. They exprelly declar'd, That they did it only with
Refe-
I.
I
66 That he never
66
The Agreement, concluded in the
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 42 Reference to the Articles agreed on; which if they ſhould go aboat to
infringe, they confented, that he might coerce them Canonical-
ly, that is, by the Cenfures of the Church. King Alexander (a)
wrote a Letter to this Purpoſe to the Pope, wherein he ftiles that
Pontiff, By the Grace of God, Chief Biſhop------and himſelf, By the
Same Grace, King of Scotland. A Form of Writing truly Sovereign,
and very different from that abject one; which, as I have already
told, was us’d by King Henry: And this leads me naturally to ano-
ther remarkable Paſſage, by Matthew Paris, a co-temporary Author
(6), ſubjoin’d to the Accounts he gives of this Agreement
The Pope's Legate after he had thus terminated Differen-
ces between the two Kings, ſignified his Inclinations to go to Scot-
land, tó treat upon Eccleſiaſtick Affairs there, as he had done in
England : But King Alexander had no mind, either to ſubject his
Kingdom to a foreign Power, or to ſee it impoveriſh'd by unreaſo-
nable Exactions. He therefore told the Legate,
“ remember'd, that any of his Character had been ſent into Scotland,
o and (he thank'd God) there was no need of any at this time
ic That as neither his father, nor Anceſtors, had ſuffer'd a Le-
gate to enter their Dominions, ſo he, while he had the Exerciſe
“ of his Reaſon, would never allow it
. In fine, that the People
was Fierce, and that he knew not if he ſhould be able to reſtrain
their Fury, if offended or incroach'd upon.” Upon this the Le
gate alter’d his Thoughts of viſiting Scotland, and kept cloſe to the
King of England, whom in all things he found obſequious. So
great a Difference, ſays Mr. Tyrrel (c), there was between the
Tempers of thoſe two Princes; The one did all be could to enſlave his
Kingdom to, the Pope ;. the other to keep it free. But of the Affairs of
the Church, I ſhall have Occaſion to ſpeak afterwards.
ſeems, thought not ſo advantageous to England, as at firſt View it
would appear : For King Henry delay'd to give actual Poffeffion
and Inveſtiture to the King of Scotland, of the Lands granted to him,
till five Years thereafter, when (being, by what means, compellid I
cannot tell) (d); he commiſſioned the Biſhop of Durham to aſſign
Lands conform to Paction, and then granted a Charter (e); in which
they are all enumerated. And now the very Seed of Diviſion and
Quarrels was eradicated, every Body thought that the Concord of
the Kings, fo folemnly ſworn to, and by Confanguinity, and yet
nearer Affinity cemented, ſhould have been laſting; and the rather,
becauſe, much about the ſame time; (f) a new Alliance was agreed
upon, and a Contract.of Marriage drawn up between Alexander,
Prince of Scotland, tho but an Infant, and Margaret, the Daughter
of King Henry. Nay, ſuch was the Confidence, King Hen-
ry put in the Honour and Integrity of Alexander, (I very much
doubt if King Alexander durft have rely'd ſo far upon the Faith of
00000
King
.
!
(a) Foeder. Angl. p: 377.(6) Ad Ann. 1237. :p. 898. (d) Fæder. Angl: p.400. (e) Copia penes Jacob.
Anderſ. Clauſe, Hen. III. N. 23. Dorf.dated Feb. 21.(f) Tyrrel, p. 918. Brady in theReign of Hen. Ill. p. 583
4.22
Book II.
1
The Life of Alexander II.
King Henry) that, when about to go over to France, he committed
that Part of England, which borders upon Scotland, to the Care of
the King of Scots. Nevertheleſs they quarreld anew; the Reaſon
I cannot well tell
, nor is it eaſily to be diſcover’d. Dr. Brady (a
ſays, that 'twas becauſe the King of Scots gave the King of England
to underſtand, that he neither did, would, nor ought to hold the
leaſt Particle of the Kingdom of Scotland of him: If ſo, King Alexa
ander had Reaſon: And it would ſeem that King Henry (but a little
before bafl’d by France, and born down by his own Barons) was en-
deavouring to retrieve his Honour, or at leaſt, to repleniſh his em-
pty'd Coffers, by trumping up a Pretenfion, always plauſible, tho
ever ſo bare-fac’dly unjuſt upon Scotland. Mr. Tyrrel (b) tells the
Story otherwiſe : He ſays, that Alexander had publickly declar'd, ;
That he would not hold the leaſt Piece of Earth of the Crown of England
For, adds he, after Matthew Paris, (c), ever fince the laſt Marriage
of the Scottiſh King, with the Daughter of Engelram de Cuſcey, a po-
tent Nobleman in France, and mortal Enemy. to King Henry, the
good Intelligence between the two Crowns was abated. This is
not probable ; for ſince that Marriage, and but two Years before
this Time, the Marriage between Prince Alexander, the Son of
King Alexander, and his
French Wife, and Margaret of England, was
agreed on : Nay, the North Parts of England had been commit-
ted to the Care of the King of Scots; who, had he deſign'd to dif-
claim the Fealty he had ſworn for his Engliſh Land, would certainly
have done it, while the North Parts of England were in his own
Hands. But be this as it will,
'Tis certain, that a War did break out, and was like to be very
Bloody: Great Armies were brought to the Fields on both Sides:
For King Henry (d) rais’d the whole Nobility and Gentry of Eng-
land, as well Ecclefiaftick as Laick, commanding them all, Earls,
Biſhops, Abbots, Barons, &c. to provide their Services ready at
Newcaſtle upon Tyne, againſt the 15th of Auguſt; and they obey'd
accordingly. On the other Hand, King Alexander was not wan-
ting to himſelf : If we may believe Engliſh Authors (e) he had ari
Army of no leſs than 1000 Horſemen in Armour, and about
100000 Foot, all brave and reſolute Men ; who, being willing to
die in Defence of their Liberties, had prediſpos'd themſelves, by
confeffing their Sins, and receiving the Sacraments
. This was a
forinidable Power ; and, it ſeems, the King and Nobility of England
thought ſo. Theſe lait, particularly Earl Richard, King Henry's
Brother, mediated a Peace, which was concluded upon the follow-
A Peace is ing Terms. That the King of S.ots and his Heirs, ſhould keep per-
petual Faith and Friendſhip, with his Liege Lord, King Henry and
his Heirs. That he ſhould not make any Leagues with his Ene-
mies. That the late Treaty of York, made in preſence of Otto, the
Pope's Legate, ſhould be punctually obſerv'd : As alſo, the Agree-
ment
و
concluded.
(a) Ibid. p. 590. (b) p. 929. (c) Ad Ann. 1244. (d) Tyrrel p.930, Brady p.591. (e) Matth. Par. and
Westminit, ad Ann. 1244.
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland423
.
1
ment concerning the Marriage of Prince Alexander, and the Lady
Margaret. To the Obſervation of all theſe Articles, King Alexan-
der oblig'd himſelf by his Charter and Seal, ſays Mattbew Paris, who,
by
the by, minces the Matter here; as every, where elſe, as much
as he can.
The King of England took the like Engagements u-
pon him, and promis’d faithfully, (a) That he ſhould neither
make War upon Scotland, nor confederate with its Enemies.
For the Obſervation of which, his Brother, Earl Richard (6) gave his
Oath in a ſolemn Manner : And 'tis obſervable, that to the Clauſe,
whereby King Alexander obliges himſelf, Never to enter into Leagues
with the Enemies of King Henry, nor to procure or make War upon his
Kingdoms of England and Ireland , he adds exprefly, Unleſs the King
of England oppreſs bim. A convincing Proof, tho all others were
loft, that the Engagements were mutual ; and that tho Alexander
own’d and callid the King of England his Leige Lord, as indeed he
was for the Engliſh Lands; yet in Caſe of an Injury receiv’d, he had
full Freedom, as King of Scotland to retort it. This Appellation of
Leige Lord, was ordinary in thoſe Days. The Kings of England
cali'd thoſe of France, their Seigneurs, as I have elſewhere ſhew'd; nor
was it neceffary to add upon what Account, ſince no Body could
miſtake their Meaning. Befides, even Matthew Paris ) tells us,
that the Homage perform’d in thoſe Days by the King of Scots, was
for the 200 Pound Lands; or, as he calls them, the ten Knights Fees;
of which, 'tis plain, from all I have ſaid, that he was actually pof-
feſs’d, at leaſt two Years before this Time : So that Mr. Atwood, who
from this laſt, moſt equal and juſt Treaty of Peace, would draw an
Argument for the Homage due to the Crown of England, by the
Kings of Scotland as ſuch, is altogether inexcuſable, and, which
I heartily regrate) muſt needs ftand convict of Cavil and Càlumny,
while even Engliſh Records ſhall laſt.
King Alexander took no leſs Care to preſerve the Church of Scot- King Alexa
land in a State of Independency, than to ſupport his Royal Chara- the Rights
Eter, or to retrieve the Loſſes his Father had ſuſtain’d. He very pendenes of
well knew the powerful Influences the deſigning Prieſt-craft, blind the Church
Bigotry, pious Tricks, or even, the forward Zeal of Church-men,
have, in all Ages and Nations,had over the Confçiences
, and conſe-
quently the Judgments and Inclinations of moſt Part of People. He
look back into bypaſt Tranſactions; and very ſoon diſcoverd that
the Engliſh Mitre had been no leſs towring, than the Engliſh Crown.
The Arch-biſhops, both of Canterbury and York, had pretended to
a Superiority over the Church of Scotland, for ought I can diſcover,
before the Kings of England had offer'd to incroach upon the King-
dom. I have often confuted the Pretences of the latter; and I think
this the proper Place for diſcuſſing thoſe of the firſt. Í ſhall do it
with all the Brevity and Plainnefs of Stile, the Matter allows,or I am
capable of zand as the Subject cannot fail of being thought equally in-
0 0.0 0 0 2
ſtructive,
of Scotland.
*) Append. to Mr. Anders. Hiſtor. Effay. No 26.06) Føder. Angl. p.429.(6) p. 275.
424 The Life of Alexander II. Book. 11.
The Inde.
prov'd.
ز
ſtructive, and entertaining to my Reader, ſo 'twill afterwards ap-
pear, that 'tis not foreign to the Life I write.
That our Bleſſed Lord and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt, was, while upon
Pendency of Earth, the ſole Head and ſupreme Paſtor of his Church, no Chriſti-
of Scotland' an did ever deny : That he is ſtill ſo, and willever be, is as undoubt-
edly true ; but with this Difference, that, while on Earth, he pre-
fided, both viſibly by his external Directions, and inviſibly by the
internal Iniluence of his Grace ; whereas, ſince his glorious Aſcen-
fion to Heaven, he rules only in this laſt Manner, and ſo remains
ſtill the Sole, but inviſible Head, even of the Church Militant ; I
mean, of all thoſe that believe in him, and hope to be fav’d by his
Merits. Whether he left behind him a viſible Head to preſide ex-
ternally, and to repreſent him as his Vicegerent or Vicar upon
Earth, is ſtill a Queſtion, and perhaps has been ſo in all Ages, fince
the firſt Eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity in the World. Viſible Paſtors
and Rulers he did certainly leave and appoint to teach, preach, and
adminiſter Sacraments, Gc. but whether with an equal or ſubordi-
nate Power, is again debated. If with an equal Power, then all
Miniſters, Presbyters, Biſhops, Patriarchs, doc. whatever their
various Denominations may be, are, by Divine Inſtitution, equal;
and unleſs by common Conſent and Agreement,no one can challenge
any Right to Superiority; conſequently, no Church can depend u-
pon another, but by its own Conceſſions : And I ſhall afterwards
make it plain, that the Church of Scotland did never grant any Con-
ceflions of this kind to that of England, Again, if our Saviour ap-
pointed, that there ſhould be a Subordination among the Miniſters
of his Church; then Biſhops are of Divine Inſtitution. But if he
appointed none of them to preſide in their Aſſemblies, and in a
more peculiar Manner to repreſent his Perſon ; it follows, that by
Divine Inſtitution, the Government of the Church, is as before, Re-
publican: But that 'tis a Republick, like that of Venice - (if I dare
uſe the Compariſon) only of the better Sort, and that alì Biſhops
are equal; unleſs, by their own Conceſſions, and for the ſake of Or-
der and Decency, they pleaſe to conſtitute a Superior: Conſequent-
ly the Church, or Biſhops of Scotland did never depend on thoſe of
England ; fince, as I have ſaid but juſt now, I ſhall prove the Scots
Biſhops did never yield their Parity, nor ſubmit to the Jurisdiction
of the Biſhops of England. Laſtly, if our Saviour did appoint a
Subordination, even among Biſhops ; or, which is the ſame Thing,
if he did conſtitute a viſible Head or ſupreme Paſtor to preſide over
all the reſt, whether Presbyters or Biſhops ; then indeed the Church
Catholický is by Divine Inſtitution an Hierarchy; and conſequent-
ly the Church of Scotland, as all others; ought to be ſubject, at leaſt,
ſo far as God has appointed, to the Head of that Hierarchy, who-
ever he is.
This laſt Opinion, tho by great Numbers rejected, yet was ſome
time or other receiv'd, and ſtrenuouſly propogated as Orthodox, all
over the World. Chriſtians generally believ'd (how warrantably
1 pres
í
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 425
I pretend not to determine) that St. Peter was, by our Saviour,con-
Aituted the viſible Head of the Church, and his Vicar or Vicege
rent upon Earth. The Scriptural Paſſages adduc'd to make good
the Aſſertion every Body knows. Theſe (for, as St. Peter ſays him-
ſelf
, There are ſome Things hard to be underſtood, in the Scriptures,
which they that are unlearn’d and unſtable wrëft, unto their own Deſtructia
on) may have been miſ-interpreted, by the Primitive, as well as
lateſt Centuries ; for that Doctrine, if not always eſtabliſh’d,be-
gan very early to take. And, that Engliſh Papiſts may have all the
Latitude in arguing they pleaſe , I ſhall ſuppoſe with them, that it
is Orthodox : I ſay Engliſh Papiſts ; for none but they can plead.
with any Colour of Reaſon, the Superiority of their Englih Church
over that of Scotland; ſince 'tis plain, that if any ſuch Superi-
ority did ever obtain, twas only deriv'd from the Authority and
Appointment of the Popes of Rome. Now, if it ſhall be granted
(what is by all but Papiſts denied) that the Church is by Divine
inftitution, neither a Republick of Presbyters nor of Biſhops, but a
Hierarchy,properly ſo call’d; and that the Biſhop of Rome, as Suc-
ceſſor of St. Peter, is Head of it, and the Vicar of Chriſt upon
Earth. What then? Does it preſently follow from thence, that
he is infallible, as Chriſt ? That he has any Jurisdićtion over Tem
poralities? That he can diſpenſe with the Laws of God, Nature and
Nations ? That he can overturn or enſlave Churches and States, at
his Pleaſure ? That he cannot be mil-inforód or miſ-led ? That
he can neither err in Doctrine nor Practice? That he has all Powet
on Earth and in Heaven? That he can alter the very Eſſence and
Nature of Things, make Right to be wrong, and Wrong to be
Right? By no Means, all he can pretend to (1 argue ftill upon the
Popiſh Hypotheſis) is preciſely this, and no more : He is, in theit
Senſe, the Primate of the Chriſtian Church, the Moderator of
their General Aſſemblies, the firſt among Equals, and by Conſe
quence, as St. Ireneus ( who was almoſt Co-temporary with the A,
poftles) expreſſes himſelf (a) : When Hereſies ariſe, and Chriſtian
Churches come to be divided among themſelves in Matters of Doct-
rine,the Faithful, wherever they are ought to adhere to thoſe in Com-
munion with the See of Rome, becauſe of the more powerful Princi,
pality of that Church. But if the Church of Rome ſhould, in Matters
of Doctrine obſtinately diffent from all other Churches : If the Pope
ſhould maintain a Doctrine condemn’d as Heretical by receiv’d Coun,
cils : Should he turn an Arian or Manichean : Why, then as an He-
ietick he muſt and ought to be depos’d. Again, if he ſhould invade
Principalities, diſpoſe upon Kingdoms dethrone Sovereigns; ab-
folve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, enſlave Churches;he’s
liable to Cenſuré ; he fins damnably, ought to be diſobey'd, and his
Anathema's can hurt none but himſelf. Nevertheleſs, ſeveral Popes
blinded by Ambition, puft up with Pride, and miſerably deluded by
Court Paraſites and Mercenary Scriblers,(a Sortof Men always to be
P.P.P.P
found
(*) Lib. 3. contra Hæreſ. Cap. 3.
420
The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
found where Advantage is to be made) have run headlong upon E-
normities of this kind. Thus, to ſay nothing of other Incroach-
ments, leſs memorable, tho highly criminal, Innocent IV. preſum d
to depoſe Frederick II. an Emperor ; and he was feconded by a
Council, the firſt of Lyons : And, by the Council of Lateran, the
Popes are plainly impower'd to depoſe Sovereigns, in caſe of obſti-
nate Hereſy and Rebellion to the Church. This was more than ei-
ther Pope or Council, or both together could do : Their Power, if
they have any, is only ſpiritual ; and whatever they do, with Refe-
rence to Temporal Affairs, is of it ſelf void and null
. That judici-
al Sentence pronounc'd againſt Frederick by the Pope and Council
(as that pronounc'd by the Pope alone again!t King John of England)
and ſome others, was pronounc'd by Judges no ways competent.
Nor does the Church of Rome her ſelf any where oblige her Mem-
bers to approve luch Sentences ; much leſs, to take them for Ca-
nonsor Rules of Faith. And as for the Lateran Canon, which al-
lows of the like Incroachments, 'tis thought ſpurious (a) by the
Learn'd, both Papiſts and Proteſtants. Beſides, that Canon has no
Reference to Sovereigns, but to Feudataries, whoſe fupreme Lords
were by their Ainballadors preſent in the Council. And if any ſuch
Canon was made, 'twas imprudently conſented to, as to a Canon of
Diſcipline, fit for the then Juncture of Affairs, alterable at Pleaſure,
in Conſcience not at all binding, wholly extrinfick to Matters of
Faith, and which no Nation was,or is oblig’d to receive. However,
ambitious and wicked Popes have, as I have ſaid, taid hold on all
theſe and the like Opportunities of enlarging their Power, to the
Depreſſion of others, and the Court has, by theſe fcandalous Me-
thods, almoſt undone the Church of Rome. Yet from time to time,
even Popes have been moderate in their Pretenſions :Witneſs Pela-
gius (6) and Gregory
, the great, (c) who, tho they both affert the Pri-
macy of the See of Rome, and that to Peter, the Prince of the
Apoſtles the Care of all Churches was committed, yet were ſo far
from depreſſing other Churhçes and Church-men (much leſs States)
that they declar'd (d) that for any one to take upon him the Title
of Univerſal Prieſt, Biſhop, or Patriarch, is to inſinuate that he on-
ly is ſuch, and that this is to derogate from all his Brethren and
Fellow-Biſhops; and conſequently blafphemous and Antichriſtian
After-Popes did nevertheleſs aſſume the lofty Title ; but, ſay they,
in a quite different Senſe, for they only mean, that they are Uni-
verſal Biſhops in, and not of the Church. But they had better
have foreborn the uſe of an Expreffion ſo plainly equivocal
, and
by themſelves, in the Biſhop of Conſtantinople, (who might have
pleaded the fame Excuſe) thought impious. Indeed it ſeems that
Æneas Sylvius (afterwards a Pope himſelf, and but a Modern one)
was of this Opinion : He fays (e) “ That the Pope of Rome is fub-
ject,
1
66
a) Roffenf. de poteft. Pap. Lib. 1. Cap. 6. Bramhall's Schilm guarded. (b) apud Gratian. Dift. 29. Cap'
Nullus. (c) Lib. 6. Epiſt.32. (ed) Pelag. ibid. Gregor. Lib. 4. Epift. 32. ad Maurit. & Epift. 36. ad Eulog. &
Lib. 7. Epift
. 69. ad Eufeb. (e) De gelt. Concil. Bafil. I. 1. edit. Ball. 1551. p. 1-1,12, 15, 16, 19, 20,
Chap II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland427
.
co
61
CC
6
GE
(6
no
(G
Wncrein
ject, not only to the univerſal Church; but that 'tis Heretical to
exempt himn from the Jurisdiction of the holy Council, that
none but beggarly. Expectants, and wretch'd Flatterers, lay or
(6 write otherwilé. That the Authority, even of the See of Rome,
cannot eſtabliſh or change any thing againſt the Decrees of the
" Fathers. That Appeals may be made from the Popes to the
" Church Univerſal, and their Decrees revers’d. That St. Paul
6 refifted St. Peter to the Face. That the Pope may be depos’d by
c the univerſal Church: That the Pope is Head of the Church
" but Miniſterially; that is, to ſerve and aſſiſt the Body under
“ Chriſt, the only Head, in a proper Senſe. That he is more
properly the Vicar of the Church, than of Chriſt. That he has
Power to diffolve a General Council, without their own Con-
« fent. That they may call themſelves without him, if he con-
“ ſent not: And in fine, that becauſe the Biſhops diſpers’d over
o the World, cannot make Canons, nor Judge, except eve-
ry one his own Flock, the Pope, who overſees all, is in that
“ Senſe greater than they all, and that in this the Plenitude of his
66 Power.does confift.
For all theſe Affertions, he cites the Fathers, Councils, Scri-
ptures; nay; and the Writings of a great many Popes : And the Primacy
that this is, and has ever been the Doctrine and Practice of the of the Pope
Church of Rome (let that Court pretend what they will) is evi- cording to
dent. All, or moſt Univerſities (the famous Launoius (a) reckons Papiſts.
up twelve ;) an infinite Number of Writers, many of them Cardi-
nals, Archbiſhops, Bihops, Gci and no leſs than one and thirty in
Italy alone, ſeveral Councils, as thoſe of Piſang Conftance, &c. and all
National Churches, particularly that of France, have all taught the
very fame Things, and yet remain in Communion with the Church
of Rome; by which they were never upon that Score condemn’d;
and which never did it an Authentick manner decide the contrary.
This is ſo true, that who ever knows the Conſtitution of the Galli-
can Church, muft own, what Archbiſhop Bramball fays (b), that the
Pope cannot command any thing directly or indire&tly, concern-
ing any temporal Affars, within the Dominions of France : He
cannot free the French Cergy from their Obligation to obey the So-
vereign : The Prelates & the French Church cannot, altho comman-
ded by the Pope, departout off the Kingdom, without the King's
Licence: The Pope's Balls, Citations, Sentences, Excommunica-
tions, doc. are not to be kecuted, nor the Pope's Legate admitted,
without the King's Perniſlion. Eccleſiaſtical Perſons, may be
judg’d by the Secular: The Courts of Parliament, in Cafe of
Appeals, as from Abuſe, nay declare null and void the Pope's Bulls,
Excommunications; &c. when found contrary to the ſacred De-
crees, the Liberties of the French Church, or the Prerogative Roy-
al: The Pope canot . erect Biſhopricks into Archbiſhopricks, nor unite
them, nor divide nem, without the King's Licence ; nay all Biſhops are
own'd
(a) 291. Epift. Tm. IV. (b) Ubi fup.
Рpppp?
428
Book. II.
The Life of Alexander II.
8
و
TheChurch
of Scotland
own’d and declar’d, to have their Power immediately from Chriſt, not
from the Pope, and are, as be, Succeſſors of St. Peter and the other
Apoſtles, and the Vicars of Chriſt upon Earth.
The Kingdom and Church of Sicily is .yet more Independent thari
thoſe of France; inſomuch, that, as the learn'd Grotius ſomewhere
obſerves, the King of Great Britain enjoys no Power concerning
Things and Perſons Eccleſiaſtical, which the King of Sicily has not
alſo. The Republick of Venice has its own Patriarch: And to be
ſhort, there's no State in Communion with the See of Rome, but is
guarded againſt the Incroachments and Uſurpations of its Biſhop.
And if at any time, Churches or States have ſuffer'd themſelves
to be either Excommunicated, or Trick'd into Slavery, they have
themſelves to blame. This I'm ſure of, the Kings and Church of
never gave Scotland, did never ſubject themſelves to the Pope's of Rome, but
en het lights in ſo far as to own them, as all other Chriſtian Nations did ſome
to the Pope. time or other, the Succeſſors of St. Peter, and as ſuch the Primates
of the Church Univerſal. To this indeed; (for ought I can ſee)
they were very eaſily brought: For tho they ſtruggl'd hard and
long about the Obſervation of Eaſter, and ſome other Points of Dif-
cipline, (with which, Faith was no ways cor.cern'd) yet I read not,
that they diſputed the Supremacy of St. Peter ; but did not think,
that his Succeſſors (tho acknowledg’d to be ſuch) had a Power to
compel them into the Difuſe of Obſervations and Rites; they had
receiv'd from their learn'd and pious Anceſtors: Nay; when they
were brought to comply with the practical Decree of the Council
of Nice about Eaſter ; as alſo, with ſome other Ordinances of the
Roman Church, which being in themſelves Indifferent, 'twas not
after all worth their while to contend ſo much about as they did ;
yet we find not, that they were over fond olan intimate Commu-
nication, or cloſe Correſpondence with Rom. They needed not :
For as their Lives (I mean thoſe of the Clegy) were exemplarly
Good, ſo even, by the Church of Rome, theis Doctrine was acknow:
ledgʻd to be Pure; ſo Pure, that it ſpread through all Nations, and
Scots Biſhops were in a moſt eminent Manrr the Apoſtles of Eng-
land, Germany, Swizerland, &c. I ſay, Scots Biſhops, not that I de-
ſign to enter into, or decide the Controvery about the firſt conver-
fion of Scotland, whether 'twas by Biſhops or Presbyters. That, I
humbly conceive, is no material Debate for let it be as it will
,
no Party of Men can reap any Advantage by it: For if Scotland
was firſt converted by Presbyters, what hen? Theſe, Men of E-
piſcopal Principles will ſay, had been reviouſly Ordain'd, as the
Popiſh Miſſionaries in China, Japan, &c. fill are, by Biſhops. And
if Scotland was firſt converted by Biſhops, it docs not from thence fol-
low, will thoſe of the Presbyterian Penwafior
, reply, that Epiſco-
расу is Eſſential to the Church, and of Divine Irftitution. So that,
waving this Point, which is extrinſick to my Purpoſe, I fay, that
there were Biſhops, tho not confin'd to ſeparate liftricts
, as after-
wards, in the Church of Scotland; and thoſe own’aby the Church
ز
7
of
Chap II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland 429
The
66
66
66
of Rome to be validly ſuch, as early as we know any thing at all
concerning the Being, or at leaſt the Government of a Church in
theſe Parts : Conſequently, that, if it ſhall be granted, that Epiſco-
pal Ordination is neceffary , yet ſince the Church of Scotlani had
Biſhops of her own, the needed not to depend either on the Church
of England, or on the See of Rome, upon the Account of Ordinati-
on. Now, that ſhe had Biſhop, is plain from this one Paſſage of
the oldeſt Scots or Engliſh Hiſtorian extant in the World, I mean Church of
Adamannus: He was born in 624, about 100 Years before Beda and in Scotland, ne-
the Life of his Predeceſſor Columba, in the Monaſtery of Hey, he has Biſhops of
left us this remarkable Story: “ There came, ſays he, (a) to Columba her owni.
« in Hey, one that demean'd himſelf with a great deal of Humility,
“ thinking thereby to conceal his Character of a Biſhop, but could
not: For on the Lord's Day, as they were conſecrating the Sa-
crament, on the ſudden, Columba, inſpir'd from above, look’d
" him in the Face, and ſaid to him, Chriſt bleſs thee, my Brother : Since
< thou art a Biſhop, take the Bread and break it alone, as Biſhops are
wont to do. Now we know that thou art a Biſhop; why, bajt thou hi-
" therto endeavour’d to conceal thy Character, and hinderd us from pay-
66 ing thee due Veneration?” The Story may be falſe, at leaſt it
looks like a Legend; and we are not bound to give Credit to Le-
gends : Yet it evidently ſhews, that in St. Columba's time, (He was
born in the Year 520,) and conſequently before, the Charaéter of a
Biſhop was diſtinct from that of a Presbyter, and held in peculiar
Veneration in Scotland. Nay, the fame Adamannus tells us, That
Columba (6) had his Education under one Findbarus, a Biſhop. And
that theſe Scottiſh Biſhops were properly ſuch, is evident from this,
that the Romaniſts, who found fault with Trifles, yet never offerd
to diſpute their Character, nor to quarrel their Ordination. Since
therefore the Scots had Ordination among themſelves; it follows,
that they needed not to depend, even on the Church of Rome, upon
that Account, much leſs on that of England. But ſay the Engliſh,
The Scots had no Archbiſhops, till of late, and therefore muft of
Neceſſity have been ſubject to the Engliſh, who had. 'Tis true, the
Engliſh were before us in courting thoſe Dignities, and in obtaining Why the
Palls and Titles from the Pope of Rome, but theſe are Dignities pretend to
no ways Eſſential to the Conſtitution or Being of a Church. Whe- Superiprity
ther they were introduc'd by Ambition, or for the ſake of Order Church of
and Decency, I do not enquire : This is certain, we have no Di-
vine Warrant for owning Archbiſhops above Biſhops ; nor even by
the Canon Law, can any Archbiſhop pretend to Juriſdiction or Su-
periority, without the Bounds of his own Province ; nor is the
Conſent or Authority of an Archbiſhop requir’d to the Confecrati-
on of a Biſhop. Nay, Archbiſhops may be Conſecrated by Biſhops:
And accordingly we find (c) that Richard, Archbiſhop of Canterbury,
was Conſecrated by Henry, Biſhop of Rocheſter, yet is not pre-
Q4999
tended
(a) Ad vit. Sti, Columbæ lib. I. Dr. Mackenzie's Life of St, Columba. p. 355, (b) Dr. Mackenzie ibid. (©)
Craig concerning Homage. p. 319.
Scotland
!
430
The Life of Alexander II. Book II
tended to have own’d him as his Superior. As for the Scots Biſhops,
they were for the moſt part Conſecrated by one another, and ſome
times by Foreigners ; eſpecially ſuch as Fame gave out to excel in
Learning and Piety. Thus John, Biſhop of Whithorn was Conſecrated
at Pipenel, - by John, Biſhop of Dublin ; William Malvaiſe Biſhop of
Glaſgow, by the Biſhop of Lions in France; and Michael of Glaſgow,
and Turgot of St. Andrews, by the Archbiſhops of York. Others may
have done the like, and from thence did the Controverſy ariſe: For
the Archbiſhops of York (becauſe, forſooth, dignified with that Ti.
tle, the Biſhops of
Scotland did not ſue for ; yet, it ſeems, reſpected;
for ſuch was the Faſhion, ſo far in others, as to be willing to re-
ceive Ordination at their Hands) laid hold on the Opportunity of
claiming a Superiority over Men inferior to themielves in no-
thing, but becauſe more Humble, and leſs Intereſted. But they
very well knew this would never do: And therefore to ſtrengthen
their Pretenfions, they endeavour'd to have the Pope on their Side;
as if the Authority of the Pope had been ſufficient to over-turn
Right, and to enſlave a Nation. I may ſay fo; for had the Churchi
of Scotland ſubmitted to the Engliſh, 'tis probable the State had
been (by Church Influence ever prevalent over the Laity) catechis’d
or perhaps excommunicated into the fame Dependency.
How far they prevail'd with the Pope to Authorize their Uſurpa-
tions, I do not inquire ; nor is it material, fince, as I have already
evinc'd, the Pope himſelf, even in the Opinion of Papiſts, had no
Power to ſubječt one Church or Biſhop to another, but with Con-
fent of Parties : And this is certain, the Scots Kings or Biſhops did
never confent to Subjection, tho, it ſeems, they erroneouſly deſir’d
to be Conſecrated by Archbiſhops, and thoſe of York, for the moft
Part, becauſe neareſt to them. Thus Turgot (a), Biſhop of St. An-
drem's
, was, during the Reign of King Alexander I. Confecrated by
Thomas, Archbiſhop of York; but no Sort of Subjection was exacted,
tho this laſt Prelate did much urge his pretended Superiority: Yet
becauſe the Scots denied, that, either by Cuſtom or Right; any ſuch
thing was due, he was, by his own Maſter, Henry I. compell’d to
defilt from this Pretenſion. However, the Struggle he made fo
much irritated King Alexander, that he refolv'd none of his Biſhops
ſhould henceforth apply to the See of York for Conſecration. He
complain’d of its Incroachments to his old Acquaintance and Friend,
Lanfrank, Archbiſhop of Canterbury, whom he intreated to ſend á
Monk of Canterbury, one Eadmerus, very much fam'd at the time
for his Learning and Piety, to fill the vacant See of St. Andrew's
.
Accordingly Eadmerus came, and was elected Biſhop :. But
he, as himſelf relates (6), out of a Defire to raiſe the See of
Canterbury above all thoſe in the land, would be Conſecrated by
none but the Archbiſhop of that place. This the King thought
"might be an ill Precedent, and give Occaſion to the Archbiſhops of
Canterbury to pretend to Superiority, as thoſe of Tork had done for
the ſame Reafon before.
He
(a) Sim. Dunelm, p, 207, 208. (6) Lib V. p. 132, 134, &c,
2
Chap II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 43 i
1
or
He therefore diſmiſs’d the Monk without Confecrationi; who;
tho he afterwards offer’d to comply with the King's Pleaſure iti
every Thing, yet was never
never ſuffer'd to return. Robert, Prior of
Soon was elected in his Room ; who going upon the vulgar Miſtake
of thoſe Times, thought it neceſſary to be confecrated by an Arch-
biſhop ; and accordingly receivd the Benediction at the Hards of
Thurjian, Arch-biſhop of York (a); but with a Reſervation of the Rights
of both 'Churches; and with thisexpreſs Clauſe, that no Submillion
Obedience was exacted. Yet this fame Thurſtan is ſaid to have
procur'd ſeveral Bulls froin the Popes Calixtus II.and Innocent alſo II.in
which theſe Pontifs threaten and exclaim againſt the Scots Biſhops,
becauſe, tho often requird, yet they ſtill refus’d to ſubmit. Theſe
Bulls are probably ſpurious, (b) and Sir Robert Sibbald has given
very good Reaſons why they ſhould be conſider'd as ſuch: But if ge-
nuine, ſo much the better; for they evidently prove, what I have
aſierted, That the Scottiſh Church did neither fubinit to the Eng-
liſh, nor think, that even the Pope could oblige them to it.
Sir Robert Sibbald has alſo diſprov'd another Bull of Pope Adrian IV:
directed to the Biſhops of Scotland, commanding them to ſubmit
and acknowledge Roger, Arch-biſhop of York, as their Metropoli-
tan, but to no Purpoſe: The Scots Biſhops were ſo far from ha-
ving any Regard to theſe Bulls, which they confider'd as furreptiti-
ous, that they conveen’d (); and by themſelves conſecrated Richard;
a Chaplain of King Malcolm IV. Biſhop of St. Andrews; who in his
Turn afterwards ordain'd in his own Cathedral the Biſhops of Duna
keld, Murray and Aberdeen. The Conduct of the Scots Clergy in thefe
and the like Matters was very grating to the Pride of Arch-biſhop
Roger : He reſolv’d upon Revenge, impos’d upon the Pope, Alet-
ander III. by what Means I know not; and getting himſelf to be
made Legate of Scotland, imperiouſly ſummon'd the Scottiſh Clergy
to appear before him at Norham, whither he came in great Pomp to
give an Account; why they thus prefum’d to diſobey; both himſelf
and the reiterated Commands of the See of Rome (d). They thought
not fit to comply with the peremptory Command; yet fent a few
of their Number, particularly, Ingelram, Salmon, and Walter,all three
Clergy-men of good Senſe and Reſolution, with Orders to appeal from
the pretended Legate to the Pope himſelf
. They did it accordingly,
after having, with great Boldneſs, upbraided Arch-Biſhop Roger to his
Face, for his Arrogance & Preſumption, in thus ſtealing out rather than
procuring,a Priviledge to derogatory to the Honour of the Church of
Scotland. In Purſuance of this Appeal, Ingelram went to Romén
made the Pope to know how far he had been miſ-inform’d, and ob-
tain'd a Bull, depriving Roger of his pretended Legation, and de-
claring the Church of Scotland free from all Dependence or foreign
Juriſdiction whatever, the Apoſtolick See only accepted : Nay, that
Q
9 9 9 9 2
ſame
(a) Chart. Turſtin. de confecrat
. Rob. Epiſc. St. And. in Bibliot. Coton. Titus A. 19. (b) Sir Rob. Sibbald
Book intitul. the Independency of the Kingdom and Church of Scotland aſſerted.Edit. Edin. 1703. () Chron.
Melroſs ad Ann. 1165. (d) vid. MS. entitld, Extract, a Chron, Scotiæ in Bibliot. Júr. Edin. the Book of Paly
· ib. 8. cap. 151
4.32
The Life of Alexander II.
Book II
ተ
fame Pope. Alexander III. did himſelf; not only conſecrate Ingel-
ram, Biſhop of Glaſgow ; but in Anno 1 172, he alſo ſent a Buli (a)
to the Dean and Chapter of Glaſgow, aſſerting the Independency of
that Church in particular upon any Biſhop, but its own and the
Pope. After this, no Body would have thought, that the fame Ro-
gir
would have again pretended to a Superiority over any of the Scots
Churches, at leaſt in this Pope's time : Yet he did it,upon a very un-
luckly Accident, that afterwards fell out, and had almoſt prov'd fa-
tal to both Church and State. King William had the Misfortune
to be made a Priſoner of War by the Engliſh; and when ſuch, had
the Weakneſs to ſubject both the Kingdom and Church of Scotland;
at leaſt he promis’d, upon his being ſet at Liberty, to bring the Scots
Biſhops to a Conference with the Arch-biſhop of York, and to com.
fel them to do what ſhould be found juſt. Engliſh Authors ſay that
he did more :(6) For they produce a Bull of Pope Alexander, di-
rected to Arch-biſhop Roger, his Legate, containing the Tenor of a
Letter written by King William to him. In that Letter, the King
owns the Subjection of the Scottiſh Church tothat of York,to be ancient;
but by the Hoſtility and Power of the Kings,his Predeceſſors,interrup-
ted; adding, that, now he had made Peace with his Lord, the King
of England, he was by Oath and Duty oblig’d to reſtore the Arch-
biſhop of York to his Right. This baſe and ſervile Letter, if genù-
ine, as probably it is not, was, like the Grant of his own Vaftalage,
extorted by Force and Fraud; yet had not the Effect intended by
the Engliſh. Both Kings,Henry II. of England and King William met
,
in Purſuance of their Agreement at Norhampton, together with moſt
Part
the Clergy of both Kingdoms. () Thoſe of Scotland were
defir’d to profeſs Subjection to the Church of England, as their Pre-
deceſſors had been wont to do. They anſwer'd that no Subjection
was due ; nor did ever the Church of Scotland own any Superior,
the Biſhop of Rome. Arch-Biſhop Roger reply'd, and affirm’d,nay offer'd
to prove from Bulls of Popes, that the Biſhops of Glaſgow and Whit-
horn, were in former Times ſubject to the See of York. But this a-
gain was as poſitively deny’d by Foceline, Biſhop of Glaſgow ; who
added, that if at any Time, the Arch-biſhops of York did procure a-
ny ſuch Conceſſions from the Popes, they were of no Force, becauſe
never yielded to, nor receiv'd by the Scots Biſhops, and were now
as fairly repeald, as unfairly obtain’d. He might very juſtly ſay
ſo, from the Bull of Exemption, but lately ſent to the Dean and
Chapter of Glaſgow : Nor is it to be imagin'd, as Sir James Dalrymple
judiciouſly obſerves, what could be the Ground of this Claim over
Glaſgow, firice its Biſhops, John, Herbert, Ingelram, and this foce-
line, had been all confecrated, or by the Popes themſelves
, or by
the Priinate of Dacia. But, adds the fame Author, 'tis plain that
the Arch-biſhop of York, by inſiſting only againſt two Scots Biſhops,
did give up his Pretenſions, as altogether untenible over the reſt."
Biſhop
".
(a In Excerp. Reg. Glalg. b Dalrumple p.323. (c) Hoveden. tol. 314. Polidor. Virg. lib. 3. p. 230. Chron
Cc Melroſ, ad Ann, 1176. Sir Robert Sibbald, Sir James Dalrymple loc. citatis
,
Chap II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 433
66
CC
CG
66
66
Biſhop Foceline was not the only Scotſman that boldly afferted the
Independency of the Scottiſh Church. One Gilbert Murray, then
but a Chanon, and a very young Man (afterwards for his great Me-
rits promoted to the Biſhoprick of Caithneſs) diftinguished himſelf
eminently on this Occaſion : He made a long and daring Speech in
full Council (a) to this Purpoſe. That, did not the Engliſh Na-
« tion preſume upon its Wealth and Strength, ſo far as to encroach
upon Neighbours, if not in Numbers and Power, at leaſt in
“ Lineage and Antiquity, nobler than it felf; it would be truly
great and deſervedly reputed brave : That it ought rather to give
« Obedience to than to claim it from the Church of Scotland: That
< this laſt had in all Times been Catholick and free: That by her;
« the Engliſh,. as many others, when wandring in Dafkneſs and o-
“ verſpread with Heatheniſm, were Reaſon d into Light, and
taught to believe in Chriſt : That by her, the People, Princes and
“ Kings of England, were inſtructed in Faith and Manners ; that
“ The conſecrated their firſt Biſhops and Prieſts, gave them Books
" to read, maintain'd their Primacy and Epiſcopal Dignity, during
« the Space of above 30 Years ; and therefore is, and ought to be
reputed the Mother Church of England: That Ingratitude is the
“ blackeſt of Sins, in the Opinion of Heathen Philoſophers,
as well, as the Prophets of old, and Fathers of the Primitive
“ Church : That the Prelates of England are highly guilty of that
enormous Sin ; who, did they ſeek what is juſt, would have the
" Pleaſure to obtain what they ſeek: That 'tis more honeft to de-
ny quickly what is demanded unjuſtly, than to put off Time by
“ unſeaſonable Dilators; and that he's leſs deceiv'd, who is refus'd
(6 betimes. He therefore concludes, That no Subjection can be
“ granted ; and that ſhould all the Clergy in Scotland think otherwiſe,
“ he alone muſt, and will diffent ; nay, lay down his Life, rather
" than give up the Liberties of his Church.” This reſolute Speech,
even the Engliſh admir’d, and the Scots unanimouſly approv'd of. .
To be ſhort, they appeald from the Legate, one Hugo, Cardinal de
Sancto Angelo, whom they found partial in Favour of the Engliſh,
to the Pope himfelf; and ſo the Aſſembly broke up.
After this King Willian having as he thought,made good his Oathi
to King Henry,had a long and violent Quarrel with the Pope, about
the Election of a Biſhop to the See of St. Andrew's (6). The King
and ſeverals of his Council were, for their pretended Obftinacy, ex-
communicated by Warrant from the Pope, and Arch-biſhop Roger
was for that Purpoſe again intruſted with a Legantine Power, yet
pretended no more to Superiority, for ought I can ſee. On the o-
ther Hand, ſuch as adher'd to the Pope in that Affair were baniſhed
by the King : Nay, even their Relations and Children'; ſo high
were Matters carried. Nor did they come to be entirely adjuſted,
till in the Year 1188 ; when Clement III. fent a Bull of Exemption
to King William, to be ſeen at full Length in Hoveden (c): By which
Rrrrr
the
ES
OG
a, Ford. Scot. Chron. lib. 8. cap. 26. MSS. in Bibl. Acad. Edin. Sir Robert Sibbald in Tract. cit. Dr. Mac-
kenzie's Life of Gilbert Murray. P. 390. (b) Sir Jantes Dalrymple, p. 325, 326,327. &c. (c) Fol.37 1.
Book. II.
434 The Life of Alexander II.
)
the Scots Church is not only declar’d to be, and to have always
been an immediate Daughter of that of Rome; but a great many
Priviledges are granted, or rather confirm'd to her, not inferiour to
thoſe enjoy’d by any National Church, then in Being. And this
A: D. 1188. Bull unqueſtionably Authentick, is ſo much the more remarkable,
that it was obtain'd at a Time, when the Monarchy of England was
under Henry II. at the higheſt Pitch of Grandeur; and that of Scot-
land not yet freed from the extorted Subjection it lay under, till the
Year 1190 ; when the ſame King William re-effected its Indepen-
dency, as I have elſewhere related ; and thereby made a glorious
Amends for the inglorious Failings of his Captivity. So that, as Sir
James Dalrymple very well obferves, the Declaration of the Chur-
ch’s Independency, was not an Effect, but rather a. Step to the In-
dependency of the Kingdom. King William was ſo ſentible of this
and he thought himſelf ſo fingularly oblig'd to the Courage and
Reſolution of his undaunted Clergy, that, to aſcertain their Liberties
the more, (a) he afterwards obtain’d the like Bulls from the fuc-
ceeding Popes, Caleſtine III. and Innocent III. I could enlarge upon
a great many more granted by different Popes, cited, both by Sir
Robert Sibbald and Sir James Dalrymple, in their reſpective Treatiſes
upon this Subject : But to be ſhort,
I conclude from all that I have ſaid, That the Church of Scotland,
whether confider'd as Presbyterian, as Sir James Dalrymple would
make it to have been from its firſt Foundation, down almoſt to the
lateſt Centuries; or Epiſcopal, or even Hierarchical, as is more ge-
nerally believ'd, did at no Time depend on the Church of England:
That by Divine Inſtitution ſhe could not; that by Conſent ſhe would
not: That, as the Popes (altho they ſhould be own’d the Succeſſors
of St. Peter) had no Power to depreſs her, ſo they did it not; or, if
they did that they were by intereſted Courtiers and Engliſh Influence
mif-inform'd : That upon Application made to them, they acknow-
ledg’d ſo much ; and (in Defiance of the Power of the greateſt Mo-
narchs, England ever had) rectified, what in the Senſe of thoſe Times
was amiſs. Nevertheleſs, the Arch-Biſhops of York, tho ſo often
bafil’d, by the then only competent Judge of that Controverſy,
could not find in their Hearts to ftifle their injurious Pride : They
continu'd, like the Apoſtles, when as yet carnal and imperfect, emu-
lous of their Brethren's Favour, and were not, it ſeems, practically
convinc'd, that to be greateſt in the Eyes of God, we muſt be loweſt
in thoſe of Men:
King Alexander, from whoſe Actions I have digreſs’d, was fatif-
fied as his Father King William had been before, that Humility was
not the Favourite Vertue of the Engliſh Prelates : And he foreſaw,
for all his Father had done to cut off their Claims, they would
court all Opportunities of renewing them. He therefore, to L-at
the Matter outof all doubt, made his Application to Pope Honorius III.
and that Pontif, tho a mighty Friend of Henry III. King of
Eng
(A) Sir James Dalrymple. p. 331, 332,
:
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 435
16
66
66
16
66
England, yet made no Difficulty to confirm the Grants of
his Predeceſſors. (a). He renew'd the Bull of Pope Clement
to King William, and begins by complimenting King Alex-
" ander, upon his own and his Predeceſſors Reſpect and
« Deference, for ſo many Ages bypaſt, to the See of Rome.
" Then declares, that the Church of Scotland is, and ever was an
« immediate Daughter of that See, and ſubject to none but the
« Pope. For theſe Reaſons, he forbids any, but the Pope and his
Legate a latere, to lay an Interdict upon the Kingdom of Scotland
or to Excommunicate thoſe within it. He alſo forbids any but
! Scotſmen to aſſume the Title of Legáte of Scotland, unleſs by Or-
“ ders from Rome; nor to draw Cauſes Eccleſiaſtical any where out
( of the Kingdom, unleſs by Appeal to Rome : And in fine, he ra-
“ tifies and confirms, all Immunities and Priviledges granted, or
( due to the Scottiſh Church.” The ſame Pope, by another Bull
ftill extant in the Chartulary of Aberdeen, Impowers and Com-
" mands the Biſhops of Scotland, to hold General Aſſemblies every
! Year; and for that Effect to Elect a Conſervator or Moderator
to preſide in place of a Metropolitan Archbiſhop.”. Accordingly
General Aſſemblies, or National Councils were held : And it apa
pears by the Canons of ſome of them, ſtill to be ſeen, that this Nati,
nal Church was in the Days of King Alexander and afterwards, as
well regulated as any perhaps in Europe. Why that King, to pre-
vent the reviving of the Claim of foreign Archbiſhops, did not
procure a Primate or Metropolitan of the Church of Scotland, to bę
nam'd and dignified with the Title of Archbiſhop, as :was after
wards done, I cannot tell; nor do I ſee any Reaſon for this Omiffi,
on, fave one; and 'tis this: The Church of Scotland gloried it ſeems
in thoſe Days, in her being by Popes in all their Bulls, deſign'd the
immediate Daughter of Rome; and the Popes might have had their
own Reaſons for keeping up this Conceit, that made them the iin,
mediate Metropolitans of a National Church. I return now to the
more privateyxor rather domeſtick Actions of King Alexander.
He was for his Bravery, ſo often expreſs’d in the Wars of Eng
land, for his Reſolution in the Purſuit of his Title to the Northern
Counties; and for his Vigour in maintaining the Rights of his
Crowit, and the Liberties of the Scottiſh Church, univerfally Loy'd
and Reſpected, both at home and abroad. (6) Yet his Reign was
not quite free from Inteſtirie Broils
. One Gilleſpy, a leading Man in Intetting
Roſs, had the Boldneſs to take Arms, to Pillage the neighbouring
Countries (an ordinary Practice of the more potent and wilder Reign of
Highlanders) and to burn the Town of Inverneſs; but he met with bride. Alex,
the Puniſhment he deſexr'd: For John Cumine, Earl of Buchan, was
fent againſt him with ſufficient Forces, drove him from his Pla- Earl of Bus
ces of Retirement,and having apprehended him and two of his Sons, chan, defeate
whom he had thus traind up in the Arts of Rapine, caus’d all their Rebi.
Heads to be cut off, and ſent to the King. A barbarous Set of the
Rrrrr 2
Raſca-
(a) Foeder. Angl. p. 227. (b) Hector, Lell. Joan. Major. Buchan, my Lord Ormond; &c. in this King's Life
2
Broils du
ring the
a
430
The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
Top of
Caitlines
Ratcality in Caithneſs, committed a Crime, yet more horrid, and
were puniſh'd in a Manner more terrifying: Irritated by Adam
the Biſhop's Officers, who exacted the Revenues of that Biſhoprick
with more than ordinary Severity, they ſet upon him in his own
Alam, Bir Palace, beat him unmercifully, then dragg'd him to the Kitchin,
and burnt him to Afhes. The King heard of the enormous Barba-
Murderd. rity at. fedburgh, where he kept his Court at the time, from
whence he immediately took Journey; and having put himſelf up-
on the Head of a few Troops, march'd in Perſon, ſeis’d upon the
Authors and Abettors of the Fact, caus’d them all, to the Number
of 400 to be hang’d, and their Male Children to be emaſculated.
The then Earl of Caithneſs was ihrewdly ſuſpected to have ſet his De-
penders upon committing the Sacrilegious Murder; for he deſerted
his Houſe and abſconded himſelf ſomewhere in the Mountains, till
wearied with the Uneaſineſs of that Life, he reſolv'd to throw
himſelf upon the King's Mercy. He made his Application upon
the Day of the Epiphany, when, conform to Cuſtom, the Court
was all in Mirth, and the King, with Wine and Muſick, more than
uſually exhilarated. Theſe Circumſtances were favourable to the
Earl, who atteſted his Innocence with Oaths, and was therefore
pardond. But Heaven did not ratify the indulgent Sentence : For
Tome Years afterwards, the Earl's own Servants, becauſe us’d by
him, as they thought, too roughly, murther’d him in the Night,
and then to conceal the Fact, let Fire to the Houſe; ſo that he
died much after the ſaine Manner, himſelf had caus'd or occaſion'd
the Biſhop, Adam, to be cut off.
Theſe were indeed very heinous Crimes, but they were perpe-
trated but by a few, and therefore gave but little Diſturbance to the
Government; which being Vigorous and Wiſe, ſoon cruſh'd the
Authors of thein. But ſome time after, Alan de Galweya, Lord of
Galloway, and High Conſtable of Scotland, by his great Eſtate, eini-
nent Poſt and numerous Vaflalage, the moſt potent Man in the Na-
tion, chanc'd to die, and his Death gave Riſe to Commotions, that
had the Air of a Civil War. He left three lawful Daughters be-
hind him (a), Helen, Wife to Roger de Quincy, Earl of Wincheſter,
Dervegild, married to John Baliol, Seigneur de Chaſteau Bernard, and
Thomas Mac- Chriſtian, married to William de Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle. Among
theſe he had divided his vaſt Eſtate. He had alſo a Son, Thomas
Macdualan; but this Son was a Baftard, yet would needs pretend to
the Succeſſion. His own aſpiring Genius, the Sex and Youth of his
Sifters, the Inclination of the Vaffals of the Family, the Friendſhip
he had contracted with ſome factious Neighbours, particularly,
with Olave King of Man his Father-in-Law, and one Gildroth, a
popular and active Fellow, incourag’d him to the illegal Attempt.
I know not whether the injur'd Ladies were married at this time
or no: If they were, as Mr. Symfon ſeems to believe, Thomas
would, no doubt, urge, That it was more reaſonable, that the great
Lord.
A.D. 1235
di!aian re-
volts.
..) Tae Life of Walter Lord High Steward of Scotl. by Mr. David Sympfon.
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 437
:
Lordſhip of Galloway.ſhould be conferrd upon him a Sctſman born,
and remain, as before, entire, than that it ſhould be divided among
three Females, whoſe Husbands were Foreigners, and conic-
quently preingag'd in foreign Intereſts. But the King was of a-
nother Mind : He thought that Juſtice was a Debt equally due to
Strangers and Subjects ; and he would by no mearis allow of a Pre-
cedent prejudicial to rightful Heirs, of whatever Nation or Sex. In
the mean time, Thomas feis'd upon the Houſes and Lands of his Fa-
ther; and, being by the Tenants and Followers of the Family,
ferv'd and own'd as the undoubted Lord of Galloway, reſolv'd to
maintain by Rebellion, what he could not procure by Juſtice or
Law:
The King march'd againft him in Perſon, upon the Head of a
good Army: The chief commanding Officers under him, were, Wal-
ter, Lord High Steward, Ma kinayait or Ferchard, Earl of Roſs,
and Sì Archbald Douglaſs. They fought and found aut the Rebels
who were gathered together, to the number of no leſs than 10000
Men, encourag'd by Alliances, ſtrengthn'd by Obſtinacy, well
Arm’d, and advantageouſly Poſted. But, it ſeems, they were outo
number'd by the King's Forces: For while he charg'd tlieir Front,
the above-ram'd Generals made a Compaſs about, and fell on their
Rear. By this means the one half of them was ſoon cut off ; and is defeated.
the reſt threw away their Arms, ty'd Ropes about their Necks,
and hafted to the royal Camp; crying Mercy, Mercy, which they
obtain'd. Thomas and Gildroib eſcap'd to Ireland, but with a' Reſo
lution to return upon the firſt Opportunity: They did it accor-
dingly, (how ſoon they heard that Walter Cumine, Earl of Men-
teith, after refectling Matters, by the King's Appointirent, had left
the Country) and brought over with them conſiderable Reinforce-
ments ; among the reſt, the Son of one of the Iriſh Kings (for the
whole Iſland had not as yet'ſubmitted to the Engliſh Yoke) with his
Followers: And all together, (in order to force. Courage upon the
moſt Cowardly) agreed to burn their Ships, and ſo to cut off all
Hopes of Retreat. To prevent the Miſchief they deſign’d, Wal-
ter, Lord High Steward, and Patrick, Earl of Dumbar, were fent
with ſufficient Forces to the Weſt; and theſe two, by Arguments
brought from the late and dear bought Experience, they had of
their own Weakneſs, in Oppoſition 16 Royal Power, prevail'd with
the moſt part of the Country to keep at. Home; and with thoſe that
had already joind the Invaders, to deſert and return to their Duty.
Tbomas and Giłdro:h, thụs diſappointed in their Hopes of an Inſur-
: rection in their Favour, and finding themſelves narrowly watch'd
and hem'd in on all Quarters, threw themſelves upon the King's
Mercy; and after a long Impriſonment, were graciouſly pardon'd. And pat-
The poor Iriſh Straglers, abandon’d by their leaders, were left to
ſhift for themſelves, and became en eaſy Prey to any that would
be at the Trouble to knock them on the Head. In this helpleſs
Condition, they wander'd through Fields, they had never leen,
SITET
every
don's
438
The Life of Alexander II. Book. II.
volts.
And is de-
fcated,
every where inſulted, and at length cut off by the Citizens of
Glaſgow..
Sumerled, an hereditary Traitor, fince the Son of a noted Rebel of
Sumarled of the fame Name, made alſo an Inſurrection in this King's Reign
Argyle re- and ſome write (a), that he did it in Conjunction with, and to
make a Diverſion in Favour of the Baſtard, of Galloway : But he was
quickly reduc'd, ſome ſay by the Earl of Mar, others by the Earl
of March, and the King had alſo the Bounty to pardon him.
Hiſtorians take notice of another Accident that fell out : 'While
the Court was at Hadington, the Lodgings of Patrick, Earl of A-
Patrick, Farl thole, chanc'd to take. Fire, and that Earl, together with two Şer-
burnt in his vants, were conſum'd by the Flames. This was not generally
Kuadrimes at thought to have been fortuitous: The Enmity. the Earl had long
entertain'd with John, the Chief of the Name of Billet, was pu-
blickly known ; wherefore this laſt
, together with Walter his Un-
cle, was ſuſpected and impeach'd of the Crime. They pleaded their
having been abſent, and at Forfar, about 50 Miles from Hadington,
when the thing fell out : But ſome of their Servants had been ſeen
at Hadington, that very Night, and therefore the. Biſſets were fum-
mon’d to appear before the Juſtice Court, upon a Day appointed.;
but durſt not ſtand to their Tryal, by reaſon of the great Power of
the Cumines their Enemies, who, 'twas thought, would over-rule
the Bench. They offer'd to vindicate their Innocence by a ſingle
Combat, againſt any of their Accuſers: But that was a Favour not to
be granted; nor indeed was it thought equal, that the Innocent ſhould
run the ſame hazard with thoſe ſuſpected of a Crime that amoun-
The Billets
fice into Ire- ted to no leſs than Murder, and willful Fire-raiſing: Wherefore
the Biſſets filed into Ireland, and there, ſays Buchanan, ſettld a noble
and laſting Family
But for theſe Diſturbances, occaſion'd by the too great Power of
the jarring Nobility (an unavoidable Conſequence of the Feudal
Cables Law, as it was eftabliſh'd all over Europe) King Alexander's Reign
occafond. was peaceable and happy: But he was, by the exceſſive Donations
of his Predeceſſors, too Poor ; conſequently like moſt part of his
Succeſſors, unable to depreſs certain Clans; as that of the Cumines,
at that time exorbitantly Powerful by their Numbers and Wealth;
or to eradicate the Fewds and Animoſities, that divided both the
Nobility and Gentry: Fewds, that often broke out into petty
Wars, and theſe were carried on in Defiance of Royal Authority,
to the Depreſſion of the People, the Devaſtation of Woods, Parks,
Houſes and Towns, the Non-improvement of Arts and Sciences,
the Corruption of Manners, and Decay of Piety. Hence 'tis, that
the Scots Commonalty continue to this Day, ſo abject in the Low-
lands, and in the High-lands ſo unpoliſhd; that Agriculture is ſo
little underſtood ; that Manufactures and Trade have not been in-
courag'd ; that Shipping has been neglected; that ſo much of the
Soil lyes barren and uncultivated; that fo few Encloſures, Or-
chards,
(a) Lord Ormond dans la vie d' Alcx. II.
land.
Fewds, by
1
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 439
chards, Trees,&c. are to be ſeen;that Cities are ſo few and fo irregular,
that ſuch Swarms of Scotſmen,unable to liveup to their Inclinations at
Home,toil,and fight, and die, for the Intereſt and Glory of all Nations;
but their own : That; but ſeven ſmall Provinces beyond Seas'
,
by fiſhing up the native Treaſure and Stock of Scotland, are en-
abld to výe with the Grandeur and Strength of Britain : And
in fine, that the moſt hopeful Projeets, and moſt noble Attempts
towards enriching and aggrandizing North-Britain, have been defea-
ted; and therefore made it ſeem neceſſary to unite with the
South. From the Poverty of the Crown, and Wealth of the
Nobles, have all theſe Effects, proceeded in Scotland. The fame
Cauſes have had, tho not the ſame, yet as fatal Conſequences in
England and elſewhere. The Scots Nobles, fince the regular Suc-
ceffion of their Kings had been fairly eſtabliſh’d, reſpected their fa-
cred Character, they never enter'd into a National Rebellion I
ſay. National, for Ido not reckon the Sallies of a Sumerled, or Lord
of Galloway; to have been ſuch : They meant not to overturn the
Government, but to revenge an Injury, depreſs a private Enemy,
repoffeſs themſelves of what they thought their own ; or perhaps to
enrich their Families with the Spoils of Neighbours,they thought they
had Reaſon to hate. Nar were theſe Fewds peculiar to the Scot-
tiſh Clans, às barbarous as they have occafiond the Nation to be
thought." Where ever the Feudal Law took place, that is, where-
ever the Nobles were poffeſs’d of the Wealth of the Land, (a) (and
this was the Caſe of almoſt all Europe), the like Fewds were enter-
tain'd : Inſomuch, that each particular, attributing to himſelf à
Right, due to none but Sovereigns (by their own Conceffions dif-
inablá from uſing their Authority ) would, to redreſs à Wrong
he conceiv'd done to him,take up Arms, and with Fire and Sword
invade the Houſes, Lands and Perſons of his Enemies. To put at
leaſt ſome Stop to ſo horrid a Diſorder, the Biſhops; and better
Sort of the Baronis, firſt in France, and afterwards elſewhere, agreed,
that Churches, Monafteries, the Clergy, the Religious, the Wo-
men, Merchants; Farmers, and Milns, ſhould be free, from all
Manner of Violence : And thefe were ſaid to be comprehended in
the Peace, which was never to be broken. As for others, they were
only forbidden to purſue their Quarrels from Wedneſday's Evening to
Munday Morning ; out of Reſpect to thoſe Days, which, 'twas bea
liev'd, our Saviour had in ſome Meaſure conſecrated by the laſt My-
ſteries of his Life ; and this was callid, the. Trucé. · The Offenders
againſt either the Peace or Truce, were declar'd'excommunicated and
to be otherwiſe puniſh'd with Banniſhment or Death, according to
the Greatneſs of the Breach they ſhould make. . This Decreet or
Reſolution of the National Church was afterwards confirm’d (b) by
four great Councils and as many Popes, with ſome Additions towards
inlarging the Peate and Truce ; ſo that, provided the Tráce was Re-
Síffi 2
ligi-
1
!
(a) L'Hiſtoire des Groiſades du Pere Maimbourg. Liv. 1. (6) Concil. Cler, ſub. Urb, II. Rom. ſub. Pafc
U. Later. 2. & 3. Decret. Tit. de Treuga & Pace
440 The Life of Alexander II. Book II.
ligiouſly obſerv'd during the Days appointed, theſe petty Wars of
private Families, were not only telerated, but in ſome Meaſure li-
cens'd : And this laſted, ſays Pere Maimbourg, in France, during
the Space of about 200 Years. St. Lewis, who was Co-temporary
with our Kings, Alexander II. and III. us'd all imaginable En-
deavours to aboliſh the barbarous Cuſtom ; but could not. Philip IV.
had better Succeſs ; He was more abſolute, and the Ediêt he emit-
ted at Tholouſe in Anno 1303, had the deſir’d Effect. The Scots Kings
always endeavour'd, but, becauſe of the exorbitant Wealth and
Power of the Nobles, who kept up their Animofities againſt one a-
nother, could not, till of late, eradicate this Evil. The Nobles in
England did yet worſe : They had got all the Lands they were pof-
ſeſsid of from the Bounty or miſtaken Policy of their Norman Kings;
and were ſo ungrateful as to employ their Revenues to the Depreſſion
of the Throne that had rais'd' them. Hence the Barons Wars and
thoſe between the two Roſes, and hence the numerous and amazing
Revolutions of that Kingdom ; Revolutions that have been attend-
ed or follow'd with ſuch Slaughter, ſo much Expenſe of Money,
ſuch' Devaſtation of the Country, and Depopulation of Cities, that
'tis a Wonder South-Britain Thould be what it is, one of the beſt
cultivated, and in every Reſpect moſt flouriſhing Parts of the
World : What had it not attaind to, had not its induſtrious Inbabi-
tants beea, by theſe* Calamities (the natural Conſequences of weak
Sovereignty) ſo often undone?
King Alex-
During the Reign of King Alexander, the miferable Condition of
ander ſends the Chriſtians in the Eaſt and the Zeal of ſome European Potentates,
to St. Lewis occaſion’d the Holy War to be renew'd ; and he was to his Power as
forward as any of them. St. Lewis King of France, ask'd Auxiliaries
from him, for that. Purpoſe ; a Favour he very readily granted: He
rais da conſiderable Body of hardy Men, and committed them to
the Conduct of three valiant and wife Commanders, Patrick Dunbar,
Earl of March, Walter Stewart of Dundonald, and David Lindfay of
Glenesk. They did valuable Services to St. Lewis in Ægypt : But
that Prince was unfortunate, as I have elſewhere related.
Nor was King Alexander much more ſucceſsful in an Expedition
he intended, and actually commencd, fay the Annals of Norway,
(a) againſt Haco, the King of that Country, to whom he had ſent
Ambaſſadors, in Anna 1244, with Orders to deſire the Reſtitution
the Recove- of the Æbude or Weſtern Iſlands, unjuſty poſſeſs’d by the Norvegians,
fince the Reign of Malcolm Canmore, about 151 Years. But Haco
was not of Humour to part with them, notwithſtanding. Money
was offer'd for their Redemption. Wherefore King Alexander, a
haughty Prince, ſay the Norvegians, and, who was deſirous to extend
the Limits of his Empire, ( to bring it to its ancient Bounds, they
itiould have ſaid) rais'd a great Army in 1249, and boaſted that he
would not lay down his Arms; till he had carried them as far Eaſt as
Thurſaker, or the Giants Rocks as that is, he meant to reduce
for the Ho-
ly War.
Endeavours
Fy
Weſtern
Thes.
not
a) Turff. Hiftor. rer. Orcad. edir. Hafnix. 1697. p. 163.
Chap. II. The Ninty fourth King of Scotland. 441
.
not only the Idlands call’d Æbude, but alſo thoſe of Orkney and Shet-
land. To effect this the more eaſily, he ſent for Fones; then called
King of the Iſles, gave him four of his own Earls as Hoftages for
his Safety, while at the Scottifh Court, and offer'd him large Poſſeffi-
ons in Scotland, if he would but deliver up the Caſtle of Biarnaburgh,
and three more, King Haco had intruſted him with :But his Fidelity
to Haco was proof againſt the moſt tempting Offers of Alexander;
who, thereupon purſuing his Reſolution, invaded the Iſlands: But;
while he lay on the Bay of Kialarſund, he had a very extraordinary
Dream in the Night. He imagin d, that three Men approach'd him;
the one with Royal Garments, a red Face, ſquint Eyes, and a ter-
rible Aſpect ; the other young, beautiful, and in a very fine and
coſtly Dreſs; and the third both of a larger Stature and fiercer Counte-
nance than the two former. This laſt ask'd him as he thought,whether
he meant to ſubdue the Æbuda? He anfwerd, he did. You had
better return home, ſaid the angry Ghoft. Upon which the King
awaken’d, and was advisd, by thoſe about him, not to neglect the
Warning he had receiv’d. But he was of another Opinion, and ſinar-
ted for it : For not long after, he ſickn’d and died in thelfland Kerwarý
or Carnire. So ſay even Scots Hiftorians; which makes it probable, that
this magnanimous Prince had a&tually undertaken the Expedition
mention'd by the Norvegians: As for the Legendary Part of it(believe it
who will) I am not apt to think, that either St. Olave, King of Nor-
toáy, or St. Magnus Earl of Orkney, or St. Columba. (for theſe are ſupa
pos’d to have been the three the King faw in his Sleep) were con
Cern'd to hinder him froin the Proſecution of what he thought, and
his Son made appear to be juſtly his own. He was initerr'd (as he
himſelf had formerly appointed) in the Abbay Church of Metros
with an Inſcription, which, tho, like the Times, unpoliſh'd, yet, as
Archbiſhop Sportifwood obſerves, is fuch, as fhews how accomplith'd
a Prinee he was, in the Opinioni of his Subjects.
Ecclefia clypeus, pax plebis; düz miſerorüm;
Rex rectus, rigidus, Sapiens, conſultus, honeftuis ;
Ret pius, Rex fortis, Rex optimus, Rex opulentus :
Nominis iſtius ipfe fecundus erat.
Annis ter dénis do quinis Rex fuit ipſe,
Inſula, que Carnir dicitur, hunc rapuit.
Spiritus alta petit cæleſtibus affociatus,
Sed Melroſſenlis oſ ä sepulta tenet.
He had been excommunicated by the Pope; yet Church-men (for
no doubt this Epitaph was made by them) call him, The Buckler of
the Church : A Proof; I take it, that in the Opinion of thofe Times,
the Popes were capable to do what was amiſs. However, he certains
ly deſervd the Epithet, ſince he fo vigorouflý defended the
Rights of the Scottiſh Church, in Oppolition to that of Eing-
land. That he was valiant and brave, is evident from the fuc-
ceſsful Wars he carry’don; and that he was wiſe, his Way of ma-
Ttttt
naging
.
442 The Life of Alexander II. &c. Book. II.
naging them, and his laying hold on fit Opportunities, is a Demon-
ftration. But what ought to commend him chiefly to Pofterity, is
this: His Father, tho a very Martial Prince, had never been able
to recover the Northern Counties, loft, partly by the Softneſs of
Malcolm the Maiden, and partly by his own unlucky Captivity. The
Kings of England had all the greateſt Reluctancy imaginable to ſee
thoſe of Scotland poſſeſs’d of Engliſh Lands : Yet King Alexander
forcd King Henry III. to do him Juſtice upon that Score; and he
may
be ſaid to have retriev'd the Misfortunes of his father and Uncle.
As for his Crown, he prefery'd it facred, as indeed it was: To talk
of ſubjecting it, was to touch him to the quick : He could not hear
of the Infamy without Pallion, and is reported to have ſworn, That
he would not hold an In: h, even of Engliſh Ground, of the King of Eng-
land. Indeed the Lands he obtain'd by his eager Purſuit were lo
free from Servitude, that he was a Vaffal for them but in Name;
yet ſuch as he was, he was thereby, oblig’d to keep Peace with his
Superior : That he could not in Reaſon decline; but then he added
a very material Clauſe, which ſhews, that he was alſo Sovereign; and
'twas this, Provided the King of England did him no Injuſtice. A Prince
that ſtood ſo much upon his Honour, with Reference to Kings
could not fail of being awful to his Subjects. The unquiet Diſpo-
ſition and exorbitant Power of ſome of them, gave him ſome Diſtur-
bance; but it would ſeem that he ſcorn'd to give himſelf the
Trouble, to march againſt them in Perſon : For, notwithſtanding
he was always in Motion, and, like the Sun, continually travelling to
anlighten and warm the World; yet we find that he ſuppreſs'd Re-
bellions for the moſt part by his Lieutenants. He was rigid and mer-
ciful at once, and knew very well when 'twas fit to puniſh,and when
to forgive. Witneſs the Severity he exercis’d upon the Murderers of
the Bilhop of Caithneſs, and his Lenity in pardoning Sumerled of
Argyle. This procur’d the Love of his Subjects, and that brought
Thanks from Rome, and put the Pope and Church in his Intereſt.
He lov’d France : Witneſs the League he renew'd with King Philip;
the Afliſtance he gave to Prince Lewis, the Auxiliaries he fent
to St. Lewis, and the French Lady he took to his Bed. Nor was he
an Un-friend to England, whoſe Nobles he preſerv’d from Deſtructi-
on; and for whom he procur'd (I may ſay fo,fince the Kingdom had
been ſubjugated by foreign Mercenaries, but for his early Appearance
in its Defence)thoſe great Priviledges,by which England at this Day
thinks her ſelf the freeſt and beſt conſtituted State in the World. He
had afterwards many Opportunities of being reveng’d, both upon
the King and Barons of England, for their Breach of Faith and Pro-
miſe to him: For they quarrell’d with, and wag’d War upon one
another :- And no Body will doubt, but he could have caſt the Bal-
lance towards that ſide he had thought fit to join ; yet did not con-
cern, but to reconcile them. In fine, I find him charg'd with no Sort of
Vice whatever ; on the contrary all Authors praiſe him, and Math-
them
:
Chap. II. · The Life of Alexander, 443
ther Paris (a) gives him the Character of a Good, Fuft, Pious, and Boun-
tifull Prince, deſervedly-beloved by the Engliſh, as by bis own People.
His Reign was, for the moſt Part, peaceable; it lafted 35 Years, and
he livd 5 . Alexander III. his only Son, by Mary his ſecond Wife,
inherited all his Qualifications, as well as Engliſh Poffeffions and
Scottiſh Crown.
}
1
܀
TH E
Life of Alexander,
THE.
Firſt of that NAME, Lord Great
STEWARD of Scotland.
ܪ
.
T
.!
HO I have not fail'd to make honourable Mention of all ſuch
brave Men of the Scots Nation, as have come in my Way; yet by
reaſon of the Diſtance of Time, Negligence of Writers, Want
of ancient Records, and Uncertainty of Tradition, I have not hitherto
ventur’d to Write the Lives of any but Kings; nor of theſe neither,
but when I had Vouchers, I thought ſufficient ; and Matter I con
ceiv'd both entertaining and inſtructive. And, now I draw nearer to
our modern Times, and by Conſequence to a clearer Light, and to
more unerring Documents, I reſolve, in as few Words as poſſible, to
give an Account, if not of the Lives (which, to ſay the truth, is a
Task not to be perform'd with any tolerable Exactneſs) at leaſt of
the moſt memorable Actions of private Worthiệs. And, I hope, no
Body will take it ill, that I begin with One, who, tho not a King
himſelf, was in Dignity next to Kings, and' by his Birth, in ſome.
Meaſure equal to them; ſince, deſcended of many, and the Ance,
ftor of more; in particular, of all the Steparts; and in general, of
all, or moſt Sovereigns in Europe, ſome way or other akin to his
more direct and immediate Ofspring: An Ofspring, which; if we
may judge of Futurities by by-paft Inſtances of Providential Prote-
&tion, will laſt and reign while Britain ſhall have Inhabitants. As
this is the dutiful Wiſh of all honeſt Hearts, both of the North and
South, ſo it muſt be the Aim of all generous and loyal Endeavous
.
Ttttt 2
Had
(a) Ad Ann. 1244;
444 The Life of Alexander, &c. Book II.
Had not the moſt exact and laboriouş Antiquary, Mr. David
Symfon, been by envious Fate cut off in the Flower of his Age, be-
fore he had time to compliment the World with the valuable Diſcover
ries of his painful Searches; we Thould have had a compleat and
Authentick Hiſtory, not only of the Royal Root of the Sirname of
Stewart, but of all the Branches that have grown from it. The
Commencement of the intended Work, his Father Mr. Andrew Sym-
ſon, Miniſter of the Goſpel, has ſince his Death been prevail’d with
to publiſh : But it comes no farther down, than to Walter, the Fa.
ther of Robert II. and firft King of that Houſe. So little have we
left us of the great Performance, we had reaſon to expect: And, as
what we have left us in this Manner, makes us the more ſenſible
of what we have loſt by the Author's Death; ſo his Friends, and in-
deed all learn?d Men, would retain a more vexatious Regrate, had
not another Gentleman, Mr. George Crawford, in a great Meaſure,
fupply'd his Deficiency; and given us, if not a compleat Hiſtory, at
leaſt an exact and diſtinct Genealogy of the fame Family. With
both I ſhall make bold fo far, as to borrow what ſeems moſt pro-
per for my Deſign. But, before I come to the Life of this Alexander,
whom I have thought fit to ſingle out from among ſo many Wor-
thies that preceeded him, it may not be amiſs to entertain my Reaa
der with a ſhort Account of the firft Riſe and various Fortune of his
Family.
All Authors agree, that the Stewarts are lineally deſcended of the
Origine and famous Bancho, Thane of Lochaber ; and that Bancho was himſelf a
the Stewarts. Prince of the Blood Royal; but in what Degree, is Matter of De-
bate. Dr. Kennedy, an Iriſhman, derives him from Maineleauna, ,
who, ſays he, flouriſh'd before the Middle of the 5th Century, and
was one of the ſeven Sons of Corc, King of Munfter. Sir George Mac-
kenzie, Mr. Dunlop, and others affirm, that he was the Son of
Fercbard, Thane of Lochaber, fecond Son to King Kenneth III. who died
Anno 994. Others again, and among theſe, Mr. Symfon himſelf,
following the Tradition of our Scottiſh High-land S:heanchies, are of
Opinion, that one Doir Mac-Eth, the ſecond Son of King Éth, Sir-
nam'd Swift-foot, who reign'd in 870, was his great Grand-father.
They ſay, that this Doir, was upon the Acceſſion of his Brother
Conſtantine III. to the Throne, created Thane of Lochaber; that he
died in 936; and that he left Íſſue by his Wife Osfleda (a Daughter
of Egbert or Osbert, King of Northumberland) Murdoch, Thane of Locha-
ber, and Garede, Thane of Athole : That Murdoch died in 959,
which was the 16th and laſt of the Reign of Malcolm I. and left Iſſue
by Helen, (others ſay Dorvagil,) Ferquhard, who ſucceeded his Father
in 959, and had the Misfortune to be the Brother of Donald, an
ungrateful and perfidious Wretch, by whom the excellent King
Duff was Murther’d; but had the good Luck to be a Favourite of
Kenneth III. and that being kill'd at the Battle of Loncarty, about
the Year 980, he left Iflue by Idua, Daughter to Eric (deſcended of
Harold, Earl of Laden, Protector of Norway) Kenneth, Alexander, an
Itines
.
Chap. II. Lord Great Steward of Scotland. 445
0
Fleanc Son
Itinerant. Biſhop ; Alvilla, married to Conftantine, Anceſtor of the
Grahams ; and Gunoraza. Nun. That Kenneth the eldeſt, fucceeded
in 987 to his Father's Honours, and Sovereign's Favour, and that
he died in the 26th Year of the Reign of Malcolm_ II. viz. 10iSO,
leaving Ifue by Dunclina, Daughter to Kenneth III
. Barcho, Aloxun-
der (one of the firſt that took upon them the Croſs, and travell’d to
Jeruſalem, and the Founder of the Caſtles of Inchmoryn, Inchinnan,
and Cruxton) Caſtila, the Wife of Donald, Thane of Sutherland, An-
ceſtor to the ancient Earls of that Name and Deſignation ; Gunora,
married to Malcolm, Lord of Bute ; Marion, inarried to Angush. An-
ceſtor of the Camerons, and Beatrix, married to Hugla (alias Aodh).
Macecan, Anceſtor of the Douglaſſes. How far we may credit this
Genealogical Account of Bancho's Progenitors, I dą not determine:
We are ſure, that he himſelf was of the Blood Royal, whether by
his Mother Dunclina; or his great Grand-father,Deir Mac-Eth, or
Macagdh; or by both, I know not.
His great Actions and violent Death, I have elſewhere related:
He was Affafinated about the Year 1043, which was the: 3d or :4th
of the Uſurpation of Macbeth, together with his three Sons, Mal-
colm, Ferquhard and Kenneth, and his above-mention'd Brother-in-
Law, Aodh, of Hugh. His fourth Son, Fleanch, made a Shift to e-
ſcape by tlie Daſkneſs of the Night; and afterwards underſtanding, of Bancha
that the Blow came from Macbeth himſelf,, he left his two. Sifters
(Beatrix, married to the famous Macduff Thaņe of Fife, and Calliſa,
Wife to Frederick, the Anceltor of the Urquharts), behind him in
Scotland, and fled, firſt to the Court of his rightful Şovereiga; Mal-
colm Canmorè,in Cumberland,and then retir'd to that of GriffithAp Leg-
ellin, Prince of North Wales ; where, ſay fome Authors, he de-
bauch’d, others (pajticularly the great Camden, our MSS. of Ganea-
logies,the Highland Schanachies,and, we hear, the Welſh Bards) that he
married Neſta, the beautiful Daughter of Griffith. The Embraces of
that Lady, and the conſequential Preferments he had reaſon to ex-
pect, were, one ſhould have thought, fufficient to make Amends
for his owu bypaſt Malheurs, as well as thoſe of his. Family: But
his Marriage had at firſt been Clandeſtine; he was a Stranger and;
what yet more inflam'd the Envy of the Welſh Lords, he had Parts
equal to his own Birth or his Wife's Grandeur: 'Twas feard he ſhould
foon ingrofs to himſelf, all the honourable or beneficial Employments
of the State : And to prevent this,the ancient Courtiers made it their
Buſineſs to draw upon him the Diſpleaſure of his Father-in-Law,
which how ſoon they had effected, they ſet upon him thoſe Ruffi-
ans that cut him off, Anno 1045, two Years after the Death of
his Father, and the 25th of his Age. He left his Lady big withi
Child of a Daughter, afterwards nam'd Fleancha, and brought up ini
a Nunnery with her diſconfolate Mother.
His only Son, Walter, was no loaner come to the Age of a Man, Walter, the
but he reveng'd his Father's Death upon the reputed Author of it, soil, and
one Owen, a Welh Gentleinan. Notwithựinding the Fact was well fi-lt Great
Uuuuu
enough Sto:land.
440
Book. II
The Life of Alexander,
2
I
---
enough known, his Grand-father Griffith would never ſuffer him
to be brought to his Trial; but Griffith was by Treaſon cut off in
1064, and Walter thereby conſtrain’d to ſeek his Safety at the Court
of Edward the Confeffor, where again he quarrell’d with, and kill'd
one Oddo, a Favourite and Retainer of the powerful Harold, who af-
terwards uſurp'd the Crown of England,' and for the ſecond time be-
ing oblig'd to flee from Puniſhment, he withdrew beyond Sea, to
the Court of Alan, firnam'd the Red, Earl of Britany, a remote Re-
lation of his Mother, and was one of his Retinue, at the never to
be forgotten Battle of Haſtings
. ; a Battle by which the Fate of
England was determind, and that Kingdom transferrd from the
Saxon to the Norman Sway.
On this, as on all other Occaſions, Walter behav'd ſo well, that he
was thought worthy of a Princely Match, and was married accor-
dingly to Chriſtian, the Earl of Britany's Daughter. But his Proſpe-
rity was
ſhort-lived at the Engliſh, or rather Norman Court: He was
a fecret Favourer of Edgar Etheling's Title to the Crown, and an o.
pen Admirer of Malcolm Canmore's unparallel'd Generoſity towards
the injur’d Prince ; inſomuch that he was brow-beaten by the Con-
queror and his Creatures, and therefore thought fit to withdraw to
Scotland, his Paternal Country. King Malcolm receiv'd him, as his
Merit and Quality deſerv’d, and in Lieu of his Pretenſions to Locha-
ber, the Inheritance of his Anceſtors, gave him a Grant of the Lands
of Kyle and Strathgrief, the ancient Denomination of the Barony of
Renfrew. His After-Services done to the Crown, I have elſewhere
related ; Services ſo great, that the King rewarded him with the
Iſle of Bute, and the Lands of Cowal in the Countrey of Argyle, all
at his Diſpoſal, by reaſon of the late Inſurrection made by the I.
Nanders and Galwegians : Beſides, he made him Hereditary Great
Steward or Seneſchal of Scotland, in Latin Seneſcallus and Dapifer :
Words very extenſive, by which ſeveral Employments are fignified;
as, that of chief Adminiſtrator of the Revenues of the Crown and
Exchequer, and that of Grand Maiſtre du Palais, or Major Domo.
The firſt Office made all inferior Chamberlains, Forreſters, &c.
ſubfervient and accountable to him; and by virtue of the ſecond,
he preſided in a diſtinct Council appointed for ordering the Affairs
of the Houſhold, and determining.all Matters relative to. Proviſi-
ons, Differences, Puniſhments, Servants Fees, loc. Nor did he
make a Figure leſs conſiderable in War, than in Peace : For he had
not only the leading of his own numerous Vaffals, but alſo of the
King's military Tenants, together, ſay ſome, with the Priviledge of
bearing a Royal Banner diſplay'd on the Day of Battle, before that
Part of the Army under his Command. He died in 1093, and left
A. D. 1093. fix lawful Sons, and three Daughters behind him. His eldeſt
Daughter Margaret was married to Simon, Anceſtor of the Fraſers;
Emna, the ſecond, to Griffin, a great Lord in South Wales ; and
Helen, the youngeſt, to Alexander, Anceſtor of the Abernethys
.
The Memories of his Sons; William, Edgar, Malcolm, Fleanch and
Walter
Dies.
.
Chap. II. LordGreat Steward of Scotland. 447
Scotland
the Boyds
.
Walter the
Walter, who did not afſume their Deſignations or Names from their
Father's Office, are ſwallowed up in diſtinct Families. But,
Alan the Eldeſt of them, did ſucceed to his Father, tho not till Alun Great
he had firſt ſignaliz’d himſelf in the Holy Wars, where he fervid Steward of
ſeveral Campaigns, together with the Great Godfrey of Buloign, and
the firft Heroick Pilgrims, that conquez’d, or rather reliev'd® Jeruſan
lem, from the Hands of the Infidels, and return'd in the Reign of
King Edgar, with great Reputation, and ſome Share of the Spoils
of the Eaſt
. That after this, he was great Steward of Scotland, is
evident from three Charters, granted towards the Cloſe of the Reign
of David I. by Coſpatrick third of that Name,and ſecond Earl of Dum-
bar ; one to the Church of Durham, and the other two to that of
Melroſs: In all which he is a Witneſs, and defign’d Aldan Dapifer.
He died about the Year 1153, leaving Iflue by his Wife Margaret
,
Dies.
(Daughter to Fergus de Gahweia Senior, Lord of Galloway)Walter, Adam, A. D. 1153
and Simor. His ſecond Son, Adam, in the Charters of Coldingham,
Melroſs, and Caldſtream is deſign’d Adam, filius Aldani Dapiferi ; and
the third; Simon, is in the Chartulary of Paiſly, call’d Frater to Wal-
ter, filius Alani Dapiferi, and was Father to Robert; Anceſtor of the Origine of
Boyds, who in the ſame Regiſter, is deſign'd Nepos to the above
Walter.---A plain proof of the Antiquity of that noble Family, where-
of the prefent Earl of Kilmarnock is. Chief.
The Eldeſt Son Walter, the II. of that Náme and third Heredita- II. Great
ry Great Steward of Scotland, ſucceeded his Father, in the firſt Year Scotland.
of the Reign of Malcolm IV, in the earlieſt of whoſe Charters he is
deſign’d, Filius Alani Dapifer meus. He had the good. Fortune to
defeat the rebellious Attempt, made by Sumerled upon his Barony
of Renfrew, and, for his eminent Services, obtain'd from King Mal-
colm a Confirmation, (a), both of the Heretable Office of Great Stewa
ard, and of the many Lands, his Anceſtors had by the Grants of for-
mer Kings, particularly of King David,enjoy’d. But if the King was
liberal to him, he was no leſs ſo to the Church. He founded the
noble and magnificent Abbacy of Paily, (b) and was an eminent Be-
nefactor to the Monaſteries of Dumfermling, (c) Kelſo, (d) Aberbroth;
Couper, Melroſs, c. (e). All which ſhew, not only the Extent and
Greatneſs of his Eſtate, but alſo his Piety: For in thoſe Days Works
of Charity were thought meritorious : And it ſeems the Scots Monks
had not yet degenerated from the Rigour of their firſt Inſtitution; elſe;
to ſay the Truth to feed them, had been to nouriſh Idling, Fallhood;
and Luxury. However, the Intention of the Donators muſt needs
be thought good ; and, no doubt, Heaven has Regard to Intentions.
Beſides his Piety with Reſpect to God, his Loyalty (I mean his
Zeal for the Welfare of his Sovereign, which, by the moſtLearn'd;
both Heathens and Chriſtians; is alſo, and moft properly callid Pie-
ty) is demonſtrable from the ſame Donations ; in all which, all the
U u u uu 2
Royal
!
.) Hift. of the Stewarts by Geo. Crawfurd, p. 2 & 3. (6: Regiſt. of the Abhay of Pailly, penes Joan. Com;
de Dundonald. (c. Regift. Monaſt, de Dumferm, in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. (d) Regiſt. Monaft, de Kelſo in Bibl,
Jurid. (e) Vid. Mr.Symfon.
448. The Life of Alexander, : Book II.
.
Alan II.
land.
of and Gariochin
Royal Family, dead and alive, are commemorated with a fingular,
Dies. Tendernels and Reſpect. He died in 11775 the 13th of the Reign
A.D. 1577. of King William; and left Iſſue by his Lady Efchina de Molla, two
Sons and a Daughter:
Alan, the ſecond of that Napre, his Eldeſt Son, in a great many
are of Scoton Charters, anterior to his Father's Death, is deſign’d, Alanus, filius
Welteri Dapiferi:; and afterwards in the Grants of King William, (a)
Alanus filius Walteri Dapifer meus:t and in his own, Alanus. Dapi-
fer Regis. Scotorum : Notwithſtanding of which Evidences, he is moſt
unaccountably paſs’d over in Silence, and left out of the Line by
Boethius. He imitated the Piety of bis Father, in his Liberality to
the Church, and that of his Grand-father, in his Zeal towards the
Support of the Eaſtern Chriſtians : For he was one of thoſe Religia
ous Worthies, that attended Pbilip, King of France, Richard King
.. of England, and David Earl Huntington , their
Expedition againſt the Infidels ; and, together with them, had at
length the Pleaſure to ſee the long, bloody and Heroick Siege of Pto-
lemais brought to an End. After his Return to Scotland, he figna-
liz'd himſelf in the Suppreſſion of the Moravian Rebelswhoſe Gene-
ral, Roderick, the Son of Harakl, Earl of Caithneſs, Orkney and Sheta
tand, he is faid to have kill?d with his own Hand, in a bloody
Conflict near Inverneſs. He died in 1204, the 40th of the Regn of
A. Dizon King William,' and Jeft Iſſue by Alefta, the Daughter of Morgund
Earl of Mar
Walter, the third of that Namie, and fifth Hereditary Lord Great
ard of Sco- Steward of Slotland. This is that. Walter Stewart, whoin Our Hiſto-
rians deſign, of Dundonald ; and who, laying aſide the Word Dapia
fer, uſual to his Anceſtors, and for ſometime to himſelf, takes only
the Appellation in his Charters, of Seneſcalus Domini Regis Scotia,
that is of Stewartzan Appellation formerly reſtricted to the Office,but
henceforth extended to even the younger Children ; and ſo becaine
the Sirname of the Family. This Walter was not behind his Ance
ſtors in Works of Piety. He gave many. Donations to Religious
Houſes; and, in all his Charters yet extant,expreſs’d a particular Con-
cern and Tenderneſs for the Soul of his Sovereign King William, his
own, that of his Wife Beatrix, and thoſe of all his Anceſtors and
Succeſſors, Relations and Friends, whether alive or dead. For in
thoſe Days, 'twas believ'd, that there was fuch a Thing as Purga-
tory, or a third place deſtin'd to receive and purify even repenting
Sinners, before they could enter thoſe Manſions of the Bleſſed ,
where 'tis certain, that no Manner of Uncleanaels, Corruption, or
Self-love can dwell. That in this third Place, the Souls of ſuch as
had repented of their Sins, from Motives more intereſted than
tliat preciſely of the Love of God, were detain'd, till they,
by ſatisfying the Divine Juſtice for thoſe Failures the Juſt
are liable to, ſhould be made perfect : But that Works of Charity,
fuch as Alms, Fafting, -the Prayers of the Faithful, ba did very
much
wor!
Walter III
Great Stepon
innd.
19) Ibid.
Chap. II. Lord Great Steward of Scotland. 451
much contribute to attone for Defects of this Kind; and conſequently
to the more ſpeedy Relief of Perſons ſo ſtated. This Belief is now
reckon'd among the Errors of the Church of Rome, and the conſe-
quential Practice fuperftitious and vain. But be this as it will, Po-
ferity muſt needs do Juſtice to the Memory of their liberal and cha-
ritable Anceftors, and own that they did well, were it but becauſe
they meant fo. This Walter was no leſs bráve than pious : I have
already told; how happily he reduc'd the Rebels; Thomas Macdualan
and Gildorth ; nor was he leſs fitted for State Negotiations, thani
Feats of War. Of this Alexander II. was ſo much ſatisfied, thât;
when a Widower by the Death of Queen Jean, and (for the Prefei-
vation of the Royal Line) importund by the joynt. Addreſſes of all
his Subjects, to re-enter the married State, he fent him his Am-
baſſador to France,tó fue for that beautiful and vertuous Lady, Mary:
the Daughter of Ingerlam Seigneur de Coucy ; and he manag’d that
important Affair, with that Prudence, Diſpatch, and Succeſs, that
within two Months after the Death of the late Queen, he made
the King a Bridegroom, and the Kingdom happy, by ſecuring the
Succeffion. Beſides his Hereditary Office of Great Steward, he was
alſo, for his great and often try'd Abilities, in the fixteenth Year
of Alexander II's Reign; made Lord Juſticiary of Scotland: In which
honourable and weighty Poft, he continud till 124 when he died; : Dies:
and was ſucceeded by his Eldeſt Son, Alexander ; on whoſe memo- A. D. 1241.
rable Life and glorious Actions, I'more particularly incline to en-
large. His ſecond Son John was fign'd with the Croſs ; and
whether . kill'd in Ægypt in 1249, or in Africk, in 1270, is
uncertain. His third Son Walter was alfo fign’d with the Croſs;
in 1240, recogniz'd Earl of Menteith, in Right of his Lady at Scooni
,
in 1985, made one of the Auditors in the Competition between
the Bruce and Baliol, in 1291; and, tho ſeventy five Years old, was in
1296 taken after the Battle of Dumbar, and inhumanely put to Death
by Edward 'Langſhanks. His Succeffors afſuin'd the Sirname of Men-
teith, and were about the Year 1340, ſucceeded in that Earldom
by Sir John Graham, probably of Abercorn. His fourth Son was
nam'd William; and his three Daughters, Beatrix, Chriſtian and Mar-
garet were all nobly married.
Alexander, the firſt of that Name, his Eldeſt Son and Heir, and Alexander
the fixth of his family in a direct Line Lord Great Steward of Scot- ard of Scot-
land was born in 1214, in the firſt of King Alexander II's. Reign at
whoſe Court he was educated, and by whom for his Father's Worth,
and his own early Appearances, he was, no doubt, very much carefs’d.
How he was employ'd till 1948, we know not; but ’tis cer-
tain, that in this Year (together with his Brother Walter, Earl of Men-
teith, the Earl of Dumbar, Sir Willam Douglas, Sir David Lindſay of
Crawfurd, &c.) he attended St. Lewis, King of France in the Holy
War, and that upon the Death of the Earl of Dumbar; he was apa
pointed chief Commander of the Scottiſh Pilgrims.
X X X X X
Bere
land his
Birth.
.
450
The Life of Alexander,
Book II.
foreign Influence. How well he lov?d his Country, and what
Pere Maimbourg is not ſo juſt, as to mention the great Aſliſtance
the Scots Nation gave to the French upon this Occaſion, nor to ex-
preſs but very overly the Shares we had in thoſe Wars or Croiſades,
whereof he pretends to give a compleat Hiſtory. Perhaps he did
not read, or gave but little Credit to our Hiſtorians; the rather be-
cauſe, to ſay the Truth, the Accounts they give of their Anceſtor's
Share in thoſe Wars, are but lame and vague. For this, they're
inexcufable : For had they but conſulted the Chartularies of their
Monaſteries, and the original Rights of the Templar Lands, to
which they had eaſy Acceſs, they had found, that the Scots Nation
was as zealouſly bent upon relieving Jerufalem, as any other what.
ever ; and they had been able to have condeſcended, if not upon
the Actions, at leaſt on the Names of the more eminent Pilgriins.
As for this Alexander Stewart, that he was one of them, is evident (a)
from his Ratification of his Anceſtors Donations to the Abbacy of
Pailly; wherein 'tis provided, That in Cafe he ſhall loſe his Life in
that Expedition, his Succeſſors ſhall be oblig'd at the Peril of their
Souls, to ratify the pious Deed. But, 'twas his own, and his Coun-
ry's good Luck that he ſurviv'd the infinite Dangers and Malheurs
tharattended that unfortunate Enterpriſe: For afterwards, in 1255,
we find, that he was one of the Council of Alexander III. and, that
he faithfully oppos’d the diſloyal Practices of the Camins, who dard
to feiſe on the Perſons of the young King and Queen, and to ingroſs
the Management of all Affairs to themſelves and their Adherents.
By this, and the like Proofs of his invincible Attachment to the Roy-
al Family, he merited to be intruſted with its moſt important Con-
cerns. Thus, in 1260, he was among thoſe undoubted Patriots, to
whom (in Caſe King Alexander had died in England, and the Queen
Margaret been at the ſame Time brought to Bed of a Son or Daugh-
ter) the Royal Infant was by King Henry III. of England, and his
Brother Richard, the King of the Romans, to be deliverd; than which
a greater Truſt could not be given to a Subject : A large Teſti-
mony, that he was confider'd as Proof againſt Domeſtick Faction or
he both durft and could do for it, appeard ſufficiently in 1263 ;
and Con- when at the Battle of Largis, he commanded the Right Wing of
duch at the the Scots Army. That glorious Victory the King of Scotland obtaind
over the King of Norway, by which a final Period was put to Nor-
thern Invaſions, was undoubtedly
, owing to his great Valour, and
greater Conduct : For after he had broken the Left Wing of the E-
nemy, he did not (what a great many brave, but rath Comman-
ders liave done on the like Occaſions) pertinaciouſly infift upon the
Purſuit. He could be ſedate and prudent in the very Heat of A&ti.
on and Height of Revenge: He therefore wheeld about in Time,and,
falling opportunely upon the Rear of the Main Body, commanded
by the King of Norway in Perſon, he had the Honour to diſ-ingage
his own Sovereign,and,in Conjunction with him, to drive the flying
Inva-
(12) Chartulary of Pailly penes Joan. Comit, de Dunonald,
His Valous
bourgis.
Chap. II. Lord Great Steward of Scotland. 45 I
)
1
Invaders out of the Continent: Nay, he afterwards, by his Maſter's
Orders, follow'd them to their Receſſes the Weſtern Iſlands, ali
which, together with the Iſle of Man, he was a principal Inſtru-
ment in reducing, and re-annexing to that Crown, his Pofterity was
deftin'd to wear.
Fame, Riches and Honours, are, or ſhould be the laſting Re-
wards of Valour, juſtly and wiſely exerted. Greater Honours
than Alexander enjoy'd by his Royal Origine, and Hereditary Office
of Lord High Steward, he could not get : Hiſtory has given hiin
Fame, and Poetry has not been deficient; Witneſs the ingenious
Verſes, Mr. Johnſton has made in his Praiſe: He ſuppoſes himſelf to
have ſpoken to Haco, the Norvegian King, as follows;
Tu quamvisy tecumque fremat Septentrio in armis,
Innumeræque premant littora noftra trabes :
Te tamen hac fiftam dextra, quæque horrida tecum
Terra ſub Arctoo miſcuit arma polo;
Obſtiteram innumeris, excuffi tela Tyranno,
Atque gravis populi vincla metumque jugi.
Nec mibi Regna paro, {i quid tamen auguror, olim
Debentur generi forfitan illa meo.
Quid mihi namque tecum Macedo, qui viceris orbemi
Vix tibi, nes natis Regna futura tuis ?
As for Riches he had abundance by his paternal Inheritance; yet
his King would needs give more. This appears by King Alexander's
Grant to him of the Barony of Garleys, in the Stewartry of Kircud-
bright, dated 30th of November 1263.
November 1263. But what he got from the
Sovereign, in Imitation of his pious Anceſtors, he return’d, or at
leaſt the Equivalent, as he thought; to God; for he was an emi-
nenit Benefactor to the Charons of Dryburgh, the Abbacy of Paiſlay,
&c. From all which we may juſtly conclude, that he was the grea-
teſt, and probably, the beſt Subject of the Scots Nation in thofe
Days ; that he was highly eſteem'd by his Prince, lov'd by his
Country, zealous in the Religion then in Faſhion, and conſequent-
ly dear to his Fairily, Friends and Neighbours. He liy'd to be a
Witneſs to the final Agreement of the Matrimonial Contract be
twixt Margaret Daughter to Alexander III. and Eric King of Nor-
way, by his Proxies, in 1281; when, on the 25th of July at Rot-
burgh, he, together with ſome other great Men of the Privy Coun:
cil, ſwore on the Part of the King of Scotland to the Performance
of the Articles agreed to; and, according to Mr. Symfon's Calcula-
tion, died two Years afterwards, vizi in Anno 1283, which was
the 69th of his Age, and 33d of the Reign of Alexander III. happy
that he ſaw not the untimely Fate of that Monarch, nor the enſua
ing Deſolation and Subjection of his Country. He left Iſſue by his
Lady Jean Daughter and Heireſs to James (Son of Angus Macro-
drick, Lord of the Iſle of Bute, deſcended of his own Family) James,
X X X X X 2
Lord
t
His Iffue.
The Life of Alexander, Book II.
459
Lord High Steward of Scotland, John, and Elizabeth : Elizabeth was
married to Sir William Douglaſs, firnam'd the Hardy. I ſhall after.
wards have Occaſion of making frequent Mention of James, and per-
haps may write his Life. As for John, he married Margaret, Daugh-
ter and Heireſs to Sir Alexander Bonkyl, in whoſe Right he became
poffefs’d of many Lands, and is thrice mention'd in that memorable
Record, called Rag-Man's Roll; firſt, with reſpect to his Submilli-
on to King Edward, and afterwards, becauſe an Heretor in two dif-
ferent Shires. Yet he thought not fit to keep his involuntary Oath
to the Invader of his Country: For, on the contrary, renouncing his
Fealty with the firſt and braveſt of the Nation, he appear’d in the
Fields, almoſt afſoon as Sir William Wallace himſelf, with whom, at
the Battle of Falkirk, he contended about the Place of Honour, and
had the Misfortune or rather Honour to die on the Spot ;
but of theſe things afterwards. He is by fome Hiſtorians defign'd
Lord of Bute, but erroneouſly; for that Iſland belong’d at the
time to James, his eldeſt Brother, as Mr. Symfon has from
ancient Records evinc'd: As alſo that , contrary to what is
genetally faid of him, he left behind him a numerous Ofspring,
viz. 1. "Sir Alexander Stewart of Bonkyll, Father to John, Earl
of Angus, married to Margaret, Heireſs of the ancient Barony
of Abernethy. 2. Sir Alan Stewart, of whom that illuſtrious Branch
of the Stewarts of Darnly or Lennox, and their Cadets are lineally
deſcended. 3. Sir Walter Stewart of Dalſwinton and Garleys, trom whom
the Earls of Galloway, by an Heireſs
. 4. Sir James Stewart, Anceſtor
to Inermeth and Craighall; from whom the Stewarts of Inermeth, Lorn,
Duriſdeer or Roſyth, Athole, Buchan, Traqubare, Garntully
, Kynnaird,
Appin, Innerduning, &c. 5. Sir John, 6. Sir Hugh, 7, Sir Robert ; of
all whoſe Iſſue we have no Accounts. 8. Ifabely Wife to Thomas
Ranulph, the famous Earl of Murray.
.)
ma
i
THE
:
453
--
:
i
{
Τ Η Ε
Martial Atchievements
OF THE
SCOTS NATION:
B Ó Ó K DJI
1
FROM
1
;
The Defeštion of the Male-Line of the Scois
Kings; by the Death of Alexander III.
to the Reſettlement of the Succeffion, and
Death of King Robert Bruce.
Containing the Space of 43 Yeats, 3 Months; and 20 Days.
T
F that State muſt needs be thought Happy, whoſe Commoris,
free from domeſtick or foreign Oppreffon, live contented with
the moderate Fruits of not immoderäte Labour; whoſe Nobles
ſhare juſt as much; and no more in the Government, as is neceſſary
to ſupport it by their Advice in deliberating, and thémſelves by
their Obedience in Executing; whofe Clergy are plentifully now
riih'd by the Liberality of the Rich, and do as charitably ſupply
the Neceflities of the Poor'; whoſe Sovereign is at once a Saint and
Y yyyy
a Heroe,
454
The Martial Archievements Book. III.
a Heroe, a-Father and a King, a Stateſman and Souldier, a great
Prince and an honeſt Man, a faſt Friend and a bountiful Maſter,
equally incapable to do and to ſuffer Injuries ; zealous for the
Rights of his Crown, and Tender of the Liberties of his People ;
willing to cultivate. Peace with his Neighbours, yet never un-
prepar’d for War: I ſay, if ſuch a State muſt needs be thought
happy; Scotland had been certainly fo, for upwards of 200 Years
by-pait; I reckon from the Reſtoration of Malcolm Canmore, at leaſt
from that of his Son, King Edgar, to the Death of the deceas'd King
Alexander III. During all this Time, we had no National Rebelli-
ons amongſt us, 110 Competition for the Crown, no Schifm in the
Church, no great or laſting Diviſions in the State; we beheid
no uſurping Tyrants, nor were over-powerd by incroaching Inva-
ders. Our Kings were all (I ſay all; for I do not place the ſhort-
liv’d Ulurpers, Donald Bane, and Duncan, in the glorious Lift) if
nợt the very beſt in all Réſpects, at leaſt among the beft
" Men of
their reſpective Ages. During their auſpicious Reigns (and
no leſs than Nine of them reign'd ſucceſſively) our Free-born, yet
never reſiſting Anceſtors, (I ſpeak of the Majority of the Nation)
were bleſs’d with, almoſt undiſturb’d Proſperity, while, with Eyes
of Compaſſion, they ſaw their neighbouring Countries, England, Ire-
land and Wales, all
, after one another, entirely ſubdu'd, and conſe-
quently enſlav'd by foreign Powers :. And the firſt, tho by its in-
nate Wealth, and the many accidental Additions that fell to its
Share, always the moſt Potent of the Britifh States, yet by the un-
ſettl’d State of its Confitution, the unquiet Difpofition of its Peo-
ple, the Intrigues of its Clergy, Rebellions of its Barons; and U-
furpations of ſome of its Kings, more than once miſerably waſted,
defacd, depopulated, and very near, to all Intents and Purpoſes, un-
done. And now; ſuch is the Viciſſitude of humane Affairs, Scot-
land muſt, in its Turn, undergo the very fame Calamities, and be
almoſt at the ſame time overwhelm'd by all the joint Malheurs
that ever attended a finful and deluded People, the Minority of a
Sovereign, a Competition about the Crown, Divifions among the
Subjects, disjointed Councils, diffonant Meaſures, contending Par-
ties, faithleſs Patriots, deceitful Friends, Wars civil and foreign,
Famine, Subjection, Conqueſt, Uſurpation and Slavery. Yet
ſhall not the Nation periſh? On the contrary, from the very Rub.
biſh of her Edifices, and Ruins of her beſt Families, She ſhall learn
to extract, (if I may ſpeak fo) more Fame, Honour and Wealth,
than ever She attain’d to before. Nay, from the Ferguſan Stock, a
Branch ſhall ſpring, which, being deſtin'd-in Proceſs of Time. to o-
verſpread all Britain and the depending Illes, ſhall very ſooni cover
Scotland, and skreen it from Harm. By what Means theſe ftrange
Revolutions were brought about, a great many Authors, Scots,
Engliſh, French, &c. have pretended to relate ; but no Body has
yet done it either truely, or fairly. Foreigners have been milled by
the Scots and Engliſh; after whom they have copied; and theſe by
coritrary
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
155
Margaret
contrary Informations, and, which is worſe, blind Partiality or
wilful Paffion. The Engliſh have been moft able to preſerve both
their own and our ancient Records : For, which Realon, as I have
hitherto done, To Thall I continue to extract thịs Part of the Hiſtory
principally from them; the rather becauſe, had they but given á
fair and ingenuous Turn, to what their Records atteft; the Scots
Valour, Honeſty and Independency had ſtood in no Need of Dę.
fenders; nor the " Diſingenuity and unjuſt Incroachments of ſome
Engliſh Kings, (particularly the two Edwards, I. and III.) of Ac-
culers. This fome-Writers of that generous. Nation, particularly
Mr. Daniel (a), have been ſo juſt as to acknowledge, and Mr. Tyr-
vel of late, has, contrary to the common Strain of his Countrymen,
Thewn himſelf fo judicious as not entirely to diſown.
How ſoon the laſt Duty of the then moſt loyal People, had been
paid to the Merits and Memory of their moſt excellent King Alex-
ander III. the States of Scotland, ſays Buchanan (6), met at Scoon in A. D. 1284
Order to the Creation or Election of a new King. A Falfhood
none but this Author, (I beg pardon for uſing ſo harſh an Exprefli-
on,
with Reference to the learn'd, I wiſh I could ſay honeſt Bucha-
nan) would have dar'd to fuggeft, For, by what. Law or for
whát Reafon, ſhould they meet to chuſe a King, when they had
actually a Queen, Margaret, commonly call’d the Maiden of No:
way, the Daughter of King Eric, and of Margaret of Scotland, con- queen of
fequently the Grandchild of the deceas'd King Alexander, and as Scotland
.
fuch the undoubted. Heireſs of the Kingdom The Kingdom of
Scotland was never Elective, or 'if it was, even Buchanan own's, that someone
it ceas'd to be ſo, by the known and long Gnce eſtabliſh'd Law of ver Ele-
King Kenneth 111. Beſides, the Nobility of Scotland had two Years
before this, (c) in a moft ſolemn Manner, bound themſelves by
their Oaths, Subſcriptions and Seals, in caſe their King Alexander
III. ſhould die without Heirs Male of his own Body, to receiye and
acknowledge Princeſs Margaret, as their Miſtreſs and Queen; nay,
by her Mother's Contract of Marriage (d), it had long ago, been
exprefly provided, That in caſe the King of Scots ſhould chance to
die without lawful Sons, or the Iflue of lawful Sons, his Daughter
Margaret, and the Children of her Body, ſhould fücceed both in the
Kingdom of Scotland, and in all its Appurtenances. Tis plain then,
that they did not meet to Elect, but to declare their Sovereign: ;
nor did the Eſtates, properly. To called, meet even for that Purpoſe;
For hitherto there were no Eſtates nor Parliament known in Scotland,
unleſs the King's Council or Convention of the Biſhops and Nobles
may be (as indeed they were very ſoon after) fo calld. This is al-
fo evident (as from a great many more, fo in particular) from, the
Record I have juſt now cited; by which it appears, that there were
no Commons, and bụt a few Nobles or. Barons conveen’d towards
ſecuring the moſt facred Rights of the Crown and Kingdom. How-
ever,
Yуууу?
"Tis -
(a) Hiſtor, of Engl. p. 192. (6) Ad init, lib. 8vi. (®) Foder. Angl. Tom. II. p: 266. ad Aìm, 1284. (d)
Ibid. p. 1079. &c. Article. 16.
ctive.
:
.
450
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
garet,
'Tis true, that on the nth of April Anno 1286 (the 23d Day af-
ter the King's Death) the Nobility of Scotland aſſembld at Scoom
and that in order to provide for the Security of the Government,
and the Execution of Laws, they choſe fix Guardians or Re-
Guardians gents, accountable to the Queen when at Home, and of lawful
ring the 'Abd Age. Theſe Guardians were; William Fraſer, Biſhop of St. An-
fence and drew's; Robert Wiſhart, Biſhop of Glaſgow ; Duncan Macduff, Earl of
Queen Mar. Fife ; Alexander Cumine, Earl of Buchan; James; Lord High Stew-
ard of Scotland; and Sir John Cumine of Badenoch ſenior: All Meni
of Experience, Honour and Probity, who purſu'd the Ends of
their joint Commiſſion, with that Vigour and Wiſdom, that
charm'd the Good, and aw'd the Bad into Submiſſion and Peace.
But this promiſing Aſpect did not laft: The Earl of Buchan,,one of
the Guardians died not long after, and with him the Concord of
the great Ones, tho for what Cauſes is not eaſy to tell at this Di-
ſtance of Time; but we certainly kņow, by a great many of thoſe
Authentick Deeds, publiſh'd by Mr. Rymer, as alſo (a) by Char-
ters ftill to be ſeen in the Chartularies of Pailly, &c. that the Con-
fufion and Diſorder of the Times were regrated at home, and much
talk'd of abroad, particularly at the Courts of England and Nor-
way. Nor did the jarring Factions carry on their Quarrels only by
Intrigue and rough Words : From theſe they proceeded to Bonds
of Affociation; and from theſe again, to Riots and Tumults; info-
A.D. 1288. much, that in 1288, Duncan, the powerful and valiant Earl of
Fife
, one of the Guardians, was Way-laid, and treacherouſly kill'd
at Petpollogh, by two Knights, the one firnam'd Abernethy, the other
Percy. Thus the Regency was weakn'd, and in ſome Meaſure
broken, by the Loſs of two of their Number : And the remaining
four, either wanted Authority, or, what is moſt probable, did
not entertain thạt mutual Correſpondence and Amity, that was ne-
ceffary to ſupport their Character: For James, the Steward divi-
ded from the Reſt, and join'd himſelf in a Bond of Aſſociation, not
only with ſome Scots Lords of his Party; but alſo, with Gilbert
Clare, Earl of Glocefter, and Richard Burg, Earl of Ulfter: Nay, he
raisid Men and took Arms, as he himſelf fays, in a Charter gran-
ted to the Religious of Melross, in his own, and his Tenants
Defence:
All this while, it feems, little Notice was taken of the young
and abfent Queen Margaret. Her Father Eric King of Norway, at
whoſe Court ſhe ſtill continu’d, beheld the growing Diſtractions of
her Subjects from afar ; but being unable to remedy them by him-
felf, had at length Recourſe to a friendly Mediation of Edward I.
King of England, whom, by Reaſon of his great Power, his Neigh-
bourhood to Scotland, the long Friend hip entertain'd between the
two Nations, his Influence over the Guardians, and more particu“
larly by Reaſon of his near Relation to the Queen (her Grandmo.
ther was a Daughter of England) he thought, and he was in the
right,
(a) Syınlon's Life of James, High-Steward,
Wars.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 457
1
right, the fitteſt Man in the World, to ſee that quick Juſtice ſhould
be done to her. In Hopes of this, he commiſſioned his Plenipo- Eri:King of
tentiaries, (a) åt Bergen on the ift Day of April 1289, to go over Norway lends
to the King of England, and in his Preſence to treat with the Scots dors to Eng-
about Affairs relating to the Honour and Intereſt of himſelf and his land
.
A.D. 1289.
Daughter.
A more welcome Embaſſy could not come to the Engliſh Court;
and King Edward was too wiſe to mifs of an Opportunity to ſuit-
able to all the views and Deſigns of his Life. · That Prince was,
like many of his Anceſtors, to admiration Provident, Fortunate
and Brave: His high Spirit and great Abilities had appear’d in
the very Beginning of his Actions under his Father, whole Crown
he regain’d, when by every Body thought loft. The ſignal Over-
throw he gave to the revolted Barons, at Evelham; his vigorous
Proſecution of the diſinherited Rebels; his fingle Combat with
Adam Gordon, the valiant Out-law, and his noble Adventyres and
Exploits in the Eaſt, were early Preſages of his future Succeſſes.
Nor was the World difappointed in the Opinion they had conceiv'd
of him: For he no ſooner attain'd to the Crown of England, but
lie ſought and found out Means, tho, to ſay the truth, not at all
juftifiable, to aggrandize it by the ſubjection of Wales. His interes
ited and cruel. Behaviour in that Affair, might have forwarn’d all
his Neighbours, eſpecially the Scots, to beware of a Prince, whoſe
Conſcience, they plainly faw, was no Clieck to his Ambition; and
whoſe Ambition was (tho he was Maſter of England, Ireland, Wales
and Gaſcony) as great as his Power. But with them he cultivated a
clofe and amicable Correſpondente : He had yet made no Attempts,
or but very iüdirect ortes, upon the Rights of their Crown, or Li-
berties of their People. He was, by his Auntand Sifter, the Nephew
and Brother-in-law
of the two Alexanders, their lateſt Kings : The King of fing
latt had help’d to make him, what he was born to be, à Sovereign, had come?
by the great Affiſtances afforded to himſelf and his father, when cernd in
reduc'd to the laſt Extremities; and by the like Succoüțs, à Con-thes et lands
queror over the Welſh: And 'twas not to be thought, that one ſo and upon
nearly ally'd to, and fo fingularly obligd by the Scots Nation, wohnt Ac
ſhould have attempted its Ruin. At leaſt this was thë Opinion of
the Scots Nobility, and he found it to be fo, when, upon the Death
of his Brother-in-Law, King Alexander if he ſent to the Conven.
tion at Scoon, to condole with them for their great Loſs, ånd to
propoſe (b) a more firm and laftiņg Alliance, by Means of a Marriage
between his Son, Edward of Caernarvañ, afterwards call'd Prince of
Wales, and their young Queen Margaret. His Ambaffadors made
an eloquent Speech to the Aſſembly upon chat Occafion, and (fay moft
Authors) were heard withi Attention and Applauſe ; tho others
tell us, that as the, Overture was but coldly entertain’d by the
Convention, ſo it was but faintly purſu'd by King Edward. "Pref-
fing Affairs call’d him beyond Seas at the time; and, having ſecur’d
Z 2,2 2 2
a Pațiy
(a) Foder, Aogl. Tom. II. p. 416. (6) Tyrrel ad A11, 1286,
i
Edmar.lt
1
com
458
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
1
a Party to his Intereſt in Scotland, he doubted not but a ſhort time
would produce fuch Alterations and Factions, as would open a
Door to ſomething more advantageous, than what at that time he
could pretend to. He was not miſtaken : For ere two Years paft,
he became ſo very neceſſary, that without his Mediation the
King of Norway did not hope to ſee his Daughter ſeated with Ho.
nour and Safety upon the Throne that belong’d to her : He did not
think fit to truſt her into 'the Hands of a tumultuous People, and
ambitious Nobility; a great many of whom, already Kings in
Hope, wanted but to be rid of the only Impediment that hinder'd
them from being effeétually fuch. He therefore apply'd to King
Edward, as I have already told ; and King Edward, how foon the
Norvegian Ambaſſadors, came to him, ſent to the Guardians of Scot -
land, and; as they ſay in their Anſwer to him (a) earneſtly intrea-
ted, that they would, for the Welfare of their Queen, his Kinſwo-
man, ſend Plenipotentiaries to treat with thoſe of the King her Fa-
ther. They could have no Reaſon to reject the decent and obli-
ging Requeft: On the 3d of O&tober they met at the Abbay of Mel-
roſs (b) , and appointed three of their own Number, viz. the Bi-
ſhops of St. Andrews and Glaſgow, and John Cumine, to whom they
added Robert Bruce, the elder, Lord of Annandale, to diſcharge that
Duty ; but, as became Perſons of their Prudence and Honour, ini-
ſerted in the Bofom of their Commiſſion, two Cautionary Clauſes;
by which it was exprelly provided, That the Liberty and Honour of
the Kingdom of Scotland, Thould remain ünviolated, and its Inhabitants
ſuffer no manner of Prejudice.
The King of England, as Grand-uncle, the King of Norway as Fa-
ther, and the Scots Nation as Subjects of Queen Margaret, had all
an Intereſt in, and Relation to her ; but then they had their own
ſeparate Deſigns in the Treaty agreed to. The firſt had a Mind to
unite the two Crowns upon his own or his Son's Head, by fair
Means, if practicable; if not, to get in his Hand, at leaſt ſo far as
to be able to Nick after-Opportunities to his own Advantage. King
Eric fought, no doubt, the Honour and Safety of his Daughter in
the firft place, and in the ſecond, the Charges he had been at to-
wards her Education, and the Support of her Right and Royal Dig-
nity: As alſo ſome Arrears as yet pretended due to him by his
Father-in-Law, King Alexander. And the Scots perſwaded of the
Advantages of, and willing to comply with the propos'd Match,
between ed. and conſequential Union of the Crowns, were chiefly follicitous
waren King how, in caſe of unforeſeen Accidents, the Intereſts and Indepen-
Eric King of dency of Scotland could be ſecur’d. Theſe different Views occa-
fion' Delays; and the Treaty, tho far advančd, was not fully con
ans of Scot- cluded till the next Year (c): But in the mean time it was agreed
at Salisbury on the 36th of October,
1
1
Agreement
Norway, and
the Guardi-
land.
1. That
(a) Foeder. Angl. p. 431: (6) Ibid. (C) Ibid. p. 446,447, 448. ad Ann, 1289. and p. 482, 483, 489, ad
Ann. 1290.
Book III. 'Of the Scots Nation.
459
}
1
1. That the young Queen ſhould be ſent for to Norway, before
the firſt of the enſuing Month, and be from thence convoy?d to
England or Scotland, free from any Contract of Marriage or Éspou-
fal. For this the Commiſſioners of Norway did undertake,
II. If ſhe came into England, King Edward engag’d, that when
Scotland ſhould be ſettld in Peace and Quiet, (a Proof of the Diviſi-
ons I have hinted at) ſhe ſhould be ſent thither, free from Marriage
or any Engagement whatever; provided the Scots alſo oblig'd
themſelves not to give her a Husband, without the Advice and
Conſent of her Father the King of Norway, and her Grand-Uncle
the King of England.
III. The Scots Commiffioners promisd for themſelves and their
Conſtituents, that they would take care to ſettle the Country be
fore her Arrival, in ſuch a Manner, as that ſhe might come and re-
main in Scotland, aş Lady,, Queen and Heireſs of it; and that, con-
cerning the Premiſſes, they would give all the Security the Com-
miſſioners of Norway could in Reaſon deſire.
IV. That if any of the Gụardians or, Officers of Scotland, weré
ſuſpected by, or diſagreeable to the King of Norway, they ſhould be
remov'd, and others plaç'd in their Rooms, by the joint Commiffio-
ners of Scotland and Norway, who, if they ſhould chance to diſa-
gree in this, or any other Matter, their ifferences ſhould be re-
ferr'd to the Arbitrement of the King of England.
That Prince ratified: (a) this Agreement on the 6th of Novembera
and having very ſoon after procur'd a Difpenfation () from the Pope,
allowing Prince Edward and Queen Margaret to marry, notwithſtan
ding they were within the Degrees of Confanguinity, forbidden by
the Canon Law, he ſent to let both the Scots Nobility (), and the
King of Norway (d) to know ſo much; earneſtly intreating the lată
ter to ſend over his Daughter with all imaginable Expedition to
England.
The Scots, at leaſt that Party among them that were for the
Match, (for all were not of the fame Opinion, as will afterwards
appear) exprefs'd a great deal of Joy at the welcome News (@), and,
ere the Year was elaps’d, wrote a preſſing Letter to the King of
Norway to the ſame Purpoſe with that of King Edward's: But
theſe Gentlemen were, it ſeems, a little too forward; and as the
King of Norway made no ſuch Haſte as, was deſir’d, ſo the wiſer
Part of the Scot's Nobility thought fit to go on more leiſurely, in a
Buſineſs of ſo great Importance. They had a Mind to know what Queen maar
was doing, and ſent ſuch Reſtrictions and Limitations to the garet gran-
Power of their Commiſſioners in England, as oblig’d King Edward riage to Edu
(f) to ſend Ambaſſadors to Scotland. Upon their Arrival a Conward the Son
vention was caļl’d, and on the i8th of July 1290 (8) they agreed Kingof Eng,
to the Marriage, upon the following Conditions.
iée
1
A1292
ܪ
Land, and on
what Terms
Z Z Z Z Z 2
I. That
1
(a) Ibid. p. 448. (b) Ibid. p. 450. (c) 'Ibid. p. 471. (d) Ibid. p.474. (e) Ibid. p. 471, 472. (f) Ibid. P:
480. (8) Ibid. p. 482, 483&c.
400 The Martial Atchievements Book III:
+
1
I..That the Rights, Laws, Liberties and Cuſtoms of Scotland,
ſhall for ever remain entire and unalterable, and the Kingdom con-
tinue ſeparated, divided and free in it ſelf from the Kingdom of
England, without any Subjection, by its true Bounds and Limits
,
as it had been before. This was granted, ſays Mt. Tyrrel (a), yet
with a ſaving of the King's Right, which he had before this
. He ſhould
have ſaid, (6) Saving the Right of the King of England, and of any o.
ther Perſon, which before this Agreement was, or ſhall afterwards in Fu-
ſtice be Competent, to any Lands upon the Borders or elſewhere.' Delu-
live Words indeed, and however diſguis'd, yet ſo far plain, as to
Thew, that King Edward kept ſomething in petto, as a Reſerve for
an After-Game.
II. That if Edward and Margaret ſhall die without Iflue of the
Body of Margaret, the Kingdom ſhall revert Entire, Free, Abſolute
and Independent, to the next immediate Heir. To this and the fub-
Sequent Articles no Salvo's were added.
III. That in caſe of the Death of Prince Edward without Iflue of
the Body of Margaret, her Majeſty's Perſon ſhall be remitted in
like Manner, free and independent to Scotland.
IV. That no Perſons, either Ecclefiaftick or Laick, fhall be com-
pelld to go out of the Kingdom, to ask leave either to Elect, or to
preſent their Elects, nor to do their Homage, Fealty and Services,
nor to proſecute Law-Suits, nor in a Word, to perform qught u-
ſually perform'd in Scotland.
V. That the Kingdom of Scotland ſhall have its Chancellor, Of-
ficers of State, Courts of Judicature, Bc. as before, and that a new
Seal ſhall be made and kept by the Chancellor, but with the ordina-
ry Arms of Scotland, and the Name of none but the Queen of Scot-
land engraven upon it.
VI. That all the Papers, Records, Priviledges, and other Docu-
ments of the Royal Dignity of the Crown and Kingdom of Scotland,
thall be lodg’d in ſome fecure Place within the Kingdom, at the
Sight of the Nobility, whoſe Seals ſhall be appended to them, and
there kept, till either the Queen ihall return to her own Kingdoin,
or ſhall have Heirs to ſucceed her.
VII. That Parliaments, (and, by „the by, this is: the firſt time, for
ought I know, that that Word was us’d among us) when call'd to treat
of Matters concerning the State or Inhabitants of Scotland, ſhall be
held within the Bounds of the Kingdom.
VIII. That no Duties, Taxes, Levies of Men, &c. fhall be ex-
acted in Scotland, but ſuch, as being uſual in former times, ſhall
conſiſt with the common Intereſt and Good of the Nation,
IX. That the King of England ſhall oblige himſelf and his Heirs,
in a Bond of 100000 l. ſterl. payable to the Church of Rome, in
Aid of the Holy Land, to make Reſtitution of the Kingdom in the
Caſes aforeſaid ; and that he ſhall conſent, that the Pope reſtrain
him and his Heirs, by Excommunicating them, and Interdicting
their
16! Vol. 11. p. 50. (6) The Racord it felf in Fæder: Angl. p. 482, Cc. and in Pryo. Edward. I. p. 366.
1
Book III. of the Scots Nation.
40
1
their Kingdom, both to the forefaid Restriction, and Payment of the
faid Sum of Money, if he or they do not ſtand to the Premiſes.
And,
Laftly, That King Edward, at his own Charges, ſhall procurè
the Pope to confirm theſe Articles within a Year after the Conlum-
mation of the Marriage; and that within the ſame Time, the Bull
of his Holineſs, ſhall be delivered to the Community that is the
Barons and Prelates) of the Kingdom of Scotland.
Theſe Articles, which King Edward ratified (@) Word by Word,
on the 28th of Auguſt 1290, do ſhew, as Mi: Tyrrel () obſerves
That the Scots were then very Cautious, and did as much as lay in their
Power, to hinder their Country from being any way fabjected to England.
They alſo evince, that the Scots were not at all thoſe rudé, illiterate
and unpolik'd People, they have been repreſented: That on the
contrary, they very well knew bóth theft private and publick Intė.
reſt, and that the Ends and Arts of Government were by thêm per-
haps better underſtood, in thoſe earlier, and thought barbarous
Ages, than at any time ſince. This was the firſt Scheme of an
Union condeſcended upon between the two Kingdoms; and it was
a Scheme fo very reaſonable, that had it taken effect; - both Nations
had been long-ere now (what even the preſent Age can ſcarcely
hope to ſee them) united in their joint Intereſts, mutual Inclinati-
ons, and uniform Religión. Yet, as honourable and advantageous Treaty of
as the then concluded Union appears to have been, 'tis certain that and, Union,
all thoſe of the Nation were not pleas’d with it. Perhaps the Dif diſagrevatila
ſenters had By-Ends of their own, or they were loath to loſe the Party in
Preſence of their Sovereign, and the warm Influence of a Royal Scoland.
Court, or they did not entirely confide in the fair Promiſes of King
Edward. They knew his deceitful Tempér: And tho the Salvo
added to the firſt Article, did not relate more to that King's Preten-
fions, than to thoſe of any whoever ; and tho by it nio new Right
could be acquir'd, and an old one, he, nòr none elſe, they were very
ſure, could never inſtruct; nay, áltho by that very Salvo, he in, a
great Meaſure diſclaim'd all Title to the whole, and only ſuppos’d,
that 'twas poſſible, he or ſome Body elſe might have fome Claim
to Lands upon the Borders or ſomewhere elſe" in Scotland: Yet they
lik'd not thoſe infidious Reſerves, and juſtly fear'd, that how ſoon
he ſhould by the Treaty (tho only in the Name of his Daughter-
in-Law) be put in Poffeffion of the Kingdom, he ſhould find in the
Salvo abundance of Reaſon and Juſtice to keep it. Theſe, ör ſuch
Conſiderations as theſe, added to the former Diviſions of the Nati.
on, occafion’d a formidable Party, headed by Robert Bruce Lord
of Annandale, to declare themſelves open Enemies to the Union or
Contract of Marriage. We know this to be true' by a Letter, the
Biſhop of St. Andrew's wrote to King Edward, not long after the
Concluſion of the Treaty: He gives his Majeſty (c) Thanks, in
Name of a Convention of the Nobles at Perth, for the many good
Аааааа
Offices
(a) Foeder. Angl. p. 489. (6) Vol. 3. p. 61. (c) Fæder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 1090, 1091. ad Ann. 1290.
0
܀
462
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
r.
.
:
!
1
Offices he had done them i then tells him, That they were juſt
ſetting out, together with the Engliſh Ambaſſadors, in order to wait
on and receive their Queen in Orkney; when to the inexpreſſible
Terror and Grief of the Nation, an uncertain Report of her being
dead was ſpread abroad : That upon this News, Robert Bruce,
and thoſe of his Party, had, contrary to Expectation, come to the
Aſſembly; but what he meant to do, was not yet known: That
the Earls of Athole and Mar, were drawing their Men together, and
the whole Nobility was ſplit in Fa&tions, and that a War was ine.
vitable, if not timeoully prevented by the Goodneſs of God, and
his Majeſty's Endeavours. He therefore intreats, that if the Queen
ſhall chance to die; he'll inſtantly come to the Borders, in order to
awe the contending Parties by his Preſence, to prevent the Effufion
of Blood, and to enable Loyal Subjects to keep their Oaths to the
rightful Heir, whoever he is; provided the Heir ſhall be willing
to acquieſce in his Majeſty's Determination. He had a little before
recommended John Baliol to the King's Favour, and in the Begin-
ning of his Letter deſign'd himſelf his Chaplain. ?Tis a pity that
only this one Letter has been found upon Record, to guide is
through the Cimmerian Darkneſs, whịch, by obſcuring the myſteri-
ous Tranſactions, and hidden Contrivances of thoſe times, has hi.
therto led all Authors into almoſt as many Miſtakes, if not down-
right Falſities, as they have Periods, I may almoft'lay Words, upon
the Subject : But from it I do, and, I believe, every . unbyalód
Reader will conclude;
I. That Robert Bruce and his Friends were againſt the Unior,
elle why ſhould not they have been preſent at an Affembly, defign'd
for nothing elſe but to welcome home, and to countenance the
Marriage of their Queen.
II. That the Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and John Baliol, were of a
Party, and both in the Intereſt of King Edward ; the firſt
, becaule
carreſs'd by him, and preferr’d to be one of his Chaplains; the fe-
cond, becauſe aſſur'd of, at leaſt made to hope for more than ordi-
III. That in caſe the Treaty of Marriage and Union ſhould, by
the Death of the Queen, be renderd ineffectual, there was a previ.
ous Concert between King Edward and the Scots Unioners agreed
upon, by virtue of which, the firſt was by his Power to awe and
bear down the oppoſite Faction; and theſe laſt
, to give him the
Power of nominating a Succeffor, and that Fohn Baliol was pointed
out as the Man
IV. That upon the Certainty of the Rumour that was ſpread of the
Queen's Death, the Animoſities of Parties muſt needs be heighten'd,
and the Nation be thereby neceſſitated, or to undergo all the Cala-
mities of a Civil, and at the ſame time probably foreign War (for
'twas not to be ſuppos’d, that a Neighbour of the Character and
Power of King Edward would ſtand by, an idle Spectator ;) or to
ſubmit their Differences to the Determination of a Prince, who, had
they
!
nary Favour.
!
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 403
...4
&
'n
they declind his Arbitration, was, together with the Party he had
among themſelves, able to force it upon them.
Theſe things fell out accordingly: The Rumour prov'd true, 2.cen Mar
Queen Margaret died about Michaelmaſs in Orkney, whither ſhe had gat er dies
been conducted at the Charges of her own Subjects of Scotland, by
two Scots Ambaſſadors, Sir Michael Scot and Sir David Weems. The
Diviſions of the Nation increas'd ; firſt two, thereafter no leſs than
twelve Competitors ſet up for the Crown: And King Edward, as he
had been pre-advis’d by the Biſhop of St. Andrew's, faild not to take
Journey towards the Borders (a); but his very much beloved Wife,
Queen Eleanor died as he was on his Way, and he inſtantly return'd to
London, in order, as was given-out, to be preſent at her Obſequies.
'Tis probable he had other Reaſons beſides: No doubt he was per-
fe&tly well inform’d by his Party in Scotland, how Matters ſtood in
that Kingdom, where perhaps they weſe not yet fufficiently ripe for
his purpoſe; nor had he as yet had time to take ſuch Meaſures, and
to bring along with him ſuch a Force as would compel Obedienice to
whatever he thould think fit to Command. He foreſaw that he
could loſe nothing by a ſhort Delay, and that in all probability he
should gain a great deal : He had made ſure of his Friends before
hand, and they were always able to ſtáve off the Settlement of
Affairs, till he ſhould be ready. Indeed 'twas not poffible that the
Scots could agree among themſelves: For, befides the Bruce and Badi-
ol, whoſe different Titles to the Crown, were by no precedent nor
poſitive Law to be determin'd; and between whom, by Reaſon of
their nukerous Alliances, and vaſt Poſſeſſions, both at home and
abroad, the whole Kingdom was divided : I fay, beſides theſe two
irreconcilable Enemies, and juſtly contending Rivals, ten more, ei-
ther acted by their own Ambition, or, as is moſt probable, wrought
upon by the clandeſtine Practices of King Edward, did at the ſaine
time aſpire, to what only one could obtain.
Florence, (6) Earl of Holland pretended to the Crown of Scotland, Corriſcii-
in Right of his great Grand-mother Ada, the eldeſt lawful Siſter of tors for the
William ſometime King; as did Robert de Pynkney, in Right alſo of Scotland,
his great Grand-mother Marjory, ſecond Siſter of the fame King Were.
William ; Patrick Galightly was the Son of Henry Galightly, a Baſtard
of King William; William de Ros was deſcended of Iſabel ; Patrick,
Earl of March, of Ilda, or Ada; and William de Viſcy, of Marjory;
all three Daughters, tho unluckily for their Ofspring, only natural
Daughters of King William ; yet their Ofspring did pretend : Roger
de Mandevil did the like, and had much the ſame Reaſon, being,
as the former, deſcended of a baſtard Daughter (her Name was
Aufrick) of the fame King William: Nicolas de Soules's Right, (if
Baitardy could give Right) was nearer to the lateſt Kings ; for his
Grand-mother Marjory, the Wife of Alan de Huifer, was a natu-
ral Daughter of Alexander II. and by Conſequence the Siſter of Alex-
ander Ill. John Cumine, Lord of Badenoch, deriv'd his Title from a
A aa a a a 2.
remoter
(1) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 61. (b) Pryn's Collect. Tom. IIL P.513,514, &c.
who they
464
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
.
remoter Source, Donald Bane, who had uſurp'd the Crown about
200 Years before this time ; but he was willing to lay by his Pre-
tenſion in Favour of John Baliol ; he might alſo have added, of Ro-
bert Bruce and John Haſtings; for, to fay the trŲth, none but theſe
three had colourable Pretenfions, nay, that of Haſtings was ſcarcely
ſuch, when ballanc'd with that of Bruce. Both were the immedi-
ate Sons of the immediate lawful Daughters of Earl David, the Bro-
ther of Malcolm the Maiden, and of King William ; but Ada, the
Mother of Haſtings, was the younger Siſter, who muſt therefore
yield to Iſabel the Mother of Bruce : But then both Iſabel árid Ada
were younger that Margaret, who was the Grand-mother of John
Baliol: And this laſt did moft juſtly urge (and had the Succeſſion
been then regulated, as it is now in all Hereditary Sovereignties, he
had carried it without Diſpute) That, firce lineally deſcended of
Margaret, the eldeſt Daughter of Earl David, with whom, had he
been alive, none living could have contended, he was to be prefer-
red to Robert Bruce and John Haſtings, altho nearer by one Degree
to the fame Earl David. Theſe two on the contrary pleaded,
That they were preferable, not only to John Baliol, the Grand-child
of Margaret, but alſo to Dervegild, her Daughter and his Mother :
The Reaſon they gave was this ;. Dervegild and they were equal-
ly related to their Grand-father Earl David: She was indeed the
Daughter of his eldeſt Daughter; but ſhe was a Woman, they were
Men: And, ſaid they, the Male in the ſame Degree ought to fuc-
ceed to Sovereignties, by their own Nature impartible, preferably
to the Female. I ſhall afterwards fët the Controverſy in a clearer
Light: In the mean time it ſuffices to tell, that both the Baliol
and Bruce had Reaſon to lay Claim to the Crown of Scotland; and
that whoever of the two (I ſay nothing of Haſtings.; for tho he:
might have contended with Baliol, yet he could not with Bruce) had
win it by legal and honourable Means, might have worn it with
Juftice. The Barons or Freeholders of the Kingdom, were then,
as 'twas afterwards declar'd they ought to be, the proper Judges of
a Controverſy, none was concern'd in but themſelves and the Com-
petitors : But, for the Reaſons I have mention'd, the Barons could not
agree among themſelves, nor were the Competitors like to ſubmit to
their Determination. At length they unanimouſly reſolv'd, fay moft
King Ed. Authors, to refer the whole Matter to the Arbitration of Edward
Aitrator King of England, a neighbouring Prince, a wife Man, and (upon the
in die Com. Account of his Relation to, and the innumerable Obligations, and
hour the, thoſe as yet freſh in his Memory, he had receiv'd from the S:ots
Nation) bound to be Juft: And who could diſtruſt him, ſince.equal-
ly unconcern?d with all the Competitors? His Father Henry III. and
the Barons of England, had, in the like manner, referr’d their Dif-
ferences, to the Determination of a foreign Prince, St. Lewis, King
of France : But Edward was not, as Lewis, a Saint: He had Views
of his own, none, even of the great Party he had gain'd over to an
entire Confidence in his Friendſhip, could penetrate. In their Fa-
vour,
Scotland.
,
Book III Of the Scots Nation. . 405
vour, I mean, in that of the principal Man.among them, John Ba
liol, he promis’d, it ſeems to decide the Debate ; and they, in
hopes of this, manag’d Matters fo, as to let the Bruſſian 'Faction to
underſtand, that they muſt either willingly acquieſce in what he
ſhould, after due Inquiry, determine, or be (by his inighty Power
united with that of the Majority of Scotland) compell’d to ſubmit.
They choſe (and what elſe could they do?) to acquieſce in his
Deterinination; and he, to keep all Parties in the dark, with Re-
ference to his private Deſigns, and to remove all manner of Jealouſy
concerning his after Intentions; invited and earneſtly, intreated,
that the Prelates and great: Men of Scotland would meet him at
Norham, in the Confines of both Kingdoms; to which Place, he
himſelf declares, (a) that they came at his earneſt Requeſt and In-
treaty. So falſe 'tis
, what by his publick Notary he afterwards af-
ſerted, as do ſtill Mr. Tyrrel, (b) Mr. Echard ), &c. viz. that, as
Superior and direct Lord of Scotland, he had calld a Parliament of
the Scots Nation at Norham : For in no Record extant, is any. fuch
thing ſo much as inſinuated : Nay, that one I have juſt now.cited,
to me is a plain Proof of the contrary : Nor did the Scots know that
he deſign d to take any ſuch Title or Authority upon him, till he
had, by the moft plauſible Pretences imaginable, decoy'd them, tho
not quite out of the Kingdom; yet to ſuch a Place, in which he ve
ry well knew, they neither could nor dạrſt withſtand his. Com
mands. (d) For, beſides that they were unprepar'd and unarm'd
and, which was worſe, incapable of Concert among themſelves; he
had all the Forces in England hard at hand (e), and juſt ready to
fall upon and maſſacre every one of them, in caſe of a peremptory
Refuſal. Thus ſtated, on the 10th of May, he appointed his Jufti-
ciary, Robert Brabancon, to ſpeak out, what he had hitherto ſo indu:
ftriouſly conceal’d: And (f) the Juſticiary told them,
66 That his
“Majeſty did moſt ſincerely commiſerate the diſtemper'd State of to the Supe
" the Scots Nation; That he had ever a ſingular Regard for Scotland and direct
" and all its Inhabitants, whoſe Safety and Protection was well kriomp
« to belong to bim : That he had come and call’d them thither, in
" order to diſcharge his Duty: That he would do impartial Juſtice
to the. Competitors for the Crown, and would not at all uſurp or
« incroach upon the Liberties of the Subject; but thatą as he was
« Superior and direct Lord of the Kingdom of Scotland, 16. he hop'd
they would willingly Recognize and acknowledge him to be ſuch;
“ and that if any of them. ſcrupl?d the thing, he was willing to evi-
66 dence, his Title from undoubted Chronicles and Monuments,
every where to be found in the Monaſteries of England: That by
this Means, a ſolid and lafting Peace --would be eſtabliſhid be-
«tween the two Nations; and he would not fail, in the Nominati-
of a King to Scotland, as in every thing elſe concerning that
" Kingdom, to ask the Advice of the preſent Affembly.
ВЪЪЪЪь
This
(6) Foeder. Angl. Tom. II. p.528.(b) Vol. III. p. 62: (C) p: 309; (d) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 65,73. Chron. Abing!
C.W.H. (e) Fæder. Angl. Tom. II, p. 525; (f) Pryn's Collect. Tom. III. p. 488,489, &c. Tyrrel Vol. III.
p. 62, 63, &c. Echard p. 310, &c,
Lays Claim
Dominion
of Scotland
6C
1
(6
CC
on
466
The Martial Archievements Book III.
و
This unexpected Harangue ſtruck the Scots with Amazement;
Indignation and Terror; and no Wonder, ſuch another Piece of
Supercherie, is, I believe, no where to be found in Story. An
honeſt Heathen would have been afhan’d to have ventur’d upon it;
and 'tis ſurpriſing, that Chriſtian Authors Should yet telate it,
without ſtigmatizing the Memory of a Prince, that was capable to
a&t a Part ſo derogatory to the Character of a Man of Honour.
Had he ever before and this was the 19th Year of his Reign)
lạid Claim to the Superiority of Scotland ; nay, had he not ſo often
diſclaim'd it, as I have fhew'd; or had he only fomented the Divi-
fions of the Kingdom, and laid hold on the Opportunity to invade
it openly, and appear'd, what he was, an Eriemy above-board, he
liad done but what has been, by ungenerous Potentates, practis:d in
all Ages: But, for one who in a great Meaſure ow'd his own. Gran.
deur to the repeated Aſſiſtances he had receiv'd from Scotland; who
had fo often and ſo folemnly own’d its Independency; who had
exprefs'd ſo much Gratitude, fuck forward Zeal for its Honour
and Welfare; thus to' entrap its Nobles, upon the faireſt and moſt
plauſible Pretencès imaginable, and then, and never till then, to
tell them (The Speech I have related, and all his After:Conduct'im-
plý’d no leſs;)" That now he had them in his Hands; and they muſt
reſolve, or to lay down their Lives, or to give up their Liberties.
As 'twas unprecedented before, fo I know not if it has fince been
imitated ; not but that Prnices and their Councils inay have been
ſufficiently diſpos’ to re-aet the - fcandalous Part; but all the
Grandees of a Ñation have never been fo mad; as to afford the like
Opportunity. The Skot se Nobility-faw their Error, when 'twas top
Tate : And fome write (a), that, as great as their Surprifal was,
they couragioufly afferted the Independency of their Country, and
abſolutely refus d to acknowledge any Superior but God, above
him tliať ſhould be found to be the Heir oftheir Crownsi. Robert
Wilbart, Biſhop of Glaſgow, is ſaid to have taken upon him to
inaintain that Argument; and to have done it, as indeed it was ea-
ly, beyond the Poſſibility of a Reply: Yet lince Engliſh, Authors
and Records, (whom I more incline to follow than Scots or Fo-
* reigners) are filent upori the: Matter; I ſhall-alfo be lo... This is
certain, they feem'd hugely diffatisfied (b), and not at albinclinable
. to comply with the King's Demands; and he was thereby fo får in-
<cens'd, that he ſwore by St. Edward (the greateſt Oathi he ever us’d)
that he would loſe his Eife in the Proſecution of his juft. Right.
His meaning could not be miſ-underſtood ; tand the Scots finding
themſelves thus threaten’d, did what they durf They told him
(c) That they knew nothing of any Superiority: belonging to him;
that they could not anfwer ſuch things without a Head and King,
whoſe Buſineſs it was to enquire into thefë Matters; and that, as for
their Part; they were bound by an Oath they had made to one
another
1
(c) Pere D'Orleans p.467. Dr:Mackenzie's Life of John Blair Vol. I. p.959-U) Tyrrel Vol. III, p. 65.
si Chion. Abing. (c) Wallingham p. 55.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 407
3.
men
another after the Death of King Alexander, to own 210 Sovereign
but his legal Heir, and that they were to obſerve that Oath, under
Pain of Excommunication. Upon this, the King laid that he would
give them Time to think on it, and ſo adjourn’d the Meeting
till next Day the 1 ith of May; when according to Appointment,they.
went over to the Pariſh Church of Norham,and intreated that a longer
Time might be allow'd them to conſult with their abient Countrey.
concerning a Matter that was wholly new to thein,
and yet of ſuch Importance as was not to be rafhly determind
The King, for his own Intereſt, that is, to palliate in fome Mei-
ſure the Violence he had offer'd, and was determind to profecute,
thought fit to comply ſo far with the reaſonable Demand, as to pro-
rogue the Aſſembly till the fecond of June next coming. In ſo thort:
Tiine,he very wellknew they could neither meet nor conſult with theit
Friends ; much lefs raiſe an Army,put the Country in a Poſture of
Defence, take up their Domeſtick Quarrels, and condeſcend upon
a Head capable to unīte and protect them. By theſe. Means they
inight yet have warded off the threatn’d Miſchief. But ſuch Meanis
were impracticable: And King Edward, to divert their Thoughts
from Attempts of that Kind, and to engage them to return to a fé
cond Conference, gave them a Charter, (a) by which he dechrd,
That their coming over Tweed iitto England, ſhould be of no preju-
dicial Conſequence to the Natiorf, but that they might return with
Honour and Safety. And to perſwade them, that, after all, he
meant not to invade their Libéities by Force, but baly, to affert his
own Right, in caſe it thould appear that He had any he defii
thiem (6) to make Starchi for any Writings, Evidences, or Antiqui-
ties; that might exclude him from the Right-and Exerciſe of his
Superiority and direct Dominion, and overthrow his Reaſons and
Arguments for it, proteſting that he was ready to grant, what Law
and Juſtice had. effablih’d. And that they might the better un-
derſtand his Title, and make theit Objections again't it) he appoin-
ted the Biſhop of Durham to fetit forth to all prefent: The Pielate
obey’d, and was himſelf, of ſome others for him, atöflje greatčit
Pains imaginable, to overturn his Mafter's Cufę, by ſupporting it
with Ditingenuity, Fi&tion and Chiny." He begins with the ex-
ploded Fables of Brutus, Albanatu Camber, and the like imaginary
Founders of Old Britant
; Albany and Walesco Hot does he forget the
equally ridiculous Legend of St. John of Beverly, nér the Pageantry
of King Edgar, and his Royal Fars: The acknowledgʻd Subje&tion
of William, King of Scotland, to Henry IF. 'Of England, he tells pretty
fair, but has not a Word of the Authentick Acquittance granted by
King Richard; by which alone would have appear'd how vain
and frivolous the Claim had ever been, and then was. To be hort,
(ivhy ſhould I enlarge upon a Subje&t fo rhany have handled, and
my felf have, I hüribly conceive, dufficiently clear'd, in proper and
convenient Places ? ) Mr. Tyrrel is both elſewhereand on this Oe-
ВЪ:bbbb :
cation
(a, Waliingham, ubi lup. (b; Pryn, Tyrrel, Echard, ubi iup.
-
1
com
408
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
1
66
CC
caſion, lo judicious,as to own, 66 That, as that Declaration, which
" is to be ſeen at length in Prynne's Collections, and the Hiſtories of
« Matth. Weſtminſter and Thomas Walſingham, is wholly Hiſtorical;
« ſo the Arguments adduc'd, are no ways conclufive; and that thó
66 the Matters of Fact, which are therein cited, are rightly enough
“ fet down, yet there is no Mention made of any Homage or Fealty
« done by the Scottiſb Kings, for the whole Kingdom of Scotland;
which, ſays he, (tho I beg Pardon to tell him, and I have already e-
« vinc'd it,erroneouſly) extended anciently no farther than the Bridge
« of Stirling. He adds more truely, that what ever Authorities are
« found in Engliſh Hiſtorians againſt the Homageclaim'd by King Ed-
is ward, there was no Notice taken of them in this Declaration ;
" and that there was very good Reaſon for it, becauſe, ħad they
“ been mention'd, they might have ſerv'd to ruine the Kings Pre-
tences to any Superiority over that Kingdom.” And who will
not be of the fame Opinion with Mr. Tyrrel, and frankly own, that,
as King Edward had no Title to ſupport his ungenerous Incroach-
ments upon Scotland ; ſo he could give no Reaſons to ſupport his
Title? The Scots knew this very well : And how foon they got a
Judge, who was not at the ſame Time a Party, they let the World
to know, that they had not only Objections to make againſt the Ho
mage claim'd, but that they had ſuch Demonſtrations of their Inde-
pendency to produce, a's at once carried off the opprobrious Chara-
Eter of perjurd Rebels and Traitors,fo often and ſo unjuſtly given
them by Engliſh Writers, and fix'd that indelible one of a mercileſs
Tyrant and deceitfull Uſurper, upon the Memory of one of the
greateſt and braveſt of Engliſh Kings. But of this afterwards,when
I ſhall come to ſpeak of Pope Boniface, his Monitory Letter to
that Monarch.
In the mean time,what ſhould the Scots do? Search their Records,
as King Edward deſir’d them, and produce ſuch Documents, as
might overthrow thoſe adduc'd by him? And before whom ſhould
they produce them, or to what Purpoſe? They had but little
Time, not above three weeks to adviſe and reſolve upon their own
Fate, and that of a Kingdom ; and they ought to have employ'd.it
better, than in looking over Papers and Parchments, when 'twas
plain, they muſt either be caſt in Judgment, or plead with their
Swords in their Hands. But beſides that, 'twas impoflible they
could come to underſtand one another : Had they by a Miracle (for
nothing leſs could have done it,)turn'd in one Minute unanimouſly
refolv'd to ſtand as one Man, to the Defence of their Country, yet
they had food in need of another, to diſarm the whole Engliſh Mi-
litia juſt ready to pour down upon them, ere they could call but
fomne hundreds to Arms. What did they then ? What indeed
was moſt cowardly, but at the ſame Time moſt prudent and
ſafe : They return'd to the appointed Meeting on the ſecond of
June ; and, being aſſembld in a Green Plain over againſt Norham.
Cattle, where King Edward reſided, they all; one after another (1
mean
.
i
Book III. Of" the Scots Nation.
40
Girts liisin-
ring the Courſe of the enſuing War; atteſted the calumny. Nor
mean the Competitors for, and Guardians of the Kingdom) coge-
ther with a great many more Prelates and Barons, that call’d them- pituba
feives the Community of Scotland, recogniz'd and acknowledg,'d know is de '
King Edward as their Superior and direct Lord. Robert Erme, e Lord of
ven Robert Bruce, the noble Lord of Annandale, contrary to what all Surviridl.
Scots and nioſt foreign Authors have aſſerted, is upon Record found
to have been the very firſt Mań; who being firſt interrogated, Whe-
ther in claiming his Right to the Scots Crown, he would demand and re-
ceive Juſtice, before the King of England, as Superior and direct Lorii of
the Kingdom of Scotland, publickly, exprefly, and without Contra-
diction anſwer’d, That be would ; and actually did. To ſay the
Truth, I cannot but own in this Place, that lm heartily forry to
find my ſelf oblig'd to ſcore this Robert de Bruce out of the Lift of
Scots Heroes, and that I cannot fay of him, what all Scors Writers
have hitherto tenaciouſly aſſerted, viz. That the King of England
call d him aſide, cloſeted him, and offer'd to prefer him to the
Crown of Scotland, if he would promiſe to hold it of that of England;
but that the noble Bruce was praof againſt the glittering Temptati-
on, and that with a ſcornful Diſdain he reply'd, No; I value the
Dignity of King at a very high Rate, but my Honour 'I value yet more;
nor will í betray my Country, tho to Reign over it. A noble Anſwer
indeed, and I wiſh, he, or any of the Competitors had expreſs’d
ſuch Greatneſs of Soul as to make it. : But as much convinc'd as I
am of the Diſingenuity of King Edward, and the falſe Repreſentati-
ons given to the World of this Tranſaction by him, his Council
and Hiftoriographers; nay, even by the publick Notary he com-
manded to draw up the Inſtrument, from whence we have theſe
Accounts; yet I cannot offer to diſprove a Đệed fo Authentick and
fo publick as this, which, if falfe, thouſands of Witneffes had, du-
did the after-Conduct of this fame Robert Bruce, the Grand-father
of the afterwards moſt Heroick Scots: King of that Name, prove
contradictory to his inglorious Submiſſion. Tis true, that from the
Beginning he had been an obftinate Stickler in Oppoſition to the
Engliſh Intereſt, and that he had been an Enemy to the Queen's
Match, and Union of the Kingdome. He very well knew, that
John Baliol had more Intereſt at the Court of England than himſelf:
And 'tis not improbable, but that at firft he may (conſequential-
ly to his former Behaviour) have rejected luch Terms as were dero-
gatory to the Royal Dignity he-aim'd-at-} put it ſeems that upon ſe-
cond Thoughts he alter'd his Meafürés, and finding it impoſſible to
rattain to what he judgʻd his Right, without Submiſſion, he reſolv'd
not to loſe it for a Punctilio of Honour, the Poſſeſſion of the
· Crown would enable him to retrieve. William the Lyon had made
the like Submiſſion before; and, as William the Lyon did, fo he hopd
to fall upon-Means of getting free of it. The reſt of the Competi-
tors, and indeed the whole Aſſembly had, as it afterwards appear’d,
the ſame Deſigns : They refolv’d to ſtick at nothing towards haft-
Сccccc
ning
470
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
CC
66
Gets pofler
fion of
the whole
Kingdom
ning the Nomination of a King, who alone could deliver them
from the Concuffion they lay under, . and, by reuniting their
Minds, and heading their Forces, enable them to break a Yoke they
were forc'd to take one, bụt determin’d to. Thake off. With this
View they all ſubmitted (as I have ſaid) one after apother; firſt the
Competitors, and then the Guardians of the Kingdom.
Thus King Edward, without Stroak of Sword, or perhaps with-
out ſo much as an Objection made, ora Proteſtation enter'd againſt
his Title, had got himſelf acknowledg’d ; and now began in all his
Writings, to take upon him the Deſignation of Superior, and direct
Lord of the Kingdom of Scotland. But this was not enough : He could
not always keep a ſtanding Army, upon the Borders; and therefore
bethought himſelf by what other Means he could both get and keep
the Poffeffion of his new Acquiſition. To effect this, he apply'd as be-
fore to the Competitors, and they (ſtill jealous of one another, and
made all to believe, that he who ſhould firſt comply would be firſt
prefer’d, did not at all grudge to ſubſcribe a Paper, he preſented to
them on the 14th of June, importing; That,in order to impower
“ King Edward to put his Sentence in Execution, they had freely,
and without Compulſion, given to him; as Sovereign Lord, the
“ actual Pofleſſion or Seafine of all the Land and Strength of Scot-
K land; upon Condition, that he ſhould reſtore all Things as he had
“ found them, within two Months after he had determind the
Right of Succeffion, ſaving to the Crown of England the Hoinage
« of him that ſhall be King.” This done, 'tis not to be doubted but
of Scotland. that Detachments were immediately ſent from the Engliſh Army
that lay ſtill in the Neighbourhood, to ſeize upon, and garriſon all
the Caſtles and Fortreſfes in Scotland. But it ſeems they got not an
eaſy Acceſs to all of them : Their own Governors or Proprietairs were
not at all willing to yeild their Places to Strangers ; Among others,
(a) Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, made Difficulty to part
with his Caſtles of Dundee and Forfar , becauſe, ſaid he, they were
intruſted to him, not by the King, but by the Community of Scot-
land; and to the Community he was oblig'd to reſtore them : But
his Plea was repelld, in Regard that the Community, that is, the
Convention of Barons had had no Power to give them,
had there been
a King in Being at the Time ; and that now, altho there was no
King, yet ſome one of the Competitors muſt needs Be King in
a ſhort Time, conſequently ſince he was warranted by all the Com-
petitors to give up theſe Caftles, he was warranted by the King.
King Edward now fairly, as he thought acknowledg'd Superior of
Scotland, and, as ſuch, put in Poſſeſſion of the Kingdom, concluded,
that henceforth he ſhould meet with no Manner of Oppoſition in the
Proſecution of his further Deſigns : He therefore went boldly on,de-
clar'd himſelf by a publick Deed, 6) (what he took himſelf to be)
Sovereign Lord of Scotland; yet was graciouſly pleas’d to promiſe,
that he would decide the Controverſy in hand, within the Bounds
of
66
(a) Foder, Angl. p.531.(6) Ibid. 5 32;
-
:
!
i.
Book Ill. Of the Scots Nation.
471
of the Kingdom contended for. Berwick upon Tweed was the Place,
and the ad of Auguſt the Day appointed for hearing the Petitions,
and diſcuſſing the Rights of the ſeveral Demandants; till when he
employ’d his time very buſily: He receiv?d the Oaths and Fealties
of the Competitors, Guardians, and indeed, of all Scotſmen about
him, and appointed all the Biſhops, Earls, Baron's, &c. that were
formerly bound to do Homage, and ſwear Fealty to the Crown of
Scotland, and were not preſent to ſwear the fame Oath to him, by
Commiſſioners in:all Parts of the Kingdom. Which done, he caus'd
his Peace or Protection to be proclaim'd in their Favour. The
Guardians of the Kingdom, and Caftellans or Conſtables of Caſtles,
he caus’d deliver up their Guardianſhips and Bailliwicks to him;
but then he return'd the Guardianſhip of the Kingdom to the ſame
Perſons, approv'd of the Election made of a Scots Biſhop to the
Place and Dignity of Chancellor, but adjoin'd Walter of Agmunde-
foam, an Engliſhman, and his own Clerk, as an Aſſociate to him. Iui
a Word, he did with Scotland and Scotſmen, whatever. he lik’d:
And he lik’d to do every thing that could contribute to perpetuate
his Title.
He met with ſome Interruption by the Death of his Mother
Queen Eleanor ; the News of which made him return into England
to ſee her Interr’d. But his filial. Duty. did not detain him long
from the greater Concerns of his Sovereignty; for he inſtantly came
back, and made a Progreſs through moſt of the Low-Countries of
Scotland, receiving every where the Acknowledgements and Oaths
of the now plainly enſlav'd Nobility, Clergy and Burghers' OR '15
the 8th of July he was at Edinburgh, on the roth at Stirling, on the Takea
17th at Dumfermling, on the 22d at St. Andrew'sz. on the 24th at Progreſs
Perth: From thence he took Journey back again to Berwick, where Scotland.
he arriv'd before the ift of Auguſt ; and was conform to Appoint-
ment, attended by the Competitors, and thoſe Auditors they had
choſen to hear and report their different Claims. The firſt thing
(a) he did upon his Arrival, was to emit a Proclamation,declaring,
That under him, the King of England, and ſuperior Lord of Scofa
land, bóth Kingdoms were united : And repenting, it ſeems that
he had condeſcended ſo far as to promiſe; that he would determine
the grand Plea now before him, within the Kingdom of Scotland,
he declärd on the: 4th of Auguſt, that he would not be henceforth
bound to the like Condeſcention ; nor did he ever thereby deſign
to deprive himſelfor his Heirs of the Right he had, as Superior
Lord of Scotlandz-to take Cognizance of Scots. Cauſes and Affairs in
England or elſewhere, as he or they ſhould have a Mind. In this
Manner did he gradually proceed to diſcover the whole Extent of
his deſign'd Uſurpation : And. by this laſt A&t. alone, the Competi-
tors might have ſeen, what a precarious ſervile King he muſt needs
be, that ſhould chance to be nam’d by ſuch an Umpire. ., But left
the Perſon condeſcended ufon, ſhould afterwards pretendo: that his
Сccccc2
Incroach-
(a) Fonder. Angl. p. 533:
!
1
472
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
66
6
6C
66
Carries off
cords.
Incroachments were, becauſe unprecedented, therefore not to be
comply'd 'withi, he, on the 12th of the fame Month (a) when the
Diſputes among the Competitors were at the greateſt Height, iſſu'd
forth a Writ, :66. Impowering and Commanding the Abbots of
“ Dumfermling and Holy-rood-boul:, together with three Engliſhmen
" therein nam’d, to review and examine all the Records and Wri-
tings to be found within Scotland; eſpecially ſuch as related to
" the Rights of the Kingdom, or to the Kings of England, and to
remove them from the Caſtle of Edinburgh, or from wherever
they ſhould be found, to ſuch a Place as he ſhould afterwards
appoint ; and left the Scots Abbots should be remifs or backward in
" that Affair, hé impower'd the Engliſhmen to proceed in it alone,
the Scots'Re-66 and commanded that, at their Deſire, all Houſes, Caſtles,
“ Cheſts, &c. ſhould be made open to them.”. By this Writ.we
fee from whence it comes, that the Scots Hiſtory is in many Places
ſo very lame as 'tis : As alſo, for what Reaſon our Anceſtors could
not produce thoſe demonſtrative Proofs of their Independency,
which at this time were by King Edward's Orders deſtroy'd or car-
ried off. Yet Mr. Pryn (a) (every where moſt paſſionately and inju,
diciouſly Partial) tells us, that this Writ, (the moſt really prejudicial
that even King Edward did ever emit againſt us) is a Proof of the
great Care he had of the Scots Records :. And, which is yet more
ſurpriſing, Mr. Tyrrel (b), who decides the main Queſtion in Fa-
vour of the Scots, yet inveighs againſt Boethius and others, for telling
what this Writ evidences, viz. that King Edward deſtroy'd our Re-
cords.----- Indeed they were all as good as deſtroyd, and a great
mány, not yet found out, may be thought fo: But theſe extant, and
now moſt generouſly publiſh'd by the learn’d and worthy Mr. Ry-
mer, demonſtrate the Fate of the Reft. Hard and lamentable Fate!
by which we have been ſo long, and are ſtill in a great Meaſure
depriv'd of thoſe unerring Lights that would have diſpelld the
Darkneſs of by-paſt Ages, given us a clear View of our -Anceſtors,
and detected the Ignorance, Prejudice and Malice of Party-Writers,
whether Scots or Engliſh. I return to the Hiſtory,
King Edward had now done all that was poſſible, both to lubject
the Kingdom of Scotland to himſelf, and to ſecure it to his Pofterity;
and 'twas high time to diſplay his unlimited Power, by making a
King he had taken ſo ſecure Meaſures to continue,.or un-make at hiis
Pleaſure. But the final Determination of an Affair of ſuch Weight
and Moment, was not, ſaid he, to be hnrry’d on with Precipitati-
on. He had done his own Buſineſs, and, pleas’d with the Aflidu-
ity of his Royal Dependers, willing to keep them and the World in
Suſpence, and deſirous to colour his Procedure with a Shew of Wa-
rineſs and Caution, he put off that of the Competition, till the
A. D. 1292. 2d Day of June in the following Year 1292.
At the appointed time he met the Communities,' I mean, the
Prelates and Grandees of both Kingdoms at Berwick, as before: Where
fince
1
>
i
i
(n) Pryn p. 548. (6) Vol. III, p. 97.
1
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 473
ſince John Baliol Lord of Galloway, and Robert Bruce Lord of Año
nandale; were the principal Competitors, 'twas order'd by the Ar-
fent of the whole Aſſembly, that their Rights and Titles Thould be
firſt examin'd. and diſcuſs’d, and that afterwards all others might
proſecute their Claims if they thought fit. The Debate lafted long,
and was manag:d with a great deal of Reafon and ſeeming Juſtice
by both ; till at length this fingle Queſtion (as if the Force of all
their Arguments had been drawn into it) was ſtated thus. Whether
the more remote, by one Degree in Succeffion, coming from the eldeſt Sifter, , Debate bo
ought, according to the Laws of both Kingdoms; to exclude the nearer by Bruce and.
one Degree
, coming from the ſecond Siſter? Of; whether the nearer by Baliol, how
one Degree, coming from the ſecond Siſter, ought to exclude the more re- Preſence of
mote by one Degree, coming from the eldeſt-Siſter ?. By this King. Ed- King Edo
ward's Partiality in Favour of John Báliol, was viſible: For Robert England.
Bruce did not only plead, that he was the nearer by one Degree;
but alſo, that ſince the firſt Male deſcended of Earl David, he was
preferable to any Female. in the ſame Degree of Relation ; that
is; even to Dervegild, altho the Daughter of the eldeſt. Sifter; cori-
fequently, to fobn Baliol, her Son: He added that his Title was
both thought and declar'd to be the beſt, by the late Kings of
Scotland and their Councils, the proper Judges of the Controverſy.
But theſe and the like Arguments (of which afterwards) met with
no Regard nor Confideration at this time; the Affembly was
oblig’d to anſwer preciſely to the Queſtion as King Edward had fta
ted it: And they anſwer'd as they knew he had a mind, viz. That
the more remote by one Degree lineally deſcending from the eldeſt Siſter;
ac:ording to the Laws and Cuſtoms of both Kingdoms, was to be preferid
to the nearer by one Degree coming from the ſecond Siſter, in every Heres
ditary Succeſſion.
Upon this Anſwer 'twas determin'd, that Robert Bruce ſhould
receive nothing by his Petition concerning the Kingdom of Scot-
land, and that the Sentence concerning John Baliol ſhould be fur
ſpended till the other Competitors were heard. But theſe laff
(among whom Eric, King of Norway, had of late appear’d by his
Procurators, and, as Heir to his Daughter Queen Margaret, put iri
his Claim for the Kingdom) did not think fit to infilt upon thofe
feeble Pretenſions; they had probably never mention'd, had not
King Edward, to entertain Diviſion, fet them upon the audacious
Attempt. Oply John Haſtings; whøs as I have ſaid, was Son to the
youngeſt of Earl David's
three Daughters, pleaded, That the King-
dom of Scotland, ſince holden of the Crbwn of England, was like all
other Engliſh Lands, Tenements, Fees: Liberties, &c. divifible; and,
that therefore it ought to be divided betwen John Baliol, Robert
Bruce, and himſelf, as Heirs to the three Daughters. Robert Bruce,
already diſappointed of his Claim to the whole; ſtruck in withi
Haſtings, and, ſeemingly at leaft, content with his third Part;'reque-
fted of King Edward, that Judgment imight be given according tò
the Common Law of England. This Plea, tho mean in the Com-
Dddd dida
petitors
$
T
474 The Martial Atchievements
Book HII
petitors (for here again I muſt own, that Robert Bruce did not ſhew
himſelf to be that diſintereſted Heroe, Scots Authors have made
him) was nevertheleſs as plauſible as could be, upon the Suppofiti-
on of Scotland's being but a Fee depending on the Engliſh Crown.
For whatever the Law of England might have been at the time,
I'm ſure, that by the then Law of Scotland, Lands (I don't ſay
Honours) held of the Crown, were partible: Witneſs the Lord's
lhip of Galloway, which, upon the Death of Alan, Great Conſtable of
Scotland, was, in Spite of the Oppoſition made by the Baſtard Mac-
dualan, divided among his three Daughters
. Nor does it appear,
that the Law was then otherwiſe in England, as Mr. Tyrrel (a)
would have us believe; becauſe, ſays he, upon the Deceaſe of John
Scot, Earl of Cheſter, without Iflue of his own Body, the Earldom,
with the County, devolv’d to the Crown ; and his Siſters had no
Part of it allow'd them, 'tis true: But 'tis plain, that State Policy
prevail'd in this Caſe over the Laws of the Land. The Earldom of
Cheſter was a Palatinate, and the Earls of it were petty Sovereigns:
The laſt in Poſſeſſion was a Scots Prince, the Son of David, Earl of
Huntington and Garioch ; and, upon his Death, or his eldeſt Siſter
Margaret's (the ſame in whoſe Right John Baliol
. her Grand-child
now claim'd the Crown of Scotland) ſhould have ſucceeded, or the
Lands ſhould have been divided between that Lady, and her two
Siſters, Iſabel and Ada, the Mothers of the other two Competitors
,
Róbert Bruce and John Haſtings: But the Kings of England found it in-
convenient to have little Sovereignties erected or continu'd in England,
and therefore could never be eaſy, till they had prevailed with the
Kings of Scotland, to accept of an Equivalent for their Principality
of Cumberland, Earldom of Northumberland, &c. . And for the ſame
Reafon 'twas, that the Common Law did not take place, in the
Caſe of the three Siſters above-mentiond : But then an Equivalent
was likewiſe given to them, and John Baliol, the (b) Son-in-Law
of Margaret the eldeſt Sifter, had in her Right and that of her
Daughter Dervegild, an "Aflignation of the Mannors of Thorkeſcy,
Gernemuth and Luddingland, till the King ſhould make them a rea-
förable Exchange of other Lands, in Satisfaction of her Part of the
Earldom of Cheſter. The Earldom of Cheſter was then Partible by
the Engliſh Law, and the Lordfhip of Galloway by the S:ots; confe-
quently the Kingdom of Scotland, if holden of the Crown of Eng-
land, as "then pretended, was alſo ſo by the Laws of both Nations.
And I very much wonder, that King Edward did not afſent to the
favourable Overture, and day hold, as he might have done, on the
Opportunity to tear the Scots Monarchy into Pieces. He meant to
Reign over the whole; and the Maxime is, divide ut regnes: 'Twas
in al Probability an eafier Task to keep three Lords, tho very great
- onės, under Subjection, than one King: But Providence order'd it
otherwiſe : The Iniquity had been too vilble; and he deſign’d to
name ſuch a King, as by his Birth had a very good Title to be
ſuch,
11) Vol. III. p.70. (b) Dugdale, Baronage of Engi. Toin. II: 9.524.
?
1
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. .
405
2.
.
ſuch, and by his Nature was diſpos’d to continue what he profels’d
himſelf, a Subject
. For this Reaſon 'twas, that at length the King
of England, as Superior and direct Lord of Scotland, having repellid
all Objections to the contrary, decided, That John Baliol ſhould have
Sealine and Pofeſſion of the Kingdom of Scotland, with all its Appurte- Folm, Raliol
nances, upon Condition. That he ſhould rightly and juftly govern the People of Scotiand.
ſubject to him, that none might have occaſion to complain of Injuſtice, nor
the King of England, as Superior Lord of the Kingdom,to interpoſe his Au-
thority; always reſerving the Right of the King of England and his
Heirs, in ſuch caſes, when he would make uſe of it. On theſe conditional
and ſervile Terms did John Baliol accept of the Oldeſt,the moſt Un-
tainted, I mean, the freeſt from Baftardy, Uſurpation or Conqueſt ;
and as the moſt Abſolute, ſo in all Reſpects the moſt Independent
Crown in the Chriſtian World.
The next Day, which was the 20th of November 1292, he ſwore
Fealty to King Edward at Norham; then went into Scotland, and there,
in Purſuance of the Writs iſſued out by his acknowledgd Lord, and
directed to the ſeveral Caſtellans or Governors of Caſtles, was, on the
Feaſt of St. Andrew, Patron of the Kingdom (a very unfit Day for
the mortifying Show) plac'd on the Royal Throne at Scoon, and
crown'd King. He had not Leiſure to receive the Congratulations
and Submiffions of his Party,(I ſay of his Party (a); for as all ſhould
have done, fo fome, particularly the Bruces, Father, Son, and Grand-
child, together with John Earl of Caithneſs; William Douglas, be.
poſitively refus’d to own him) when he muſt again return to Eng-
land, in order to attend his Liege-Lord, who was pleas’d to keep
his Chriſtmaſs at Newcaſtle
. There on St. Stephen's Day he again
renew'd his Homage, and the Form of it was this. " My Lord
“ Edward King of England and Superior Lord of the Kingdom
of Scot- King Jobs
6. land, I John King of Scotland become your Liege-man, for the
is whole Kingdom of Scotland, with its Appurtenances ; which King- the Crown
dom, I claim and hold, and ought of right to hold for me and to the King
my Heirs Kings of Sotland, hereditarly of you and your Heirs, of England
.
Kings of England; and ſhall bear Faith to you and your Heirs
« Kings of England of Life and Limb and terrene Honour, againſt
40*all Men that may live and die." A Form very different from
trioſe formerly us’d by the Kings of Scotland, when they did Ho-
mage for their Englijh Territories, and ſuch an one as plainly ſhews,
that till then (I except the extorted Homage paid by King William)
they had never done Homage for Scotland, elle,to be ſure, they had
done it in Terms no leſs expreſs than thoſe I have tranſcrib'd.
All theſe Tranſactions ſtill remaining upon Record in the Tower
of London, may (Says Mr. Tyrrel) (b) ſerve as a ſufficient Juſtifi-
“cation of the Sincerity of King Edward's Proceedings in this great
« Affair, and that all Things were tranſacted in the Face of the
6. World, and by the common Conſent of the major part of the
Auditors, ---- and confirm'd by that of the Clergy, Nobility and
Dddddd 2
Com-
does Ho-
mage for
of Scotland
66
16
*26
CC
16!
6-
ܚܬܕ
(aj Foder. Angl, ut lup. p. 604.10) Vol. 3. p. 73,
476
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
ac
CG
66. Commonalty of Scotland ; and therefore Héctor Boethius, and
(6 thoſe other Hiſtorians, are by no means to be credited, who re-
“ late, that the King.us'd Violence to obtain their Votes..-- He
afterwards adds, That he will not juſtify all that the King did in
* the Beginning of this Affair, in ſo ſtrictly infffting upon his ſu-
preme Dominion over all Scotland, which the States of that King-
dom; and the Competitors for the Crown, either could not, or
« durft not then contradict." I wilh Mr. Tyrrel (for whoſe Perſon
and Parts I have a great deal of Reſpect, and to whom I am very
much obligd, for the Detail he has given us of a great many impor-
tant Matters concerning Scotland, all Scots Authors have been igno-
iant of,) I wiſh, I ſay,that he had been a little more conliſtent with
himſelfin the Obſervations he makes upon thoſe Tranſactionsthat have
been controverted by all Scots and Engliſh Writers; and by moſt of
them either ignorantly or maliciouſly miſrepreſented. He is indeed by
far more candid and fair than even thoſe, who, having his Hiſtory
Before their Eyes, while they compos'd their own, are for their
unrelenting Partiality inexcuſable. He does Juſtice to the Scots on
many Occaſions, but he ſeems to do it with Regrate, and in ſome
Meaſure divided between Prejudice and Truth; he often falls into
Obſervations contradictory to Matters of Fact related by himſelf
.
Hence ʼtis, that according to him, the Sincerity of King Edward's
Proceedings is juſtifiable, becauſe he acted in the Face of the World,
yet not juſtifiable in the Beginning, becauſe he ſo ftrictly infifted u-
pon the ſupreme Dominion of an independent Kingdom. And as
gain, thoſe Authors are not to be credited; who fay that he us’d
Violence; yet he owns, that the Competitors and Eſtates of Scotland,
(as he calls them) either could not or durft not contradict, him. And the
Reaſon is plain, he took Advantage of their implacable Diviſions,
cheated them out of their Country, and, having firſt by an arm’d
Force aw'd them into a Submiffion to his unjuſt Commands,continud
to the laſt to purſue the ſame Meaſures, by ſeizing the whole For-
treſſes of Scotland into his Hands, filling the Kingdom with Engliſh
Souldiers, cajolling and bribing ſome of the Nobles into a Surrender
of their Rights, and obliging others, (a). (particularly the Chiftains
of the Highlands, as Alexander of Argyle, Lord of Lorn, and Alex-
ander and Donald of the Iſles) to be anſwerable for the Compliance
and Submiſſion of their reſpective Vaffalş and Countries. If this
was not to uſe Violence, and ifit was not a continu'd Tract of Vio-
lence, that laſted from the Beginning of the Controverſy, till at
leaſt two Months after its Deciſion, when the Engliſh Forces evacua-
ted the Caſtles they had garriſon'd in Scotland, I know not what it
is. Sure I am, no People were ever more jhamefully trick’d, nor
even by Conqueſt more irreſiſtibly commanded.
King Edward might perhaps have preſerv'd his extorted Superio-
rity, had he us'd it with Moderation : For, tho he had to do with
a Nation, whoſe fierce inflexible Spirits had never yet bow'd to..
foreign
(a) Foder, Angl. p. 540,541.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 477
Balio!
foreign Yoke : Yet the King impos'd upon them, by Realon of his
debatable Title to the Crown ; and yet more, becauſe of his eaſy Genealogy
and unprincely Temper, was abundantly fitted, at leaſt, for å gen- of Kingjein
tle Servitude. He was by his Father deſcended (b) of Guy de Baliol, a
Norman Lord, who, in the Reign of William Rufus the Conqueror's
Son, came over to England and was infeoffed of the Barony of Biwel
in Northumberland; for which Lands his Son Bernard de Baliol did
Homage to David I. King of Scotland, then in Poſſeſſion of that
Country; but being, together with Robert Bruce, ſent to that Prince;
who had invaded England, and penetrated as far as the River Teiſe,
to perſwade him to retreat ; and his Overtures of Peace being re.
jected, he renounc'd his Fealty, return’d to the Engliſh Camp, and
ihar'd in the Glory of the Victory obtain'd over the Scots near Nor-
thallertoun : He was alſo one of thoſe that afterwards ſurpriz’d
King William at Alnwick ; and, having very much enlarg’d his Pater-
nal Eſtate in the North of England, is ſaid to have founded the
ſtrong Fortreſs, call’d from his Name Bernard-Caſtle, on the Bank
of the Teiſe. He was ſucceeded by his Son-Euftace ; and he again
by Hugh de Baliol, whoſe eldeſt Son John married Dervegild, the
Daughter of Alan Lord of Galloway, and of Margaret, the eldeſt
Daughter of David Earl of Huntington, in whoſe Right he was ſeiz'd
of Galloway in Scotland, and of Thorkeſcy, Gernemurh and Luddingland
in England ; beſides which; upon the Death of Chriſtian, Counteſs
of Albemarle, Siſter to Dervegild his Wife, he was aflign’d to her
Part of Chriſtian's Inheritance, in the Counties of Northampton and
Lincoln. But if he was great by his Royal Match and vafte Eſtate,
he was- no leſs ſo by his perſonal Merit : He did moft eminent Ser-
vices to both his Sovereigns'; I mean Alexander III. of Scotland, and
Henry 11I. of England : In Obedience to them, he bravely withſtood
the illegal Ordinances and prevailing Power of the Rebellious Barons,
infomuch, that when all the reſt of England; nay, and King Her-
ry himſelf
, was made ſervient to the Arbitrary Uſurpation of the
Earl of Leiceſter ; he, by the Orders of King Alexander, kept the
North fixt in its Allegiance to the captivated Sovereign. This
great Man was the Father of John Baliol the Competitor,who had he
not attain'd to the Kingdom, would have been however one of the
greateſt Subjects in the World ; and he was a Subject to no leſs
than three different Sovereigns ; to the King of Frence for the great Efraces
His private
Eſtate that had been handed down to him by his Norman · Anceſtors
in Normandy; to that of England, upon the Account of the many-Ba-
ronies he ſucceeded to įn that Country; and to the King of Scotland,
by Reaſon of his Lordſhip of Galloway, from whence he was moſt
commonly deſign'd : Happy if he had continu'd in that elevated, tho
private, State ; but 'twas his Misfortune, and that of Scotland that he
came to be King : His Head was not fitted to wear a Crown,nor had
he Hands capable to ſway a Scepter. King Edward, a penetrating
and deſigning Prince, beyond any perhaps at that Time in the
Ееееее
World,
(2) Baronage of Engl. Tom. II. p. 523, 524, &c.
1
478
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
1
و
is
by King
Edward,
World, eafily diſcover'd his foible ; and 'tis probable, that the pre-
ferable Merit he ſaw in him, was, that he had none at all :: I ſay
that this is probable, and I could give parallel Inſtances of the like
Policy, and condeſcend upon Princes, who having Titles lefs juſti-
able than that of "John Baliol,have nevertheleſs by incroaching Force,
and intereſted Fore-caft, been rais'd to Thrones, preciſely becauſe of
their own Demerits and Rival's Worth. Indeed, King Edward pre-
ſum'd ſovery much on the Weakneſs of his Creature King John, that
he ſeem'd to have quite forgotten that he was reputed a King, and
only minded, that he had own’d himſelf a Vaffal. In this Provi-
dence was very juſt ; and may never: a Betrayer of the Rights
and Liberties of his Country, meet with better Uſage at the
Hands of thoſe to whom he betrays them. But King Edward
was not only unjuſt, but outragiouſly ſo ; and his Outrages com-
inenc'd as early as the Reign (if downright Servitude can be ſo cal-
led) of King John. For,
This laſt (d) had no ſooner perform'd his Homage at Newcaſtle
,
in the Manner I have related, but one Roger Bartholomew, a Burgeſs
of Berwick (then own'd a Town within and belonging to Scotland)
A.D. 1293 had the unprecedented Impudénce (no doubt he was purpoſely ſet on
to throw down the leading Card) to offer a Complaint to King Ed.
ward, againſt ſome of the Officers or Judges appointed by King
John, that is,againſt King. Fohn himſelf. He was favourably heard,
and Juſtice was order'd to be done according to the Laws and
Cuſtoms of England; than which, I hope 'twill be own'd, that a
greater Affront could not be put upon the King and Kingdom of
Scotland ; nor could there be any Thing more unjuſt in it felf,than
thus to judge Scotſmen by Engliſh Laws they had never been liable
to, nor acquainted with. Upon this, ſuch of the Prelates and No-
bility of Scotland as were there preſent remonſtrated, in Behalf of
their King, That the King of England had but lately promisd, That
the Laws and Cuſtoms of Scotland ſhould remain intire, and that Pleas
of Things done there, might not be drawn out of it. But in vain, they
were told, both by King Edward himſelf, and Roger Brabanfon, Chief
Juſtice of his Bench; That, if he had made any ſuch tempo-
rary
Promiſes when there was no King in Scotland, he had per-
« form’d them ; that;now they had a King (an admirable Reaſon in-
deed) he was to be bound by no ſuch Obligations ; that his Prote-
« ftations (he Should have ſaid his Salvo's; for we know of no Proteſta-
tion he made) remain'd in Force; that he would admit and hear
"all Complaints whatever, and all other Affairs relative to the
“ Kingdom of Scotland and its Inhabitants, when and were he pleased;
s and that he would uſe and exerciſe his Superiority and direct
« Dominion which he had, and of Right ought to have, over the
" Kingdom of Scotland, as his Progenitors in their Times had (By
“ the by; 'twas never alledg’d by any but þimſelf that any one of them, no,
not even Henry II: to whom King William paid a forod Homage for
Scoto
(Al Tyrrel, Vol
. 3. P. 73, 74, &c, Pryn. Tøm, 3. Po 532,533, &c.
CC
66
66
CC
Book IH. Of the Scots Nation. 479
1
Scotland, ever offer’d to draw Law-ſuits out of Scotland to England
of elſewhere) ſo far as to call the King of Scotland himſelf to appear.
cs before him in his Kingdom of England;”. This was plain Lan-
guage, and he could not be mil-underſtood; yet that none might be
ignorant.of his bare-faç'd Deſign to enllave the Nation; two Days
after a Paper was preſented to King John, importing, That
16. Fohr, King of Scotland, acquitted him King Edward, of all Promiſes,
6c Bargains, Agreements and Obligationis, he had made or enter's
" into, to the Guardians and others of the Kingdom, while, by Rea-
us fon of the Superiority of his Dominion, he held it in his Hands.”
This Releaſe or Acquittance was ſeald with the Seal of that un-
happy Prince, and confirm'd with thoſe of all his Subje&ts about
him: But adds Mr. Tyrrel, whether the Scots did this freely, or becauſe
they durſt not do otherwiſe, is very much to be doubted. "For my part I
fee no Reaſon for doubting at all, and I humbly conceive, they
gave a ſufficient Proof of their Unwillingneſs, when in that place of
the Iſland they dar'd but to petition againſt the thing,
King John was before, this time in no great Efteem with his Sub-
jects at home, a great many of them did not acquieſce in his Title,
ånd all were ſatisfied, or ought to have been ſo that tho his Title
had been indiſputable, he was not their King, while he own’d à
Superior above him: But they were for the moſt Part willing to
bear with him, in hopes that the Title of King, and Poffeffion of
the Kingdom, would inſpire him with Sentiments becoming his Di
gnity; and the rather, becauſe, after all
, 'twas plain, that what he
had hitherto done, wáš the Effect of Compulſion and Force, and
that he could not avoid ſubìnitting in the Manner he did, without
forfeiting, if not his Life, at leaſt his Pretenſions to the Crown's
But now he was on the Throne, yet continu'd à Subjects People
became more variouſly affected towards him, than they had former-
ly been. The braveſt and beſt ſet themſelves to find out Means of
freeing him and themſelves from their Bondage ; while others, ei-
ther out of a Deſign to Affront him into Reſentment, or, as is ordi-
nary, to ingratiate themſelves with the ſuperior Powers, follow'd
the Example, Roger Bartholomew had ſet them, that is, they Appeala
from the Legal Sentences given by their own King, and his Judges
in Scotland, to the King and Parliament of England. That a great
many did ſo; and that they were always incourag’d in, and carrefs’d
for their Inſolence, we learn from ſeveral Places of Mr. Rymer's
Collections: I ſhall inſtance but one.
Macduff, Earl of Fife, thinking himſelf injur'd in a Law-Suit, in
tented at the Inſtance of the Abernethies, the mortal Enemies of his A. D. 1293)
Family, went to England, and complain’d that King Edward having
át Berwick reftord to him the Lands and Tenements in Debate,
King John had notwithſtanding dif-feiz'd him of the ſame, and
caus'dan unjuft Sentence to paſs againt him, to his great Dam-
mage, and in Contempt of the King of England, and Superior
Lord of Scotland. Edward, fond of all
Opportunities of diſplaying
E e e è e ë Ź
19
480
The Martial Atchievements Book III
!
his Grandeur, and manifeſting his Authority over his new Feudata-
ries, fail'd not to lay hold on this: He.iminediately directed his
Writ to the King of Scotland, fummoning him to appear at his
Court, wherever he ſhould be in England, on the Morrow after the
Feaſt of the Holy Trinity, to anſwer to what Macduff had to ſay a-
gainſt him. King John did not at firſt think fit to obey, and was there-
fore commanded anew to appear before King Edward in his Parlia-
ment at Weſtminſter, 15 Days after Michaelmaſs, to anſwer as before.
The Scots ftill divided among themſelves, terrified by the Engliſh
Power, never greater than at that time, and miſerably diſpirited for
Want of that Soul in their King, by which every particular ſhould
have been animated, had not yet concerted Meaſures towards Refi-
fting : For which Reaſon, their un-princely Sovereign, muſt needs
anſwer this laſt Summonds: He did it, and had, at his firft Entrance
into the Parliament, the Honour the Kings of Scotland his Predecef-
ſors, (when they, as Princes of Cumberland, &c. appear'd at the Engliſh
Court,) had ever receiv’d, to fit hard by the King of England, on an e-
qual Elevation above the reſt of the Aſſembly. But when his own Cauſe
came to be try'd, he was neither allow'd Procurators, ſay all the Scots
Hiſtorians, nor permitted to plead in his own Seat, but muſt riſe
and deſcend to the uſual Place of Pleading. A cruel Outrage, e-
ven Baliol could not put up: His Indignation appear’d by the An-
ſwers he made : For he ſaid, That, as he was King of Scotland, be
durft not anſwer to Macduff's Complaint, nor to any thing concerning his
Kingdom, without the Advice of his Subjects. Upon this Macduf de-
inanded Judgment againſt him; and King Edward told himn plainly,
That he was his Liege-Man and Homager, even for the Kingdom of Scot-
land; that, as ſuch he had ſummon’d him thither to anſwer, and that
snuft anſwer accordingly, or ſhemo Cauſe to the contrary. He reply'd as
before: And being told, that he might require another Day, he ſaid,
That he would require none. Had he ſtood to this Reſolution, he had
acted like a King, and re-gain’d both the Love and Efteem of his
Subjects : But then, beſides that he knew not what Violences
might have been done to his Perſon, he muſt needs involve them in
a War, they were not prepar’d for : For 'twas inſtantly determi-
ned, that ſince he had made no Defence, nor would require a Day,
nor ſhew Cauſe why he would not, three of his principal Caſtles
ſhould be feis’d into the Hands of King Edward, till he had given a
full Satisfaction. But before the Sentence was pronounc'd, he ſub-
mitted anew, re-acknowledg’d the Superiority of the King of Eng-
land; and, upon Afſurance given, that he would anſwer at King
Elward's fuf Parliament after Eaſter next, and behave towards
hiin as he ought to do, he was permitted to return and adviſe with
his own Nation. So ſays the publick Inſtrument preſerv'd in the
Tower of London. But to tell the truth, I know not how far each
Particular contain’d in thoſe Inſtruments drawn up by King Edmard's
Notaries ought to be credited. That King Fobn' was advis’d to
make Amnends for his pretended Obſtinacy, and to do it accordingly
:
:
to
Book III Of the Scots Nation. 48 i
mi
to the Form ſet down in the Record; I do not at all doubt: But; if
what an Engliſh Monk of St. Alban's, who livd-at the time- (a); has
left us in Manufcript, be true, I am apt to think, thật lie adlier'd to
what he firſt ſaid, viz. That be durft not Anfower to any thing concera
ning his King dom, nor by. confequenėe take any new Obligations up-
on him, without conſulting his Subjects; and the Reaſon is, be-
caufe; ſays that Author, juſt before he came to that Parliament at
London, the Scottiſh Nobility had chofen 12. Peers to govern in his abſence.
To them it feems he had promis'd to account for his after-Actions :
And therefore not daring to do any thing without their Advice; he
withdrew privately without taking his Leave of the King : Which, conti-
nues he, ſo incens'd King Edward, that be caused äll the Bäliol's E-
ſtate in England, to be fez'd into his Hands. If ſo, King Edward was
a
great Gainer by his Retreat - For 'beſides thoſe ample Poffeflions
King Fohn inherited from the Baliols his Anceſtors; he was alſo as
King of Scotland (6) vetted and ſeiz'd, not only in the Lands of
Penrith, and others in the Northern Counties, amounting to the
200 pound Land, granted by Henry lll. to Alexander II. as an Equi-
valent for his Pretenſions to Northamberland; Cumberland, &c. but
alſo in the Honour of Huntington and Lands of Tyndiale. Whether
,
all theſe were preciſely upon this Occafion loft to the Kings of
Scotland, I ſhall riot determine; 'tis certain, they afterwards were:
Nor were the Scots. Kings henceforth deſirous to be repoffefs’d of an
invidious, tho rich, Vaffaläge, which had adminiſtér’d ſo many
Occafions to Engliſh Writers, of cavilling about; and to their Kings,
of pretending to the Superiority of Scotland it felf. · But to proceed
in the Hiſtory,
Theſe were not the only Injuries done to King John, and indeed
to the whole Scots Nation, in this Parliament : 'Twas further de-
creed, (c)
I. In caſe the King of Scotland, being cited to appear upon any
Account whatever, before his Superior Lord the King of England,
ſhould fail to do it at the time appointed, that he ſhall be bound to
come the next Day, and to purge himſelf of the Crime of Contu-
macy and Difobedience, which if he do not, he ſhall loſe the Cog-
nizance of the Caule in Debate, and be at the Mercy and Diſcre-
tion of his Superior Lord.
II. If upon his Appearance-it fhall be found, that the Complai-
nder, in caſe of an Appeal from him, ſhall be found to have been
prejudg’d by the faid King or the Judge Ordinary under him, thač
the ſaid Complainer ſhall, by Sentence of the Engliſh Court, : ręco-
ver both his Rights and Expenceg, and that the ſaid King fhall, for
his Injufticę, be at the Mercy and Diſcretion of his Superior Lord.
III. That the ſaid Complainer fhall henceforth do the fame Ho.
mage and Services to the Superior Lord for the Lands recover'd; a
faid is, which he was want to do and perform to the King of Scot-
land, ſo that the ſaid King ſhall never afterwards have
Ffffff
rity,
(a) Tyrrel Vol. HI. p. 76.46) Mi: Anderſon's Eflay p. 234; 235. () Pryn's Collect. Tom. Dr. F 55 1;&552
ܝ ܀
1
as
any A’utlio.
482 The Martial Atchievements Book III.
rity, Power or Jurisdiction over the ſaid Complainer, his Perſon;
Lands, Tenements, &c.
IV. That all ſuch as. ſhall bring their Complaints from the Judi-
catories of Scotland to thoſe of England, ſhall, if they defire it, be
allow'd a Guardian, during the Dependence of their Plea, to pro-
tect their Perſons, Families, Lands, Tenements, Revenues, "Gi.
and if any Hurt or Dammage ſhall in the mean time be done to the
faid Guardian, the ſaid King of Scotland and his Heirs, ſhall forfeit
all their Right and Title to the Homáge, Fealty. and Service of the
ſaid Complainers, who henceforth ſhall become and remain the im
mediate Vaffals of the King of England and his Heirs for ever, and
the King of Scotland ſhall be, as in the Caſes before-mention'd, at
the Mercy and Diſcretion of his Superior Lord.
This was certainly a moſt infallible, eaſy and compendious Way
of doing Buſineſs; and at this Rate, 'tis plain, the King of Scotland
was not ſo much a King in his Kingdom, as the meaneſt Baron is,
and ever was in his own Court. Such a piece of Tyranny (for 'tis
impoſſible to make uſe of a ſofter Expreſſion) I believe is no where
to be match'd in Story. 'Tis true that 'twas uſual in thoſe Days
for Kings to ſummon other Kings (if upon any Account their Vaſ-
fals) to appear in Judgment before them; and this King Edward
(who had thus put himſelf in Poffeffion of debafing the facred Chara-
Šter) began by this time to experience in his. Turn. He had large
Territories in France, and was ſtild Duke of Aquitain; as
fuch, Philip, the Fair King of France, ſummond him(a) “ To
appear before him at Paris at a certain Day prefix'd, there to
convertera begge 6 anſwer the Injuries he had done, and the rebellious Practices
" he had purſu'd, with Certification, that whether the King of
England appear'd on the Day appointed or no, he would proceed
to give Sentence, according as the Quality of the Crimes and
66 Exceffes committed ſhould require.” The Occaſion of this
Quarrel is variouſly related by the French and Engliſh ; theſe laft tell
us, that the Inſults done by the Normans to the Merchants of their
Nation, gave Riſe to it, and thoſe, that King Edward pretending
to ſend a Fleet to the Relief of Ptolemais
, at that time beſieg:d by
the Saracens, employ'd it againſt Rochel, which Çity he thought to
have ſurpris'd. This is not at all probable : King Edward had e.
nough to do at Home; he had not yet ſettld the Affairs of Scot-
land to his Mind: And if he made any Attempt upon Rochel, or did
any thing elſe prejudicial to the Subjects of France, he did it only
by way of Repriſal, and made ſo many ſubmiſlive Excuſes for
what was done, and was at ſo much Pains to purchaſe Peace, that
'tis evident, he meant not at this time to engage in a War, which in
all Probability would animate the irritated Scots to a Revolt. But
what he by all means ſought to avoid, King Philip was as earneſtly
deſirous to bring about; and he had all the Reaſon in the World:
For, beſides that by virtue of the old, never broken, tho at no
time
To'sl'ryn's Collect. Tom. III. p.584. Tyrrel. Vol. III. p. 78. Echard, Pere D' Orleans, &c.
War be- 66
France.
66
66
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 483
3
I
time lo neceſſary League with Scotland, he was at leaſt in ſome
Meaſure oblig'd to look to the Welfare and Independency of that
Kingdom ; He thought fit to give an early Check to the growing
Power of a neighbouring Prince, whoſe boundleſs Ambition he very
well knew, nothing but Force could reſtrain : He therefore diſdain-
fully rejected all the moſt fair, plauſible' and ſatisfactory Overtures
King Edward could deviſe towards an Accommodation and upon
his failing to appear (which, to ſay the Truth, he durft not well do)
at the Time appointed, King Philip came to his Parliament of Paris,
or high Court of Juſtice ; and there, fitting upon his Throne; did
himſelf in Perſon, give Sentence againſt King Edward, as contuma-
cious, and adjudg’d all his Territories in France to be ſeiz’d as
forfeited to the Crown. Some time after this, Edward, irritated by
theſe Affronts, renounc'd his Allegiance to the Crown of France;
and refoly'd henceforth to hold the Dukedom of Aquitain, no more
as a ſubject Vaffalage, but as a Conqueſt acquir’d, or, which is the
fame Thing, maintain d by the Sword : But he fail'd in that Project,
and Philip was before-hand with him ; for he had no ſooner giveni
Sentence againſt him, but he ſent the Conſtable de Neſle upon the
Head of a fine Army, to put it in Execution; and that General was
by his own A&ivity, and the ſecret Correſpondence he kept with
thoſe of Bourdeaux, fo ſucceſsful, that in a ſhort Time, he reducd
to the Obedience of his Maſter almoſt all the Province of Guienne:
Edward heard of the French Succefſes with Trouble, but comfor-
ted himſelf upon the Hopes he conceiv'd of a ſpeedy Revenge ; to-
wards which, he took ſuch Meaſures as ſeem'd infallible : Forha:
ving firſt extorted a great deal of Money from the Merchants and
Clergy, he afterwards calld a great Council to meet at London, where
being reſolv'd, that Theſe Countries the King of France had ſeiz’d
by Treachery, hould be recover'd by Force. Great Sums were rais’d,
and the King of Scots (a) as yet, outwardly at leaſt, a dutiful Sub-
ject to his Superior Lord, is ſaid to have been preſent, and to have
granted the Revenue of all his Eſtate of England for three years, to-
wards carrying on the War with France. This ſeems contradictory
to what I have before from Walſingham and other Vouchers re-
lated, concerning his Retreat from the laſt Parliament, and the
conſequential Forfeiture of his Engliſh Eſtate: But this might have
fallen out at another Time ; and be it as it will; 'tis certain that King
Fohn did not yet act as an Independent Sovereign ; and 'tis as true,
that this Year King Edward obtain'd and extorted Subſidies from his
Subjects of all Ranks, ſuitable to his preſent Occaſions : Nor did he
fail of uſing them to Purpoſe, for he levied great Armies, which
were very ſucceſsful, both in quelling an Inſurrection of the op-
preſs’d Well, and in recovering ſome of the loſt Places in Guienne į
and, ſays Pere D' Orleans, (b) bought Alliances capable to terrify
a Nation, leſs accuftom’d'than the French, to refilt" the Efforts of
foreign Confederacies. That form’d by King Edward on this Occa-
Ffffff 2
fion,
A.D. 1295
(a) Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 83.(b) Livre 44. P. 471,
484
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
fiori
; was made up of the Emperor Adolphus of Nafſau, (to whom a
lone he ſent over. 60000 Merks; others write 100000 Pounds) the
Duke of Britany his Nephew, his Son-in-Law the Earl of Bar; the
Duke of Auſtrid, the Earls of Flanders, Savoy, BSc. As for the King
and Kingdom of Scotland, it ſeems he thought himſelf aſſurd' of all
the Affittance they could give him, at leaſt, he flatter'd himſelf fo
far, as to think they would not at once diſobey his Coinmands,
and baulk his Intreaty ::For he made Uſe of both, and on the 29th
of June, he fent from Portfmouth; no leſs than fifteen diſtinct Letters,
but worded much in the ſame Magner; (a) To King John, to Robert
„Bruce Lord of Annandale; to Robert Bruce Earl of Carriet, to Gilbert
de Umfraville Earl of Angus to John Cumin Lord of Badenoch; to Ri.
chard Siward, Willian Feverar, Patrickt Dunbar Farl of March, Donald
Earl of Mar, John Earl of Athole, William Earl of Roſs; Maliſe Earl
of Strathern, Walter Earl of Menteith, Malcolm Earl of Lennox, James
Lord High Steward of Scotland, Galfrid Mombray, William Murray
of Tullibardin, John, Stirling; Patrick Graham, William Sinclair, John
Soules, William Stirling,: Thomas Norban, Thomas Randolph and John
Stewart, all whom he requir'd upon their Allegiance, and intrea-
ted as his Friends to come in Perſon, if poſạbly they could,:(of the
King he only deſir’d that he would ſend his Men). to London, with
their Men, Horſe, and Arnis; and to be ready on the firſt Day of
September next, to go over with him to Francezin: Order to affifthim in
the recovering of his Province of Gaſcony. A little before this to prevent
the ordinary Correſpondence between France and Scotland, (6) he
had laid an Embargo upon all the Ships in Scotland, and ſtrictly pro-
hibited the King to ſuffer any of his Men, Mariners, Ships, Veſſels,
Oc. to go beyond Seas: : But all in vain : The King, and moſt Part
of his Nobility were meditating and concerting Meaſures very diffe-
rent from thoſe he wentiupon: They were far from being inclinable
to break with their ancient Ally : For not long after, (if we may
believe Mr. Pryn, (c)one of the moſt injudiciouſly partial and paſſio-
nate Writers lever perus’d) “ The French King, by his private Sol-
"licitations, Letters and Promiſes, procur'd fobn Baliol, King of
". Scots, with all the Prelates, Nobles and Commonalty (He ſhould
hieve frid Community ; for the Commonalty of Scotland was with this
and all preceeding Tranſactions relative to the State, unconcern’d and
unacquainted) to enter into a moſt perfidious clandeſtine League,
66 and an offenſive and defenſive War with him againſt their Sove-
66 reign Lord---- contrary to their late folemn Oaths and Homages,
« under their refpective Hands and Seals.”> The Truth is, none
of thoſe ungrateful, perfidious, rebellious Kings of Scotland, (d) nor
the perfidious treachéjous Scots,(e) under their Command (lo he is
pleas'd to mif-call them) did thiņk themſelves, nor were they bound
to keep Oaths or to perform Obligations violently extorted,or from
a King, that was ſuch only in Name ; or from Subjects, firſt de-
!
d's
luded,
olan Foeder, Angl
. Toin. 2. p. 64.2, 643,&c. (6) Ibid. p. 636. Tom. 3: :p, 602. (d) Ibid. p.487.() Ibid. p.
( )(. ,
Book III. Of the Scots. Nation. 485
*'
.
ܗܪ
66
66
luded, then compelld into a Surrender of Liberties and Rights,
which being tranſmitted to them from their Independing Anceſtors,
belong’d more to their Pofterity, than to themſelves. This they
confcientiouſly () reprefented (tho, to fay the Truth, they needed
not) to the acknowledgʻd Judge of the like Controverſies in thoſe
Days, Pope Celeſtin; and he, miſinform’d by their falſe Suggeſtions,
(ſays Mr. Echard) by a particular Bull abſolvd them from their Oaths
and Homage. His Succeſſor Boniface VIII. did afterwards the fame
Thing: And how far either of theſe Pontifs; was by falſe Sugge-
ſtions miſinform’d, the Letter of this laſt, when I come to abridge
or tranſcribe it, will let the Reader to know. To return from
whence I have digreſs’d;
The King of France was, no doubt, for his own Intereft, very de-
firous to counter-ballance the Confederacy made againſt him, by a
nother, in Oppoſition to King Edward ; and he had Reaſon to think,
that the Scots, ſtated as they then were, with Reference to England,
could not be ſo far wanting to themſelves, ás to decline his Amity
and Affiſtance if offer'd; yet I no where find that he made the firſt Ad-
vances : But, if we may credit Engliſh Hiſtorians, (b) " The
« Siots were highly diſſatisfied, that the King of England had ina-
poșd a King upon them (I have given a great many more Rear
Sons, beſides this one of their Diſatisfaction) ſome of them did in
“ Tome Meaſure reclaim, others privately murmur'd againſt the
" Thing, and finding that the King they had got, was a ſimple
« and eaſy Man, they deſpis’d his Authority ("I was no wonder, for
« in Reality he had none) and having enter'd into a Combination to-
gether, they ſeiz’d his
: Perſon, (This I believe is falſe, nor do I a.
where elſe read that Violence was %s’d) carried him to the Inland
66 Country, ſhut him up in a ſtrong Caſtle on all Sides, environd
" with Mountains almoſt inacceſſible, and appointed Sởuldiers tą
guard him. This done, a Parliament was called to meet at Scoon,
$ where, in Imitation of the Conſtitution of France, they: ele-
? Eted twelve Peers, four Biſhops (The Ring-leaders of this Rebelli
and Perjury, adds Mr. Pryn (c) in a Parentheſis) four Earls and
« four Barons, by whoſe Advice the King was to govern. They
“ alſo caus’d a common or publick Şeal to be made for the Com-
munity of Scotland, as they were call’d; and the Peers condeſcen-
" ded upon (among whom the Abbot of Melroſs was moſt active)
upon
the King to conſent to their intended Treaſon,
« that is, to lend Amballadors to the King of France, with a Pro-
curatory Power and Letters, to which the King's Séal and that of
" the Community were appended.". The Ambaſſadors were Willi-
4m Riſhop of St. Andrews, (the fame who formerly had been in Fa-
vour with King Edward) Matthew Bithop of Dunkeld, Sir John Soules,
and Sir Ingeran Umfraville
. Theſe Gentlemen, (d) having produc'd
Gggggg
their
(a) Echard, Book II. p. 215:(6) Matth. Weſtminſt. Flor. Hift. p. 398, 399. Hen. Knyghtoni de vent. Angi:
1. 3. c. 2. Tho. Wallingh: Hiſt: Angl.p. 28, 29: Ypödigma Neuftr. p. 81,82. (c) ubi fup. 646. (X) Pryas
Tom. III. p. 602, 603, &c, Foeder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 680,681,695,698.
CC
66
пу
66
CC
on
66
(6
prevail'd
CG
j
480
The Martial Atchievements Book IH.
France and
King Jolin
Baliol.
it was,
i
their Letters of Credence, and plenipotentiary Powers, dated at
Stirling the 5th Jul. 1295, were moſt honourably and kindly re-
A.D. 1265. ceiv'd at the Court of France ; and they were ſo ſucceſsful in their
League bai Negotiation, that on the 23d of O&tober, the Treaty propos’d by
lip King of King John was finally agreed to by King Philip ; and the Import of
1. That Edward, King Fohn's Son, ſhall marry the Daughter
of Charles of Valois Earl of Anjou, the King of France his Brother.
II. That Prince Edward ſhall receive with the ſaid Lady, the Sum
of 25000 Livers de Tournois current Money, and that ſhe ſhall be
aſſign’d to a Dowry of 1500 Pound Sterl. of yearly Rent, of which,
1000 Pounds to be paid out of King John's Lands of Baliol Dampety,
Helicourt, and de Horney in France, and 500 out of thoſe of Lanerk,
Tadiou, Cunningham, Haddington, and the Caftellany of Dundee in
Scotland.
III. That King John and his Succeſſors ſhall, with all their Pow-
er by Sea and Land, be aſſiſting to King Philip and his Succeſſors,
in the Proſecution of the preſent War, againſt the King of England
and his Allies, as well the King of Almaign as others; and that he
ſhall at his own Charges invade England, in Order to make a power-
.ful Diverſion in Favour of France, when ever attack'd by the faid
King of England or his ſaid Allies.
IV. That King John ſhall prevail with the Prelates, Earls, Ba-
rons, Noblemen, and the Communities of all the Cities in Scotland,
- fo fár, as of Right they may, to teſtify their Afſent to this Agree-
ment, by tranſmitting their Letters patents, under their Seals, to
V. That, in like Manner, if the King of England ſhall invade
Scotland, the King of France ſhall make War upon him in other Parts,
by-Way of Diverſion, and if requir’d, ſhall ſend Auxiliary Forces at
his own Charges, till they come thither,
VI. That they ſhall not make Peace on either Side, without the
Conſent of one another.
This League, tho in the Beginning unproſperous, had neverthe-
leſs, as will afterwards appear, great and happy Conſequences, both
for Scotland and France ; and in the Authentick Writs we have con-
cerning it, there are three Things obſervable : For, as King John,
in his Letters to King Philip, begins thus, To the moſt excellent Prince.
his Lord (to be ſure, becauſe of the Lands he held of him in Nor-
mandy) and Friend, if he pleaſes Philip.-- So King Philip, in his An-
ſwer to King John, ftiles him, His special Friend; both which laſt
Expreffions, feem, in my Opinion, to rétroſpect to the Ancient
(but by King John's late Submiſſion to England, in fome Meaſure)
broken League or Friendſhip between the two Nations. But what
puts the Matter out of all Doubt, is the Ratification of this fame
Treaty, made by King John, which plainly narrates their conſtant,
fincere, and inviolable Attachment to one another ; which, to
thew how grating it ever was to the Engliſh, and how bitterly both
the
France.
!
i
1
Book III. Of the Scots. Nation. .
487
.
16
LG
CC
66
the Scots and French have been, upon that Account, inveigh'd againſt
by them, I ſhall here, from Mr. Pryn's Collections, (a) tranſcribe
what Matthew Parker, an Archbiſhop of Canterbury, has been pleas'd
to ſay upon the Head.---
" Neither are the Scots unlike to the
" French, in Cruelty, Perjury and Perfidy; Vices to which, if we
may
credit the Obſervations of Aſtrologers, they are by over-ru-
ling Fate inclind; for their Country lyes under the deceitful
" and changeable Influences of the Scorpion, whoſe Manners are al-
“molt in all - Scotſmen as well as - French conſpicuous, they're
6 Cruel, Proud, Intemperant and Luxurious, Falfe and Cunning ,
W. and never to be bound to Peace, Trucë or Treaties: Befides,
« their Natures are fo fierce and unconquerable, that notwithſtan-
<ding they have often been vanquiſh'd in War, and by their
«. Oaths promisd Subjection to the Engliſh ; yet, contrary to their
« Faith, they always renew their Hoftilities, and chuſe rather to
undergo all the Hazards of Death and War, than to yield to the
“ Domination of any Foreigner whoever. Wherefore, as the
« Aſtrologers believe that Mars is the Lord of Scorpion, over whom
« he preſides, ſo they conclude, bohat by Reaſon of the Conjuncti-
on of theſe Stars, Scotland is ever liable to Devaftations, Burnings,
* and bloody Conflicts
. Tis 'this Conſonancy of moſt: wicked
“ Manners, that always united the French and Scots: For ſuch is
" the Perfidy, Brutality, and Iphumanity of both Nations, that
by them not only the Chriſtiáns, but Barbarians are out-done.”
By what Spirit the good Prelate has been mov’d, when he committed
theſe judicious and healing Obſervations to Paper, I ſhall not enquife:
In my Opinion he deſiġnd a Satyr, but made a Panegyrick on the
invincible Fortitude, and unconquerable Spirits of our Heroick An-
ceſtors, who, if at fometimes they acted like Men, and to preſerve
their Lives and Fortunes, took? Oaths to victorious uſurping Fo-
reigners, they always as Chriſtians repented; made Amends for
their Frailty, and (b) hafted to take off the Scandal, by difów-
ning thoſe illegal and forc d'Obligations, they thought it ſinful to ob-
ſerve. This, Engliſh Authors have call?d Perfidy, Perjury, Rebelli-
on and Treaſon. I heartily with neither they nor we could ever
have been charg’d with thoſe Crimes, all Men'of Conſcience and
Honour inuſt ever deteſt : But were the Queſtion right ſtated, or
were it well underſtood what is meant by theſe odious Expreſſions, I
dare fay, they'll be found as little (I ſhall ſay no worſe) applicable
to the Scots, as to their Neighbours. For my part, l'ever thought,
and, (with fubmiffion to the more accurate Divines and Lawyers)
Gggggg 2
ſtill
(C
—
je
S
(a). Ubi fup. p. 660. (6), Inſtit. Juris edit. Lugd. Bat. 1692. p. 271. ubi quær. An, quando jusjurandum dolo
eft elicitum, vel metu injuſto extortum, jurans obligatur. Reſp. negative. "Seld. 1. 6.c. 16. Puffen. 1.4 C 2.
ubi etiam afferunt p. 272. iidem Authores, ut & Grotius. 1. 2.c. 13. juramentum de re illicita aut naturaliter aut
Divina interdictione vel etiam humana, vel fi impediat május bonum morale, non obligare. Eft contra otfici-
um nonnunquam folvere promiffum, juramentum cuftodire. Ambrof. Si ad peccatum admittendum fides ex-
bibeatur, mirum cft G fides appellatur. Auguft.
>
Præftare fateor pofle me tacitam fidem,
Si fcelere careat: interim fcelus eft fides,
Seneca)
488
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
ftill do, that Perfidy is, to betray under Truſt ſuch as have Right
to exact our Services ; Perjury, to break Oaths we have willingly
and lawfully taken ; Rebellion, to reſiſt or attack our natural and
legal Sovereigns whoever they are ; and Treaſon to attempt any
thing their Laws have declard to be ſuch. But to withdraw one's
Services from Maſters that have no Right to exact them; to dif-
claim Oaths, which, fince both illegal, and either by Force or
Fraud extorted, are in themſelves not at all binding; to defend
one's Country againſt Uſurpers, whether domeſtick or foreign, and
to break through Laws made for the Eſtabliſhment and Support of
Iniquity, I believe juſt, generous, honeſt and great : To be ſhort,
if the Scots were in thoſe Days - Perfidious, they were fo, becauſe ,
they ſubmitted the Rights of their King and Country to the De-
termination of a Judge they ought to have diſtruſted ; if Perjur’d,
becauſe they ſuffer'd Oaths to be impos’d on them, their Conſcien-
ces could not ſuffer them to keep; if Rebellious, becauſe they fought
ſometimes for, and not always againſt King Edward; and if Trai-
tours, for no other Reaſon, but becauſe too obedient to new Laws,
made only to overturn the old. Theſe, and only theſe, were the
Crimes of the Nation at that time; Crimes, which being in ſome
Meaſure neceſſary, were the more excufable, yet never to be par-
don'd, till by their incomparable Valour, and undaunted Reſoluti-
on, they had made a moſt glorious Attonement, and nobly merited
to be by their Enemies miſcall’d Perfidious, Perjur'd, Rebellious,
&c.
How ſoon the League concluded between the Scots and French,
came to be known to King Edward, I cannot tell; but, as before he
dreaded, and endeavour'd to hinder their Correſpondence, ſo now,
it ſeems, he had ſome Notice of it, and was confirm'd in his Sufpi-
cions, when King John (inſtead of appearing at his Parliament;
which ſat down at St. Edmundsbury, on the iith of November, to an-
ſwer for the pretended Injuſtices done to Macduff, and others)
ſent the Abbot of Aberbrothock, not ſo much to excuſe his Abſence,
Baliol quar- as to complain of, and ask Reparation for, a great many Injuries
rels with and Violences done to himſelf and his Subjects of Scotland. King
Edward very well underſtood what was meant by this Procedure,
but, diffembling his Diſſatisfaction, he gave anſwer, that his Af-
fairs call’d him to the North of England, and that he would meet
his Parliament at Newcaſtle upon Tine on the iſt Day of March next:
Thither he deſir'd the King of Scotland to come and anſwer to the
Complaints made againſt him, which if he did, he ſhould give le-
gal Satisfaction for ſuch Injuries, as he could prove to have been
done to his Subjects. He ſet out accordingly for his Journey to
Newcaſtle about the time prefix'd, and ſent Meſſengers before him to
the King of Scots, to give him Notice of the Adjournment of the
Parliament, and to deſire his Alliſtance towards carrying on the War
againſt France: But, as before the Scots had declind giving poſitive
Anfwers to that Demand, ſo now they were aſfür'd of the Succeſs
the King of
England.
0
of
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 489
of their Ambaſſadors in France, and abſolv'd by the Pope of the
unlawful and extorted Fealty they had ſworn to King Edward, they
plainly told, That they would not act againſt. (but as yet conceald
their Reſolution of declaring themſelves for) King Philip., Upon
this the King of England urg'd, that they would at leaſt ly
by, and deſir’d that three Cautionary Caſtles, (a) Berwick, Roxburgh;
and fedburgh; might be put in his Hands while the War fhould
laſt, which when over, he oblig’d himſelf by his Letters of the 8th
of Oktober, to reſtore. But this was alſo refus’d; and the King of
Scotland, to hew that he refolv'd to be no longer ſubſervient to Enga
liſh Authority or Influence, baniſh'd all of that Nation, even the
Ecclefiafticks; out of his Dominions, and would permit none of
them to ſtay, but fuch as took an Oath to aſſiſt him againſt their
own King and Countrymen.
«. This; Says Mr. Tyrreli (b). was
“ fooliſhly contrivd; for how could a fore'd Oath obligę others;
« when the Scots themſelves liad broke their Oath of Fealty to king
6 Edward; on Pretence that it was impos’d upon them againſt their
66: Conſents?”: I'm much of the fame Opinion, and am very apt
to think, that no Government ever was, on can be fecur’d by Ima
poſition of Oaths. All Subje&ts are by the Laws of God and Na-
ture oblig'd to be Loyal, and, as a Man of Honour and Conſcience
will be ſo, whether he has ſworn to it of no ; fo thoſe of no Prin-
ciples, that dare to be Rebels, will dare to be Perjur'd: Where
cfore, fince?tiş plaing, that an unlawful Oath binds no Body; and
lawful ones no ill Man," it follows, that no Body is bound by
Oaths..
King Edward was yét more forward in his warlike Preparations
than King John, and the War he had with France wavo far from
weakning his Forces, that on the contrary, it contributed to
ſtrengthen him : For in order to carry it on; he had rais’d immenie
Sums of Money,and beſides his Land-Forces; which were numerous
and well equipp'd, he had a great Fleet juſt ready to ſail for
ace; but laying that Deſign aſide for the time, which he could
ſafely do; (c)" by Reaſon of a Trụce he had dexterouſly managd
with France, before their Alliance with Scotland was made publick)
he came attended, or, which is all one, followd by all the Power
A.D. 1296.
of England, Ireland and Wales, to Newcaſtle; where (while his Fleet
fail'd forward to Berwick, in order to ſcour the Seas, and inter- tween Ed-
cept the Convoys and Proviſions neceſſary for the Defence of that of England,
important Place) he cited by Proclamation the King of Scots, to and K John
make his perſonal Appearance on the firſt of March. To be fure, he :
did not expect that his Summons would be obey’d; but was a lit-
tle ſurpris’d, upon advice of a double Misfortune that attended his
.firſt Attempts : His Fleet was attack'd and worſted in the Road of
Engliſ
Berwick, by that of Scotland, in thoſe Days not altogether deſtitute Flecet defea
(as by its own Fault it has fince been) of Shipping and Naval Force:(d)
H hh h hh
Francez
War be.
1
ted by the
Scots,
Eigh-
fa) Foeder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 699. (b) Vol. III. p. 92. (c) Pere D' Orleans livre 4. P. 474. (d) Buchan
lib. 8. in vit. Joan. Baliol. Boeth. ibid. Holinthed's Hift. of Scotl. p. 300,
.
490
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
defeated.
Eighteen of the Engliſh Ships were funk, and the reſt put to
Flight. Much about the ſame time (a), one Sir Robert de Ros, Lordi
of the Caſtle of Werk. (enamour'd with a Scots Lady he had a Mind
to marry, and whoſe Abſence he was unable to bear,) to merit his
Miſtreſs's Favour, ingloriouſly deſerted his Maſter, and went over
to the Scots. His Brother Williane gave the King Notice of this
Treachery, and defir'd á ſufficient Force to Garriſon his Caftle:
He was favourably heard, and 1000 Men were detach'd for that.pur-
A Party of poſe; but as they lay at Preftfen on their March to the Place, they
Engliſh allo were, by Sir Robert and ſome Scots under his Command, furpris'.
and cut off.
Theſe Loſſes did not at all diſcourage the reſolute and haughty
King Edward: He had advanc'd too far to retreat, and he had laid
His Meaſures fo well, that 'twas not to be thought he could fail of
Succeſs. He had a cowardly Prince, and a diſcontented Nation to
deal with ; and, inſtead of one Engliſh Gentleman that abandon'd
him, ſeveral Scots Lords, and thoſe the moſt powerful in the Na-
tion, deſerted King Fohn. Scots Authors (b) pofitively affert,that lie
brib'd Robert Bruce the elder and younger, I mean,the Son and Grand-
Son of Robert the Competitor, (før he himſelf died the Year before
(c) and was buried at Gisbourn in Yorkſhire, an Abbey founded by
his Anceſtors) with no leſs than the Hopes of being in the Room
of King John, put in Poffeffion of the Crown they thought they
had Right to. This is the more probable, becauſe 'tis not eaſy to
conjecture, what elſe could have prevaild upon the high ſpirited
Bruces to pardon King Edward the unjuſt Preference (for ſuch they
believ'd it to be) he had given to the Baliol. Sure his known
Partiality in that Matter, muft needs have made a deep Impreffi-
on upon their angry Minds; and the Loſs of a Crown is not to be
digeſted, but by the Recovery of it. This they were promis'd by
King Edward; and for this, thoſe Heroes were hitherto ſo far
froin deſerving the glorious Appellation, that were it not for the
after-Actions of the Son, and ſome Reaſons I ſhall elſewhere menti-
on, I ſhould be tempted to rank them, (as their Aſſociates, Patrick
Dúnbar Earl of March, and Gilbert Umfraville Earl of Angus) among
the number of Traitors. Theſe four, and with them a great many
more of their Faction, came over to King Edward, and ſwore Feal-
ty to him: A pernicious Example almoſt the whole Nation after-
: Robert Brâce wards imitated; inſomuch that Oaths became Modiſh, and few or
none, when at the Victor's Mercy, ſcrupld to ſubſcribe and ſwear to
ſuch Terms of Submiſſion as he pleas’d to dietate.
The Earls of Menteith, Strathern, Athole, and Mar behav'd better
in the Beginning of this calamitous War, ſcarcely any one then
living did ſee an End of. While King Edward kept his Eaſter at the
Caſtle of Wérk, they gather'd an Army of 500 Horſe and 4000
The Scots Foot; march’d'out of Annandale, over the River Salwarth; and ente-
ring Cumberland, deſtroy'd the whole Country from Artereth to Car-
goes over to
King Ed.
pard.
invade Eng-
land.
(a) Tyrrel Vol. III, p. 92, (b)Buchan. &q, ibid. (c) Tyrrel
hile
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
491
1
lile (a): They burnt the Suburbs of that City,and made a vigorous
Effort upon the Town it ſelf; which, while they aſſaulted from
without one of their Spies that had been taken and impriſon’d within,
found Means to break his Chains and to ſet the Priſon on Fire ; nay,
hie came to the Walls of the Town, and cried to the Scots, that, did
they purſue their Advantages with Vigour, they could not fail of
Succefs. Upon this, the Hurry and Confternation of the Beſieg’d.
was incredible: They run tumultuouſly through the Streets, ſome
to the Ports, but more to the Fire, and cry'd aloud, The Town is
taken. Yet it was not taken ; for what Reaſon Authors do not tell :
They ſay in general, that the Women contributed chiefly to its Deli-
verance, by' throwing Stones and ſcalding Water upon the Affailants;
that the Spy was ſeiz’d and hang’d, and that the Fire being extin-
guiſh'd, all the Inhabitants together made a Sally, and beat off the
Enemy,who, probably being either weary'd with Fatigue, or loaden
with Spoil, or apprehenſive of being hem'd in by Detachments
from the Grand Army, thought fit to retreat.
In the mean time, King Edward was on his full March to Scotland
He ſat down before, and ſummon’d the Town and Caſtle of Ber-
King Ed
mick to ſurrender on the 29th of March, which, ſay the Engliſh, he ward takes
foon after took by Storm; by Stratagem, ſay the Scots : The Man- Berwick
ner thus.. King Edward, having been once and again repuls'd by the
numerous Garriſon (for the whole Strength and Flower of Lothian
and Fife had been ſent thither before) drew off his Army, as if he
had meant to raiſe the Siege ; and having provided ſuch Banners and
Enfigns as ſeveral of the Scots Nobility then us’d, and having ap-
pointed all his Souldiers to wear, as the Scots were wont to do, a
Croſs of St. Andre'm above their Harneſs, he return’d on a ſudden,
and ſent before him thoſe of the Bruſſian Faction, who told their
Country-men within the Town, that King John was at'hand, upon
the Head of a brave Army, in Order to effect their Relief. The
Lie was credited, and every one made haſte to go out and meet
their Sovereign; but they had not gone far when a Detachment of
Horſe from the Engliſh Army,that had made a Compaſs, about, ſeiz?don
one of the Ports of the Town, and intercepted their Retreat; while,
at the ſame Time, they were firſt faluted with a Shower of Arrows
from the Grand Army, and then miſerably trod down by the Horſe,
The Foot, where King Edward was in Perſon, follow'd clofe ; and
having enter'd the Town, put all within it to the Sword, Men, Wo-
men and Children, infomuch that ſome Engliſh Writers ſay 15000,
others 9000 Scots were, on that Day (the zoth of March) ſacrific’d
to the Reſentment of their angry King : And Boethius tells us, that
there was ſuch an Effufion of Blood, as, being joyn’d with the low
Water in the Mouth of the River (for the Tide was out at the
Time) ſet ſomė Milns a going, the Water alone could not have
mov’d. How true this is, I do not inquire ; 'tis certain, that the
Hhhhh h 2
Slaugh-
(a) Hegry Knighton, ad AAN.1296. p. 2480.
492
The Martial Atchievements Book III,
K. 7ohn re-
nounces the
Fealty he
had ſworn
(6
to King Ed.
ward.
66
IC
16
ز
C
1
CC
CC
Slaughter was incredibly great, and that not one of the Scots Nation
was ſpar’d.
King John had, before this, been ſufficiently provock'd; but now
irritated to the higheit Degree of Anger and Revenge, he ſent the
Guardian of the Friars Minors of Roxburgh (for ' none but a Church,
man durſt go on the dangerous Errand) to defy King Edward, and
• renounce the Homage he had done to him. The Inſtrument of
Letter the Friar carried and delivered was conceiv'd in theſe
Terms.
“ To the Magnificent Prince Edward, by the Grace of God, King
6. of England, John by the ſame Grące, King of Scotland : Where
as you, and others of your Kingdom, have, purpoſely and know-
ingly, notoriouſly and frequently done, by your violent Power,
“ intolerable Injuries, grievous Contempts, and enormous Damma-
ges to us, and the Liberties of our Kingdom, againſt God and
Juſtice, citing us at your Pleafure, upon every flight Suggeſtion,
"out of our Kingdom, unduely vexing us, ſeizing our Caſtles,
“ Lands and Poffeffions unjuſtly, and, for no Fault of ours, taking
" the Goods of our Subjects, as well. by Sea as by Land, and car-
rying them into your Kingdom ; killing our Merchants, deſtroy-
ing their
Trade, and taking away, and impriſoning our Subjects
.
« For the Reformatiom of which Things, tho we ſent our Meſſen-
gers to you,yet they remain not only unredreſs’d, but there is every
« Bay an Addition of worſe : For now,you are come with a great
4 Army upon our Borders to diſinherit us, and the Inhabitants of our
Kingdom and proceeding forwards, have inhumanely committed
many Slaughters,Burnings and Inſults by Land and Sea. We there-
" fore, unable to bear theſe Injuries, Grievances and Dammages, or
to remain in your Fealty and Homage, extorted by your violent
« Oppreſſion, do hereby return them to you, for our ſelf and all
" the Inhabitants of our Kingdom, as well for the Lands we held of
you in your Kingdom, as for your pretended Government over
This Renunciation was extremely grating to the Engliſh : King
Edward causd it to be recorded for Preſervation ; and thoſe about
him, inſulted and abus’d the Bearer moſt ſcurriloully ; info-
much, that, ſays Buchanan, he had much ado to get Home with his
Life, and ow'd his Safety, more to the Contempt they ſhew'd to his
Perſon than to the Reſpect that was due to his Quality of a Meſſenger,
or Character of a Prieſt. However, he got home, and the Scats
ſeein'd reſolv'd to make good the Defiance he had given. They
prevail'd with the Counteſs of March, not to betray, as Mr. Tyrrel
words it, but to give up, as 'twas her Duty, the Caſtle of Dumbar,
the revolted Earl her Husband had betray'd, or promisd to betray,
to the Engliſh. King Edward ſent a great Part of his Army from
Berwick, in which Town he continu'd with the Remainder, till
its Caſtle alſo ſurrender'd, to reduce that Fortreſs, and to make a
Divers
.
(6
LG
OC
66 us.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
493
Diverſion. The Earl of Caffils and Menteith (a) márch'd on the
eight Day of April, with a conſiderable Body of Men from Fed-
burgh into Northumberland, and at firſt beſiegʻd the Caſtle of Harbottle; The Scores as
but, finding that it was not to be taken in a ſhort Tiine, they de: Englanil.
campd, and marching by Eaſt the Tyne, tàvág’d and waſted all
Cokeſdale and Redeſdale, then burnt the Monaſteries of Henham and
Lanercaft
; with the Nunnery of Lambeſly; and fo retürn'd with a
great Booty to Scotland, through the Forreſt of Nicholay:
Had the Scots continu'd to make War at that Rate; they had rais’d
ſuch Clamours, and ſpread ſuch a Confternation through the
North of England, as had probably recall’d King Edward's Army
to the Defence of his own People, but they were unfor-
tunately bent upon a deciſive Battle; which being loft To
early in the Spring, afforded both Opportunity and Leiſure
to the Victorious Edward, to effect; what he deſign’d, an initire Battle of
Coriqueſt of the divided and diſpirited Nations. The two Ar. Dumbar
mies met near Dumbar, whither King John march'd in Perſon; men English:
with a Deſign to relieve the beſieg’d : But the Beſiegers upon his Apa
proach decamp'd; met him, gave him Battle; gaind the Day, and
killed 10 (Knighton ſays, 20000) of his Men upon the Spot; tho none
of Quality or Note were miſsd, but the Lord'Patrick Graham,a Mari
of Reputation and Parts. The Earls of Menteith and Athole; Boethi-
us ſays of Montroſe, the Lord Roſs, and one and thirty. Baróns fled
from the Field of Battle to the Caſtle of Dumbar; but that Placewas who take
foon brought to ſurrender, whether by the Treachery of its Gover-the Caſtle
nour Richard Sward; or, that it had not Proviſions ſufficient for the
Entertainment of ſo many Men, is uncertain : This we know, all
the Gentry and Nobility within it were us’d with the greateſt Se-
verity imaginable ; but the common Souldiers, to the Number of
300, were(upon their promiffory Oath, not to take up Arms any
more againſt King Edward) by his Orders ſet at Liberty. All there
Diſaſters were owing, ſåy Scots Authors, to the Revolt of the Bruces :
They not only acted above-Board in Conjunction with tlie Invaders,
but had their private Friends every where over the Kingdom, eſpe-
cially at Court, and in the Army; who believing that the only Way
to ſet the Crown upon the Head of the Earl of Carriet, was to ferve
King Edward and to betray King Jobús, "put this laſt and his Coun-
cil upon wrong Meaſures, and when they came to Action, deſerted,
or lay by idle and inglorious Spectators of their own Diſgrace and
Country's Subjection. But Treaſon is ſeldom rewarded, but as it
deſerves; with Scorn and Diſappointment: When,upon the repeated
Overthrows of his Country-men,Robert Bruce,nowſure that King Edo
ward would carry all before him,deſir'd he would pleaſe perform hiš
Promiſe and make him King, he receiv'd this mortifying Anfwer, by Robert Brica
which all his Hopes were defeated:What,faid King Edwaid in French, diſappointed
(the Larìguage he beſt lik’d, and generally us’d) Do you think, that í given hima
have nothing elſe to do, but to conquer Kingdoms for you ? There was the main
I ii iii
fome-
-
(*, Knighton. p. 2479.
494
The Martial Atchievements
Book III.
ſomething in theſe Expreſſions ſo ſeverely cutting, that neither of the
Bruces could ever forget them ; and the Time did come, when the
Younger had the double Pleaſure of ſatiated Revenge and fatisfied
Ambition ; that is, he came to be, by fair and
honourable Means,
what Treaſon could not make him, a King, in Defiance of this fame
King Edward, his Son and Grand-fon. In the mean time, the Earl
was forc'd to diſſemble, and the victorious Monarch went on, com-
manding and conquering wherever he came. The Scots Army not
only fled before him, but disbanded and left the Field : The Caſtle
of Řoxburgh, tħo commanded by the Great Stewart, yielded upon
his Approach : That of Edinburgh held out but eight Days,by Reaſon
that the Water of the Well within it faild on a ſudden; and that of
Stirling made no Defence, being by its Garriſon deſerted. To be ſhort,
ſuch was the Confuſion and Confternation, that ſeiz'd upon the
Minds of all People, that King Edward upon the Head of his Trium-
phing Army, which (by freſh Recruits (a) from Wales and Ireland,
grew every Day more ſtrong, and conſequently more terrifying) had
nothing to do, but to advance and receive the Submiſſions of thoſe
on his Road. The weak and cowardly King John, and the diſpi-
rited few that continu'd to attend him, retir’d immediately upon
the Loſs of the Battle of Dumbaſ, and left all the South and North
(as far as the Country of Angus) open to the prevailing Power, they
had neither Heads nor Hearts to oppoſe. Yet the Nobility and
Gentry were not all cut off, as it appear’d by their frequent Meet-
ing afterwards at Berwick, -and there were ſtill a great many ſtrong.
Holds in the different Parts of the Kingdom, which, had they
been Garriſon'd, might have ſtopt the Enemy's Progreſs, and ſpun
out the Compaign : Beſides, had the fiery Croſs but been ſet about,
as 'twas ordinary in thoſe Days, 'tis not to be ſuppos’d, but that
in leſs than a Fourt-night,the Highlands alone, being as yet in the
Hands of the Government, might have ſent to the Fields an Army
capable, if well.commanded, to diſpute Paſſes, dreſs Ambuſcades,
cut off Parties, fall upon Straglers, intercept Convoys, and by
continually harailing the Grand Army, tho ever ſo numerous, to
give them Work for more than one Summer : At leaſt, they ſhould
have made ſome Attempts of this Kind; and when all Endeavours
had fail’dy the King, had he deſervd to be ſuch, would have lurk'd
in the Mountains, retreated beyond Seas, died, or done any Thing
rather than what he did. He was perſwaded, I know not whether
by his own Fear, or by thoſe about him, to be ſure, as mean Spiri-
ted as himfelf; or, as Boethiusſays, By the fair deluding Pro-
« miſes of King Edward, to come on the 7th of July, to that Prince,
" then at a place call'd Stroxkathrack, without any State, only
mounted upon a little Nag, with a white Rod in his Hand, ac-
cording to the Cuſtom of Surrenderers; and,as was previouſly a-
greed, to implore the Mercy of his Superior Lord, and to re-
nounce the unlawful Confederacies (So he was oblig’d to expreſs him-
ſelf)
(a) Pryn's Collections, Ton. III. p. 647.
06
66
66
06
C6
6.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 495
(G
و
..
Felf) he had made with the King of France in his own Name,
6. and in that of his Son and Subjects, againſt his due Homage, and
" the Fealty he had ſworn to the King of England.” It ſeems he
believ'd that this was all the Attonement to be requir'd of him ;
and that by ſubmitting anew to the Yoke he had ſo unſucceſsfully
endeavour'd to caſt off, he ſhould be continu'd what he was before,
a Vaſſal King. But he was miſtaken, and in my Opinion deſer-
vedly; for three Days after, he was commanded to attend
King Edward at Brechin, where, Death being threatn’d, ſays
Boethius, or a total Surrender of his Crown and Dignity, he
choſe to do the laſt, (What elſe could be expected of his
fervile Mind, ſo long, accuſtom'd to truckle ?) and on the
10th of July (a) made a ſolemn, and, as he was forc'd to call it,
A willing Reſignation of himſelf, his whole Kingdom of Scotland, bis Roy- furren der's
al Dignity, with all Honiages, Rights and Appurtenances thereto belong- himſelf and
ing; as alſo, of all his Lands, Pofeſſions, and Goods moveable and im - domto King
moveable, into the Hands of Anthony Biſhop of Durham, who receiv'd Edward.
them in the Room and Name of King Edward. The Reaſons adduc'd
in the Paper (to which King John ſet his Seal) for this infamous Sur-
render, were,
« Becauſe by evil Counſel and his own Simplicity,he
“ had greatly offended and provok'd his Lord the King of England;
" had ally'd himſelf, contrary to his Faith and Homage, to the
“ King of France; had afliſted the latter by War and otherwiſe,
" defy'd the former, put himſelf out of his Faith and Homage, and
" fent any Army into England, to burn, ſpoil, plunder, kill, and
« commit other Miſchieſs ; fortifying the Kingdom of Scotland,
« King Edward's own Fee or Seigniory, againſt him, putting Garri-
« ſons into the Towns and Caſtles, &c. For all which Tranſgreſſie
ons, his Lord the King of England, having enter'd. Scotland by
66 Force, as of Right he might, as Lord of the Fee, had conquer'd
« and taken it, notwithſtanding all he [King John] could do a-
“ gainſt him.
To this Charter the Great Seal of Scotland was appended,
which, being of no further Uſe, in the Opinion of the Engliſh,
was forthwith broken, and a new Seal contriv'd for the purpoſes
in Hand. As for King John, he was now no more conſider'd as,
nor calld King, at leaſt by King Edward, who ſent him and his Son
Edward, (one of no greater Parts, nor of more generous Performances
than his Father) to the Tower of London, where (notwithſtariding King John
the violent Struggles, and unexampld Efforts made afterwards in Edward, fent
their Favour.) they liv?d at the Diſcretion of the Conqueror, fub- Priſoners to
miſſive to his Pleaſure; and, for ought I can learn, unconcerned, of London. .
and perhaps unacquainted with what was doing either for, or a-
gainſt them. Thoſe about them, when at Brechin, ſubmitted as
they; and King Edward finding in the Low-Country nothing to
withſtand his Power, march'd by eaſy Journeys towards the High-
lands: But when he came to Elgine in Murray, and was inform’dy
liiiii2
that
66
!
a
(a) Prya's Collect. p. 647,
a
i.
496
The Martial Atchievements Book III:
King Ed
land.
the Subinil
fions of the
>
that thoſe Parts were, as all others in the Kingdom, paſſively obedient,
weaked Maler he ſent Detachments of his Men to Garriſon all Caſtles and Fortret
of all Scor- ſes wherever ſituated, and iſſu'd out his Writs commanding all the
Prelates, Earls, Barons, Freeholders, and Communities of Scotland,
to meet him and his Parliament, on a ſet Day in the Month of Aus
guft at Berwick. Thither he return'd himſelf, and, as on the Way
Receives he continu'd to receive the Submiſſions of all Ranks of People, that
either came out of Policy to win his Favour; or were by his Forces
People. brought in to him ſo he faild not to carry along with him all the
Monuments of Liberty and Sovereignty, (thoſe in Writing he was
Maſter of long before, as I have already narrated,) that were any
Carries all where to be found. From the Abbey of Scoon, he took the famous
the old Mo- Marble Chair, lo much valu'd by the ancient Scots; who call'd it
the Nation Fatal, and believ'd their Dominion fix'd where it ſhould be kept.
into England. The no leſs valu'd Croſſes, the'one call’d the Black-Rood of Scotland,
t'other the Croſs-Neytte, he caus'd alſo to be taken away from the
reſpective Monaſteries they were kept in, together, fay Engliſh Au.
thors (a) with the Crown and Scepter, and all the Regalia : Nay,
if we may believe the Scots, he proceeded to the burning of Char-
tularies, the Abrogation of the Laws, altering the Forms of Divine
Service, and tranſporting the moſt learn’d Men to his Univerſity of
Oxford, who probably were entertain’d in the Colledge, calld Baliol
;
from King John's Father who founded it.
Never was any Afembly of the Scots more frequent than that,
which in Obedience to King Edward's Commands attended him at
Berwick : And never did any Set of Men in a Nation make a more
Authentick and folemn Acknowledgment of their Subjection than
they did. Moſt part, Engliſh Authors fay, all the Biſhops, Abbots,
Priors, Parſons, Vicars, Abeſſes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Free-
holders, and Communities of Cities and Burghs, within the King-
dom, did Homage, and ſwore Fealty to King Edward, as to their
lawful and undoubted Sovereign. Their Names were drawn up,
by Andrew, the Publick Notary there preſent, and are ftill to be feen,
in four large Rolls, commonly callid the Ragmans-Roll
, in the
Ragmans- Tower of London: A Roll, by length of Time, become Honourable,
at leaſt to private Families, there being but few Gentlemen in Scot-
land of unqueſtionable Antiquity, but may have the mortifying
Pleaſure to ſee the Sirnames they bear expreſs’d in this Monument
of tireir Country's Diſgrace, ſhall I ſay, or Glory? For, after all,
Scotland is not the only Nation in the World, that has been; by their
own Diviſions, the Want of a Leader, and a prevailing Power, o-
vercome: And I know none ſo ftated, but have ſubmitted and ta-
ken Oaths to the Conqueror. This the Scots did, as the Engliſh had
done to more than one foreign Intruder before them; but 'tis their
peculiar Glory and Honour, that they found Means, tho under all
the Diſadvantages imaginable, to break their Chains; and if they
ſwore, for which indeed ( tho 'tis uſual in the like Caſes)
. I can by
Roll.
و
و
no
(2) Echard Book 11.8.315:
1
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 49.7
no means commend them) yet there was not one among them, but
might have ſaid with the Poet,
Jurata lingua eſt, mente juravi nihil.
Oath taken
66
(C
06
܂܂ ܝܐ
1
They never meant to keep thoſe fore’d Oaths by which they were
not bound; and there were thoſe more refolute and conſcientious
Men among them, (witneſs William Douglas, Wallace, &c.) who
choſe any Puniſhment, Diſgrace, or Extremity, rather than to ſwear.
The Form preſcrib’d to the Jurors was this.... To all thoſe that
4. hall ſee or hear theſe Letters, We----- ſend Greeting Forſo-by the Scots
“ muchas we agree to the Faith and Will of the moſt noble Prince awarded to
our dear Lord Edward, by the Grace of God, King of England, England,
" Lord of Ireland, and Duke of. Aquitain ; We promiſe for us, and
our Heirs, under the Penalty of Life and Fortune, and what-
“ ſoever elſe we can forfeit, that we will affift and ſerve him well,
6 and loyally, againſt all Perſons that may live and die, at all times,
“ when requir'd or ſummon’d by our Lord the King of England or
« his Heirs; and we ſhall not know of any Dammage done to him
or them, but we will hinder it the utmoſt of our Power, and
6 will diſcover it to them: And for the Performance of this, we
« bind us and our Heirs and all our Goods. So help us God and
66 all his Saints.
After this Manner did the Generality of the Scottiſh Nation ſub-
mit and ſwear Allegiance to their Conqueror King Edward I. of Eng-
land; nor is this any more, than Boethius, Buchanan, &c. (a) have,
in expreſs. Terms acknowledg'd, tho, ſays Mr. Tyrrel (6), This
Thews the Partiality of all Scots Hiſtorians, who, I ſuppoſe, (adds he) to
conceal the Perjury of their . Nobility and Gentry, pafs by all theſe grand
Tranſaktions, (indeed they do not; nor could they inlarge upon
them, for want of thoſe Records they had no Acceſs to) without taking
the leaſt Notice of them. As for the Imputation of Perjury, ſo often
charg'd upon the Nation, (and ſo eaſily to be retorted, were it either
prudent or civil to make Compariſons, for the moſt part odious,
and never, or but ſeldom uſeful) I have given my Thoughts con-
cerning it already. It ſeems howeverp that, as the Scots, who took
theſe Oaths, did not think them binding, ſo the King of England,
who impos’d them, did not much rely on fo feeble Aſſurances, as
forc'd and involuntary Engagments of this kind ever were, and ever
will be: For, tho he thought fit (c) to reſtore the Jurors to their
Lands and Tenements in Scotland ; nay, and to grant ſome new Pri-
viledges to the Clergy, whoſe Favour he much courted, but never
could win; yet he judg’d it at the ſame time convenient to ſecure Molt park
the Perſons of all the great Men in his Power, by cauſing them (a) of the Sunda
to be convey'd, as well as their abdicated King, into England, and land fert
forbidding them to repaſs the Trent, under Forfeiture of their
K k k k k k
Heads,
;
ir
}
"*
Pribiners to
England.
(a) ka vit. John. Baliol. (6) Vol. III. p. 98. (c) Prya ubi fup. p, 665,666, (d) Tyrrel ubi fupi
498
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
A. D. 1297:
on what
Terms.
Heads, till the Wạr between him and the King of France ſhould be
ended.
The Names of theſe illuſtrious Captives, too numerous to be
here inſerted, are to be found (at leaſt a great many of them) up-
on Record in Mr. Rymer's Collections (a); nor were they freed from
their reſpective Confinements till the next Year, when they found,
for the moſt part,Engliſh Bail, and oblig’d themſelves,under the ſeverett
Penalties, to ſtay no longer at Home, than was neceſſary to put
Are libera- themſelves in Equipage in order to return and to ſerve King Edward
ted, and up in the Army, he defign'd to employ againſt France. Upon theſe
Terms, the two Fraſers, Simon'and Richard, were liberated at Brem-
bre; John Cumine Earl of Buchan at London; William Biſſet and
Richard Lovel, at Canterbury; and afterwards in different Places of
the Kingdom, John Earl of Athole, John Cumine of Badenoch, David
Graham, John Grant, Alan of Athole, William Mariſhal, William Roſs,
John Monteith, John Inchmartine, fohn. Drummond, Sir William Oli
phant, Sir William Murray, Sir Edmund Ramſay, Sir William Hay,
Michael Scot, &c. How far they kept their Promiſes, or what Re-
gard they had to the Sums of Money their Sureties muſt pay upon
their Account, and they refund, their after-Conduct will ſoon dif-
cover. 'Tis lurpriſing, that King Edward, who had thus enlav'd
their Country, and haraſs’d their Perſons, could truſt them on any
Terms whatever ; and the rather, becauſe even before this Time,
there had appear'd a manifeſt, Tendency to a Revolt in Scotland.
He had committed the Government of it to John Warren Earl of
Surrey and Suſſex, and had made Hugh de Creffingham Treaſurer, and
William Ormesby Chief Juſticiary: But the Air of the Country did
not agree with the firſt, who therefore retir'd to, and reſided in the
North of England; and the two laſt ſhew'd themſelves fo Proud
and Covetous, and withal ſo inexorably ſevere, eſpecially in Fin-
ing and Outlawing the Non-jurors (b), (who, whatever Engliſh Au-
thors do elſewhere tell us, of the univerſal Compliance and Subje-
&tion of the Nation) muſt needs to their eternal Glory have been
The Scots very numerous ; ſince here 'tis own'd, that they became really ſo,
Non-jurors and that by their uniting together, that noble, and(ſince they had
ther, and never ſubmitted) unqueſtionably moſt lawful Reſiſtance commenc'd,
again King by which their own Honours and Conſciences continu'd unſtain’d;
and thoſe of their Kindred and Countrymen were at length freed
from the Shame of Subjection, and Sin of Perjury, they may be
thought to have incurr’d. That Prodigy of Fortitude, Sir William
Wallace, commiſſion'd at firſt by God and Nature (for every free
Man has a Right to remain ſo, in Defiance of Uſurpation, whether
domeſtick or foreign) and afterwards by the joint Conſent and Ele-
&tion of the Nobility and Gentry, aſſembld in Name of the only
Perſon they could yet own as their natural Sovereign, John Baliol,
appear’d on the Head of theſe Worthies ; for fo do all thoſe, eveti
the
Edward:
(2) Feeder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 769, 772, 173, 775, 776, 782, 790. (b) Tho. Walang. Henry Knight)
Pryn p. 730, Tyrrel ubi fup. P. III
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. ,
<
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܂
499
the meaneft of them,by Birth and Fortune, that joyn’d him,deſerve to be
call’d. The Life of this Heroe,as of the moſt noted Patriots that fought
under and with him, I ſhall afterwards write at large, and only
here tell, that upon the Approach of a powerful Engliſh Army,' un-
der the Conduct of the Lord Henry Percy, Nephew to the Governor
the Earl of Surrey, they divided among themſelves ; and ſomie, par.
ticularly Robert Bruce, who, tho among the firft to revolt had their
own Reaſons, which I ſhall afterwards relate, to lay down their
Arms and ſubmit; (a) (as they had done before) at Irvine, upon the
9th of July.
By this Means,King Edward thought himſelf ſecure of all the Per-
ſons of Quality in Scotland,and did not much fear the inferior Gentry
and Populace : He believ'd, that the firſt,being freed from their Con
finements, would, as they promis’d, influence the latter (who gene-
rally depended ſome way or other on them) into Submiſſion; and
that (lince oblig'd to follow him over. into France', with Retinues
ſuitable to the Rank and Fortunes they had in their Country) there
would be few,or none left at home ina Condition todiſturb the Govern,
ment. Beſides he was ſo eagerly bent upon humbling the King of France,
that he would delay no longer his to long intended Expedition:a-
gainſt him. The Conqueft he had made of Scotland made him hope
that he would ſoon retrieve his Loſſes beyond Seas, where King
Philip, in Purſuance of his own Intereſt and his League with the
Scots, had not only poſſeſs?d himſelf, of all, or the greateſt Part of
Gaſcony, but had alſo in a great Meaſure defeated the ſtrong Alli-
ance of foreign Potentates, King Edward had oppoš'd to his Power;
He no ſooner heard, (6) that his Vaſſal the Earl of Flander's
had enter'd into the Alliance, and had projected a Marriage between
the Prince of Wales, (ſo was the apparent Heir of England hence-
forth call’d) and his own Daughter : But, having ſummon'd him;
to appear before him (uponl know not what Appeal) at Paris, he
put him under an Arreft
, and did not liberate him, till he gave up
his Daughter, to be detaind as a Pledge of his good Behaviour
.
The Princeſs was usd as, became her Quality at the French Court,
but ſhe was a captive remote from her Father, promis’d to a great
Prince ſhe could not marry, and had been deſtin'd to wear a Crown,
ſhe could now no more hope for. To be ſhort, lhe died, probably
of Grief, and thereby left her Father at Liberty, to renew his En
gagements with King Edward : He did it accordingly, and never,
ceas'd from preſſing the King of England to come over in Perſon
and to take upon him the Command of the Confederate Army as if
that valt Body had only wanted ſuch a Head as he was, to conquer.
and triumph.
Big with theſe Hopes, bent upon Revenge, and ſwell?d with by.
paft Succeſſes, Edward would needs go to Flanders : : But the former
War againſt Scotland, and the immenſe. Sums he had ſent to the
Confederates beyond Seas, had exhauſted his Coffers, and im-'
K k k k k k 2
po-
(«) Feeder. Angl. ubi. ſup. p.774. (b) Pere D'Orleans, liv. 4. Do 477,
,
500
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
go or
1
3
impoveriſh'd his Subje&ts, eſpecially the Clergy, whom he put out (a)
of his Protection, and ſeiz’d upon their Lay-Fees, were unwilling
to part with their Money towards perpetuating a War; by which
indeed, the Ambition of the Prince might be gratified, and his
Courtiers enrich’d, but the Nation in general could not at all be
benefited. The Laity was much of the ſame Opinion : He com-
manded ſome of them to go to Gaſcony, in Order to make a Diver-
fion there, while he himſelf ſhould go with others to Flanders
;
but they ſtanding upon their pretended Priviledges, refus’d to go a-
ny where without him, which ſo much irritated his high Spi-
rit, thatſpeaking to the Earl of Norfolk the Marſhal, he broke out
into theſe angry Expreſſions, By God, Sir Earl, you ſhall either
bang; and the Earl had the Impudence to reply, By God, Sir King,
I will neither go, nor will I bang : So little Reſpect had the Barons,
tco ſucceſsful in their Attempts againſt their weak Sovereigns, even
for this one, the greateſt perhaps of his Age, when they found him,
as he then was,at a Pinch. He made them ſmart for it afterwards
but in the mean time, carried away by the ſtronger Paſſion, he had to
bear down the Power of France , he confirm’d, or promis’d to con-
firm the Priviledges extorted from his Father and Grand-father,
ask'd Pardon for his illegal Exactions, recommended the Care and
Government of the Kingdom to his Son, and his Son to the Loyalty
and Affection of his Subjects, and ſo paſs'd over to Flanders towards
the End of Auguſt, upon the Head of an Army, conſiſting of 1 15000
Horſe, and 50000 Foot; of which Number,30000 are ſaid to have
been Welſh-men, rais'd, no doubt, on Purpoſe to prevent that (but
lately ſubdu'd and ſtill diffaffected Nation) from revolting in his Ab-
ſence. 'Twas alſo with this View, that he oblig'd ſo many of the
Siots Nobility to attend him : But, as theſe laſt undertook to ſerve
him unwillingly, ſo they perform'd but faintly, or rather not at
K. Edward's all : For the moſt Part of them, how ſoon they got Home, imme-
diately joyn’d Sir William Wallace and his Party, who, notwith-
ftrengthens ſtanding their being deſerted at Irvine, by thoſe of the greateſt Qua-
lity, ſtill continu'd to keep the Fields; and the reſt, who, in
gainſt him. Purſuance of their Promiſes, waited upon him in Flanders, ſery'd
him, ſays Mr. Pryn, (a) A perfidious Scottiſh Trick; he means, that
their prior lawful and equal Engagments with the French prevail'd
over their later (and unfairly extorted Obligations) to King Edward :
For how ſoon an opportunity was offer’d, they deſerted from him
to King Philip, and went for the moſt Part to his Court at
و
abſence in
Flanders
Arms a-
Paris.
Notwithſtanding the Confidence expreſs’d by theſe Gentlemen,
in the Friendſhip of the King of France, and the earneſt Sollicitations
they no doubt made, towards obtaining Succours or Support to
their Fiends in Scotland,yet at this Time they met with no great En-
couragment. King Edward had done no great Feats againſt him ;
on the contrary, he had kept himſelf for the moſt Part ſhut up
with
1.) Echard, Tyrrel, &c. in his Life. Knighton, Pryn. p. 730. (b) p. 733,
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to
$
1
.
repairing the Loſſes the Allies had fuftain d. The Fland reduc'd
tition for the Empire, with
Book Ill. Of the Scots Nation. 501
with the Earl his Ally, within the Gates of Ghent, more employd in
allaying the Heats and Diſcords of the Engliſh and Flemings; than it
, taken Lille, and
moft Part of the Country. They had alfo worſted the, Earl of Bar
in Champaign, and made a Deſcent - even upon Englared, and plun-
derd Dover : Beſides, the Earl of Savoy was win over to a Neụtrali-
ty, and the Duke of Anfiria was not only become neuter, but; which
was worfe, had in a Manner chang’d-Sides, and ſet up a Compe-
Nalau
principal Ally, who, in that Quarrel, loſt a Battle, hiş Life and his
Crown, infomach, that the whole Confederacy was diſlipated, and
dwindld away to nothing. But ftill the Earl of Flanders: was in
Arms, and not be fübdu'da while thus powerfully protected by
King Edward, and he being every Day, by Couriers and Letters
from England, inform’d of the incredible Progreſſes of the Scots Pa-
triots, was, that he might have Leiſure to fùppreſs thém, deſirous
to make Peace, almoſt at any Råte,tho to the after-Prejudice, and
perhaps Ruin of the Earl his Friend. The Diſpoſition of King
Philip was juſt the ſame, with Reference to his Allies the Scots, anél
therefore, by the Mediation of Pope Boniface VIII. a Treaty was ſet
on Foot,and a two Years Trúce agreed to by the two Kings, where
in the Scots Nation was not expręfly comprehended. I do not fęe
'what Excuſe the Frerich can offer for this piece of Ingratitude, or at
leaſt
Overfight : Nor is the Pope to be juſtified, fonce Mediator in
the Treaty, and, as will afterwards appear;ſufficiently inform’d of the
Circumſtances of Affairs and Injuſtice done to the Scots : But both he
and the King of France, endeavourd, tho not with that Vigour that
was neceſſary, to make Amends for their Faụlt.
The Pope did, by ſeveral moft moving, and at the ſame time Pope Benin
moſt flattering Bulls, (particularly thoſe (a) of the 18th of the Ka- face Vill.e.
tends of February, and 6th of the Ides of July following) exhort and Edwardi. SF
preſs King Edward, to deſiſt from the unjuſt War he carried on a regulatorio
gainſt the Scots. He told him, " That he had formerly written to his unjuſt
him upon the ſame Subject; and he always was, and continu?
Pretenſions
« ftill extreamly follicitous of his real Glory and the Salvation of his War agains
s Soul, that 'twas known to the World, by what unjuſt . Means
“ he had ſeiz'd the Kingdom of Scotland into his Hands; that, if he
muſt keep it, Means may perhaps be found out, by which he
“ might do it with Honour and without Sin; For otherwiſe, Added be,
" What will you anſwer in the Day of Judgment ? Or what Ex-
"cuſe can you pretend, when in the Preſence of that tremendous
Judge, who ſearches the moſt ſecret Receffes of the Hearts of
"Men, and who remunerates every one according to his. Works?
He defir'd him; in firie, to beware of ill Counſels, by which, as was
i evident in the preferit Cafe, the Minds of Earthly Powers are ſo
frequently ſeduc'd, and ſo miſerably wrought upon, to perpe.
111111
3
the Scots,
66
trate
(a) Fæder, Angl. Tom. II. p. 803,872.
502 The Martial Atchievements Book III.
66
66
of France
" the moſt ſcandalous. A&tions, and the greateſt of Crimes.", A-
nother . Evidence of the Pope's Sentiments in this Matter, and
confequently of thoſe of all Chriftendom at the Time, may be drawn
from the Bull he wrote (a) on the 15th of the Kalénds of July
, To
the Illuſtrious King of Scotland, (Fohn Baliol, to be ſure, tho a Priſo-
ner in the Tower of London, for there was yet no King of Scotland
" but he) wherein he tells him, " That the Chapter of St. Andrews
had, in the Room of the deecas'd William Fraſer, Biſhop
6 of that See, Canonically elected William Lamberton ; that he had
“ confirm’d the laid Election, and therefore deſires the King to re-
“ceive and favour him.” By this it would ſeem, not only that the
Pope own'd King John, notwithſtanding his Impriſonment and Ab,
dication, but alſo, that that Prince, as inſenſible as he was of Re-
putation and Honour, kept ſtill fome Correſpondences abroad, and
continu'd ſo far as he could to act as King. If ſo, what is confidently affer-
ted by ſome may be true,viz. That Sir William Wallace was by hiş
Commiſſion, as well as the Election of the Community of Scotland,
Philip King Inade Regent or Guardian of the Kingdom under him. The King
of France was no leſs forward to free the yet acknowledg’d King
owns the and Kingdom of Scotland from Subjection, than the Pope (b). His
arms againſt. Ambaffadors, the one a Friar of the Order of St. Dominick, t’other of
his Allies, the Order of St. Francis, on the laft of March this ſame Year 1298,
and does fe immediately upon the Concluſion of the Truce I have mention’d,
in their Fa--defir'd that it might be underſtood, fo as to comprehend the King,
Prelates, Princes, Barons, Knights, and generally
, all the Inhabi-
tants of Scotland, becauſe Allies, and known to be ſuch of the King
their Mafter ; and that, in Purſuance of the fame Truce, the King
of Scotland and all his Subjects, Priſoners in England, might be ſet
at Liberty, upon the Terms agreed to. King Edward replyd,
« That the Propofition was to him new and ſtrange: That he had
purpoſely nam'd his Allies in the Treaty, to obviate after-De-
o bates ; but that the King of France had" on Purpoſe omitted
to name the Scots in particular, that he might afterwards bring
.."
« tliem in, under the Notion of Allies in general, foreſeeing, that
" he would never have admitted or own d' them as ſuch,
“ had the Overture been made in exprefs Terms : That, in Effect,
" they could not be conſider'd as Allies of France, fince, before the
“ War commenc’d,they had done Homage, and ſworn Fealty to him,
as to their direct and ſuperior Lord.: That had it been otherwiſe,
yet before this laſt Truce was agreed to, they had diſown'd and
rcs abjur'd the French Alliance, and conſequently could at this Time
pretend to no Renefit by it : That no King nor Kingdom could
6 be comprehended within the general Terms of a Treaty; and that
" this was ſo true, that the King of France himſelf had nam'd all
his other Allies, thọ of inferior Dignity : A proof
, that he himſelf
,
at that Time, meant not to comprehend the Scots, elſe why did
66 he not name them ?
Το
vour.
66
66
66
CC
(a) Fæder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 816. (6 Recueil des Guerres & Traitez d'entre les Roys de France & d’Angle-
terre par Jean du Tillet Pronotaire & Secr'aire du Roy, Imprim. a Paris 1606. Tom. II. p. 188.
Book HI. Of the Scots Nation: 5.03
LC
1
Cla
in
To all which the King of France (at leaſt: his Ambaſſadors in his
Name, fent afterwards on purpoſe to Scopland, where they found
King Edward with his Army before Edinburgh) mate Anfieri
6 That the Treaty of Alliance between France and Scotland was to
6 be ſeen in Writing : That it had been made by Ambaffadors com,
6 million d for that Purpoſe, and afterwards ratified by the King
" and States of Scotland : That if the Scot's did abjure and renounce
it, they did it when made Priſoners by: King Edward; and by
« Conſequence their. Renunciation was forc'd and invalid: Thit
" the Earls of Flanders and Bar were Vaffals of, and had done
* Homage to King Philip, yet were comprehended in the Truce;
6. confequently that were it true, that Homage had been done by
« the Scots to King Edward, they alſo ought to be.coinprehended
" That 'twas not at all neceffary to mention the King or Kingdom of
« Scotland in expreſs Terms; lince, in ſuch amicable -Treaties; the
“ general. Clauſe ought to be favourably interpreted; and the ra
"ther becauſe 'twas poſitively faid, That the Truce was to extend
s from Kingdoms to Kingdoms, and from Perſons to Perſons, of
c whatever Quality, or Rank they might be : That the King of
2. Norway and ſeveral other Princes, the Aflies of France, were 110
more mention' in the Treaty, than the King of Scotland, yet
were underſtood to be comprehended in it: i'liat ?twas an odd
er way of Reaſoning in King Edisard to difown Föhn Baliohs being
56 King of Scotland, and at the fame time to pretend, that he 'ought
to be excluded from the Benefit of the Truce, upon the Score
of his Dignity Royal : And in fine, that if there were Perſons of
« leffer Quality than he, mention’d in the Treaty, there were d.
" thers, equal to, or above him (Witneſs the Emperor) that were
nam'd in the foriner, Truce.” He meant that, ûnder the Favour
of which King Edward had firſt attack'd and worſted the
Sots.
In this Manner did the Pope and King of France endeavour to
compoſe Matters between the Britiſh Statęs, while King Edward,
deaf to the Exhortations of his ſpiritual Father, and aſſur’d, it
ſeeins, that King Philip either would not, or durft not, (for Rea-
ſons too foreign to my Purpoſe) defend his Allies, otherwile than by
the ſmooth but uſeleſs Way of Negotiation, exerted all the Vigour of
his inighty Power to aſcertain his eaſy Conqueſt: But he now found
that he had no more to do with intereſted Competitors, or a ſlaviſh
King : The Face of Affairs was alterd; and thoſe very Men; that
had hitherto ſeem'd born for Servitude, were on a ſudden become
ſo many Heroes : One private Gentleman, Sir William Wallace, had
diffus’d his unequald Courage through the whole Nation : Únder
his Conduct, thouſands had been vanquiſh'd by hundreds, and re-
Sućčetion
gular Armies had been overthrown by a few raw undiſciplin’d Men. the Loya
They had courted all Opportunities of Fighting, and never fought
but with Advantage : Garriſons, Caſtles and Cities had fallen up-
on their Approach : All the Engliſhmen in the Kingdom, their
111111.2
Wivesy
.6
66
Scors,
504
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
Battle of
Falkirk
Y
Wives, Children and Abettors had been driven to Death, Flight
or Silence ; England it felf had been invaded, receiv'd Injuries re
paid with Ufury, and the Scots in their Turn enrich'd with the
Spoils of their Enemy's Country. They were but too Succeſsful,
and their Vi&tories were like to have prov'd their Bane: For the
Nobility and great Men, who in the Beginning were content that
Sir Wiliam Wallace, or any Body that had the Courage to under-
take it, ſhould Command in Chief, and attempt, what, it ſeems
they themſelves durſt not do, to break their Chains ; 'but now
he had done it, they envy'd his Glory, and would no longer obey
one, they thought their higher Birth and numerous Vaſſalages and
Clans intiti'd them to Command, Hence Diviſions, and Parties a:
roſe among them, and ſeverals falling off, or lying by, (nay there
were thoſe who openly adher'd to the Engliſh) they became an ea-
fy Prey to King Edward, who on the 2nd of July, routed their
Forces at Falkirk, and, fay Engliſh Authors, vad probably made a
ſecond Conqueſt of the Kingdom, bụt for the want of Proviſions ;
for the Country was intirely waſted, and his Fleet did not arrive as
he expected.
The Conſequence of this Battle was as unlucky as the Battle it
felf: For Sir William Wallace, under whoſe Conduct the Scots, if uni-
ted among themſelves, had been unconquerable, laid down his
Command, yet ſtill kept up a Párty of brave Men, who would
never part with him, nor ceaſe doing all the Miſchief they could
(and they did a great deal) both to the Engliſh, and ſuch Scots as
were acted by Engliſh Influence. Neither did the Generality of the
Nation ſubmit on this Occafion, as they had done before : On the
contrary, they reſolv'd upon Death or Liberty, modelld themſel-
ves into a regular Government, and made Sir John Cumine,firnáin’d the
Sir John Cu- Red, Lord of Badenoch, their Governour,a Man of a great Eſtate, high
mine youn. Birth, and, tho not a Heroe like Sir William Wallace, yet a good
soch, in Con Officer, and a brave Man. To him were adjoin'd then, or not
long afterwards, as appears by their Letter (a). to King Edward,
orhers made Wiliam Lamberton Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and Robert Bruce Earl of
Guardian of Carrick. The Scots under their Conduct, took Heart (b), and once
the Room of more drove the Engliſh out of all their Towns and Caſtles, except
thoſe of Roxburgh, Berwick and Stirling:
As this laſt Struggle muſt be very Honourable to the Scots, ſo it
was of great Uſe to thofe of the Engliſl, who, in Purſuance of the
Grants of King Edward's Father and Grand-father, fet up for the
Priviledges of the Nation: Theſe King Edward had never confirm’d,
but when ftraitn’d for want of Men and Money to carry on his
ambitious Projects againſt his Neighbours'; and that he might,
when rid of theſe Wars, break in upon them with Safety, he ad-
ded the Clauſe, Salvo jure Corona noftræ. Of this the Barons had of-
ten complain'd; and now ſince he again ſtood in need of their Afli-
junction
with ſome
Sir William
Wallace
ſtance,
(a) Fæder. Angl. p. 839. (b) Tyrrel. Vol. IIl. p. 133;
Book II. Of the Scots Nation. 505
-
ftance, he found himſelf neceſſitated to perform, (1) as he did at a
Parliament held"after Eaſter, what he had promis'd before his laft
Expedition into Scotland ; that is, he confirm'd the Charters, and
left out his favourite Claufe, thereby depriving himſelf and his
Succeffors
, of what he conceivt to be the juſt Prerogative of the
Engliſh Crown, to purſue an unjuft War againft Scotland, the Event
of which was at beſt but uncertain. He had the Year before (b)
on the 26th of September iffu'd out his Writs to the Barons of Eng-
lànd, commanding them, with their Arms, Horſe and Men, to
meet him at Carlite on the Vigil of Pentecoft, in order to reſtrain the
Malice and Diſobedience of the Scots, to rèpoffefs his Faithful Subjects of
1!te Lands he had, ormight yet give them in Scotland, and to eh what
elſe God bould dire&t., But upon Advice that the Pope's Nuncio was
on his Road to Moriftfeuille irr Picardy, to determine all Differences
between him and the King of France, he put off his intended Expe-
dition againſt Södtlan:", from May to Augüft, and afterwards from
thence to November. What occaſion d theſe Delays was this.
As the Pope was infinitely defirous to have the Honour of eſta-
bliſhing a ſolid and laſting Peace, between the two moſt flourifhing
Kingdoms in Chriſtendom, France and England; f) both he, and
the King of France, thought themſelves in Honour and Conſcience
oblig'd not altogether to abandon the Perſon of John Baliol, and the.
Intereſt of Scotland: Wherefore a ſort of a Peace was agreed to at
Monſtréu¡lle in the Month of June ; (c) and in Purſuance of it, the
Lady Margaret, Sliter to the King of France, was conducted to
England, and married to King Edward, and King fohm was releas! King 7034
from his Confinement, and deliver'd to the Biſhop of Vicenza the balio freed
Pope's Nuncio, upon Condition, that the Pope (d) might direct
priſonment
and order' what he pleas'd concerning his Perſon, and the Eſtate he in England
had in England, faving, to King Edward and his Heirs, their Title
to the Kingdom of Scotland, its Inhabitants, Appurtenances, &c.
The Reaſon given for this Silvo, was becauſe he, John Baliol, (fct
King Edward would not give him the Title of King) had commit-
ted many inhumane Trefpafles and Treaſons againſt his fovereign
Lord, contrary to his Homage and Fealty, and afterwards had ab-
dicated and renounc'd all the Right and Title he ever had to the
Kingdom: He might have added, that but the Year before, he had
declar'd by a Writing under his Hand and Seal (and what is it one
of his daftardly Temper would not, when a. Priſoner, and in con-
tinual Apprehenfions of Death, be perfwaded to declare?) that
(e) wheil upon the Throne, he had found fuch Malice, Fraud,
Treaſon and Deceit in the Scots, who defign'd to have made away
with him by Poiſon, that he would never have any more to do
with them, nor would he reign over ſuch a People. If King John
faid fo voluntarly of his own accord, and without the Privity of King Ed-
ward, as is riđiculouſly pretended, he was not only the moft weak,
M m m m m m
but
from his im:
(a) Ecbard Book II. p. 318. (b) Foeder. Angel. p. 840. (c) Recueil des traic. d' entre les Roys,p. 190. (d)
Fæder. Angl
. Tom. II. p. 840, 847, &c. (e) Pryn Vol. III, p. 665. Tyrrel; Brady,&c.
500
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
!
the Guardi-
ans of Scot.
Edward,
but the moſt ungrateful Man in the World. To ſpeak properly, he
had never been King, becauſe, as ſuch, he own’d himſelf
a Vaffai; yet
the Scots had receiv’d him, and done what they could to make him,
by freeing him from Subjection, a King in earneſt. He and they
were defeated in the Attempt, probably by his Fault: Upon this, he
had been trick'd into a Meeting with King Edward, when he ſhould
by all Means have kept out of the way, and either died or pre-
ferv’d himſelf free, till a more favourable Opportunity ſhould offer.
He had certainly found it in the Courage and Loyalty of his Sub-
jects, who (tho he had proceeded to make a baſe Surrender of him-
felf and them, and was actually a Priſoner in the Tower of London,) yet
ſtood up for him, and acted in his Name, all thoſe thingą their Po-
ſterity muſt needs be proud of, while their Pofterity Thall laſt.
The Relaxation of, and Freedom, granted to King Fohn, did not
in the leaſt alter or influence the Affairs of Scotland, or Buſineſs
the War. It would ſeem indeed that the King of France did ftill
infiſt upon the Scots being, as his Allies, comprehended in the
Truce : For I find, that the Guardians of Scotland, William Biſhop
Letters of of St. Andrew's, Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, and John Cumine the
younger,
did this Year on the 13th of November, write a Letter (a)
land to King to King Edward, to whom they wiſh Health, and the Spirit of Chari-
ty towards his Neighbours, intimating, that by Letters both from the
ever illuſtrious Philip King of France, and from John Duke of Brita-
ny, his Ambaſſador in England at the time, they are inform’d, That
he (King Edward) had condeſcended to a Cefation of Arms for
ſome time, and that, if he pleaſes to let them know fo much by
Letters under his own Hand and Seal, they are on their , Part wil-
ling to forbear Hoftilities till the Truce ſhall expire. But King
Edward had not, it ſeems, that Spirit of Meekneſs and Charity
they wilh'd him; He was ſo far from returning a favourable Anſwer
to their Letter, that on the 11th of the fame Month (b), he held
a Parliament át York, to adviſe how he might beſt carry on the
Scottiſh War; and, how ſoon it was broken up, march'd with his
Army to Berwick, and deſign’d to have penetrated into the very
Bowels of Scotland, in Order to relieve the Caſtle of Stirling, then be-
ſieg'd by the Scots. But this was not practicable, or, becauſe of the
Seaton too far advanc'd. for ſuch an Attempt, or by Reaſon of the
Caſtle of Diſcontents of the Nobility about him, who found Fault that their
ken by the darling Charters, thọ confirm'd by him, yet were not obſerv’d.
He therefore alter'd his Reſolution, and ſent his Warrant to the
beſieged, to ſurrender the Fortreſs they could no longer keep, up-
on Condition that their Lives and Limbs ſhould be ſafe.
Thus it appears, that the mighty King Edward was not always,
menar de la fun a Succeſsful, even when he acted in Perſon againſt the Scots. All he
gainſt the did on this Occaſion, was to keep his Chriſtmaſs, and paſs moſt part
She i paffes of the Winter at Berwick, one of their Towns; from whence, after
at Berwick. having committed the Government of what he yet poſſeſs’d in Scot-
land.
(a) Fæder, Angl. Tom. II. p:859. (b) Tyrrel ubi ſup. p. 136,
Scots.
King Ed.
.'-
Book III Of the Scots Nation. 507
Invades Scou.
A Parley be-
land, to John de St. John, and others joind im Commiſſion with him;
he return’d into England about Candlemafs andy in order to get Mo-
ney from his Subjects, towards purſuing his ua-relenting Deligns,
reſtor'd the City of London to their Liberties: after he had kept
them twelve Years
, in his Hands, and again fenew'd the Confirmati-
on of the Grand-Charter that of the Forreſts and the Statute of Wina
cheſter. So evidently have the Engliſh, ever ſince the Conqueft,
been oblig'd to the Courage of the Scots, for the ſo much valued
Aſcendant they got over their Kings.
A. D. 1300
When he had, by all the Conceſſions he could well grant, (and he
was far from granting them willingly) compos'd the Spirits, and
gain'd the Wills of his much haraſs’d and diſcontented People (who laud next
gain'd nothing but Blows by the War) into his Meaſures, he thought Summer
.
fit to open the Campaign; and about the Beginning of July, he
came in View of the Scots Army, which, being by much out-num-
ber'd by the Engliſh, wiſely retreated: And King Edward, by this
Means Maſter of the Fields, eaſily reduc'd the Caſtles of Lochmabane
and Carlaverock in Annandale,then march’d into Galloway, where firſt thre tween King
Biſhop of that Dioceſs, and afterwards the Earl of Buchan and the Lord Edward ).
Cumine of Badenoch, came and treated with him about a Peace. But, the Scots Nos
bllity.
fays Mr. Tyrrel, (a). Their Demands were unreaſonable. They requir’d,
that he would permit John Baliol and his Son to reign over theingand
reſtore them to their own Eſtates, which he had already beſtow'd
on diverſe Engliſh Noblemen ; adding withall, that if he would not
agree to this, that fe would find, ere long, what Opinion the See
of Rome had of his unjuſt Proceedings, and requeſted, that at leaſt
he would ſuffer them to live in Peace for ſome ſhort Time, till
they had taken Counſel of the King and Peers of France. Upon which
(adds Mr. Échard) (b) the King, with a diſdainful Smile, anſwers,
Have you done Homage to me, as the direct Lord of your Kingdom, and
believe that I can be terrified with Pretences? As if I like one who has no
Power to compel, would tamely give up my undoubted Right? Let me hear
110 more of this
, for if I do, I ſwear by all that's facred, I will deſtroy all
Scotland from one Sea to the other. On the other Side, the Scots
are own'd to have fearleſly reply'd, That they would ſpend the leaſt Drop
of their Blood, for the Defence of Juſtice and the Liberty of their Country
.
After this ineffectual Interview, King Edward march'd forward to the
River Suyney; and here again the Scots Army appear’d on the other
Side of it, with a Deſign, as it ſeems to diſpute his Paffage. Some
Archers were detach'd with Orders to try their Reſolutions; but
they retreated fo fpeedily, that the King fearing ſome Ambuſh, ſeàt
over the Earl of Warren to recall his Men : But they imagining that
the Earl' had come to ſupport them, renew'd the Charge, and
during their Engagement another Part of the Engliſh Army likewiſe
paſs’d the River, and were follow'd by Prince Edward' with his
Ihining Battalion, and the King his Father (now the Danger of an
Ambuſh was over) order'd a Charge to be founded, and pals’d the
M m m m m m 2
River
2.
!
.
.
() Ubi fup. p. 139.(6) Ubi fup. p. 218.
܃ ܃ ܂
508
Book III
The Martial Atchievements
Edward I.
gets over a
River in
Scots.
Takes the treated.
River himſelf with the reſt of his Forces
. Upon this the Scots fied;
and that Day, in Wallangham's Opinion (upon which I beg Pardoni
fight of the if I don't entirely rely) had been irrecoverably fatal to the Scottiſh
Name and Nation, if the Engliſh had been able to have follow'd them,
arm'd as they were, over their Bogs, Moraſses' and Mountains, or,
if the Welſh had done their Duty, and by their Skill ſupply'd that
Defect. The truth iszi King Edward gain'd a Paſs, that is, in the
Language ufd by Englifhe Writers, An undiſputed Victory. However,
Such à Victory as it was, it had this Effect, that it enablid the in-
defatigable Edward to advance into the Country, and lay Siege to
the Caſtle of Stirling, which, notwithſtanding all his Forces could
do affifted by their various Engines,weatid with infinite Labour and
Charge, held out full three Months : Nor did the Governor William
Oliphant offer to capitulate, till he was forc’d to it for want of Vi-
Etuals. And others tell us, that: King Edward caus’d two Pair of
large Gallows to be erected before the Place, and that he comman-
ded Proclamation to be made within the hearing of the Garriſon,
that, if they did not yield by a certain Day, they ſhould all be
hang'd without Mercy. They did yield before the Time prefix’d,
and tho upon advantăgeous Terms, yet 'tís own'd they were mal
King Edward was,no doubt, inclinable to improve his Succeſſes :
But the Seaſon was far ſpent, and his Army weakn’d by Deaths, Fa-
tigue, Loſs of their Horſes and want of Money (a Proof that Scotland
is not to be over-run, by any Power whatever in one Compaign, if
England. they are but willing to refift) was oblig’d to return to their Winter
Quarters ; and the rather becauſe, on the 25th of Auguſt, when the
King was at Dinner in his Camp,near an Abbay, Engliſh Records cail
Jazquer, the Arch-biſhop of Canterbury, by a ſpecial Mandate from
the Pope, arriv’d, after he had ſurmounted inconceivable Difficulties
on his Road, and preſented to himn a Monitory Bull, which, becauſe
’tis fo very home, and ſo pat to the Purpoſe, I ſhall abridge.
He tells him, (a) "That the Kingdom of Scoiland never was,nor
Boniface to « is a Fee of England: That this both himſelf and his Father Hen-
ry III. had own’d; his Father, becauſe by his Letters Patents he
teftifed, that he had receiv’d Auxiliary Troops from his Son-in-
“ Law, Alexander III. King of Scotland, not as an Aſſiſtance any Way
“ due to him, but as a ſpecial Favour; himſelf, becauſe when he
“ intreated the fame King Alexander to be preſent at his Coronati-
on, he declar'd alſo by his Letters, that he ask'd it as a ſpecial
« Favour, to which King Alexander was noways oblig'd : That
" when the King of the Scots did the uſual Homage to him for
« his Engliſh Poffeffions of Tyndale and Penrith, he publickly pro-
teſted, that'as King of Scotland he was independent, and that he
“ held his Crown of God alone, to which King Edward himſelf did
agree : That when Alexander died, leaving only a Grand-child
“ behind him, as Heireſs of the Crown., King Edward did ſollicite
Caſtle of
Stirling.
Returns to
Monitory
Bull of Pope
concerning 66
Scotland.
(6
CC
CG
a
() Foeder: Angl. Tom. II. p. 859.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
509
16
46
1
il
a Marriage between her and his own Son Prince Edward by all
« Methods imaginable, whereas had he been Liege-Lord of Scotland,
" he had had the Wardſhip of the young Lady, and might have
“ given her in Marriage to whom he pleas'd: Bur that, on the
contrary, there were Guardians of the Kingdom at that Time,
“ tho not appointed, yet own’dby him;that with theſe Guardians, the
of Nobility of Scotland had choſen, he had created concerning the
" Marriage : That, by the Contract agreed to, 'twas exprelly pro-
* vided, that if there happend to be no Children of that Marriage,
" the Kingdom of Scotland ſhould return to the next Heirs, free and
« independent as it had ever been ; and that, if Children were
procreated, yet that Scotland ſhould remain feparate and diftinct
« from England, ſhould retain the Name and Dignity of a Kingdom
" as before, and be govern'd by its own Lawey have its own Officers
" of State, and its independent and free Parliaments ; and that no
“ Cauſes concerning Scots Affairs; ſhould be decided but within the
“ Bounds of Scotland, nor none of its Inhabitants be oblig'd to go
16 elſewhere for Judgment. That the Queen of Scots being dead, and
" the Controverſy ariſing among the Nobility about the Succeffion;
" the greateſt Part were willing that the King of England ſhould
« be Arbitrator; and accordingly invited him to the Borders, whiá
"ther he came with an Army to ſupport his Faction; but that they
« would not go over the Limits of their own Country, nor
appear
66 in his Preſence, till be firſt afſur’d them by his Letters Patents,
« that they were not requir’d to do the fame, as being a Duty,
“ but out of a ſpecial Favour and that the Liberties of the Kingdom
« ſhould ſuffer no Prejudice thereby, nor ſhould their Compliance
“ be a Precedent for after Times : That,notwithſtanding theſe Se-
« curities, fome Innovations had afterwards been made and aſſented
to, by one in whoſe Favour he had pronounced an unjuſt Sen-
tence; yet all theſe things were extorted by Violence and Fear,
" which may befall a conſtant Man, and therefore ought not to
แ
« ſubſiſt in Law,nor to redound to the Prejudice of the Kingdom
" That when Legates were ſent into England, by the Apoftolick
“ See, to exerciſe their Functions, they could not upon that Pre-
text proceed to do the ſame in Scotland, neither was ever a Legate
6 admitted, or ought to be admitted into that Kingdom, unleſs
" he brought ſpecial Letters from the Pope to the King of Scotland;
“ which had been needleſs, if Scotland had been a Fee of England,
or the King of Scots ſubject to the King of England : That the
“ Church of Scotland had ever been, asthe Kingdom, independent
on any but the See of Rome, and that when the Arch-biſhop of
“ York had, had in his Predeceſſor's Timepretended to a Superiority
over the Clergy of Scotland, he could produce nothing to make
good his Plea, but a Letter from ſome Scots Biſhops, who had
paſs’d this Compliment upon him, Remember that we are yours. In
“ fine, he abſolutely condemns the Deſign and Intention of the King of
“ England to ſubdue Scotland, eſpecially at a Time when it wanted a
Nnnnnn
Head,
(6
6
Š
CC
66
(6
66
5 10:
The Martial Atcbievements
Book III.
.
iii
*The
of the See
of Rome.
Head; and admoniſhes him ſharply to withdraw his Arms from
" thence, and to leave the Scots to their own Liberties and Làws:
46. Adding withall
, that if he had any equitable Plea to alledge for
".. himſelf, he ſhould appear before him by his Ambaſſadors with-
« in fix Months, and that he would take Care to do Juſtice to both
(6 Parties. A
Here indeed the Pope's Ambition is manifeft, who aſſerted in the
done of some fame Bully; that the Kingdom of Scotland was a Fee of the Church
land no Fee of Rome; but every Body knows, how far Pope Boniface VIll. en-
deavour'd to ſtretch; the Priviledges of his See. 'Twas but too or-
dinary in thoſe Daysifor Popes to aſſume to themſelves a Juriſdicti-
fon over all Chriſtian Princes; and theſe laſt, had, by their Concei-
fions (patticularly był receiving and acquieſcing in the Political Ca.
nors of the Council of Lateran) given too much Ground to theſe
deteftáble Inçroachments. France had with moſt Vigour reclaim'd
againſt them. And yet this ſame popé Boniface is ſaid to have call’d
chimſelf Lord of France, at leaſt he excommunicated, and, ſo far as
in him lay, depos’d, the King, for which his Letters were publick-
ly burnt in the Market-place of Paris, and the Divines and Doctors
of the Sorbon affifted at, and approv'd the Diſgrace put upon them,
-No great Wonder then, if he alſo afferted that Scotland belongd to
him : Indeed, had it been a Fee of England, the Pope had had a
fair Plea; for England, we all know, had been by King Edward's
Father and Grand-father, acknowledg da Fee of Rome, conſequent-
ly, upon King Edward's Suppoſition, Scotland was fo too, and the
Pope, by the fame Conſequence, natural Judge between him his
immediate Feudatary and the Scots his Sub-Vaſſals
. But the Pope
was better advis’d, or more juſt at the Time, than to pretend to-a-
ny ſuch Thing; and what he did ſay concerning his own Claim to
the Superiority of Scotland. was perhaps but a politick Contrivance
to awe the Engliſh into Reſpect, and to frighten their Conſciences
into a Forbearance of what was ſaid to belong to the Church. If
this was the Deſign, 'twas ineffe&tual ; King Edward had none of
theſe tender Conſciences, a crafty Prieſt can,like Clock-work,wind
up and turn at his Pleaſure. He was nevertheleſs extreamly netľd
upon Peruſal of the unexpected Bull, and fwore a terrible Oath
(á) that he would not defift. The Oath was terrible indeed ; for
laid he, (b) By the Blood of God, for Sion's ſake I will not hold my Peace,
and for Jeruſalem will I not be at rest; (alluding to the Words Šion and
Jeruſalem, expreſs’d in the Pope's Meſſage) while there's Breath in my
Noſtrils ; but will defend my Right, which is known to all the World, to
the utmoſt of my Power, Yet, upon ſecond Thoughts, he ſent (c) for
the Arch-biſhop, and calmly told him, that the Affair was of Con-
fequence, that he could ſay nothing to it without the Advice of his
ablent, as well as preſent Nobility and Clergy, but that aſſoon as
poſſible, by their common and joynt Determination, he would ſend
his
و
;
(1) Echard ubi fup. p. 318. (6) Walling. Match. Weſtminſt, &c. Craig's Diſpute concerning Homage pi
383.16, Pryn, ubi fup. p. 883,
Book 111. Of the Scots Nation.
511
1
1
1
hị Holineſs an !Anſwers in the mean time; he thought fit to
grant, what he had hitherto refus’d, a Ceſſation of Arms to the
Scots from the 30tb of O&tober 1300, till Whitſunday 130.1 (a); but Truce be-
with this Proteſtation, that he thereby did not at all mean to ac-tween Ed
knowledge them as Allies of the King of Firance ; tho at the ſame the Scots.
time that King declar'd, that: they were his Allies, and his two
Ambaſſadors Peter de Inouncy and Fahn: des:Braves
, a few Days after-
wards at Everwyke, notify’d the Truce, as agreed to by their Maſter
and the King of England (b), to Sir John de St. John, Warden of the
Marches of Galloway: for King Edward, and to Sir Adam Gordon,
Warden of the fame Marches for the Guardians of Scotland. By
this Tranfaction, it appears that the mighty King Edward was vi-
fibly worſted, that King Philip had got the better of him, who
while he fore’d him to: a Truce with his Allies the Scots, purſu'd
the Earl of Flanders; the Ally of King Edward, with ſuch Vigour,
that that Prince, now ſhamefully abandon’dand left to ſhift for him-
felf); was forc'd to ſurrender himſelf and his two Sons, to Charles
Gourit of Valois : And theſe young Princes, being brought to Paris,
were lent from thence, and kept cloſe Priſoners at Compiegne.
About three weeks after Chriſtmaſs, King Edward met his Parlia-
ment at Lincoln, and having, by new Conceſſions they ſtill ask'd
when he was ſtraitnd, purchasd a 15th of all their moveable
Goods, towards ſupplying his inceffant Wants ; he orderd the
Pope's Monitory Bull to be read in a full. Afſembly, and he', in
name of the whole Nation, made ſuch an Anſwer to it.(d), as they,
by Advice of ſuch School-men and Lawyers as were callid for the
Purpoſe, thought fit to preſcribe. Sometime after (e) he himſelf a. D. 1zet
wrote a long Letter upon the fame Subject to the Pope. Both
theſe. Letters are extant; and I may make bold to ſay, that 'twere
better they had been ſuppreſs’d, at leaſt Poſterity might have en:
tertain’d a ſore favourable Opinion of the Honour and Ingenuity of
that King and his Council. His Introduction is ſuch, as would The An-
tempt an indifferent Reader to doubt; whether he believ'd that ſwers of
there was a God: For he calls the Almighty the Searcher of King and
Hearts to Witneſs, O Heavens. ! And of what? That he is, by the Parlia-
an unchangeable Conviction of his Judgement, afſur’d, that his England,
Predeceſſors Kings of Englandą had, from the firſt Foundation of concerning
the two Monarchięs, the direct Dominion and Superiority of the
Kingdom of Scotland, and that he himſelf in their Right, did re-
ceive the Homage of the King of Scotland and his Nobles: Than
which, a greater Falfhood could not be expreſs’d, unleſs by the
King of Scotland he meant his own Creature King John, and by
the Nobles, thoſe that were trick'd and icompell’d into the ſame
Meaſures with him. : 'Twas impoffible he could have forgot that
King Alexander and his Nobles, abſolutely refus’d any luch Ac-
knowledgment; and if he had, the Pope's Bull was ſufficient to have
Nnnnnn 2
refreſh'd
i
(a) Freder. Angl. p. 868. (b) Ibid. p. 870..(cTyrrei p. 144. (d) Fæder, Angl. p. 873. Pryn, 887. (?)
Foder Angl. 863. Prya ibid
512
The Martial Atchievements
Book III.
refreſh'd his Memory. But to all the pregnant and unanſwerable
Inſtances to the Contrary adduc'd in the Pope's Brieve,not one Syl-
lable is anſwer’d, and all that can be ſaid in Vindication either of
the King,or of thoſe who by his Orders drew up his nauſeous Let-
ter, is, That they went upon a palpable Equivocation, intimating,
that the Kings of Scotland did Homage for their Kingdom, when in
Reality they only did it, as I (and many others more copiouſly than
1) have ſhewn, for their Engliſh Territories. 'Twere in vain to
dwell any longer upon this Subject: The whole of the Letter is no-
thing elſe, but a fulſome Repetition of the vain, Sophiſtical, fabu.
lous, Legendary, Romantick (Arguments, formerly adducd to im-
poſé upon the World, and over-awe the Scots in the Year 1291 at
Norham Caſtle. As for the Letter of the Parliament, 'tis juſt as
idle, with Reference to the Crown of England's Superiority over
that of Scotland : But I own that thoſe who wrote it, are in the
Right to tell his Holineſs, as they do, That their Lord the King is
no ways concernd (tho even that was not thought true, in the two
preceeding Reigns) to anſwer judicially, for any of his temporal Rights
,
to the Pope, either in Perſon or by his Proxies. So far, I ſay, they were
in the Right, but upon the Main egregiouſly in the Wrong; and
this I doubt not, but all Men of Candor and Ingenuity (and of ſuch I
know there are as many in England as perhaps in any Country what-
ever) will, with Mr. Tyrrel, after Inquiry own. That Gentleman
(8) plainly acknowledges here, what he had before evinc'd, That
however theſe Teſtimonies or Authorities may have ſatisfied the King, and
his great Council, of the fuffice of his Claim, when duly weigh’d and con-
fider'd, they do not make good the point for which they are alledg’d. But
the King and his great Council were ſatisfied, or, which is the
ſame thing, gave out that they were fo, and therefore the Truce
being ended, the War muſt go on.
Two different Armies were ſent this Summer into Scotland; the
King Ed. one commanded by King Edward in Perſon, t'other by the Prince
pard I. and of Wales his Son : But the Scots, as the weaker Party ſhould al-
vade Scot- ways do, unleſs they can do no otherwiſe, or have an evident Ad-
vantage on their Side, could not be brought to an univerſal En-
gagement; but then they intercepted the Engliſh Convoys, cut off
Parties of their Men, drove away their Horſes, cut out ſo much
Work for them, and occaſion'd ſo many Deaths, and ſuch Scarcity
in their Camps, that all they could gain this Campaign, was the
Caſtle of Carlaverock ; for which, fince 'tis own'd that it made a no-
ble and long Defence, it follows that they muft have paid very dear.
That Place had been taken from the Scots but the preceeding Year,
and they had re-taken it, as they were wont to do, not in the
King Ed. Winter, by Reaſon of the Truce, but before King Edward could be
ward I. paffes in a Readineſs to come to the Fields. Wherefere (in order to pre-
* Linlith vent Surpriſes, and to hem in a reſtleſs and indefatigable Enery,
Sow in Scot- accuſtom’d to improve all Opportunities of re-gaining their own)he
refolvid
and to no
purpoſe.
(a) Ubi lup. p. 148.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation. 513
i
reſolv'd to paſs the Winter in Scotland, and accordingly kept his
Court at Linlithgoo.
While in this place, he had Advice from his Plenipotentiaries at
Anieres in France, that conform to his Warrant (a) given at Duni- Truce.be-
ſecond
pace the 14th of Oktober, they had agreed to a ſecond Truce with cween King
the Scots. 'The Inftrument drawn up on this Occaſion (b) imports, and the Scots
That, whereas the King of France had frequently requir'd the King
of England to forbear moleſting the noble Prince John King of Scot
land, and the Scots his Allies, and that, the Treaties intended for
that Effect having been till now, by ſeveral Impediments, delay'd,
therefore in order to put an End to that Affair;
1. A Ceſſation of Arms was by the Plenipotentiaries of both
the Kings agreed to, to continue, till the Feaſt of St. Andrew, being
the zoth of November 1302.
II
. That the Plenipotentiaries ſhall meet again at Montreuille
a Fourtnight after Eaſter, to treat of ſuch Differences as have not
yet been adjuſted, provided nevertheleſs, that the Earls of Flan
ders, Bar, &c. Thall not be confider’d, not mention’d by the King
of England as his Allies.
TIL. That the Lands; Caſtles, voc. taken from them by the King
of England, before the Ratification of this preſent Agreement, ſhall
be ſequeſtrated into the Hands of the King of France, till the Feaſt
of Al-Saints next, and be by him committed to the Guardianſhip
of the Duke of Burgundy, Earl of Aumale, or any other not ungrates
ful to the King of England.
IV. That the King of England ſhall ratify the Agreement; with
this Reſervation, that altho the King of France gives always the
Title of King of Scotland to John Bahol, and calls the Scots his Allies;
yet he, the King of England, Proteſts, that he owns neither of
them to be ſuch.
This was a little hard upon King Edward, that by á folemn
Treaty he muſt difown his Allies the Earls of Flanders, Bar, &c.
while King Philip fo avow’dly continu'd to own John Baliol and the
Scots. 'Tis true, that againſt this King Edward was allow'd to en-
ter a Proteſtation, as he did, when he ratified the Agreement (c)
at Linlithgow the 26th of January 1302 : And to ſhew, that he did
not deſign that the Truce he had granted, ſo much againſt his
Mind, ſhould be of great Uſe to the Scots, he very ſoon after illu'd
out his Writs (d) to the Nobility and Barons of Ireland, comman-
ding them to be in a Readineſs with all their Forces, to aſſiſt him
to put a quick End to the War in Scotland, in caſe the Treaty then A. D. 1703
on Foot did not take Effect : And upon his Return
to England (e) cold war dhe
he fent the Earl of Lincoln, and the Lord Hugh le Diſpencer, to the Pope to faz
Court of Roime. Theịr Buſineſs was to ſet forth the pretended In - poput
juries done to the King and Kingdom of England by the Scots, and upon Scor-
to defire his Holinefs to hearken no more, to the falſe Repreſentati- vain.
Oooooo
t
Pretenſions
land, but in
ons
(a) Foeder. Angl. ubi fup. p. 892. (b) Ibid. p. 892. Recueil des Trait. &c. p. 191. (c) Foder. Angl. ub
fup. p. 896. (d) Ibid. (e) Tyrrel ubi fup. p. 150.
514
The Martial Atchievements Book III,
ons of thoſe Traitors and Murtherers, who had impos’d ſo much up-
on his Prudence; But in vain. The Pope, juſtly prepoſſeſs’d by
the Scots, not only commanded King Edward not to moleft them,
but alſo and he had Right to do it, by a poſitive Treaty in the
Year 1299) demanded, in behalf of King John, a full Röftitution
of all his Eftate in England. But King Edward, ftill more and
more injurious to that unforcunate Prince, was ſo far from doing
him that Juſtice, that ſome Years after (a) he gave away his whole
Fortune (and a very great one it was), to John of Britany, a Ne-
phew of his own. In the mean time, his Ambaſſadors at Rome,
tho they were unſucceſsful upon the Main, yet obtain'd two Bulls
from the Pope; the one directed to all the Scots Biſhops,and tother to
Robert Biſhop of Glaſgow in particular.(b); by which it appears, that
they had been repreſented to him as Fire-brands, who, by entertai-
•ning the Animolities of the People, perpetuated the War. And
the Truth is, the Biſhop of Glaſgow, whoſe Dioceſs was in the
Hands of the Engliſh, had been the laſt Year oblig’d to take an
Oath of Fidelity to King Edward, as to bis true Lord and King, and
to ſwear, as the Record has it (), at the Abbey of Holmcoltrain,
upon the Body of our Lord, and the two famous Croffes of Scotland,
the Croſs N:ytte, and the Black-Rood, and that in Preſence of the
Duke of Britany, and the Earl of Bar, two ſovereign Princes, and a
great many more of the higheſt Quality. But, if that Prelate was, as
St. Peter, ſo weak, as to ſwear to a Fallhood, he receiv’d, it ſeems,
as the ſame Apoſtle, Grace to repent: And I am ſo far from con-
demning him or his Brethren for their Vigour and Zeal, in rouſing
up the Hearts of the People committed to their Charge, to defend
the jutt Rights of their injur'd Country, that I hụmbly conceive
they ought to be commended, and, by thoſe of their Character, in
the like Circumſtances, imitated. But if, as the Pope was told,
they had really been Fire-brands, and, which is not at all probable
,
had, by their feditious Sermons or otherwiſe, obſtructed the in-
tended Peace ; in that caſe they had miſ-us'd their Miniſtry, and
Hiſtory could not forbear to mention them, as they had deſerv’d,
with Indignation and Horrour.
William
Lamberton Biſhop of St.
Andrew's, and Matthew Crambeth
Sects And Biſhop of Dunkeld, were, like the Biſhop of Glaſgow, good Patriots
,
and wiſe Men: (d) For which Reaſon they were ſent this Year to
France, together with John Cumine Earl of Buchan, James Lord
Steward of Scotland, John Soules, Engelram Umfraville, and William
Baliol
, with a Plenipotentiary Power to affiſt at the Treaty of
Peace, and the Truce was prolong’d, firſt (e) to Eaſter, and theri
to (f) Whitſunday 1303 : But it ſeems that it was not well kept,
and probable that the Engliſh broke it ; for they were the Invaders,
and, in the beginning of Lent 1303, advanc'd in three diſtinct Bo-
dies, which were in Effect ſo many Armies, fince, each of them
conſiſted
balladors
ſent to France
(a) Foeder: Angl: (1) Ibid. p.904, 905. (c) ibid. p. 868,869. (1) Ibid. p. 906. (e) Ibid. p.913. (f)
P.919,.920.
:
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
515
CC
16
>
1
conſiſted of 19090 Men, as far as Roſline in: Lothian. But they paid
dear for their Breach of Faith, for they were all in one Day cut off
or put to flight, by a handful of no more than 8 or at moſt 10000
Men, under the Command of the Lord. Cumine of Badeniach, and
Simon Fraſer. Engliſh Authors have done all they could to leſſen
this Vi&tory; I ſhall have Occaſion to ſpeak of it elſewhere : In the
mean time, it ſuffices to tell, that it was ſuch an one, (a) as made
the Scots Valour to be talk'd of, and admir'd over all Europe. Yet
the Nation reap'd no real Benefit by it: For not long after, the
Guardian receiv'd a Melancholy but Heroick Letter () from the
Scots Ambaſſadors at Paris; in which, after having wiſh'd to him
and the Loyaliſts that adher'd to him, Health, Triumph, and the
Spirit of Comfort, they give an Account, “. That a perpetual Peace
was at laſt concluded and ſworn to, by the Kings of France and A.D. 1303
* England, and that the Scots were not comprehended in it, but Their ex-
" that the King of France continu'd what
he had ftill been, their ter to the
6 faſt Friend. That he had ſent Ambaſſadors over to England, Scotland. of
6 with Orders to deſire, that the Trụce with Scotland may be pro-
" long’d, and that the two Kings may meet. That upon an Inter-
cc view (now all their Quarrels were taken away, and a perfect
“ Friendìhip ſettl'd between them) it would be more eaſy to bring
cs about the Peace of Scotland. That in the mean time, if the de-
" fign'd Truce was agreed to by King Edward, 'twas fit the
“ Școts ſhould accept of it, notwithſtanding the Dammage fome of
" them by lying ſo long out of their yearly Revenues would ſu-
" fțain; but that, if the Heart of that Prince, was, like that of King
Pharaoh, hardn’d ſo far, as to reject all reaſonable Terms, even
& in that Cafe, they exhorted their Country-men not to Deſpair,
ic
but to ſhew themſelves, more than ever, Men of Reſolution and
“ Courage. They added, That did the Scots but know how much
16 their Valour was over all the different Climates of the World ce:
lebrated upon the Account of their laſt Conflict, they would cer-
“ tainly be overjoy’d, and encourag'd to out-do themſelves. That
66 'twas their own Inclination and earneſt Deſire to return with all
“ Halte, in order to be as uſeful to their Country as was poſlīble ;
« but that the King of France would not ſuffer them to depart, till
k he had effected their Buſineſs. That his Ambaſſadors would
probably go from the Court of England to Scotland, which if they
« did, they deſir’d, that they might be receiv'd with all imaginable
Reſpect and Civility, both for the Honour of them, the Prelates
" and Nobility, and for that of the Kingdom.
Thus the King of France endeavour’d to excuſe himſelf, and to
make Amends for his having ſo unexpectedly and fo ungratefully abandonad
abandon’d his Scots Allies. The Diverſion they had made in his of France
,
Favour, and the noble Reſiſtance, they had ſo long continu'd in Op
poſition to his moſt powerful Enemy King Edward, had enabled
him to diſunite, or conquer, or at lealt to humble all the other Po-
Οοο ο ο ο ο
() Foeder. Angl. p.929, 230. (b) Ibid,
1
¿G
The Scoss
teratates
510
The Martial Atchievements Book IIL
tentates that had enter'd into the Grand Alliance againſt him. But
the preceeding Year (a) the Fleemings had revolted, notwithſtanding
their Sovereign was a Priſoner at Paris, and had given a notable O-
verthrow to the French Army before Courtray; and King Philip was
now ſo animated (and indeed 'twas no great Wonder)againſt the Pope,
that he ivas willing to lay all other Buſineſs afide, in order to pro-
ſecute, as he did, the haughty Pontif, to no leſs than Impriſonment,
which ſoon after was follow'd by Sickneſs and Death. Theſe were
probably the true Reaſons, why, as King Edward had done before
by the Earls of Flanders and Bar, King Philip now left his Allies the
Scots in the Lurch : For the Sollicitations of his Ambaſſadors at the
Court of England had no Effect, and the Scots, thereby difpirited, and
Unable to not well united among themſelves, were no longer able or willing
refift King to reſiſt the mighty Efforts of their terrible Enemy with that Vigour
they had hitherto expreſs’d.
He enter'd the Country about Whitſunday, on the Head of ſuch
an Army of Engliſh, Iriſh, Welſh, Gaſcons, and even ſome (b) unna-
tural and diſloyal Scots, as none durft offer to oppoſe in the open
Fields. Moft Part of the Nation betook themſelves to ſtrong Caſtles,
and inacceſſible Mountains, only Wallace, the incomparable Sir Wila
liam Wallace; with theſe unconquer'd few, who, as he, had vowd
never to put up their Swords, while an Inch of their Country ſhould
remain in Subjection, made frequent and noble Appearances, and
did what was poſſible, if not, to ſtop, at leaſt to retard the Enemy's
Progreſs. But all theſe brave Men could do, was upon the main
ineffectual : Edward continu'd his March, and paſs’d near 309
Miles as far as Caithneſs, the utmoſt Limits of the Inland - Country,
and at that Time (the Iſlands of Orkney being yet in the Hands of
the Norvegians) of the whole Kingdom. Few Places made any no-
table Reſiſtance : I read of none that did, ſave the Caſtles of Ur-
Bois Lord quhart, Brechin and Stirling: The laſt was beſieg’d, but did not
of Orqubart. yield this Year ; the firſt was taken by Storm, and the Garriſon
and Lord of it,one Alexander Bois (from
whoſe Son, if we may cre-
dit Boethius, the numerous Clan of the Forbeſſes are deſcended) were
Maul Go put to the Sword. The ſecond was long and gallaritly defended
vernor of the by its Governor Thomas Maul, no doubt a Son of the ancient,noble,
Breckin, his and in the ſame Country and Place ſtill flouriſhing, Family of Pan-
mure : For long before this Time, the Mauls (c) by matching with
Chriſtine de Valoniis; the Grand-child of Philip de Valoniis, one of the
Holtages for King William, when releas'd from Captivity; (d) were
poſleſs'd of the Barony of Panmure, which lyes in the Neighbourhood
of Brechin, and we know of no other Family of that Name, at that
Time extant. But, whoever he was, 'tis certain, that he deſery'd
that Juſtice no Scots Author has hitherto done him ; I mean, to be
plac'd'among the braveſt and beſt Men of his Time. Matthew of Weft-
minſter,
(9) Tyrrel, ubi fup. p. 152.& 155.(6) Holinſhed's Hift. of Scotl. p. 207. Buchan. Boet, &c: in vit. Joan.
Baliol.
(c) Great Charculary of Aberbrethock in Biblioth. Juriſconfut
. Edinb. fol. 27. (d) Foeder. Angl. Tom.
Alexander
Thomas
brave Dem
fence and
Death.
1. P. 39:
Book III. Of the Scots Nation 5.17
:
$
i
minſter, an Author not to be ſuſpected of Flattery when he ſpeaks in
Favour of the Scots, fays (a): that he was a Souldier of undaunted
Boldneſs and Reſolution of Mind; that the Vigour and Strength of
his Body were very great, and that he did not fear to hold out the
Imall Fortreſs, committed to his Charge, againſt a Royal Army.
King Edward (6) batter'd it with coſtly Engines and great Stones
but, for a long time, to no Purpoſe, inſomuch, that one Day as the
Governor was ſtanding upon the Wall, and watching where a
Stone hit againſt it, he in Deciſion wip'd the Place with his Hand-
kercheif : But fome Days after he was for thus expoſing his Perſon to
ſuch an evident Danger, but too much puniſh'd: For à Stone from
ap Engine hitting him on the Breaſt, he was taken up dead ; and
this unlucky Accident to much diſcourag’d the Defendants, that
they Capitulated, after a noble Defence of 20, or, as others Copies
have it, of 40 Days.
Had King Edward.contented himſelf to Garriſon the ſtrong Pla-
ces he had taken, and ſo return'd, after ending the Campaign
with his Army to England, he had probably loft during the Winter,
(as had often fallen out before) all the Conqueſts he had made in
Summer : But he had providently taken Care, that ſo much Provi-
fions ſhould be brought both by Sea and Land from England, that
his Army ſhould not, as formerly, be in the leaſt ſtraitn'd for want
of Neceffaries. He therefore, reſolv'd to detain it by him, and to
paſs the Winter, together with the Prince his Son, at Dumfermling. King sd
This was undoubtedly good Conduct, and it had all the Effect he mard paſſes
could deſire: For the Lord Joken. Cumine of Badenach, who' in his at Dumferm.
Quality of Guardian of Scotland, had till now been lo refolute and ling in Scofy
firm, came, and with him a great many more of the Nobility and
Gentry, and ſubmitted in February 1304, on the following Terms.
I. That all who came into the Peace of the King, with the ſaid Receiver
John Cumine (except the Perfons afternam’d) ſhould have their Lives fion of more
and Limbs fav'd, and neither be impriſon'd nor difinherited:
II. That their Ranſom and Fine to be exacted upon the Account ty and Gen,
of Faulțs.committed againſt the King, ſhould be regulated by Kim Lambert
in his next Parliament, in which the Eſtabliſhinent of Scotland ſhould
alſo be ordain'd.
III
. That all the ſtrong Holds, now in the King's.or his Friend's
Hands, ſhould remain ſo, and the Charge of keeping them be des
fray'd by the Owners.
IV. Íhat the Priſoners on both Sides, except Monſieur Peter de
Morbam and his Father, as alſo the Hoftages for the Payment of the
Exceptia
Ranſoms of Priſoners, be releasd..
The Perions excepțed were, Robert Biſhop of Glaſgow, Monſiear from the
(this French Expreſſion was prefix'd fo the Naimes of all Gentlemen of the AA, and
both Nations, as all the Writs,Charters, Inſtruments, c.were in thoſe were they
Days drawn up in the French Tongue) James the Steward of Scotland,
Juhn Soules, David Graham, Alexander Lindſay, Simon Frazer,
PPPPPP
Thomas
(2) Flor, Hiſtor, cdit. Lond. 1570, p.440, 441. ad Ann, 1303. (b) Eyrrel p. 155;
i
Part of the
Scots Nobilis
i
great many
518
Book III
The Martial Atchieveznents
A.D. 1304
f
OriplantGo-
vernor of
his great
Bravery.
Thomas Bois,and Monſieur William de Wallys: All thoſe, but the laſt were
to be baniſh'd for ſome Time,and he muſt ſubmit himſelf wholly to
the Mercy of the King. But he ſcorn'd to do it :-On the contrary, (a)
he ſtill kept the Fields upon the Head of ſuch a Party as oblig'd
King Edward to leave Dumfermling; how ſoon the Seaſon of the Year
was proper for Action, and to march againſthim. But he was not
able to ſtand the Shock of Forces ſo vaſtly unequal, who therefore
Sir William renew'd the Siege of the Caſtle of Stirling, the only one in Scotland
that ſtill held out. Sir William Oliphant (no doubt the Anceſtor of
tres cafting the preſent Lord Oliphant, and the Cadets of that ancient Family,
and the very ſame, who but four Years before had ſo gallantly de-
fended that Caſtle) was again the Governor of it. If he did well
then, he did better now; for notwithſtanding the Walls of the
Phace were ſo batter'd and ſhatter'd by Engines, which caft. Stones
of 200 Pound Weight, that ſeveral large Breaches were inade, yet
tis own’d, that the Beſieg:d ſtood out to the laſt, kill'd great Num-
bers of the Engliſh, with Arrows and Stones ſhot from their Warlike
Engines, endanger'd the King himſelf, and did not ſurrender till
the 20th of July, when a huge Breach being made in the Walls,and
the Ditches fill’d up with Faggots and other Materials, a general
Affault was order'd, and would have infallibly ſucceeded : Then,
and not till then; did they offer to capitulate upon honourable Terms.
And indeed thoſe they got were very much ſo to them, and at the
tame Time as diſhonourable, in my opinion, to the Memory of King
Edward, who ought to have put more Reſpect upon Enemies ſo fur-
priſingly brave : For, inſtead of Drums beating, Banners diſplay'd,
Doc. they were oblig'd to come out of the Caſtle,with Ropes about
their Necks, and bare-footed, and in that humbling Poſture to im-
plore the Conqueror's Mercy, Which ſo prevail d upon his good Nature,
lays Mr. Tyrrel
, that he gave them all their Lives : That is, I humbly
conceive, that he did not murder them: And a mighty All they were,
(6) juſt two Gentlemen, Sir William Oliphant and Sir William Dupa
plin, twenty.four common Souldiers, and two religious Men, a Do-
minican Friar, and a Benedictine Monk : So very few Scotſmen of old
had the Courage and Power to hold out a petty Fortreſs, and that
during almoſt two Campaigns, (for it had been unſucceſsfully be-
ſieg’d the preceeding Year) againſt a Royal Army, one of the great-
eft England could raiſe, and one of the greateſt Kings England can
boaſt of the Conquering Edward I.
That Monarch, after having reduc'd the Caſtle of Stirling, and, as
and il nery he thought, the whole Kingdoin, ſent its Governor, and with him
above 100 Perſons of Quality, to be kept Priſoners in different For-
treiles of England, appointed Superviſors over all the Counties and
Caſtles of Scotland, and made Sir John Segrave Guardian or Lieute-
nant under himſelf over all the reſt. He return’d a little before Win-
ter into England, and in the enſuing Lent held a Parliament at Lon-
dor,
The Scots
Nobiliry
foncrs to
lanil.
(", Tyrrel, ubi fup. p. 157, 158.16) Fæder, Angl Tom. II. p. 950,951,
Booli III. Of the Scots Nation. 519
:
1
don (a) and there was willing to lay by the Airs of a Conqueror,
and to ſeem rather to court, than to force the Scots into Obedience
With this View, he ask'd the Advice of Scotſmen, and thoſe too;
who had been among the moſt active againſt him, viz. Robert Bi-
ſhop of Glaſgow, Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, and Fohn Mombray,
concerning the Settlement of Scotland and Scots Affairs. They ve-
ry readily comply'd with what they underſtood he had a Mind to;
and "twas determin’d, that, towards regulating all Matters concer-
ning Scotland, à Parliament ſhould meet at London, three weeks af- Scots Mena
ter Mid-ſummer, and that ten Scotſmen; two Biſhops, two Abbots, to the Parli
two Earls, two Barons, and two for the Commons, ſhould be ament of
chrufen by the whole Community to repreſent them in it. This is
the firſt time I read, either of Members being choſen to affiſt in
Parliament, or of Commons, properly fo calid, admitted into it.
The Kings of Scotland were formerly in uſe, to call whom they
pleas’d to their Council, and thoſe were generally the Prelates,
fiarls and principal Lords or Barons, as is evident from ſuch Res
cords as are yet extant, and I have already mention'd. But as the
Word Parliament was brought in Falhion upon the firſt Ufurpation
of King Edward, as direct Lord and Superior of the Kingdom, ſo
now he acted as the immediate Sovereign and King, and had a De-
ſign to make a compleat Union of both Nations: He thought fit
to aboliſh, as far as could be, tho to the Diminution of his own Pre-
rogative, all the Cuſtoms of Scotland, and in their Place to intro-
duce thoſe of England; and the rather, becauſe by. thus appointing
Scots Members to fit in Parliament, and thoſe to be elected by the
Community of Scotland, it would appear that he deſign’d not to en-
ſlave thoſe he had conquer’d, but rather to give Liberty, than to
take it away. This was no ill Policy, and let us do Juſtice to the
greateſt Enemy Scotland ever had) it might in Proceſs of Time have
been advantageous to us; we had long.ere now or never, been in Pof-
ſeſſion of thoſe great Benefits, 'tis hop'd our Poſterity ſhall reap from
the preſent Union; and who knows, but, as the Engliſh before were
by Subjection improv'd and rais’d upon the Ruin of their remote,
and therefore forgotten Anceſtors, ſo we (had ours been in the like
Manner undone) might have ſhard in the Glory and Wealth of our
Conquerors. Thishad undoubtedly happen'd' if (as the Dukes of
Normandy and Anjou thought fit to leave their native Countries, and
to make England the Place of their Reſidence) the Engliſh Conque-
rors had pleas’d to refide among us, or, ſince that was not to be
expected, but to favour us but one Year of three with their Royal
Preſence: A Favour, which, had it been fought, I dare fay King
Edward had promis'd to grant, at leaſt with a Salvo jure Corona.
But our then Anceſtors did not penetrate ſo far into Futurities, as
we do in this more acute and fagacious Age; and, it ſeems, they could
not be perſwaded, that the beſt way to make their Pofterity hap-
py, was to ſuffer themſelves to be made miſerable.
Рppppp2
The
(*) Tyrrel ubi fup. p. 161, 162, &c. Pryn Tom. III. p. 1052, 1053, &c.
520
The Martial Atchievements Book III.
were,
The Perlons they elected to repreſent them, in Purſuance of the
late Aét made in their Favour, were thoſe one ſhould have thought
the Country durſt not have nam’d, nor the Court ſuffer'd to fit in
Who they Parliament, the Biſhops of St. Andrew's and Dunkeld, the Abbots of
Cowper and Melross, the Earl of Buchan, Fohn Mowbray, Robert Keith,
Adam Gordon, and John Inchmartine; one Earl Patrick, I believe,
Dunbar of March, was alſo elected, but he came not, and King
Edward by his own Authority appointed John Monteith, probably
the fame unfaithful Friend, who, about this time' betray’d the
Magnanimous Sir William Wallace, 'to the cruel and undeſerv'd
Death he ſuffer'd on the 23d of Auguſt
. Except that one Traitor,
all the Reft had been before, and ſome of them afterwards prowd,
moſt zealous Affertors of their Country's Liberty : Yet (ſo unlike
are Stateſmen to themſelves, and ſo differently do they act, when
in different Circumſtances) on this Occaſion they not only com-
ply'd with, but ſeem'd forward to promote the Settlement and
Union deſign'd. By their joint Advice and Conſent, together with
that of an equal or not much greater Number of Engliſhmen commil-
fion'd to Conſult with them; John of Britany, King Edward's Ne-
phew, was appointed to be Guardian of, or Lieutenant in Scotland,
Sir William Bevercots Chancellor, Sir John Sandale Chamberlain, and
Sir Robert Heron Comptroller ; feveral Gentlemen, moſt part Scots,
were made Juſtices of Peace, Sheriffs of Counties, and Çovernours
of Caſtles; the Cuſtoms and Laws of the ancient Scots and Britains
Regulations
were intirely abrogated, but thoſe of St. David and his Succeffors
For lihen set. Kings of Scotland, order'd to be Revisd and Amended, by Advice
tlement of and in Preſence of the good People of the Land. And that no Bo-
dy might be in a Capacity to diſturb the Government, all ſuſpe.
Eted Perſons were brought under, by Exile or Fines. To inſtance
in a few, (a) John Cumine, formerly Guardian of the Kingdom, Dao
vid Graham, and fuch others as with them came laſt Year to the
Peace of King Edward, upon the Faith of the Covenants granted
them, were now appointed to pay three Years Value of their Lands
and Rents, but were pardon'd as to their Exile. : The Biſhop of
Glaſgow, Sir Simon Fråſer, and Sir Adam Gordon, had the ſame Con-
ditions, only Sir Simon was banilh'd to Boot. Sir Ingeram de Um-
fraville, becauſe he made his Submiſſion but a little before theſe
Letters were granted, was to pay five Years value ; William de Ba-
liol and Föhn Wychard four; all the Biſhops, Abbots, Priors, c.
one, and ſo on. But this Determination, favourable in the Opini-
on of King Edward, was not to be extended; to ſuch Parſons of
the Scots Nation aś were Priſoners, or had not yet ſubmitted; and
how many there were of theſe, we cannot tell.
This done to the infinite Satisfaction of King Edward, and indeed
of the whole Engliſh Nation, who now thought they had ſecur’d
their Conqueſt to all Intents and Purpoſes, the Biſhop of St: A+
drew's, John Sandale
, Robert Keith and John Kingſton, two Scots and
!
made in
Scotland,
--
two
* Tyrrel ubi (np. p. 164. Fæer. Angl, p: 968.
Book III. Of the Scots Nation.
521
two Engliſhmen, had a joint Commiffion (a) to be Guardians of the
Country, till John of Britany, King Edward's Lieutenant ſhould be
ſent thither. But before that Prince could arrive, Affairs were al-
ter'd, and Scotland, in ſtead of a Lieutenant, had got a King of its
own, and a King To ſuperlatively Great, that England, the trium-
phing glorious England, was filent in his Sight; and the Lyon
Rampant alone, could awe the three Leopards, together with
their mighty Supporters ; I mean, that Scotland, Headed by their
new King, the often: mention'd Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick,
brought England it felf, tho fupported by all the Might of Ireland,
Wales and Gaſcony, to Reaſon. He ſet the Crown upon his
Head on the 27th of March 1306, and, notwithſtanding the al- A.D. 1300.
moſt unconquerable Difficulties and Hardſhips he met with in the
Beginning, made King Edward to know at his Death, that his Life
had been miſ-ſpent, and that he died neither the Superior and direct
Lord, nor the Conqueror of Scotland ; 'retaliated the Injuries of his
A.D. i joyi
Reign, upon that of King Edward the II. his unfortunate Son;
and from his Grand-lon King Edward. III. forc'd no leſs than a Par-
liamentary Acknowledgement, that the preceeding Reigns of the
two former, his Father and Grand-father, had been (by Reaſon of
their Claim to Superiority over Scotland) calamitous; and that the
Crown King Robert wore, was, and ought to be Imperial and In-
A.D. 1328
dependerit:
This final Tranſaction, by which the Pretenſions of the Engliſh
Kings over Scotland were intirely cut off, was made in the
Year 1328. Since the Death of King Alexander III. 42. Since the
Reſtoration of King Malcolm Canmore 271. Since the Expulſion
of the Picts 489. Since the Re-eſtabliſhment of the Scots Monarchy
by King Fergus II. 906. And fince its Foundation by King Fergus
I. 1658. By what Means, and how juſtly King Robert effected
theſe Wonders, I ſhall give an Account when I come to write his
Life. I would avoid Repetitions, but could not, if I ſhould offer
to ſeparate the Life of this King, from the Martial Atchievements
or Hiſtory of the Nation, when under his Sway. Thoſe of inferi-
or Worthies his Cotemporaries (if nevertheleſs Sir William Wallace
can be call’d his or any one's Inferior in any thing, but that he was
not born to be a King) have not had ſuch an immediate Influence
upon National Tranſactions, and therefore may be written apart.
Q_qq qq q
The
(a) Feeder. Angl. p. 970.
1
;
1
--
522 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III,
The LIFE of
Sir William Wallace,
.
GUARDIAN of SCOTLAND.
.
1
"T
i
IS a hard Task to write the Life of this Gentleman, but to
write it to the Satisfaction of all Readers, is almoſt impoſe
fible : Whoever goes about to do it in this refin’d and cen-
forious Age, (and the fucceeding will probably be yet more fo)
muſt value himlelf, or top much, or too little; too much, if he de-
figns to aſſert nothing but what the Age we live in requires,
(Truth, vouch'd by Authentick Records, or Authors of undoubted
Veracity) and hopes at the ſame time to anſwer the Expectations
of the Vulgar, or even to come up to the idea the Learnd and
Wiſe have form'd to themſelves of this Modern Heroe. Yet both
theſe Ends ought to be aim'd at : And the Author, who, in a Sub-
je&t like this, has not at once the ſhining Merveilleux we're pleas'd
with in Fables, and the genuine well documented Truth we look
for 'in Hiſtory, müſt value himſelf too' little ; at leaſt his Perfor
mance will be ſhort liv?d, and People, uncertain what, to believe
concerning Matters fo much in Appearance incredible, will ſtill
long for a better Pen, and wiſh in vain that a Livy and a Virgil may
combine to perform the arduous Work. This is no Rhetorical
Flouriſh, deſign'd to prepoffels the Mind of my Reader, with an
Expectation of great and uncommon Things ; 'tis no more than all
true Hearted Scotſmen have with’dfor, theſe 400 Years bypaſt: For,
as Mr. Tyrrel obſerves, (a) Sir Wiliam Wallace was the great Cham-
pion of the Scots Nation, and is celebrated even to this Day, in their
Songs, Poems, and Hiſtories. From the beſt of theſe, I ſhall Collect
what to me ſeems moſt certain concerning him and his glorious
Actions, and ſhall ſo far reſpect the Authority of Engliſh Authors,
(as injudicioully Paffionate, and fcurriloully lave&tive againſt him, as
they have generally been) as not to contradict them in Matters of
Fact, they muſt have known better,,or but as well, as the Scots.
Diſpleas'd at his very Birth, they will not allow him to have
and Paren been born a Gentleman : But this is a Falihood demonſtrable, even
in our Days; and Sir James Dalrymple (b) has actually demonſtrated
from
(a) Vol. III. p. 165. (1) p. 413.
His Birth
tige.
Book III.
Guardian of Scotland
523
*
A
from original Charters, that in the Reign of King Alexander II. there
was a Family of the Name of Wallace in the Weit, where Sir William
born, and that one of this Family, namely Ricardor Richard Wal-
lace (from whom Kicarton in-Kyle his principal Seat had its Appella-
tion)was even then poſſeſid of the Lands of Achinroe. One of that Gen-
tleman's Pofterity married the Heireſs of Craigie, fince which Time
they have taken their Defignation from this latt Place, as does at
preſent Sir Thomas Wallace, Baronet. Now that Sir William Wallace;
lince of the fame Name, and born at Ellerflie in the Tame Country,
and by all Scots Hiſtorians ſaid to be deſcended of a good Family,
was of Kin to the above-mention'd Richard, and by Conſequence a
Gentleman, no Body can doubt. His Father was, according to the
ſame Authors (I need cite none in particular , før in this they all
agree) honour'd with Knight-hood; and Blind Hary (of whom af
terwards) tells us, That his Name was Malcolm; That he was Laird
of Ellerſlie, Auchenbothie, &c. That he married the Daughter of a
very Worthy Gentleman,
Sir Raynauld Crawfurd, Sheriff of Ar, and
had by her two Sons, Sir Malcolm (or; as others write, Sir Fobn) and
Sir William
Sir William muſt needs have been born in the Reign of King Alex-
ander III. And 'tis probable, that about, or not long after the Year
1286, when that Prince died, he was a Scholar at Dundee, where His Édu
he had his Education, (a) together with John Blair, a Benedictine cationis
Monk, who was afterwards his Chaplain, and wrote his Life; no
doubt, with great Veracity, fince a good Man, and art Eye Wit-
neſs to moſt of his Actions. Injurious Time has depriv'd us of this
Book; which is ſo much the more to be regrated by the Lovers of
Scotland, and the Admirers of Heroick Vertue, becauſe what was
long afterwards deſign’d to ſupply its Want, or, at leaſt the Scarcity
of Copies at that Time remaining, ſeems to be nothing but an Un-
chronological and inconfiftent Series of Romantick Adventures,fitted
indeed to divert, and perhaps to animate the ignorant and credulous
Populace, with Hatred againſt the Enemies, and Love for the De-
fenders of their Country; but to the nicer Taſte of Gentlemen and
Scholars, uripalatable and fulſom : I ſpeak of the Book compos'd in
old Scots. Verſe, about 200 Years ago, by one Blind Hary, Intitl’d,
The Acts of Sir William Wallace That Author was blind in more
than one Senſe : For beſides that (as the Reverend and moſt Learn'd
Bifhop of Carliſle obſerves)He deſcribes his Hero like a true Knight Errant,
cleaving his Foes through Brawn and Bane down to the Shoulders ; tis
plain, that he knew nothing of the Tranfaâions of the Time, and
has by miſplacing thoſe Things hie relates, made them, tho really
true (as a great many of them. I believe are) liable to Ohjections
and Doubts. To inſtance in a few, Sir Willam Wallace' was, accor-
ding to him, made Governor or Vice-Roy of the Kingdom in the
Year 1294, and in a ſhort Time after, conquer'd the South Parts
of Scotland, fore’d the Engliſh to a Truce; reveng’d the Breach of it ;
Q99999:2
and
(a) Dr. Mackenzie's Life of Jóba Blair Vol. 1. p. 247. and of Blind Hary p. 422;
524 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
and in Auguſt 1296, deſtroy'd by Fire huge Numbers of the Engliſh
at Air. He tells us a great many Wonders and Exploits, which, u-
pon his Suppoſition, muſt have been atehiev’d, ſome before and fome
during that Interval of Time I have mention'd : But his Suppoſition
is groundleſs, for in 1994, the War was not broke out between
the two Nations, and King John did not abdicate, nor was Scotland
over-run till Fuly 1296 ; at which Time, and not till then, 'tis pro-
bable that Sir William Wallace began to ſignalize himſelf. While
young and at School, he had heard of, and, with all the Youth of the
Nation, griev'd at the Incroachments made by King Edward, and
long ſufferd both by King Fabn Baliol, and thoſe in Place about him.
As theſe Incroachments were open and bare-fac'd, ſo they were o-
dious to every Body, and were by Conſequence for ſome five or
fix Years, the general Grievance and Diſcourſe of all Ranks of Peo-
ple ; who, being before accuſtom’d to Liberty and Independency,
concejvd ſo much the greater Liking for both, by how much more
they ſaw themſelves oppreſs’d. The Clergy and Governours of
the Youth did their Duty : They made it their Buſineſs to inſpire
thole committed to their Care, with free and generous Sentiments :
And (a) the Uncle of Sir William Wallace, a Prieſt, ſo often incul-
cated, and ſo deeply imprinted the following Lines upon his
Mind and Memory, that by them he ſquar'd all the Thoughts of
his great Soul, and Efforts of his vigorous Body.
.
4.
Dico tibi verum, Libertas optima rerum,
Nunquam ſervili ſub nexu vivito, Fili.
..
:
1
1
!
:
i
1
Whether he was in Arms in that fatal Campaign of 1296, is un-
A. D. 1296 certain ; if he was
, it ſeems he retir’d to Dundee
, upon the inglo-
rious Surrender made by King John at Brechin, which being in
fome Meaſure confirm'd by the Submiſſion of almoſt all the Free-
holders of the Kingdom at Berwick, and thought ſecur’d by the Ex-
ile and Impriſonment of the braveſt and beſt of the Nobility and
Gentry, who were convoy'd to, and diſpers'd through different
Parts of England, all Scotland was immediately fill’d with Engliſh
Souldiers and Engliſh Governors. Theſe could be no welcome
Gueſts to the oppreſs’d People, over whom they lorded it with
extream Inſolence, as the Lordanes had formery done over them.
Their rough and imperious Behaviour met with frequent Reſent-
ments, and had they been more Mannerly, yet there were thoſe,
who (as is ordinary on the like Occaſions) would have fetch'd
Quarrels from any thing, a Word, a Look or a Jeft. Wiliam · Wal-
lace was of this Humour : He was incredibly Strong, and his Aver-
fion to the Engliſh could not be equal'd, but by the Love he had
for his Country. To be ſhort, he quarreld with, and kill'd ſeve-
rals of them ; firſt one Selby, the Conſtable's Son of Dundee, and
(6) afterwards the Sheriff of Lanerk, a Man of Quality and Power.
For
(a) Scotichron. Maj. lib, 12. cap. 3. (b) Scorichron. Min. ad Ann. 1296,
1
---
Book III Guardian of Scotland
525
Is Out:
13wu.
Loyal Non-
many; and what added to their Number, was the unconſcionable
For theſe Slaughters he was Out-lawd; and therefore oblig’d to
paſs the Winter in obſcure and unſearchable Retirements, whither
none could come (a) but ſuch as himſelf, Men determind to live
and die unconquer’d. Of theſe Scotland afforded, in thoſe Days,
Severity of the King of England's Juſticiary, William Ormesby, who
(6) baniſh'd all ſuch, as being really Conſcientious, refus’d to Qua-
lify themſelves according to the Law, that is, would not ſwear
Fealty to a King, they conſider'd as an Uſurper. Upon the Head Heads di
of Men of theſe Principles did Sir William Wallate atelieve thoſe Ex. Party of
ploits, which for their Variety Number and Greatneſs; Pofterity jutors
.
cannot believe, He would often fally out of his lurking Places,
and ſeize upon Convoys, cut off Parties, ſurpriſe Caſtles, and with
Handfuls defeat Multitudes. He alone was Mateh enough for
three or four, even in the open Fields ; (c) and 'tis confidently re-
ported of him, that no Armour was proof againſt his Sword, and
that one Blow, if he chanc'd to hit fair, gave preſent Death to
whoever receiv'd it: Yet he did not ſo much truſt to his Strength,
as to Conduct and Stratagem. Expeditious and indefatigable, he
ſeem'd to be every where at a time, yet could be no where found
out, nor ever laid himſelf open to any Numbers of Men, but when
fure to foil them. Some have ſaid, that he was once apprehended,
and being impriſon'd at Air, and almoſt ſtarv'd for Want of Food,
thrown out at a Window by the Keepers, who believ'd him
dead: What truth may be in this Story. I know not : If it was fo;
he had very ſoon after the Pleaſurd of being reveng'd in the fame
Place. The Manner thus :
The Engliſh had proclaim'd a Juſtice-Air (d) to be kept at Air:
All the neighbouring Gentry, at leaſt, ſuch as had ſubmitted to
the Government, went thither according to Cuſtom, and Ignae of
them, particularly Sir Raynald Crawford, Sheriff of the Place, and
Uncle to Sir William Wallace, Sir Brice Blair, and Sir Niel Montgo,
mery, were, for I know not what pretended Crimes; condemnd
and executed. Sir William Wallace got quickly Notice of this, as
he did of whatever was done to the Prejudice of Scotſmen in the
Country, and therefore came upon the Head of 5ô of his Follow
ers in the Night, ſet Fire to the Barns where a great many Engliſh
lay ſecure and aſleep; and thoſe that eſcap'd from the devouring
Flames, fell all into an Ambuſh laid for them, and were cut off by
the Sword. This done he ſeiz’d the Cattle into his own Hands,
then march'd inſtantly to Glaſgow, where falling upon a Body of
Souldiers commanded by the Lord Henry, Percy, the Nephew of
the Earl of Surrey, Lord Lieutenant for King Edward-he routed
them,and fo continu'd to range over all Places,and every other Day'
to do ſome ſignal Miſchief to the Engliſh and their Abettors. This
Exploit againſt the Judges and Garriſon of Air, is ſaid to have been
Rrrrrr
atcliievd
(a) Buchan. Boeth.&c. in vit. Joan. Baliol. (6) Pryn. p. 7301 Knighton lib. 3. cap. 7. Tyrrel Vol. III. B.
Joan. Maj. lib. 4. (d) Joan. Maj. ubi fup. D. Mackenzies Life of John Blair.
526 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
A. D. 1297
atchiev'd upon the 28th of Auguſt 1296
the 28th of Auguſt 1296; but that cannot be true,
ſince, as I have already obſerv’d, King John did not abdicate till
the fuly before : Nor could the (as yet unſettld) Engliſh ſo very
foon hold Courts of Juſtice in the Country, or Sir William get a
Party of Non-juring Out-laws to ſecond him, in an Attempt of this
kind. So that it ſeems this Action, and a great-many more, as
ſurpriſing and vigorous, muſt have been perform'd the Winter fol-
lowing : For in the fucceding Spring, we find that thoſe ſtragling
Parties Sir William Headed, and, by Engliſh Authors calld Out-
laws, Robbers and High-way-men, came to look formidable, to be
term’d Rebels, and were grown to little leſs than an Army. They
fay fa) that the Rebellion broke out in May, and that Sir Wil-
liam Wallace was then join’d by Perſons of the greateſt Quality, ſuch
by si veral as, Robert the Biſhop of Glaſgow, Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick,
great Men. James Lord Steward of Scotland, Sir John Stewart his Brother, Sir
Andrew Murray of Bothwel, Sir William Douglas formerly the Gover-
nor of Berwick, Robert Boyd, &c. But before this Time 'tis cer-
tain, that Sir William Wallace's Reputation muſt have been very
great, and his Followers numerous, elſe ʼtis not to be ſuppos’d that
theſe Noblemen would have yielded fo inuch of the Command and
Management of Affairs to him as they did, tho I believe they did
not yet own him either as Guardian of the Kingdom, or their
Coinmander in Chief; but they ſeem rather to have acted inde. ;
pendently on one another, and altogether to have made up but
a tumultuary Army, which wanting that. Regularity and Subordi-
nation, fo neceſſary on the like Occaſions, did little or nothing to
purpoſé. 'Tis true, they kept the open Fields, which Sir William
Wallace alone durft not do ; and, ſay Engliſh Authors, (1) commit-
ted unheard-of Barbarities. upon the Perſons of thoſe that fell in
their Hands, purſuing ſome even into the Churches, and killing
them in thoſe Sanctuaries, the Devotion of theſe Ages reſpected, dri-
ving the Religious Men from their Cloyſters and Livings, tying
the Women with Cords, and unmercifully drowning them in Ri-
vers; In a word, cutting off all thoſe of the Engliſh Nation, for no
other Reaſon, but becauſe they were Engliſh. So ſay their Writers,
how truly I cannot tell : But, as Scots Authors deny, that Sir
William Wallace did ever put a Clergy-man, unleſs found in Arms,
or a Woman or Child to Death, ſo tis not likely that. Biſhops and
Prieſts would permit or witneſs thoſe Indignities done to their own
Character, eſpecially when they knew not how ſoon the very fame
might be return'd upon their Perſons. However,
To ſuppreſs this Inſurrection, the Earl of Surrey, by Orders froin
his Mafter King Edward, rais’d a confiderable Army in the North
of England (c); but becauſe he had not his Health at the time, he
gave the Command of it to one who was glad of the Opportunity
to rub off the Affront Sir William Wallace had put on him but a little
before
1
(a) Tyrrel ubi fup. p. 111, Wallingh: pe 35,36, Knighton ubi fup. (b) Ibid. (c) Knight. lib. 3. p. 2513?
&c.
Book III. Guardian of Scotland 527
İs abita
Nobility
:
:
before, the Lord Henry Percy his own Nephew. That General
march'd ſtraight to Air, upon the Head of above 40000 Men; and
upon Advice that the Siots were encamp'd at Irvine, about four
Miles off, under the Command of the Biſhop of Glaſgow, the Lord
High Steward, William Douglas, Andrew Murray, and William Wal-
lace, he reſolv'd to ſeek them out, and found them cover'd by a
Lake on the Front, and probably entrench'd on the Flanks. But
'twas their Misfortune to be miſerably divided among themſelves
for what Reaſon Hiſtory does not tell: This ſo diſheartn'd one Richard
Lundy, tho otherwiſe a brave Man, and a Non-juror, that he went
over to the Engliſh, and told them, that he would no longer ſerve,
where nothing but Difcord and Contention prevaild. The Deſer-
tion of that Gentleman intimidated the reſt into the Terms of Ac-
commodation offer'd by the Lord Percy, who upon their Submiſli-
on (and the Biſhop of Glaſgow, the Earl of Carrick, the Lord High don'd by
Steward, and even the much celebrated Sir William Douglas did ſub-Come of the
mit) granted them an Indemnity for all they had done ; yet the
firſt and laſt were immediately confiñ d, the Biſhop to the Caſtle of
Roxburgh, and Sir Willian to that of Berwick.
Notwithſtanding this Piece of Treachery or Cowardice thoſe
great Men were guilty of Sir William Wallace and the inferior, but
braver Gentry that adher'd to him, ſtood their Ground. If they
enter'd into the Treaty, as, the Engliſh lay they did, they did it but
to gain Time, but never came to a Concluſion, till they had made
à Shift to get off from the dangerous Paſs they had been engagd in-
to, and then taking Advantage of the Earl of Surrey's Remiſneſs,
who was
come to treat with them in Perſon, reinforc'd their Army,
bid him Defiance, fell upon his Rear as he retreated through Galloway,
plunder'd his Baggage, and kill'd thoſe that guarded it, to the nurn-
ber of 500. Men, Women and Children : But, adds Henry Knighton,
were purſu'd by a Body of the Army, who kill'd about 1000 of
their Numbers.
Theſe Commotions in Scotland did not hinder King Edward from
purſuing his Debgn to go over to Flanders : He thought, that ſince
the Noblemen above mention'd had come to his Peace, and that moſt
Part of the Nobility and Gentry he had laſt Year carried Priſoners
with him to England, had oblig'd themſelves to endeavour the Pa-
cification of their native Country, and to attend him beyond Seas
with their Perſons and Power, Sir William Wallace would not, with
the remaining few, be able to withſtand the Army and Garriſons
left in Scotland. But he was miſtaken: Of all thoſe that had been
made Priſoners, and were now.upon theſe Conditions liberated, I
read of none, but the two Cümines of Buchan and Badenach, that did
effectually contribute towards ſettling the Peace of the Coutry.
Thoſe that went with him to Flanders deſerted to the French, how
ſoon they found an Opportunity; and the Reft, how ſoon they
came Home, revolted to Sir William Wallace; that is, they re-
turn'd to their Allegiance to King John, whom as yet, ſince the
Rrrrrr 2
1
more
528 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
m.y:
more righteous Heir (if any ſuch there was) did not let up, all
the Loyaliſts of the Nation ſtill own'd as King. In his Name Sir
William Wallace, and the Non-jurors with him, had always acted,
and now by the unanimous Conſent of almoſt the whole Nation, he
was fairly elected and acknowledg’d Guardian of the Kingdom,
and Captain-General of the Army, under the moſt Illuſtrious King
1s made John. Some are poſitive that he had his Commiſſion from that
Guardian of Prince, tho at the time a Priſoner in the Tower of London. I'm
dom, and ſure, that henceforth he gave Lands, and granted Charters to deſer-
Gaptain of ving Perſons, particularly to Scrimgeor of Dudhope, and that in thoſe
the Scots Ar- he deſign’d himſelf Dux exercitus Scotia ; nay, as ſuch, and in Namie
of King John, he gave Protections to Religious Houſes in England,
and ſafe Conducts to thoſe of the Enemy thats wanted to have
them. And all Scots Hiſtorians are agreed upon the Main, that he
was a lawful Magiſtrate, and, ſays Biſhop Lelly, Omnium Suffragiis
dux liberanda patria creatus eſt : But when he got his Commiflion
from the King, or was elected by the Community, is uncertain : I
think about this Time:. For now, and not till now, it
pear'd, that 'twas poſſible to retrieve the Malheurs of the Nation ;
and that he alone ſeem'd by Nature cut out, and by Providence de
fign’d for the noble End. Thoſe of the higheſt Quality had been fo
very myſterious and uncertain in their Conduct, they had ſo often
chang’d Sides, or fo fornially ſubmitted to the Uſurper, that they
could not be frufted by the more fteddy and reſolute Gentry, who,
perhaps becauſe they had leſs 'to loſe, dar'd more ; and finding
themſelves and the Country abandon'd, nay, given up, as they had
Reaſon to think, even by thoſe of the Blood Royal, the Bruces and
Cumines, were themſelves inclinable, and prevaild with others,
of much the fame Humours and Principles with themſelves, to truſt
their All to the try'd Conduct and Courage of one, who, as he had
no preſent Intereſt to forefeit his Honour, ſo theywere well aflur’d,liad
a Heart equally incapable of being by Dangers terrified, or mollified
by Gain. “And,
Now Sir William Wallace was by the Majority of the Kingdom
elected Guardian, he made the Diſſenters to know, they muſt
own him as ſuch, whoever did not, he treated as Enemies to their
Country, and as Rebels to their King. Neither would he allow
that any one ſhould (as but too many do on the like Occaſions) ly
by and wait for the Event: Who were not willing or forward enough
to put their Hands to the Work, he: compelld (a) by Authori-
ty and Force : And, ſays an Author of undoubted Veracity, (b)
oblig'd the greateſt of the Nobility to obey. his Commands, whether they
would
. or no.; or, if they did not, ſeiz'd upon their Perſons, and committed
them to Prifon. Thus it appears, that the Nobility, always too
regårdful of their Eſtates, were generally the moſt backward to ſerve
their Country ; but they afterwards found, that this was no good
Policy: For upon the Ruine of their Families and Fortunes, did the
more
a) Hlinſhed Hilt. of Scotl. p. 303. (b) Supplement. ex Scotichron. Maj. continuat, lib.2. Cap. 28,
Book III. Guardian of Scotland. 3
ܕ
His great
529
more active and braver Gentry rife to that Height of Grandeur and
Reſpect, their Illuftrious Pofterity are ſtill poffefsd of; 1 ſpeak of
the Douglaffes, Grahams, Campbels, Setons, Ramſays, Murrays, Hays, ,
Boyds, Foliaftons, Gordons, Keiths, Crawfurds, Scots, Frazers, Kers,
Lindſays, &c. None of all which were as yet dignified with Titles
higher than that of Knight : Nor do I find, that any of the Nobili-
ty, I mean of the Earls, (för we had as yet no Dukes, Marqueflet,
For:) but one Malcolm Earl of Lennox, did unchangeably adhere to
the better Cauſe. However with theſe, and ſuch Worthïes äs
theſe; among whom (for I would willingly omit none that have
ſo well deferv'd of King or Country) I find that Sir Fergus Barclay,
Alexander Scrimgeor, Roger Kilpatrick, Robert Lawder, Alexander
Auchinleck, Arthur Biſet, John Cleland, Edward Little, Robert Ruthes'-
fürd, Thomas Haliday, John Tinto, Walter Newbigging, Fårdan Barde,
Adam Curry, Hugh Dundaſs, Stephen Ireland, Ruthven, and two
Prieſts, John Blair and Thomas Gray, were remarkably eminert.
With theſe, I ſay, the Guardian Sir William Wallace ſeem'd rather to fly
over, than to march through all Parts of the Kingdom. All or moit
Garriſons, terrify?d at the very Sound of his Name, and much more Exploits.
at the Approach of his Army, yielded as ſoon as he appear'd before
their reſpective Fortreſſes. He had before this Time recover'd the
Countries of Argyle and Lorn, by the faithful Afliſtance of Sir Neil
Campbel; and by that of the Earl of Lennox; thoſe about Stirling and
Perth. From thence marching Northwards, he took, and to ſave
the Charges of keeping them, demoliſh'd the Caſtles of Forfar, Bre-
chin and Montroſe, furpris’d Dunoter and garriſon'd it: And as he
came in view of Aberdeen, law it all on a Flame, and ſoon after
found it plunder'd and deſerted by the Engliſh, who had retreated intb
the Citadel: But, upon Advice that an Engliſh Army had enter'd
the South Parts of Scotland, he thought, not fit to loſe Mer or
Time in beſieging them. He therefore return'd and reſolv’d to
encounter the Eneriy (who he was willing ſhould advance a good
Way into the Country) no where but in Places chalk'd out by him-
felf. He ſat down in thė mean time before the Caſtle of Cowper in
Fife, others ſay Dundee, where he had Intelligence of the nigher
Approach of the Engliſh Generals, the Earl of Surrey, and Hugh de
Creſfingham, with an Army of above 40000 Men (a). Upon this
he commanded the Burghers upon Pain of Death to continue the
Siege he had begun; and himſelf, with his little but reſolute Army,
march'd towards Stirling, and eńcamp'd in, an advantageous
Poſt, upón a Hill abáve the Monaſtery of Cambåskenneth. The
Enemy lay on the South-ſide of the Forth: And the Generals willing
to bring Matters to an Accommodation without Blobd-lhed, ſerit
two Dominican Friars tờ thất Robber, aş Knighton, Pryn, &c. are
pleas’d to call him, William Wallace, withi Orders to offer Peace; to
be ſure upon their own Terms. But the Guardian bid them gó
tell their Officers, “ That the Scots came not to that place to fue
S:fffir
(a) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 121. Knighton de de event, Angl. lib. 3. p. 2516,
.
66 for
ir
530 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
66.
a
" for Peace;. that they were ready to Fight, and would, how
« ſoon attack’d, with their Swords evince, that their Country
was Independent and Free. Let them but advance, ' added he,
" and to their Faces we'll tell them ſo much.” This provoking
Anſwer extreamly irritated the Engliſh Generals: They defpis’d the
Handful of Men they ſaw before them, and the moſt preſumptuous
cry'd out, They're all our own, let us inſtantly charge them.
Lundy a Scotſman, the ſame, who in the Beginning of the Cam-
paign had deſerted to the Engliſh, oppos’d this Motion : He knew
that the Guardian of Scotland would not readily fight, without ha-
ving taken Meaſures capable to counter-ballance the vaſt Inequality
of Numbers : They ſay, he had not above 10000 Men. Lundy was
in the Right ; for the Bridge over which the Afmy muſt pals,
was both narrow and weak, and the Scots Carpenter, who had a lit-
tle before been employ'd to mend.it, had at the Guardian's Deſire,
cut the main Beams of it half through, and thereby made it inca-
pable to ſupport a great Weight. But Hugh de Creſfingham, King
Edward's Treaſurer for Scotland, was poſitive in the contrary Opini-
on : He told the Earl of Surrey, That 'twas no Time to dally, nor
could he be anſwerable to ſquander away the King's Money to no
Purpoſe. Mov'd by theſe Expreffions, the Earl gave Orders to the
Army to march along the Bridge, and Sir Marmaduke Twenge,
Gentleman of noted Courage and Reſolution, led the Van, and
bravely, advanc'd to the Foot of the Hill on which the Școts were
drawn
up
in Order of Battle. Theſe laſt did not move, till they
faw as many of the Enemy got over, as the Guardian thought they
could vanquiſh, nor did 'they make a great Oppoſition to Sir. Mai-
maduke, but on the firſt Onſet retreated as if they had fled. He
purſu'd hotly, but when at a great Diſtance from the Bridge, was,
by one near him, made to take Notice, that none of the Engliſh
Standards were in his Rear, nor was he follow'd by an Engliſh
Cors. The Reaſon was this, while ſome of the Scots Army ſeem’d
to fly before him, the moſt Part had taken a by-way to the Bridge,
and intercepted his Retreat, nay, which was worſe, the Bridge
was broken by the Weight of arm’d Paſſengers, and 'huge Nun-
bers of them drownd in the River.' This Accident, or rather
Stratagem, diſheartn’d the whole Army, and all the Engliſh, (to the
.number of 5000 Foot, and 100 Horſe, ſays Knighton, a very parti-
Battle of al Hiſtorian, for which Reaſon we may juſtly reckon upon a great
many more) that had come over the Forth, were put to the Sword;
only Sir Marmaduke, and a very few with him, made the beſt of their
way back to the River, and by Swiming eſcap'd. How ſoon that
gallant Gentleman had re-join'd the Earl of Surrey (who all this
while ſtood on the South-lide of the Water, and had had the cut-
ting Mortification to ſee his Men drown'd and cut to Pieces, with-
out being able to give them Relief) he advis’d him to ſet Fire to
what remaind of the Bridge, thereby to prevent his being, ſo
quickly purſu'd by the victorious Scots, as he muſt otherwiſe be.
But
the
.
Stirling
1.
D
Book III. Guardian of Scotland 531
i
I
1
But this Expedient; tho very good, was of little Uſe to himſelf or
his broken Army : For the great Steward of Scotland and the Earl
of Lennox•had on purpoſe poſted themſelves in an Ambuiði not far
from the Engliſh Army, and how foon they ſaw the Event of the
Day, they came from behind the Mountains, charg’d the retrea-
ting Earl, put him to Flight, and purſu'd him with that Vigour;
that he eſcap'd with Difficulty to Berwick : And 'tis obferv'd by
Engliſh Hiſtorians, (a) that his Horſe was ſo ſpent with running,
that, when put in the Stable of the Franciſcan Friars, he could eat
none. "A Proof, I take it, or that this Earl muſt have been the moſt
notorious Coward in Nature, and that's neither probable nor al-
ledg’d, or that by the admirable Conduct of the Guardian of Scot-
land, his whole Army, confiſting of no fewer, perhaps many moie
than Engliſh Authors tell us of, muſt have been intirely cut off
, ere
they got out of the Kingdom. Among the many Engliſh and Well)
that were flain, the Treaſurer Hugh de Creffingham was one : Of him,
tho a Prieſt, his own Country-men alſo Prieſts and Monks, give us
as ill a Chara&ter, as can be imagin'd, and ſay, that, for his
Covetoulneſs and Cruelty, the Scots hated hiin lo very heartily,
that finding his dead Body after the Battle, they flea'd it, and cut
his Skin into Parcels, not with a Deſign to keep them as Relicks,
büt to ſhew them in Derifion, and to make Girths, or the like
Furniture of them for their Horſes.
This glorious Baſtle, in which no Sotſman of Note but one, the
brave Sir Andrew Murray of Bothwell loſt his Life, was fought on
the 13th of September ; and, what always demonſtrates how far a
Victory, may be reckon'd compléat, its Conſequences were as great
as the Gainers could wiſh: For no Engliſhman durft ſtay in Scotland; Drives ail
and all thoſe Scots, that, for Reaſons of Policy or Cowardlineſs of the buildinfo
Temper, had appeard in the Engliſh Intereſt, ſubmitted to the De-land
.
liverer of their Country; inſomuch, that before the laſt Day of the
Month, all the Strengths in the Kingdom were recoverd, except
Berwick and Roxburgh : Nor did theſe hold out long, being like the
reft, deferted by their Gafriſons. And thus, within 14 Months af-
ter the King and Kingdom of Scotland had been intirely ſubdud, and
oblig'd to own a foreign Potentäte as their lawful Sovereign and
only King, did one ſingle, and till then private unknown Gentle-
man; without Money or Arms, but what he took from the Enemy;
and without Men but a few, whoſe . Souls he animated by the Vi-
gour and Greatneſs of his own, reſtore the Nation to its ancient
Liberty, and (which was yet more, and ſcarcely to be expected
conſidering how many Indignities they had tamely fuffer'd, and
how ſervilely their King and Nobles had, during almoſt ten Years by-
paſt
, truckld under an uſurp'd Sovereignty above them) to ſuch ari
invincible Deſire of preſerving it to their Poſterity, that henceforth
no Intereſt, no Hardſhips, no Diſaſters, no Power upon Earth,
could make them degenerate ſo far, as to fit (I don't lay Years as
Sifflſ 2
before)
.-
.
(a; Knighton ibid.
532 The Life of Sir William Wallace, , Book III.
Nation.
.
before, but Months, under the Yoke. Nor did he reſt fatisfied
with this,
The Plunder, gain’d at the Battle of Stirling, was no doubt con-
ſiderable, but the two Engliſh Armies that had enter'd Scotland this
Summer, and the Scots that had rang’d through all Parts of the
Kingdom, occaſion'd a great Scarcity of all Thingsneceſſary to the
Subliſtence of Men and Horſe; and a Famine was with great Reaſon
apprehended. To prevent this Inconvenience, as well as to retali,
ate Injuries formerly reciv'd, the provident and indefatigable Guar-
dian bethought himſelf of this Expedient: He iffu'd out his Or-
Difeplines der's .(a). commanding all Scotſmen that were capable to carry Arms,
the whole to be ready to join him by turns, at certain Times and Places con-
deſcended upon, and that none might be abſent; he had an exact
Liſt of all between the Age of fixteen and, fixty Years, wherever
they liv’d, whether in Shires,Baronies, Burghs or Villages; and in
each Village he caus’d a Gibbet to be put up for the more ſpeedy
Execution of whoever ſhould preſume, or to deſert from their Co-
lours,or not to repair to the Army when call’d. Some in and about
Aberdeen did not at firſt obey theſe Commands; for which Reaſon,
he left his Ariny, then on its March to the Frontiers of England,
went to Aberdeen, caus’d the Delinquents to be hang'd, and with
incredible Expedition returnd. The whole Kingdom he divided
into Diſtricts, and from each Diſtrict he could, how ſoon he pleas’d,
draw out as many Men as it contain'd; and thoſe were all with
great Order and Nicety Regimented, evety three having a fourth
over them, whoſe Orders they were to obey ; every nine a tenth,
every ninteen a twentieth, and ſo one to hundreds and thouſands,
Q6. Thus having divided and ſubdivided the whole Nation, and
having them all under the Pain of preſent Death, oblig'd to Duty
and Diſcipline, he drew together as many as he thought neceſſary
for the Purpoſe, gave the Command of them under himſelf to An-
land, andrà drew Murray, Sirnam'd the Noble, the Son of that Andrew Murray
who had but lately been kill’d at Stạrling, and ſo enter'd England (C)
on the i 8th of O&tober, about fix Weeks after the Battle had been
fought. The Inhabitants of Northumberland
terrified at his Approach,
and leaving the whole Country defenceleſs and naked, went withi
all their Effects and Families to Newcaſtle. Upon this, the Scots
Army halted, or rather made a ſhew of Retreating; which Movement
drew back the Country People to their Habitations, and they were
all on a ſudden ſurpiz'd by the Diligence of the Scots Generals, who
by detaching Parties from their Army, which lay in the Forreſt of
Ruthesbury, ravag‘d the whole Country between T'ine and Dervent,
during the Space of twenty three Days. By this Time a Body of
freſh Troops was come to the Borders, wherefore ſome of the for-
iner were lent home, and had the Satisfying Pleaſure to carry bac
with
Vages the
North of it:
'
.
(Supplement. ex Scotichron. Maj. ubi fup. Buchan. Boet. &c. ubi fup. (b) Knighton, lib. 3. p. 2521, &c.
Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 122.
Book'IlI. Guardian of Scotland 533
6
E6
with them to their own Country, the great. Plenty they had found
in that of their Enemies.
On the 11th of November, the Guardian directed his March to
Carlile, and ſent a Prieſt to ſummon the Place, who, ſays Knigh-
ton, diſcharg'd his Commiſſion in theſe Terms « My Maſter
" William the Conqueror, ſaid he to the Magiſtrates, deſires, that to
" avoid the Effuſion of Blood, you'll ſurrender your Town and Caſtle
66 into his Hands, which if you do, he promiſes to ſave your Limbs
" and Effects otherwiſe depend upon it, he:ll inſtantly ſet upon and
cut you
to Pieces.” They ask'd who was the Perſon he callid.
the Conqueror? The ſame, reply'd he, you call Willam Wallace: To
which the Magiſtratés made anſwer; “ That their Maſter the King
26 of England, had committed the Town and Caſtle to their Care and
« that they were not aſſur’d that he would take it well,if they ſhould
c6 ſurrender them to another; but that, if William Wallace meant to be
a Conqueror in good earneſt,he might attack them,and enjoy what
", lie ihould gain. 'Twas their good Luck thathe could not, for want
of battering Engines, which the ſhortneſs of Time and Seaſon of the
Year did not allow him to provide.He therefore turn'd aſide, march'd
through the Forreſt of Inglwood, laid waſte Berlande and Allerdale;
and generally. all that Country, as far as Cockermouth, not ſparing
(ſay Tome Engliſh Authors) either Age or Sexe : But this is falſe;e-
ven according to Knighton himſelf, (*) from whom we have fome
Copies of the Letters of Protection and Safety he gave to religiousHlou- Gives Let
fes. I fhall for the Satisfaction of the Curious tranſcribe one of them, ters of Pro-
" Willian Walläce and Andrew Murray, in Name of the Illuſtrious religiolis
“ Prince Fobn, by the Grace of God, King of Scotland, and with
“ Conſent of the Community of the fame Kingdom, Comman-
ci ders of the Army of the ſaid Kingdom of Scotland, to all the
Subjects thereof, to whom theſe Letters may comes Greeting ;
" Know that in Name of the ſaid King, we have taken into his Pro-
“ tection, the Prior and Convent of Exfeldeſham in Northumberland,
" their Lands, Men, Poffeffions and Goods,moveable and immove-
“ able ; wherefore we ſtrictly forbid you to do any Hurt;Miſchief
or Injury whatever, to their Perſons, Lands or Goods, under
o Pain of Forefeiture of your own Goods and Eſtates to the King,
« ör to kill any of them under Pain of Death :And we will that theſe
« Letters be of Force a whole Year and no longer. Given at Eża
ſeldeſbam, 7th of November.
From Cockermouth the Army march'd towards Newcaſtle, and when
they came to the Village of Ryton, the Inhabitants came out of it,
gave thein opprobrious Language, and curft them in their Hearing
What gave this Boldneſs to theſe People, was the huge Quantity of
Water that cover?d them, and over which they thought the Scots
would not be able to paſs. But the Scots did paſs over and ſet their
Village on Fire. The Inihabitants fled with Precipitation, and the
Confternation was general all over the Province. All fled,all lamented
Tttttt
their
Houſes.)
CG
:
(a) P. 2521.
534 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
their Dilatters and no Body or Men durft ſo much as offer to appear in
the
open
Fields: Only the Cities of Durham and Newcaſtle put them-
ſelves in a Poſture of Defence; and thoſe in Newcaſtle had the Courage
to come out of the Town, but not far, not daring, ſays Knigh-
ton, to come to an Engagement, by Reafon of the Inequality of their
Numbers. Nor did the Scots think fit to attack them: They very
well knew, that the Town, which they could not take in that Seaſon
of the Year, would protect its own Inhabitants. Beſides, they had
done Miſchief enough to theirEnemies,and atacheap Rate purchas'd
abundance of Wealth and Glory to themſelves. And now they had
liv'd upwards of two Months in England, and got wherewith to de-
dàmmage Scotland for their former Lofles, they thought fit to return,
and paſs the Chriſtmaſs Holy Days in Peace, Plenty and Jollity at
Home.
The Fame of Sir Williain Wallace, and of the mighty Succeſies he
had had, firſt in Scotland, and afterwards in England, was the Sub-
ject of all Mens Diſcourſe, particularly at the Courts of England
and France. Philip the Fair heard of it with Joy;and King Edward
with that grating Diſpleaſure, Men of his Character
, always conceive,
when out-done by thoſe they reckon below themſelves. He there-
fore made hafte to conclude the Treaty ſet on foot between him and
King Philip; and, in the mean time, to put a Stop to further Pro,
greffes, he wrote from Flanders (where he ſtill continu'd) to the
Prince his Son, and defir’d him to ſummon à great Council (a) or
Parliament of the Nobility, with Orders to promiſe in his Name,
whatever ſeem'd neceſſary towards the obtaining their hearty Con-
Currence in the Scots War.. They met accordingly: And the King's,
late Confirmation of the Great Charter, and that of Forçeſts being
for their Satisfa&tion read and publiſh'd, and Sentence of Excommu-
nication denounc'd againſt all Violators of theſe Priviledges the Na-
tion had never obtain d, but for the Neceſſity, the Scots had put u.
pon the King to grant any Thing; ſo he had thereby a Proſpect of
reducing them; the Conſtable and Marſhal of England, the Earls
of Surrey, Gloceſter and· Arundel, and generally all the Earls and Ba-
rons of the Kingdom agreed, that within eight Days, all the Forces
they could raiſe, ſhould rendezvous at Newcaſtle. This was done
A vaſt Ar as appointed, and the Army was found to conſiſt of 2000 choice Horſe,
well arm’d, 2500 light Horſe,& of Foot-menabove 100000. The Prince
marches to and Noblemen above-mention'd ſet themſelves upon their Headand
againſt him. march'd againſt the Scots,reliev'd the Caſtle of Roxburgh,the Guardian,
it ſeems had laid Siege to,took in Berwick,which being untenable, the
Scots Garriſon had deferted,and there receiv’dOrders from King Edward
(who was willing to have the Glory of recovering his Conqueſts by
himſelf, or perhaps fear’d, left his General the Earl of Surrey ſhould,
by the Guardian of Scotland's inimitable Conduct
, be, to England's
irretrievable Loſs,a ſecond Time worſted)to advance no farther,till he
himſelf
my rais'd in
England,
1
(3) Tyrrel, Val, ill. p.127,128
Book III. . Guardian of Scotland . 4
}
;
His Anſwer
Threats,
Meets the
5 35
himſelf, having now ſettled his Affairs beyond Seas, ſhould come
Home to put an End to thoſe of Scotland:
As he had promis’d, lo he landed in England on the 21ſt of
March, and preſently fent threatning Letters to the Guardian of Scot-
land (a) and told him amongſt other Things . That he durft not A. D. 1298
“ have attempted a Revolt in Scotland, much leſs an-Invaſion upon
“ England, had he himſelf been in the Iſland. Sir William receiv'd
his Meſſenger with that Height that became his preſent Station, to King Ed
and made anſwer, “ That he had more Reaſon to take the Opportu-ward's
<< nity of King Edward's Abſence to free his Country from Servi.
"tude, than King Edward of the Diviſions of a free People, to en:
« ſlave them. He added, “ That he had invaded England, to repay
" the Injuries done to Scotland: That he deſign d' to keep his Eaſter
" in the ſame Country, and that he invited his Highneſs to that
Feaſt. He was as good as his Word, and King Edward no worſe than
his. The laſt had an Army juſt ready to receive him: For tho the Earl
of Surrey, and the other.Noblemen above-mentioned; (b) had, upon
Receipt of his Letters from Flanders, diſmiſs’d the greater Part of
their numerous Army, yet they retain'd about 1500 ſelect Horſe,
and 20000 Foot, who (with ſuch as joind the King, as he went
North to Headúthem) léem?d: ſufficient, not only to render the
Guardian's Deſign of returning to England ineffectual, but to make King of Eng
him retreat to the Mountains of Scotland: Yet he did return, as he ander on this
had promis’d, and came in View of the mighty Monarch near Stan. Stanmors.
That Prince's : Army was incredibly numerous, at leaſt it ap-
pear'd ſo to the Scots; the Armour of the Souldiers ſhining; the
Dreſs and Equipage of the Officers and Generals admirably Fines
and the Sound of their Trumpets and Noiſe of their Drums pompous
and terrible. Yet ſuch was the Ardour and Bravery of the Scottiſh
Youth that they ſought Leave from the Guardian to go a Pickeering,
and to merit (as my Author expreffes it, by trying whether all this
was Shew or Reality in the Englifh) to have golden Spurs; I ſuppoſe
he means the Honour of Knighthood : But this was a Favour he
would by no Means allow; on the contrary, he iſſu'd out & Pro-
clamation, commanding all Men upon Pain of Death to keep their
Ranks, to márch with Gravity, and to attempt nothing without
his Orders. The King of England took Notice of, and admir’d the
Order, Diſcipline, and Countenance of the fame Enemy he had
hitherto deſpis’d: He now found; that he had to do with Men
that. acted with Subordination and Concert, and that they had
Leaders perfectly knowing in the Art of War. His own Veteran
and experienc’d. Souldiers were not yet come over from Flanders
and he thought not fit to hazard his own Glory, the Lives of his
Nobility, and the Forfeiture. of his great Claim, with an undiſci-
plin d. (tho.numerous) Militia; ágainſt a linall (but fearleſs and relo-
Iute Army) compos’d of as many Heroes as. Officers, and of as ma-
Tttttt 2
пу
(*) Ex Scotichron. Maj. lib 2. cap. 30. Pere D' Orleans liv. 4. p.483. (b) Tyrrei ubi fup.
more,
dibile
numéro
wie
1
is
536 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
:
.
ny Officers as Souldires. He therefore wiſely retir’d, and the Guar-
dían of Scotland, with no leſs Prudence, check'd the too forward
Courage of his Men, who, ſeeing the Enemy retreat, would needs
follow and charge their Rear. But this was to put all in Danger :
Ageneral Engagement might have enlu’d, and that's what he e-
ver avoided, but when by a premeditated Stratagem he was ſure to
make Odds even. He again upon Pain of Death diſcharg’d any
from ſtirring from the Order they were in, and told thoſe about
him, “ That they had done enough, when they but ſtood their
“ Ground,and kept their Countenance in the Preſence of ſuch a
« Power,as one ſhould have thought, was able to have ſwallow'd
66 them up:That this was in Effect a Victory, and ſo much the more
« Glorious, that they had gaind it without drawing their Swords.
Thele words being ſpread through the Army had an agreeable Ef-
fect upon all their Minds: The Gentry alighted from their Hortes,
" and all the Army proftrated themſelves on the Ground, glorify'd
God, and, as the Faſhion then was, ſung his Praiſes whom
they believ'd to be the Patron of Scotland, the Apoſtle St. Andrew;
nor did they omit thoſe of St. Cuthbert, on whoſe Feaſt, and in
ſome Meaſure by whoſe Interceffion, in their Opinion, 'their Cou-
rage had been inflam’d, and their Enemies intimidated. So ſays
iny Voucher above cited, and with him all Scpts Authors ſay the
fame upon the Main : But the Engliſh tell us nothing of the Matter
,
and are poſitives that their King was not preſent on this remark-
able. Occaſion. It may be fo, tho the Scots thought otherwiſe :
But ſince 'tis own'd, that about this Time an Army of above
100000 Men, headed by the Prince and all the Nobility of England,
did march to the Borders in Search of the Scots, I ſee no Reafon to
doubt of their haying come in View of one another near Stanmore ;
and 'tis moſt probable, that the English Nobility, finding the Enemy
to advantageouſly Poſted, and ſo well diſpos'd to receive them,
may have been cautious how, in the King's Abſence (who was every
Day expected) they ſhould venture upon a deciſive Battle. And
thus the differing Accounts given us by both Nations, may be re-
concild.
The Glory of the Guardian Sir William Wallace was now at its
Height: And as he was become the Admiration of Europe, the Ter-
ror of England, and the Darling of the Gentry and. Commonalty of
Scotland, ſo he was the Object of the Envy and Fear of the Nobili-
ty. (a) They confider'd the Praiſes heap'd upon him, as ſo many
Reproaches caft upon themſelves, and each glorious Action he did,
the Nobili ſeem'd to reflect Diſgrace upon their Cowardice that durft not, or
ty of Scot. Perfidy that would not do the like. They had numerous Follow-
ers and large Eſtates ; and thereby the Means of aſſerting their
own and their Country's Rights, yet had not done it: And a pri-
vate Gentleman, a ſecond Brother of none of the moſt opulent Fa-
milies, deſtitude of all earthly Aſſiſtance, but Courage to dare and
Wit
}
!
land.
(Buchan. Boeth. Holinſhed, &s.
}
Book III. Guardian of Scotland 537
ſide,
Wit to contrive, had taken their Work in Hand, and effected it ſo
ſucceſsfully, that now he was become their Superior, and; to ſay
the truth, behav'd himſelf as ſuch: What might he not do after-
wards ? And whither Fortune might carry a Man of his Spirit, no
Body could gueſs
. Fohn Cumine of Badenach, and Robert Bruce Ear!
of Carrick, both of the Blood Royal, and both of aſpiring Tempers;
fear'd he might at laſt uſurp upon their Birth-Right, and ſet thé
Crown they had a Title to, on his own Head. Theſe Confidera-
tions made the one join openly with the Enemy, and the other ly
by, or act but faintly againſt him. King Edward could not be ig-
norant of this; and he was too Wiſe not to make Advantage by it:
He was not yet ready to return to the Borders in Perſon; but he
had an Army ſtill there, and by his Emiſſaries (a) he prevail'd
with the leading Men in Galloway to Revolt
. in his Favour, and at
the ſame Time Aymere de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, and John Pfew-
art, two of his Generals, made a Shift to penetrate into the Coun-
try, or, which is more probable, to make a Deſcent in Fife : But
on the i 2th of June, the Guardian ſet upon them, at the then ſpa- Battle of
cious and beautiful Forreſt of Black-Ironſide, and kill'd or took Pri- Black-troja
foners 1580 of their Men. He loft very few of his own, and none
of Note but Duncan Balfour Sheriff of Fife, the gallant Sir John
Graham being only wounded.
This Victory did not hinder the vigilant Enemy from making
more Attempts upon the In-land Country; for I find that the ſame
Summer the Guardian was forc'd to break the Bridge of Perth, and
that at, or near that Place, he defeated the Engliſh no leſs than
three Times; and in one of theſe Engagements, their Leader Sir John
Witbrington, was, with a great many of his Party, drown'd in the
River. 'Tis probable that King Edward had fent a Fleet to the
Coaſts of Scotland, with Orders to haraſs them, and, when Oppor-
tunities offer'd, to make Deſcents; which while the Guardian en-
deavour'd to prevent or defeat, his Army on the Borders, in Coni-
junction with the Rebels of Galloway, feiz'd upon ſome parts in the
South and Weſt. To puniſh theſe, and reped thofe, the Guardian,
and with him Sir John Graham, Sir John Menteith, and Alexander
Scrimgeor Conſtable of Dundee, march'd Southwards, and having In-
telligence, that they had canton'd themſelves about Air, and that
the Barns were fill’d with Engliſh. Souldiers, they advanc'd in the
Night upon the Head of a Party of 500 Men, and let them on
Fire, ſo opportunely, that ſuch as awaken'd and efcap'd from the de-
vouring Flames, fell upon the Points of the Scotſmen's Swords. So
fays my Author, who by placing this Aaion in the prefent Year
(contrary to what I have before related from others concerning it)
has made it the more uncertain at what Time it was perform’d.
“ Thus (continues he) (b) did Scotland, by the wonderful Conduct
** and Vigilance of its Guardian, enjoy Peace in the midſt of War,
" and the People, guarded by repeated Victories over their Ene-
u u u u u u
mies,
(4) Scotichron. Maj. lib. zi cap. 30. (6) Ibid. cap. 31,
1
1
1
>
1
1
538 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book ini.
66
(6
26
CC
(6
CC
66
mies, ſecurely cultivated the formerly neglected Soil, anu dit
pers' Plenty over the Land, while, at the ſame Time, the more
« Potent Nobles, inebriated with Envy and Jealouſy, outwardly
profeſs’d all the Gratitude that was due to the admiro
« Archievements of their Deliverer, but privately confpir’d
.t his Ruin : And in order to Effect this, caus’d Rumours to
“ be ſpread abroad, intimating that he deſign’d to uſurp the
" Crown; and that,
if an Uſurper muſt Reign, a great and mighty
Monarch, tho a Foreigner, was preferable to an Upſtart of
“ Yeſterday. O ftrange Fatuity! (adds be) Wallace had no Deſign
to be King, but againſt his own Will had been elected Guardian
“ of the Kingdom; and at a Time, when, unhappy Scotland, thou
" had not a Head to defend thee, he did it with the Strength of
“his Arm, and in the Day of Tribulation afforded Relief. Odi-
ous Envy !. Whence comes it, that Scotſmen are thus over-ruld
by thee? Alas! ’tis natural to moff Men, to hate and depreſs one
another, the beſt Patriots eſpecially, becauſe the beſt; in this
" like to Cain, who envy'd Abel; to Rachel, who hated Leab; to Saul,
" who male-treated David; and to the Scots, who would not ſuffer
" theinſelves to be bleſs-d by 'their Wallace.
By this Time the formidable Army King Edward had left in
Flanders was return’d to England, and he, to ſtrengthen it by the
Addition of all the Forces that Kingdom, Ireland and Wales could
raiſe, had given his Nobles all the Satisfaction they could deſire
(a) with Reference to the Priviledges. they ſtill contended for:
And now their Jealoufies being intirely remov'd, they march'd with
him againſt the Scats with great Courage and Chearfulneſs
. Hig
Army, when muſter'd at Roxburgh, amounted in all to 3000 choice
Horſe or Men at Arins, that is, ſuch as were arm’d Çap-a-pe, be-
fides 4000 light Horſe-men, and about 80000 Foot, molt Párt Iriſh
and Welh. To oppoſe this terrifying Power, the Guardian of
Scotland had not above 30000 both Horſe and Foot, fay all Scots
Authors; yet they had moſt probably ſtood their Ground, diſci-
plin’d and animated as they were, had they been commanded by
the Guardian alone : But unluckily, two Men, brave indeed, but,
as moft Part of the Nobility (and thoſe that had an immediate
Dependance upon them generally were. for the Reaſons mention'd
but now, his ſecret Enemies, divided the Command with him;
Sir Johrl Cumine of Badenach, and Sir John Stewart of Bonkyll ; this.
(6) "the Brother of James Lord High Steward of Scotland, and for
that Reaſon by ſome Authors erroneouſly call'd Stewart of Bute,
which at that Time was a Part, not of his, but of his eldeſt Bro-
ther's Patrimony; and that, the Grand-child of Dervegild the Mo-
ther of King John, conſequently, next to him and his Children, a
legal Pretender to, if not Heir of the Crown, Both theſe made it
their buſineſs to thwart the Deſigns of the Guardian; yet. ſo far a-
greed with him, upon the Enemy's Approach, as by his Advice to
take
+
(a) Tyrre! Vol. III. p. 123. (b) Mr. David Symfon's Hilt, of the Stewarts. Ps 637
Book III. Guardian of Scotland. 5 3.9
Barrle of
Falkirk.
take up their Ground in an advantageous Poſt, to rạnk their Men
orderly in three round Bodies, conſiſting of Lances, to fill
up
the
Spaces between them with Archers,to place their Horſe (becaule un-
able to engage the Engliſh,by far more nuinerous)in theRear,and to forti-
fy their Front with Paliſadoes ſtuck in the Ground and ty’d together
witli Ropes.
In this poſture did they ly at Falkirk, about ſeven Miles from Stir-
ling, and wait till King Edward (after having reduc'd ſome Caſtles,
od penetrated ſo far into the Bowels of the Kingdom) came in their
view on the 22d of July. And now 'twas that they ſhould have laid 'a-
fide their Animofities, and contended about nothing, but who
ſhould vanquiſhi or die with the greateſt Bravery. They were not
ſo wiſe : Each of them would have the Honour of going on firft u-
pon the Head of the Van; Wallace, becauſe Guardian of the King-
dom ; Cuminé, by Reaſon of his. more numerous Vaffalageand Roy-
al Birth; and Sir John Stewart, becauſe he acted that Day in Place
of his abſent Brother, the Lord High Stewart himſelf, whoſe
Vaffals or Military Tenants, commonly call’d Brandanes, would o-
bey no Commands but what he gave them, and he is laid to have
been ſo nice upon this Punctilio of Honour, that he upbraided the
Guardian to his Face, charg’d brim with Ambition and Pride, and
compard him to the Owl, which according to the Fable,had nothing
that was originally its own, but beg'd a Feather of every Bird, and
getting thus to be richly plum’d, pretended to Beauty and Superiority
above all others.
'Tis eaſy to gueſs what muſt be the Event of a Battle, begun in
ſuch a Juncture of Time. While the fatal Debate was agitated with
the greateſt Heat, King Edward, tho he had that very Morning
got a Fall from his Horſe and broke two of his Ribs, caus'd found
à Charge : The Scots were ſoon routed, and loſt, ſay they, 10000
Men (tifteen, twenty, nay, 6oooo, ſay ſome of the Engliſh, with no
Shadow of Probability or Truth.) Sir John Cumine, with theſe un-
der his Command, went off without fighting at all; Sir Fobn Stew.
art fought bravely and died honourably, as did all the Brandanes :
And the Guardian (who in the Beginning of the Axion had got no
more Leiſure, than to go about among the Ranks of his Men, and makes a no
to make this ſhort Speech to them, I have brought you to the King, from the
bap that is, fty, if you can) did all that could be expected from the Battle of
greateſt Commander in the World. Unable or to reſcue the Stew-
art, or alone to withſtand the prevailing Enemy, by whoſe Nani-
bers he was very near envelop'd, (for the Earl of Carrick made a
large Compaſs about, and was ready to fall on his Rear,) he retrea-
ted infenfibly, paſs'd the little River Carron, and by this Means put
a Fofly, he knew they durft not attempt to wade or ſwim over in
his Sight, between him and the purſuing Enemy. Tłus he fav’d
his own Men, and ſhelterd ſuch of the Brandanes as fled to him.
He did.more, for by keeping himſelf in the Rear, and having a con-
ſtant Eye upon thoſe that were hotteſt in the Purſuit, he found Means
Uu u u uu 2
to
Sir William
Wallace
Falkirk.
10
i
.
540 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III
“ I'm ſurprizd,
1
0
16
66
06
to cut off ſeveral of them, particularly, (a) one Frere Bryan Jay, a
Knight Templar, upon whom he turn'd, and kill'd him in View of
moſt of the Victorious Army. This bold A&tion made others be-
ware of coming, as the Templar had done within his Reach.
The Earl of Carrick (who, by the
Means I have expreſs’d, made
the Guardian to retreat ; for which Reaſon, and becaule of the many
Forces he brought to the Field, he was branded as the main Author of
the Loſſes his Country had ſuſtain'd) was one pf thoſe that followed
the Chace ; and as the Guardian ſtood on the one Side of the Rie
His inter ver, he advanc'd to the oppoſite Bank, and elevating his Voice, ſpoke
Converſati. to him, (as moſt Authors write) to this Purpoſe.
Robert Bruce" Said be, Sir William, that you ſhould entertain Thoughts, as "tis
“ believ'd you do, of attaining to the Crown of Scotland, and that,
cc. with this Chimerical View, you ſhould thụs expoſe your felf tó
“ fo many Dangers. 'Tis not eaſy, you find, to reſiſt the King of
“ England, he is one of the greateſt Princes in the World; and were
« it otherwiſe, do you think the Scots would ſuffer you to be their
“King”. The Guardian did not allow him to ſay more.
“ No, Re-
ply'd he, my Thoughts did never ſoar ſo high, nor do I intend to
“ ulurp a Crown, 1 very well know, my Birth has given me no
« Right to, and my Services cannot merit
. I only mean to deli-
ver my Country from Oppreſſion and Slavery, and to defend a
“ juft Cauſe you have abandon’d. You, my Lord, whoſe Rights
may
entitle you to be King, you ought to protect the Kingdomn;
66 tis becauſe you do it not, that I muſt and will, while I breath,
66 endeavour the Defence of that Country I was born to ſerve, and,
16 if Providence will have it fo, to die for As for you, whoſe
« Choice it is, rather to live a Slave, if with Safety of your Life
« and Fortune, than free, if with the hazard of loſing the laft; you
may
continue in the Poffeffion of what you'ſo much value, your
large Eſtate, tho had you but the Heart to claim the Crown,
you might win it with Glory, and wear it with Juſtice. I can
“ do neither, but what I can I will, live and die a Free-born Sub-
“ ject.” This Converſation is thought to have left an indelible
Impreſſion upon the Mind of the aſpiring Earl : But the Circum-
ſtances of Place and Time oblig?d them both to break it off ; Bruce
return?d to the Victorious Edward, and Wallace continu'd to bring off
his Men. He did it with as much Glory, in the Opinion of De-
cerning People, as when laſt Year he gain'd (as is evident from
the Conſequences of both)a greater Battle than that which was now
loft. Nevetheleſs, his Enemies gave then out(no doubt to palliate
the Treachery of Sir John Cumine, who was known to have fought
none at all:) and ſome Scots Authors have ſince written , that Sir
William behav'd little better than Sir John, I mean that facrificing his
Honour and Country to his Reſentinent againſt Sir John Stewart,he
ſtood by an idle Spectator, till he ſaw that brave Manand all about
him, cut to Pieces. This, ſay they, is the only Blot he can be
charg'd
61) Holinthed ubi fup. P: 305,
(C
66
c.
.
Book III. Guardian of Scotland
541
1
ز
charg’d with, during the whole Courſe of his Life. I ſhould ſay the
fame Thing, did I fee any Reaſon or good Authority for it. Blind
Hary may talk what he will, ignorant People may miſtake a ne-
ceſtary Retreat, for a giddy Flight ; and becauſe Sir William Wallace
was not the firſt that engag'd (an Honour Hatly refus’d him,) and
afterwards when he faw the Day loft, did not engage too far, Pre-
: judice may have reported that he lay by. But as this is contrary to
the Affertion of the beſt Scots Authors and in particular of Buchanan,
who are all poſitive,That (to tranſlate the Words (a) of a Learnd
French-man) he did nothing derogatory to his Character, was ſtill him felf, and
that his Valour appear’d in the Combat, and his Prudence in the Retreat :
So no one Engliſh Hiſtorian,for ought I know,ſays any Thing of the
Matter : On the contrary, they always ſuppoſe him to have been
General of the Scots Army, to have drawn it up advantageouſly,
and harangu'd it pithily. Beſides, 'tis remarkable; that as Macka
duff (not the Earl of Fife, as our Hiſtorians generally fay, but (as
the more accurate Mr. David Simſon (6) has it the Grand-Uncle of
Duncan, the Earl of that Country fell where) the Stewår: comman-
ded; fo Sir John Graham of Abercorn, or Dundaff,a Gentleman, who,
by Reaſon of the Oneneſs, at leaſt Similitude of his Heroick Quali-
fications with thoſe of Sir William, inſeparably attach'd to his
Intereſt, Perſon and Fate, was killid or that Side where he
fought ; another Proof, I take it, that he did not ly by. Howe-
ver, it muſt be own'd, that in ſo critical a Juncture, the Guardian
ſtood too much upon the Preeminence of his Poft : It was not Time
to contend about leading the Van, when the whole Army was juſt
then to be attackt, and he ought to have given way to the Ambi
tion of the Great Ones, when he found them willing to act as be-
came their Quality and Station.
He did it ſoon after: For by the Cumine's Conduct before and at the
Battle and by the Converſation he had afterwards with the Bruce,he
plainly underſtood theſe Great Men were acted by meer Jealouſy, à
Paſſion not eaſily check’d;and that both, having a View to the Crown;
would always oppoſe, at leaſt would not heartily concur with one,
who, they thought had Merit and Ambition enough to ſet it on his
own Head. To re-unite them, if poſſible, he reſolvd to undeceive
them and the World ; and for that End call d an Aſſembly of the
Nobles at Perth, and, to the inexpreſſible Grief of all that knew
the Sincerity of his Intentions, and Diſintereſtedneſs of his Soul, laid
down his double Commiffion, of General of the Army, and of Guar- his Commil
dian of the Kingdom, reſerving nothing to himſelf
of all the Acquiſi-
tions he might have made, but a ſmall Party of choife
Friends, who,
fix'd to his Deſtiny, devoted themſelves to the Service of their
Country, and declard an eternal War to the Engliſh wherever
they were to be found. Sir John Cumine, his greateſt Enemy, was ,
becauſe of his near Relation to King John, whom the Scots ſtill own'd
as their lawful Sovereign, elected Guardian in his Room : And I
X X X X X X
learn
(a) Pere D' Orleans, liv. IV. p.: 492. (6) Hiſtor, of che Stewarts, p. 63.
1
;
f
i
Laid down
dian.
542 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
learn from Authentick Records, that not only William Biſhop of St:
Andreres
, and Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, (a) the next Year
1299,
but also, that Sir John Soules, in the tenth Year of King John's Reign,
() which muſt needs be in Anno 1 302, acted in Conjunction with
him. So long, nay much longer did theſe brave Men (Sir William
Wallace's Example had taught to be fo) notwithſtanding King Ed-
ward's ſo much magnified Victory at Falkirk, keep up the Face of
a Government in Scotland, and maintain the unequal War they
were engag’d in, againſt all the Power of England, Ireland, Wales
and Gaſcony, tho Headed by one of the braveſt Princes England
boaſts of, and he too at the Time free from actual War with France
or any other Nation whatever.
To be ſure, Sir William Wallace was not idle all this Time, but
what he did, or where he was, no Author with Certainty relates.
Some think that he ſtill continu'd in Scotland, and, tho in a private
Station, gave Life and Spirit to the diſtreſs’d Government. Others,
that he retir'd to France, or at this Time, or, according to the Scoti-
chronicon, (c) after the glorious Victory obtain'd in the Beginning of
the Campaign 1302 by the Scots at Roſline, when he had Reaſon
to think, his Country ſtood not ſo much in need of his Service:
That in his Voyage thither, he fought with, and made Priſoner
, ,
the fainous French Pirate, Thomas de Longeville, Nick-nam'd the
Red-River: That he was heartily welcom’d, and very much careſs’d
by Philip the Fair ; nay ſome add, by him made Duke of Guienne,
at leaſt General of the Army he ſent to that Province againſt the
Engliſh: That as in Scotland, ſo in France, he did Wonders, that
old Gaſcoin Songs were made and long after ſung to his Praiſe; and
that, to confirm the Truth of all this, many domeſtick Monuments
of Thomas Longeville, (who, enanour'd with his Fortitude, follow'd
his Fortune, and return'd with hiin to Scotland) as his Sword, Evi-
dences of his Lands, Qc do yet remain, and are preſerv'd with
great Veneration by his Pofterity. I cannot take upon mne to aſcer-
tain Lincertainties, yet for theſe Reaſons, and becauſe of the great
Correſpondence kept between the French and Scots, from the Year
1 298 to 1303, and of the Silence both of Scots and Engliſh Authors,
who (altho during all that Time, but for ſome Intervals of Truce,
the War continu'd) particularize none of his Atchievements; I am
apt to believe lie may have gone over to France, and probably with
thoſe Ambaſſadors, the new Guardians, how ſoon they enter'd up-
on their .Miniftry, ſent thither to treat about a Peace: If ſo,"I
believe no Body will doubt, but that King. Philip would be very
fond to have ſuch a Man by him, a Heroe, and at the ſame Time,
by Nature, Education and Principle, an irreconcileable Enemy tó
the Engliſh. 'Tis therefore credible, that he may have deſignd to
give him the Command of his Army in Guienne; but that he actually
got that Command, or that he did thoſe Exploits in that Province,
tiiat are faid to be mention'd in their old Songs, to me does not
ſeem
(a) Foder, Angl. Tom. II. p. 859. (6) Chartulary of Kelſo in Biblioth. Fac. Jur. (c) Chap. 149
..
1
Book III. Guardian of Scotland. . 543
ſeem probable: The Reaſon is plain; for the French and Engliſh had
no memorable Wars during all this Time ; the Truce agreed to in
the Beginning of the Year 1298, having been from Time to Time
prolong’d, till about Whitſunday 1303, when a Peace was finally
concluded, to the inexpreſſible Surpriſe and Lots of the Scots, who
were not comprehended in it.
Then it was, and 'twas certainly a very fit Time, that Sir Wil- ·
liam Wallace and his unconquerable Friends appear'd again (where Sir William
none durft but themſelves) in the Fields, and in Oppoſition (a) to parece ap-
that irreliſtible Army, upon the Head of which King Edward in the Fields
march'd triumphantly through, and a ſecond Time ſubdu'd thie A. D. 1303:
whole Kingdom of Scotland ; infornuch that, as Mr. Echard obfer-
ves (6), had not Providence, in Favour of that Country, ordain’d
fome inacceſſible Places and natural Strengths, where no Armies
could march, or be maintain'd, the Scots from this Time, would
have probably loſt all their ancient Liberties. To thefë Sir Wil-
lum Wallace did retire as before, when he could do no better; but
with a Reſolution to fallý out, how ſoon lie found ani Opportunity
ſhould offer : And he made no doubt, but that Providence had
deſtin’d him to be once more the Deliverer of his native Country:
King Edward dreaded it with Reaſon: That Prince could not, did
not, think himſelf an abſolute Conqueror while Wallace ſtood out.
But Wallace was not, as others, to be aw'd by Finės, Forfeiture or
Threats, into Submiſſion; he therefore courted him to his Peace,
with large and magnificent Promiſes of Honours and Wealth, Pla- A coušted
ces and Penſions; (c) but in vain: His conſtant Anſwer was, 'to all by King Ed:
that ever ſpoke to himn (and a great many of his moſt intimate
Friends, as well as the Emiſſaries of King Edward, ſpoke to him)
" That he ow'd his Life to, and would frankly
lay it down for his Country : That ſhould all Scotſmen but him-
6 ſelf ſubmit to the King of England, he never would, nor would he
give Obedience, or ſwear Allegiance to any Power, fave to the
« King of Scotland, his righteous Sovereign.
Since therefore, nor Threats, nor Bribes, nor Example, nor oa
pen Force, nor hiddeni Stratagem, could conquer the invincible
Soul of our Scots Cato; the Engliſh Cafar bethought himſelf of the
only Expedient that yet remain'd uneſſay'd to ſubject him. What
had been rejected by himſelf, Preferment and Money, he causid of-
fer to ſome of his faſteſt Friends, who only knew by what Means he
Is betraya
could be ſurpris’d, and even among them, (who could have thought to the Eng-
it ?) a Judas was found: • The Traitor Sir John Monteith, one of my
A.D. 13052
thoſe he moſt truſted to, brought a Party of Engliſhmen upon him,
as he lurked ſome where near Glaſgow, who having apprehended him,
carried him, by King Edward's Orders, to London (d). As this Mif-
fortune, the greateſt that, as Matters then ſtood, could attend the
Kingdom of Scotland, was inexpreſſibly grating to all honeft Men in
X X X X X X 2
it
upon the Head,
16
1
:
Convoyd
to London
(a) Buchan. ubi ſup. Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 153. (6) Book II. p. 320. (c) Buchan. ibid. Scotichron. Maj. lib. i z:
cap. 3. Holinſhed. p. 307. (d) John Stow's Chronicle of Engl. p. 209. Speed's Hift. of Great Bricait p: 660
(
544 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III
1
i
i
:
it, ſo it.gave Joy and Pleaſure to all Ranks of People in England.
They now thought the War was at an End, yet could not but pity
the hard Fate of ſo celebrated an Enemy: Huge Numbers of Men,
Women and Children, run from all Parts, to wonder upon, and
gaze at their illuſtrious Priſoner, as he was upon the Road. When
arriv'd at London, he was conducted to, and lodg’d in the Houſe of
one William Delečt in Fan-Church-Street. The next Day, which was
the 23d of Auguſt, he was brought on Horſe-back to Weſtminſter, ac-
companied by Fohn Segrave and Geffrey Knights, the Mayor,Sheriffs,
and Aldermen of the City, with a great many more, both on Horſe-
back and Foot : In Preſence of all whom, he was plac'd on the
South Bench of the Great Hall, and, or becauſe they would have
the People to believe that he had aſpir’d to the Crown of Scotland, or
becauſe 'twas reported that he had formerly boaſted (a very impro-
bable Story) that he had deſerv'd to wear a Crown in that Place, he
was Crown'd with Laurel. This done, Sir Peter Malory, the
King's Juſtice, impeach'd him of Treaſon : He anſwer'd, " That
a Traitor he never was, nor could he be to the King of England.
The other Crimes laid to his. Charge, as burning of Towns, ta-
king of Caſtles, killing the Engliſh, &c. he frankly acknowledg’d:
But denied that theſe were Crimes, as indeed they were not, un-
leſs inflexible Loyalty to one's natural Sovereign, with Depen-
dence on whom, and in whoſe Name he' ever acted; Zeal for
the juft Rights of one's native Country, by the Community of
which he was created a Magiſtrate, and refifting not a lawful Go-
vernment, but a tyrannical Uſurpation, ſhall be thought to de-
ſerve the odious Name. However, theſe Heroick, and, I hum-
bly conceive (even the higheſt Flyers and greateſt Aſſertors of Non-
Reſiſtance, and Paſſive Obedience; much more thoſe, that, by inverting
the Text, Refift for Conſcience fake, will fay) Chriſtian Vertues, were
voted Crimes : And the Priſoner, Nutwithſtanding, as Mr Echárd ob-
ſerves, (a) he had never acknowledg’d or ſubmitted to the Laws of Eng-
land, was try'd by them, and condemnd to be hangd, drawn and
And Exe. quarter'd, and whilſt alive, to have his Bowels and Privities cut
out. All which (b) was executed upon him with the utmoſt Seve-
rity, or rather Barbarity: His Head was fix'd upon London Bridge,
but his four Quarters were ſent into Scotland, and plac'd over the
Gates of as inany of the principal Cities of his native Country, for
whoſe Sake he ſuffer'd (I am apt to believe with Ballinden) (c) Mar-
tyrdom: For I don't think that he only. is a Martyr, that is exe-
cuted for his Belief in Chriſt Jeſus, he's as much fo who chuſes to
die, rather than to violate the Precepts Chriſt Jeſus has left us :
And to ſay nothing of his Piety towards his Country (a Vertue, by
all Authors,prophane as well as facred, cry'd up to the Skies) nor
of his Loyalty to his King, whom he honour’d, even when in Ex-
ile and Chains ; I'm ſure, that had he, as others, but ſworn what
he did not believe, that the King of England was the righteous
King
(4) Book II. p. 320. (6) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 165. (c) Lib. 4. cap. 8.
cuted.
1
Book III. Guardian of Scotland. 545
His Charge
King and fuperior. Lord of Scotland, and condeſcended to acknow:
ledge and ſerve him as ſuch, he had not loft his Life uport a Scaffold.
So that it may truly be ſaid, that he died becauſe he would not be
guilty of the Sin of Perjury: And if his Intentions were fincere,
which in Charity we ought to ſuppoſe, it follows by Conſequence,
that he died a Martyr. Mr. Speed: (a) will not allow hrin that
Title, Yet, he ſays, muſt we think his Country honourd in him, wiſhing
many the like in our own. But,
Another like hiin, I mean, one in all -Reſpects equal to him, i
very much doubt if any Country did ever produce. All or moſt cter
Nationshave had their Cæſar's and Alexander's, that is, bold and for
tunate Uſurpers, Plunderers of the World, and Scourges of Mankind,
who, with great and extraordinary Endowments of Body and Mind,
have had lucky Opportunities of Undertaking, and viſible Aſſiſtan-
ces towards effecting their ambitious Deſigns. Alexander had a wat-
like Kingdom Macedon, nay, he had all Greece at his Cominand;
and when he vanquiſh'd the Perhans, he vanquiſh'd but Women
and Eunuchs. Caſar, 'tis true, had to do with. Romans, but then
he had Romans to affift him, an old Veteram and well diſciplin'd
victorious Army; againſt a lazy divided Senate, and an effeminate
Youth, Beaux that durft not look to the Point of a Spear, left it
ſhould' dišfigure their Faces: Both had Men and Money, Wallace
had neither; the one was a King, t'other ſomething more, a Citi-
zen of Rome, and by Fortune, Birth, Wealth and Authority, one
of the firſt Order. Whereas Wallace was but a private Gentleman;
the ſecond Brother of a Scots Laird, and he had Martial England
and mighty Edward to fight againſt, and but ſome of the Gentry and
Commonalty of Scotland to back him, nor theſe neither, till by Ex-
ploits, for their Greatneſs and Singularity incredible, he had
wrought them into a Belief, that under his Conduct they were In-
vincible. In good earneſt, who but himſelf, ſtated as he was,
would have preſum’d to entertain ſo much as a Thought of what
he ſingly undertook, and in leſs than 14 Months effected? The
Freedom of a deſolate, diſpirited, enflav’d, and (by a Power at
leaſt four times as great as its own had ever-been, when in the moft
flouriſhing Condition) ſubjected Kingdom. A Modern Critick,
(b) ſpeaking of the Folly of Alexander the Great, who, capable of
being Happy at Home, and, by a wife Adminiſtration of inakinig
his Subjects ſo too, went about to make Wildernefs of the Uni-
verſe, which when he had depopulated, did not yet think that he
alone had enough of Room, Has this Satyrical Obfervation upon the
Matter, and expreſſes it (as he is wont to do) inimitably well.
Heureux ! fi de fon tems pour cent. bönnes raiſons,
La Macedoine eut eu des petites maiſons,
Et qu’un Sage Tuteur l'eut en cette demeure,
Par avis de parens enferme de bonnebeur.
Y y y y y y
Loe, cit. () Mouleur d’Espreaux,
Sure.
--
546 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
i
.
Sure who would but Form a Project, like that which Sir Willam
Wallace not only form’d but perfected, would be thought to deſerve
the ſame Cenſure, and the Wiſe would lend him to raiſe Structures
in Bedlam. I own, that all good Men would, if they durſt, and
that thouſands have dar'd, ſome in vain, as the laſt of the Romans,
Brutus ,and. Caffius; others ſucceſsfully, as General Monk, to'at-
tempt the Freedom of their ſubjected Country: But they had
pro-
bable Means in their Hands 'to effe&t it, and I know none, who, like
Sir William Wallace, without any Means at all, but ſuch, as he found
within himſelf, ever ventur’d upon an Enterprize, ſo much, in all
probability, Impracticable. 'Tis therefore worth while to enquire
what it really was that rais’d him ſo high above the level of com-
mon Humanity.
He had (a) that Air and Make of Body, that ſeem to give Right
to Command; his Stature was Tall and Majeſtick, his Strength
incredible, his Health not to be ſhaken by Hunger or Toil; he was
broad Coaſted, large and broad Shoulder'd and big Bon’d, yet had
a pleaſant Aſpect, and a Countenance always Serene; nor was his
Bulk unweildy, tho Gigantick. Theſe Advantages of the Body
made him Superior in Combat to all Men living, and 'twas ordina-
ry in him to fight and defeat three or four ať a Time. But the
Strength of his Mind was ſuperior even to thạt of his Body: He
had the true Spirit of a Souldier, and ſuch an Inclination to the no-
ble Employment, that he learn'd it without Experience, and his
firſt Eflays were really Maſter-pieces. No Man ever dar'd more
than he, yet none was more cautious, or underſtood better the
Arts of Stratagem. : Untaught himſelf, he taught the whole Nati-
on to be Souldiers, and diſciplin'd them ſo nicely, that were
thought fit to copy after his Model, Scotland could at any Time af.
ford at leaſt 30000 good Men, ready for aạy Enterprize whatever,
and that without being chargeable to the Government, or depopu-
laring the Country. He was rigorouſly ſevere to Offenders, but
then he was moſt obligingly liberal to thoſe under his Command.
With the large Booties he often gain'd from the Enemy, he enrich’d
every Body but himſelf, and in the Midſt of Dearth and Devaftati-
on, brought Plenty from England to Scotland. Provident and Fore-
ſeeing,
he was never furprisd, but by the Villain that betray'd him
under Truſt, The Engliſh have tax'd him with barbarous Cruelty
in his Way of making War; but, ſays Pere D' Orleans, could the
Engliſh fee Vertue in their Enemies, they would acknowledge, that
William Wallace had much more of the Heroe (ſuch as the Scots call
him) than of the Robber and Vagabond, as they would fain have
him to be thought. John Blair his Chaplain, and probably Con-
feffor, who was an Eye Witneſs to moſt of his Actions, gives quite
another Idea of his Temper : If we may believe him, he never did
harm to Women or Children, but, on the contrary, was a Father
to Orphans and Widows, a Protector of the Poor and Miſerable,
a fevere
(@) Boct, Buchan. Lel. ubi fup. Joan. Maj.11b.477.70, Pere D'Orleans lib. 4.8:485. Joan. Blair ad Ann, 7799:
1
i
។
Book III. Guardian of Scotland
5 47
1
.
t
a ſevere Puniſher of Robbers and Thieves, a declard Enemy to
Liers and Cheats, had a great Veneration for the Church and
Church-Men, and a Love to his Country, nothing could Equal,
but his Hatred and Averſion to the Englih : And for this, I be-
lieve, none will blame him that has a Válue for Honour, Loyalty
and Religion. I ſay Religion : For altho Revenge, Pride and Am-
bition, may have mov'd him (which yet we ought not to think)
to také Arms againſt a People that domineer'd with ſuch a tyran-
nical Sway, over his King, Country, Kindred and Friends; yet we
muft own that 'twas Religious and Chriftian in him to die, rather
than fwear a falſe Oath. 'Tis à pity we have not a full Account of
his Behaviour, when at his Trial, and on the Scaffold. Scots Au-
thors could not, and the Engliſh would not do that Juſtice to his
Memory, which muſt have left an indeleble Stain upon that of
their admir'd King Edward I, by whoſe Orders he was ſo cruelly,
and, I may kay; To imprudently executed : For his Death did not,
as that Prince imagin’d, aſcertain the Subjection of Scotland. On
the contrary, it exafperated the Nation againſt him, animated
them to Revenge, and occaſion'd all the Friends and Admirers of
Sir William Wallace to acknowledge and fight for the Title of King
Robert Bruce. This appears evidently from the Fragments we
have of John Blair's Book; It ends thus
.... And here it is to be
obſerv’d, Says being that theſe three Things concur to Immortalize
66 the Name of the noble Wallace; his own Innocence, the Tyran-
ny of Edward, and the Treachery of Moriteith. Accurfs'd be the
Day of John Monteith's Nativity, and may his Name be blotted
out of the Book of Life. Aceurſs’d to all Eternity be the in-
« humane Tyrant that put him to Death, whilft he, the noble
“ Champion of the Scots, Thall, for the Reward of his Virtue, have
“ Glory without ende. Amen.
Non Scotus ēſt Chriſte, -cui liber non placét iſte.
I'm a Scotſman, yet cannot joint in this Prayer with-my Author:
The Pſalms of the Royal Prophet I Ihall not pretend to interpret ;
but I'm ſure the Goſpel of our Lord and Saviour no whert allows
us to pray our Enemies to Hell:
Enemies to Hell. However, this ſhews how highly
the Nation did reſent the Death of their Champion! And their Rea
ſentment is much more nobly expreſs’d in the following Verſes,
done, ſome think, by the ſame Mr. Blair, but in my Opinion with
no. Probability; which, for their very much and very
deſervedly
admir'd Beauty, I ſhall tranſcribe.
Invida mors triſti Gulielmum funere Vallam,
Quæ cuncta tollit, ſuſtulit :
Et tanto pro cive cinis, pro finibus urna eſta
Friguſque pro lorica obit.
66
(G
(G
i
i
1
i
66
2.
§
::
Y yyy yy ?
Ille
548 The Life of Sir William Wallace, Book III.
1
Ille quidem terras, loca ſe inferiora, reliquit.
At fata fact is ſupprimens,
Parte ſui meliore ſolum cælumque pererrat ;
Hoc ſpiritu, illud gloria.
At tibi li inſcriptum generoſo pectus honeſto
Fuiſſet, boftis proditi
Artiba, Angle, tuis, in pænas paricariſſes,
Nec oppidatim ſpargeres
Membra viri ſacranda adytis
. Sed fcin quid in ifta
Immanitate viceris?
Vt Vallæ in cunctas oras ſpargantur U horas
Laudes, tuumque dedecus.
.
The Author of the Hiſtory of the Douglaſes has tranſlated theſe
Verſes, as follows; and the Reverend Biſhop of Carlile, a very good
Judge, is of Opinion, that the Tranſlation is no Foil to the
Original.
..
:
3
Envious Death, who ruifs all,
Hath wrought the ſad lamented Fall
OF Wallace, and no more remains
Of him, than what an Urn contains.
Aſhes for our Heroe we have;
He for his Armour a cold Grave:
He left the Earth, too low a State,
And by his Acts o’recame his Fate :
His Soul Death had not Power to kill,
His noble Deeds the World do fill,
With laſting Trophies of his Name.
O! hadft thou Vertue lov’d or Fame,
Thou couldīt not have inſulted fo,
Over a brave, betray'd dead Foe,
Edward, nor ſeen thoſe Limbs expos'd
To publick Shame, fit to be clos’d,
As Relicks, in an holy Shrine :
But now the Infamy is thine,
His End Crowns him with glorious Bays,
And ſtains the brighteſt of thy Praiſe.
$
!
.
E
The
.
,
Book III. The Life of Sir John Graham, 549
i
L
.
.
1
Sir John Graham
►
?
U
1
Sir Patrick Graham was Sheriff of Stirling, and by that Prince fre-
The L I F E OF
of A B E R 60 RN.
Nleſs I ſhould copy after Blind Hary, which, I believe, no
Author, that has a mind to be credited, will do, I can ſay
but little of the great Actionsg and Life of this Gentlemian :
Büt Sir John Graham has obtain'd ſo noble á Character from Söts Au-
thors, and thoſe of his Name were then, and have fince been, lo es
minently Loyal,and ſo deſervedly accounted Brave, that, tho later
Times will' afterwards afford me ainple Opportunities. of doing Ju-
ſtice to their Merit, yet I humbly conceive, 'twill not be thought
amiſs, that I lay hold on this Occaſion, to let the World know, that
they have been among the earlieſt Patriots,Scotland can boaſt of.
If Tradition may be crèdited, they're as ancient as the Reſtoration
of the Monarchy by King Fergus II. and derive their Origine from Antinuing
no meaner Perfanage than the renown'd Greme, who govern'd Cf the
Scotland during the Minority of his Grånd-child Eugene Il. fought
with the Romans, defeated the Britains, and, by forcing that migh-
ty Rainpärt they had reard up between the Rivers of Forth and
Clyde, immortaliz’d his name, inſomuch, thạt, to this Day, that
Trench is from him call’d Graham's Dyke. But ſhould the Riſe and
Sirname of the Grahams be of a more modern Date, yet they muſt
be own’d to be upon Record, as old as moſt in the Nation. This
is evident from the Charter of Foundation of the Abbacy of Holy-
Rood-Houſe (a) granted by King David I. near 600 Years ago, itt
which William de Graham is a witneſs; as alſo from other (no leſs
Authentick)Papers ſtill extantintheCuſtody of their Chief,the preſent
Duke of Montroſe, (b) which ſhew, that in the Days of King Wil-
liam, Sir David de Graham was a great Baron in Angus, and elfe-
where ; and that in thoſe of his Grand-ſon King Alexander III. (c)
Grahams
Birth of Sir
quently employ'd in foreign Embaſſies. About the fame Time it
was, that the gallant Sir John was born ; and, if we may believe
Blind Hary,he was the Son of ariother Sir John, Lord or Laird of Dundaff. FolnGraben.
This ſeems the more probable, becauſe it appears from a Charter
Z Z ZZZZ
(a) Sir Ja. Dalrymple, pi 418. (b; Crawf. Hiſtor. of the Shire of Renfrew, P. 29. (6) Append, to Sir ja.Dato
rymp. Collections,
gran-
550 The Life of Sir John
Graham, Book III.
1
.
He joyns
granted by King Robert Bruce, (a) that the Barony of Dundaff wes
then poſféls?d by one Sir David de Graham. But becauſe none of tha
Name of John are reckonʼd among the Anceſtors of this Sir David, I.
am more inclinable to believe, with Mr. David Simſon, (b) who ſaw
Documents for it, that Sir John was of the Grahams of Abercorn, and
probably the Pofleffor of that Barony. However, 'tis not to be
doubted, but his Wealth, as his Merit, was conſiderable. Upon the
Account of both, King Alexander is ſaid to have made him a Knight
at Berwick, while his father was yet' alive. That old Gentleman
liv'd but too long; for he had the Mortification to ſee his Country
ſubdu’d,and himſelfobligd to pay Tribute (as my Author expreſſes
it) to the Uſurper. This, it ſeems, was very grating to one of his
Temper : But he could not, aged as he was offer to reſiſt the Fate of
the Nation : Whát he could he did ; he encourag’d his Son to join
Sir William Wallace, and made him ſwear upon a broad Sword, that
while he breath'd he ſhould ſerve his Country under the Conduct
Sir Wiliam of one that dar'd ſo confidently to attempt its Freedom. And,
Henceforth Sir William Wallace, and Sir John Graham, were, like
David and Fonathan, intimate Comrads and boſom Friends : Nay,
they were rather more infeparable ; and Sir John is acknowledgʻd
to have ſhar'd in all the Victories Șir William won, from the firſt
Time he took up Arms, till he laid down his Commiffion, after the
unlucky Battle of Falkirk, where the Graham was killd. We are
ſure, that they were together at the Engagement of Black Iron-ſide,
and at the burning of the Barns of Air ; and, ſays Blind Hary,at the
taking the Caſtle of Crawfurd, the Defeat of the Engliſh at Lanerk,
the Battle of Bigger : Ina word, wherever Danger was to be met
with, or Honour gain'd. I ſhall not mention Uncertainties, but to
ſhew how undoubtedly true'tis, that the bold A&tions and ſteddy
Principles of Sir John Graham, did deſerve to be tranſmitted to,and
imitated by his Pofterity, I ſhall only repeat what all Authors (c)
have faid of him, which is in ſhort this, He was of all Scotſmen, next
to Sir William Wallace, the braveſt and beſt ; at leaſt the Age he
livd in thought fo : And in Teſtimony of their Reſpect to his Me-
mory, gave him this unpoliſh’d, but expreſſive Epitaph, ftill to be
feen on his Tomb at Falkirk.
Wallace,
f
Mente manuque potens, La Vallæ fidus Achates,
Conditur hic Gramus, bello interfectus ab Anglis.
XXII. Jul. 1298.
Blind Hary, tho a bad Hiſtorian, is thought no ill Poet for the Age
he liv'd in : Tis true, he has made a Romance, but has built upon
Truth, and the Sallies of his Imagination generally take their Riſe
froin what he heard from Tradition, or was read to him in
Hiſtory. I ſhall therefore ſet down what he very juſtly ſuppoſes Sir
William
(a).Peres facobum Ducem
de Montroſe. (b) Hiſtory of the Stewarts. ) Buchan. Lelly,Boeth. Pere D' Orleans
&c. ubi fupra.
Book III.
55 1
Of Abercorn.
William Wallace to have done, when he firſt knew that his deareſt
Companion in Arms was kill'd, and what he afterwards laid upon
ſeeing the Corps of his lļaughter'd Friend.
When Wallace ſaw this good Knight to Death brought
The piteous Pain fo fore thirled bis Thought,
All out of Kind it alter'd his Courage,
His Wit in War was then but a mad Rage,
Like a wood Beaſt that was from Reafon rent,
As witleſs. Wight into the Hoft he went,
Dinging on hard, what Southeron right he hit,
Straight upon Horſe again might never.fit
.
And after
The Corps of Graham, for whom they mourned maiſt,
When they him found, and good Wallace him ſav
He lighted down, and hint before them ano
In Arms him up, beholding his pale Face.
He kiſſed him, and cry'd full oft, Alas !
My beſt Brother in World that ever I had,
Mine effald Friend when I was hardeſt ſtead,
Mhe Hope, mine Health, thou waſt of moſt Honour,
My Faith, mine Help, my Jarengthner in the Stour.
In thee was Wit, Freedom and Hardinefs;
In thee was Truth, Manhood and Nobleneſs ;
In thee Lawty, in tbee was Governance,
In thee Vertue withoutten Variance.
Thou wat great Cauſe of winning of Scotland,
Though I began, and took the War in hand.
I vow to God that hath the World to wald,
Thy Death ſhall be to Southeron full dear fald.
Martyr thou art for Scotland's Right and me,
I ſhall be veng’d, or elſe therefore ſhall die.
Nor was he the only one of his Name and Family that ſignaliz’d
himſelf in the glorious Quarrel. Undoubted Records (a) make
mention of other two, Monheur John de Grabam, and Monheur David
de Graham. The firſt made his Peace with King Edward in 1304,
when at the ſame Time the Guardian Sir John Cumine, together
with moſt of the Nation ſubmitted : But the laſt, becauſe of his
greater Crimes, that is, his more active Loyalty, was one of thoſe
that were excepted from the Benefit of that Treaty, and is no doubt
the ſame Sir David, deſign’d of Dundaff, whoſe Name is inſerted in.
that famous Letter, the Barons of Scotland wrote in 1320 to the Pope,
and to whom (b) King Robert the Bruce gave a Grant of the Lands
of old Montroſe. From this Sir David Grahan does the Noble and
ſo much renown’d Family of Montroſe deſcend; and from it all the
honourable Branches, a great many of whom do ſtill flourill, of
that deſervedly callid Gallant Name.
Z zz zz z 2.
The
(a) Tyrrel Vol III. p. 156, 157. (b) Charta penees Jac. Duc. Montroſe.
.
?-
1
552 The Life of Sir Simon Fraſer, Book III.
1
.
The LIFE of
Sir Simon Fraſer.
Sometime Lieutenant General of the
SCOTS Army.
.
.
T
His Birth
England.
HIS brave Gentlemán, fo much celebrated by Scots Authors,
for his Conduct and Gallantry at the Battle of Roſline ; and
(as appears from that ineſtimable Collection of Records Mir.
Rymer has oblig?d the World with) ſo much perfecuted by the Eng-
lijh, upon the Account of his Love to Scotland, muſt needs have
been born (of what Parentage, ſince I cannot poſitively tell, I ſhall
uucertain. afterwards endeavour to conjecture) during the Reign of King Alex.
ancier III. for he was a Man, and, either for his Courage or Quali-
ty, or both, remarkable in 1296, when the King and Kingdon; of
Scotland were firſt fubdu'd. That he behav'd as became a true
Hearted Scotſman on that fatal Occaſion, cannot be doubted; fince
Is carricd he was one of thoſe Patriots whom King Edward, not daring to truſt
Frifoner to at Home, thought fit to carry along with him to Engiand, where
lie continud a cloſe Priſoner about 8 Months, and was not liberated
till Fune 1297, when he, and his Couſin Richard Fraſer (a) did, in
Imitation of all others in the fame Circumſtances, ſubmit to the
Conqueror, acknowledge him their Sovereign Lord, and promiſe,
upon their having obtain’d Permiſfion to return to Scotland, that
they thould ſtay 110 longer there, than was neceſſary to equipp
themſelves, in order to attend that Monarch in his deſign'd Expe-
dition againſt France; and if they ſhould fail in this, they declar'd
themſelves willing that their-Perfons, Wives, Families, and all they
liad in the World, ſhould be at his Mercy. But 'tis certain that
they did fail; nor did any Scotſmen in thoſe Days. believe that
forc'd Obligations were binding in Conſcience : On the contrary,
the beſt of thein were the foremoſt to break through thoſe Oaths,
they thought it more ſinful to keep, than to take.
Whether Sir Simon was one of thoſe that join’d the Guardian
Sir William Wallace, upon his Return to Scotland, or of thoſe that did
go with King Edward to Flanders, and, when there, deferted to the
Frenth,
(17) lakier. Angl. Toin, dh, p. 769.
r
Book III. Lieutenant General, QC
55 3
gave ſo
i
1
French, I caonot tell; this is certain, wherever he was, he fo
many illuſtrious Proofs of his Zeal.for his Country, and his Loyalty.
to his King, and withal, of his own Merit and Parts, that very
foon afterwards he was thought worthy to command the Scots Army,
or in Conjunction with, or in the Quality of Lieutenant General
under the then Guardian of Scotlarid; Sir John Cumine younger of Ba-
denach. The Guardian could not have pitch'd upon a fitter Cola
legue: Witneſs the ſurprizing Victory they gain’d at Roſline over
Ralph Confrey King Edward's Treaſurer, and one of the chief Coin-
manders of his Armies:
That General, for ought I can learn from thoſe Records I have
elſe where mention'd, broke the Truce that had been prolong'd
from St. Andrew's Day the zoth of November 1202, till Eaſter 1303,
and thinking to ſurprize the Nation, by Reafón of the Trúce, ſe-
cure and defenceleſs, paſs’d the Borders in February, upon the Head
of 20000 Men, all well arm’d, and for the moſt Part mounted; A. D. izo?
for their greater Expedition, on fine Horſes: (a) They met with no
Oppoſition on their March, and therefore; for the Convenience of
Forrage, and that they might do the greater Miſchief by ranging at
large, they divided themſelves in three Bodies; and ſo on the 24th
of the Month advanc'd to Roſline within five Miles of Edinburgh,
where they encamp'd at a conſiderable Diſtance from one another:
The Scots Generals Sir John Cumine, and Sir Simon Fraſer, upon Ad-
vice of their Approach, made haſte to draw together all the Forces
they could raiſe, and theſe amounted to no more than 8, br at molt
-10000 Men: Nevertheleſs with theſe few did they march in one
Night near fixteen Miles, from Bigger to Roſline; with a Deſign to
fall unawares on the Enemy's Camp. They did it with great
Chearfulneſs and Vigour, and in a very ſhort Time killed, took Battle up
Priſoners, or drove all that were in that Camp back to the ſecond:
Where the Alarm being given, every one drew to their Armis,
march'd in hafte; and came in view of the victorious Scots, as they
were dividing the Plunder and Priſoners. And now they found they
muſt renew thè Combat with freſh Men, and thoſe more Numerous
than the former, they had already defeated, they expreſs’d by their
Countenances no great Inclination to the Work : But their Officers
with ſhort Harangues reaſſurd their Courages, killd the Priſo-
ners, and with their Arms provided fuch of their own Numbers as
wanted them. A fecond Engagement enſu'd immediately, and a
very fierce one it was, but the Scots had again the Advantage, and
having laid by their Arms and Head-Pieces, were refreſhing their
hot and wearied Bodies, and making ready fome to eat and ſome to
fleep, when a third Army appear'd at no great Diſtance. Whať
ſhall they do? If they fly, they muſt loſe their double Victory;
their great Booty, and probably be overtaken and trodden down by
the avenging Enemy, who would thereby be encourag'd to purſue
them. Their undaunted Commanders went again about among
Ааааааа
their
fa) Boeth. Buchan. ubi fup, Scotichron, Māj. Contin, cap. 1. & 2. lib. 12,
1
Rolline,
.
:
.
:
554 The Life of Sir Simon Fraſer, Book III
66
CC
66
4
(6
their Ranks, exhorted them with all the Perſwalives they could de
viſe, to ſtand their Ground to the laſt; and beg’d they would once
more but ſhew their Faces to Cowards they had already twice de-
feated, and who, terrified with their amazing Reſolution, would
not dare to ſtand their Onſet. Animated with theſe Hopes, moun.
ted on their Enemy's Horſes, and arm’d with their Arms, the Scots
receiv’d, fought with, and a third Time in one Day intirely routed
a freſh Body of brave Men, equal or ſuperior in Numbers to them-
felves.
An Effort of Valour ſcarcely to be paralleld in Story, and
therefore by the vanquiſh'd ungenerouſly lefiend and mif-reprefen-
ted. The moſt ingenuous of (*) them tell the Story after this
Manner.
“ The Lord John de Segrave, Guardian of Scotland for King Ed-
ward, having winter'd at Berwick, reſolv'd to march into that
Kingdom, and wholly to reduce it to the King's Obedience; (and
if ſo, to be ſure he ſet himſelf upon the Head of no ſmall Army, at leaſt
of
what Scots Authors call it 30000 Men,) But when early in the
Morning they came near Edinburgh, the Engliſh Generals divi-
“ded the Army into two Battalions ; the firſt was commanded by
" the Lord de Segrave himſelf, and the ſecond by his Brother, a ve-
ry valiant Souldier. Theſe Battalions marchd about four Miles
" diſtant from each other, but not being aware of an Ambuſcade
the Scots had laid for them in the Way, they had all of thein like
to have fallen into it. When it was diſcover'd, the Lord Se,
grave was advis'd by his Officers to retreat to the next Battalion
" that was then coming up; but he, thinking that to be a Difpa-
ragement to his Honour, ralhly declin’d it, and ſo the Scots pro-
ving too hard for him, he was taken Priſoner.---The ſecond Di-
c viſion coming up was likewiſe routed, and Robert de Coſter a moft
co valiant Officer was kill'd. Whilft this Engagement happen'd,
" Sir Robert Nevil, that commanded a third Diviſion was at Maſs
« with his Men (it being the firſt Sunday of Lent) but on a ſud-
" den hearing that the Scots had the better of it, and that they had
“ taken the General Priſoner, he prefently made haſte to the Affi-
“ ſtance of his Country-Men, where he behav'd himſelf fogallantly,
" that he reſeu'd the Lord Segreve and Teveral other Priſoners, and
"To procur'd a honourable Retreat, tho not without conſiderable
" Lols on the Engliſh Side.” I ſhall not offer to diminiſh the Glo-
ry of that brave Man, who is faid to have brought off his Gene-
ral; but how an Army, thought capable to reduce all Scotland,
hould be, by a Handful of Scots, wearied with the Fatigue of a
long March in the Night, and oblig'd to fight freſh Men thrice in
one Day, defeated, and yet ſaid to have made an honourable Retreat,
I don't ſo well underſtand. Tis certain, and I have taken Notice
of it elſewhere, that the Valour, expreſs’d on this Occafion by the
Scots (b), was admird and diſcours'd of every where at Home and
Abroad. Now,
Whether
(2) Tyrrel Vol III. p.: 153. (b) Si ſciretis quantus honor vobis crevic per diverſa mundi Climata de conflictu
Primo habito cum Anglicis, multum gauderecis &c. Fæder. Angl. Tom. II. p.930.ex Literis Scotor, in Frań:
ica legat. ad complices ia Sculia.
66
66
Book III. Lieutenant General, dc.
555
1
Whether this famous Victory ought to be aſcribid to the Guardi-
an Sir John Cumine, or to his Collegue in the Command of the
Army Sir Simon Fraſer, I do not determine : Both have no doubt
acted very well their reſpective Parts, but conſidering how unhanda
fomely Sir John behav'd at Falkirk,and how 'eafily he was the next
Year 1304, brought to ſubmit to ſuch Terms as King Edward pleasid
to impoſe upon himn and the Nation ; I am very apt to believe that
Sir Simon was, what the Scotichronicon (a) infinuates, the main Inſtru-
ment, not only in gaining this Battle, but alfo in keeping the
Guardian to his Duty during the four Years of his Adminiſtration.;
and the rather, becauſe I find, that when the onedid make his Suba
miſſion, tother was at firſt excluded, (certainly, becauſe of his grea-
ter Honeſty or Bravery, or both,) from the Advantage of it, (6)
and, together with Thomas Boys, for three Years bạniſh’d, not only
from Britain and Ireland,
but alſo from Frante. Yet no ſooner did King
Robert the Bruce affert his Title to the Crown,and thereby endeavour
to recover his own and the Nation's Rights, but I find Sir Simon once Joyns King
more appear upon the Stage, (c) and perhaps with more Glory,
(tho no Scots Author takes Notice of it) than when he three Times
triumph'd in one Day : For at the Battle of Methwen, the Heroick
King Robert was by the prevailing Enemy thrice diſhors’d, and as
often reſcu'd and replaced on the Sadle, by the incomparable Valour
and Preſence of Mind of Sir Simon ; that is, he vanquilh'd even when at the Battle
defeated, and of him alone it may be faid, that he gain'd three of Methwen,
Battles in one Day, and in another three Times preferv'd the Life
of his King ; yet could not ſave his own : For he was then, or not
long after that Engagement, fo fatal to the Nation and Royal Fa-
mily, apprehended, and together with one Walter Logan convoy'd
to London, (d) and there for their repeated Acts of Honour and Du-
ty, ſentenc'd and put to Death. Their joynt Praiſes Mr. Johnſton
celebrates thus.
Robert Bructory
His Death,
Ergo nefas ſervare fidem, fas fallere dextram?
Ergo jugum a patria pellere velle nefas ?
Crimen non alio luimus, ſi crimen in hoc fit,
Crimine fit patriam, fit coluiffe fidem.
Non Porfenna refert tibi talia præmia, magnè
Scævola:magnanimam laudat in hofte fidem.
cter.
1
very
well know that Bucbanan atributes the Vi&tory of Rolline,
not to Simon, but to one John Fraſer ; but as that Author has miſta- His Charko
ken many Things elſewhere, ſo here I think ’tis plain, that he muſt
needs be in an Error. All other Scots Authors I have perus'd con-
fute him, and Simon Fraſer is a Name ſo often to be met with in
the English Records and Hiſtory, and the brave Man, that carried it,
was on all, Occaſions ſo ſeverely us’d by the Enemy, that in my O.
Ааааааа 2
pinion,
() Lib. XII. Cap.1.(b) Tyrrel, Vol. III, p.157. () Marth. Weſtminſt
. quoted by Pryn.polizz.(d) Buchan,
in Vit.Rob, Bruce,
!
5:56 The Life of Sir Simon.Fraſes Book III.
?
upon the
pinion; there's no Room left for a Doubt in the Matter. The few
Paſſages of his memorable Life, and the glorious Death he ſuffer’d,
thew. what a hardy reſolute and loyal Patriot he was ; and if the
Continuator of the Scotichronicon:
(a) may be depended upon, he was
not only of a, fearleſs daring Temper, but was alſo endowd with
all the Qualifications of a good Man and fo indefatigable, in Op-
poſition to the Engliſh, that for upwards of four Years, that he
thard the Command of the Scots Forces with Sir Jolon Cumine;
he never ceas’d to haraſs and plague them by Night and Day.
Engliſh Authors do him yet more Juſtice than the Scots : (b) The
former ſay, that theſe Priſoners that were taken after the Battle of
Methmen, and committed to the Tower of London, put all their Cona
fidence in him, and that as they affur'd him to be invincible in Bat-
tle, and not to be taken by Surprize ; ſo they were confident
that Scotland was not loft while he was alive. Nay, one of them,by
Name Herbert Norham, preſum'd ſo much upon his Courage and
Conduct, that he ſaid, He would lay down his own Head
Block, when Sir Simon ſhould füffer himſelf to be apprehended. But
that Gentleman was hugely furprizd, when Sir Simon was alſo brought
in Chains to the Tower: Theungrateful Sight reminded him of what
he had ſaid, and the Omen was not fallacious; for, on the 8th of
September 1306, both he and his Armour-bearer, Thomas Boys were
carried from the Tower and beheadedo But the Sentence paſt and
executed upon the brave Sir Simon, was, by far, more ſevere ; he
was kept in Fetters, while in the Tower; and the Day of Execution
being come “He was drag'd thro’ the Streets as a Traitor, hang'd on
" a high Gibbet as a Thief,and his Hedcut off as a Murtherer: Then
his Body, after being twenty Days in Deriſion fix’d to a wooden
Horſe, was at laſt conſum'd in a Fire, and his Head plac'd hard
by that of Sir William Wallace on the Bridge of London.” Than
which, in his own Opinion, Idare ſay, he could receive from his
unmerciful Enemies no greater Favour.
Antiquity I have already faid, that I know not. preciſely his Parentage, but
of Fraſer. I'm very ſure it was noble,and I have all the Reaſon in the World
to believe, nay, am told by a very knowing Antiquary (C) and
Learn’d Phyſician, that it may be documeșted from Charters (d)
ſtill extant, that he was Laird or Lord of Oliver-Caſtle, and heretable
Sheriff of I weddale; that his Heir Male, probably his own Son, was
kill'd at the Battle of Halidon-hill ; that his great Eftate was divided
among two Sifters, and that theſe being nobly married into the Il-
luſtrious Houſes of Tiweddale and Wigtoun, gave occaſion to their
Pofterity, to carry the Arms of the Fraſers, quarter'd with thoſe of
the Hays and Fleeming's. Nor was Sir Simon himſelf an Upſtart : He
was defcended, ſays an old MS. in the Cuſtody of my Lord Salton,
from Pierre Fräſer Seigneur de Troile, one of the Retinue of thoſe
Ambaſſadors, Charlemaign is ſaid to have ſent to Scotland, about the
Year
:
ໄວ້
of the Name
"
Ubi fupra. (b) Pryo. Tom: III.p. 1126, () Doctor Sinclair of Herdmonſton. (d) Peges March. de Tweds
*dale.
Book III. Lieutenant General, &C. 557
>
9
ز
Year 807, and who, having the good Luck to marry. Euphemia, on-
ly Daughteg to Raam, King Achaius's Favourite, got by her a plenti-
ful Eftate in the South.Boethius heard not of, or did not believe this
Tradition; but he tells us, that the Sirname of Fraſer is as ancient
(a) as the Reign of Malcolm Canmore ; and in that of Malcolm the
Maiden we find, (b) that one Simon Fraſer was a Donator to
the Abbacy of Kelſo
. From him Sir James Dalrymple deduces the
Succeffion of the Fraſers of Tweddale (whole principal Seat, he ſays,
was Oliver-Caſtle) down to the Heires that married Hay of Lochwar-
et, the Predeceſſor of John the preſent Marqueſs of. Tweddale.
He alſo tells us from Authentick Records, that in the Reign of King
Robert I. there were two eminent Gentlemen, the one deſign'd Sir
Alexander Fraſer of Touch, the other, Sir Alexander Fraſer of Cowie.
1 can give no Account of the Pofterity of the firſt, but I'm ſure, the
laft is ſtill repreſented by the Lord Salton, whoſe Anceſtor, Sir Alex-
ander Fraſer, the firſt Laird of Philorth was, (c) to ſpeak in the Terms
of Law, upon the 13th Day of Septeniber 1361, ſerved and retourd
Heit to his Grand-Father, Alexander of Cowie.Sir Alexander the Son(dl)
had the Honour to marry Jean Ross, one of the Co-Heireſſes of the
Ancient Earls of that Country, and got by her the Lands of Philorth,
Kirkton Doc. From this illuſtrious Match is. William the
preſent Lord Salton, lineally deſcended from Father to Son; (e) being,
fays Mr. Alexander Nisbet, a Gentleman, by Reaſon of his great
Knowledge in Hérauldry, very well ſeen in all our Antiquities, the
fixteenth Generation from Alexander Fraſer, the firſt Thane of Cowie.
Beſides, it may not be amils (for I incline to do Juſtice to all Scots
Families ſo far as I am with Certainty inform’d) to tell in this Place,
that, (f) in Right of his Grand-mother Margaret Abernethy, Daughter
and Heireſs to John Lord Salton, he alſo repreſents the Ancient, and
in the Days of Alexander II. and III. Lo potent, Abernethies, that they
were rank'd among the foremoſt in the Nation.
Nor is the Houſe of Salton-or Philorth the only one that may be
fuppos’d to have been of Kin to, or deſcended from the Brave Sir
Simon : Tis probable, that the Lady Baroneſs of Lovat, the Repre-
ſentative of that Noble Family; may be deſcended from Sir Aležana
der Fraſer of Touch, and certain, that, as the, Charles Lord Fraſer,
Sir Patrick Fraſer of Dores, &c. are, by their Matches with the grea-
teſt Subjects in Britain,very nobly ally'd ; fo they have, or as Chiefs
of their reſpective Cadets, or as Cadets of the reſpective Families,
from whence they are defcended; very great and juſt Pretenſions tó
Antiquity. I have not ſeen thoſe Documents, I know they can
ſhow, and therefore cannot pretend to give a further Account of
them.
Bbb bbbb Thé
.
(a) Boer. Lefl'in Vit. Mal. III. (b! Preface to Sir Ja. Dalrymple's Collect... P 77,78) Chart. penes Gul
Dom. de Salton. (d) Chart. peñes eund. (e) MS, done by Mr. Alexander Nisbet. (f) Act of Parliament 1670
ii
!
558 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III,
The LIFE of
.
Robert Bruce ,
The Ninty Eight King of Scotland.
1
.
A
66
CC
N Engliſh Author, John Speed, (a) after giving an Accountof
the Death of Sir William Wallace, fubjoyns a very candid
and juſt Reflection:, “Thus, ſays he, was King Edward pof-
" ſeſs d of Scotland, which, nevertheleſs (that the World may ſee
.66 Gods Hand in the tranſlating of Kingdoms, being a Point of his
" Prerogative) was not long after pluckt from his Son, (he hould
“ have ſaid, from himſelf) and the Calamities which the Scots had
ſuffer’d, whelm'd back upon the Engliſh ; which peculiar Art
" of Divine Providence you will more eaſily acknowledge, when
you
ſhall behold by how naked an Inſtrument, he rais'd again
" the Scottiſh Common-wealth out of that Duft, in which, for a
" little Seaſon, it feeem'd to ly buried.” Indeed 'tis by God Almigh-
ty that Kings reign, and Kingdoms fubfiſt : He may, and ſometimes
does, for Reaſons beſt known to himſelf, permit the moſt legal and
righteous Sovereigns to be dethron'd or kept from the Eyes of all,
and the Hearts of ſome of their prejudic'd Subjects, the moſt flou-
riſhing Empires to be overturn'd, and domeſtick Rebellion or fo-
reign Intruſion, by new made Laws, and falſe Gloſſes upon old un-
juftifiable Precedents declar'd juſt , lawful and glorious : But
for the moſt Part, ſuch Revolutions as theſe are but of ſhort
Continuance ; they're attended with ſuch Calamities, Confu-
•fions and Enormities of all kinds, as at length determine Peo-
ple to ſhake off the odious Yoke ; and the Authors of them, are (to
fay nothing of the avenging Juſtice of Heaven) by the Tongues and
Penis of impartial Poſterity, call?d what they really are, Traitors,
Tyrants, Ūſurpers. No Period of Time gave ever a more pre-
gnant Inſtance of this Truth, than that of which I now write. King
Edward I. of England had, by the moſt unjuſtifiable Means imagi-
nable, enſavda Kingdom and dethron'd a King ; he, or, which is
all one, his Miniſters in his Name had moſt unmercifully tyrannizd
over
}
(-45; Hiſtory of Great Britain, p. 660.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 559
0
t
over both, and by new Laws he himſelf had made for the Pur-
poſe, and by his confident Affertion of old Fables and ground-
leſs Allegiances, declar'd and procur’d himſelf to be, by a vaſt Ma-
jority, acknowledg’d, not only
Supream or direct Lord over an In-
dependent Nation, but alſo juſt and legal Poffeffor of an Imperial.
and Hereditary Crown, ſome indeed had very good Reaſon, and o-
thers plauſible Pretences to contend for, while he alone of all the
Competitors, had neither Reaſon on his Side, nor ſo much as a Pre-
tence, which without Compulſion could take with any of that Peo-
ple, to whoſe Sovereignty he pretended ; and 'tis not to be con-
ceiv'd, that if he had had but a Pretence, not one Man in a whole
Kingdom ſhould have been by fair Means 'win over to acquieſce ini
it. Well, what was the Event? He liv'd to ſee the Crown he ſo eager-
ly ſought to uſurp, ſet upon the Head of at leaſt a legal Competitor,
and afterwards, to repeat the Words of Mr. Speed, The Calamities
which the Scots had ſufferd (by his Incroachments) were whelm’d
back upon the Engliſh: Nay, his own Son and Heir, a lawful King
of England, was by his own Subjects more inhumanely üs'd, than
he had found in his Heart (as inexorable as he was) to treat one
he call’d his Vaſſal, becauſe once the not unlawful King of Scotland.
By this then, the World may ſee God's Hand in tranſlating of Kingdoms,
being a Point of his Prerogative; but much more by what follows. Í
have faid, that John Baliol was once the not unlawful King of Scot-
land; I ſaid ſo, becauſe, (tho I cannot call him an Uſurper) for he
had certainly a good Right to pretend, yet I cannot own him to
have been lawful King: For none can be fuch, but who has a Right
that's clear and by the known Laws of his Predeceſſors unqueſtio-
nable; and I ſhall afterwards make it plain, that his Title was far
from being ſuch: Nay, what perhaps may ſeem ſurprizing, I ſhall
from Authentick Documents by none, that I know, hitherto taken
Notice of, evince, that Robert Bruce had more to plead from the
Laws of the Kings his Predeceſſors, thari "John Baliol. However; I
ftill own, that the Controverſy was debateable, and therefore God
Almighty, whoſe Prerogative it is to give and take away Kingdoins,
and by whom alone Kings Reign would needs decide it himſelf, and,
in Spite of all Oppoſition, did it in Favour of the Heroick Monarch,
whole Life I am abotit to enter upon.
Amongſt the many Normans and French (a), who, by the Grant
of their Leader William the Conqueror, came to be poſſeft of moſt,
if not all the Baronies of England, one Robert de Brus was one of the
A.D. 1066.
moſt éminent : Before the Death of that victorious Monarch, he
became Owner of no leſs than forty three Lordſhips, in the Eaſt Genealogy
and Weſt Riding,and of fifty one, in the North Riding of Yorkſhire. Be- bert Bruce.
fides, he is ſaid to have obtain'd (upon what Account I know not) His Ance-
from the Kings of Scotland, the Lordſhip of Annandale, all the ſtors when
Territory call’d Eſtrahanent, and all the Lands from the Bounds of Setelah in
Dunegal and Stranit, to the Limits of Ranulph de Meſchines, then
B b b b ( b b 2
Lord
tory Dugdale's Baronaga of Engi. Tom. II. p. 447,448. &c.
500 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III1
.
1
Lord of Cumberland, with the fame Priviledges granted to him
within his Bounds, which Ranulph enjoy’d at Carlile, or elſewhere.
in Cumberland: As he was an old Acquaintance of King David I. ſo
by this Means he became his Vaffal, and therefore, together with
Bernard Baliol before the Battle of the Standard, endeavour'd an a-
micable Agreement between the two Nations : But upon the King's
rejecting the Overtures of Peace he had made, he renounc'd his
Allegiance to him, and return’d to the Engliſh Army; yet left his
fecond Son Robert, (to whom he had given his Eſtate in Scotland,)
with the King of Scots,. And 'tis obſerv’d, that that young Gentle
man was afterwards made a Priſoner of War by his own Father,
while the one fought for the Engliſh and t’other for the Scots:
To' Adam his eldeſt Son, he left moſt of his Lands in England;
A. D. 1941. but Peter his great Grand-child dying without Iſſue, the Eftate
came to be divided, in tủe Reign of Henry III. among four Daugh-
ters of the Family, and ſo thereby the Sirname of Bruce to periſh in
that Kingdom. The Scottiſh Branch had better Luck: To Robert
Lord of Annandale
, &c. in Scotland, and of Hert and Hertneſs in Eng-
land, (whom, contrary to Sir William Dugdale's Relation, Sir James
Dalrymple, from Chronological Remarks, very reaſonably conjectures
to have been rather the Grand-child, than Son of the above-men-
tion'd Robert, who with the Conqueror camne from Normandy) fuc-
ceeded William his Son by Iſabel his Lady, a natural Daughter of
A. D. 119o.
King William the Lyon, To William. ſucceeded, Robert Lord of Annan-
dale, &c. the ſame that married Iſabel, fecond Daughter of David
Earl of Huntington and Garioch, one of the three Sifters and Co-heirs
to John firnam' Scot Earl of Huntington, and laſt Count Palatine of
Cheſter. By this Royal Marriage; the Bruces of Annandále became
the greateſt, or at leaſt to be among the greateſt Subjects in Europe :
For beſides their Paternal Eſtate in both Kingdoms, this Robert, the
ſecond of that Name, Lord of Annandale, and the third of the Scot-
tiſh Branch, came to be poſſeſs’d of the Mannors of Uritele and Hate-
field in the County of Eſſex, wirh half the Hundred of Hatfield, in
Exchange for thoſe
, Łands which deſcended to his Lady, bị the
Death of the Earl Palatine, her Brother. To him and her ſuccee-
Robert Bruce ded their Son and Heir Robert the third of that Name, and fourth
titor, who of the Scottiſh Branch: He it was, who afterwards laid 'Claim to the
Crown of Scotland in Right of his Mother; and that he did it with
great Reaſon and Juſtice, I have already promis’d to make good.
He was no leſs conſiderable by his Perſonal Merit; than by his
Royal Birth and great Wealth : Witneſs his noble Behaviour at the
Battle of Lewes, where, together with John Cumine, he commanded
thoſe Scots Auxiliaries, that ſo much contributed, firſt to keep, and
then to re-place - King Henry III. of England upon his tottering
Thrones Yet I have elſewhere own'd, that he did ſubmit, as well
as John Baliol
, and all the other Competitors for the Crown, to King
Edward'I. as to the ſupream and direct Lord of Scotland, and that
by Conſequence he was not foyery Heroick, as Scots Authors have
made
he was.
1
.
;
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 50 I
ther, and
not the Fan
Robert Bruce
made him: However, when that Controverſy, was decided to his
Prejudice, * 'tis certain, that he abſolutely refus'd, even in the Pre-
ſence of King Edward, to acquieſce in it: Nor did he ever do Ho-
mage to, or acknowledge John Baliol as King. And Sir William
Dugdale ſays that to avoid making any ſuch Acknowledgement ,
immediately after the definitive Sentence was pronounc'd, he gave
up
all his Lands in Scotland to Robert the fourth of that Naine his
eldeſt Son, begotten on the Siſter of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloces
fter, who alſo refuſing to do Homage, he ſaid to another Ro-
birt, his ſecond Son; begotten on the Daughter of the Earl of Car-.
rick, Take thou my Land in Scotland. In this Sir William Dagdale is
certainly miſtaken, and with him all Engliſh and moſt Scots Aùthors,
even the very lateſt (except Sir James Dalrymple and Mr. Anderſon)
that have written upon the Subje&t. An unpardonable Error in the
Scot si who, had they been at the leaſt Pains in peruſing their own
Records, would never have confounded, as they do, Robert the Son of
the Competitor, with Robert the King. This is evident, (a) not only He was the
from an original Manifeſto, emitted by the Clergy in a National Grand-fa-
Council holden at Dundee in February 1309, and from an anterior
one of the Biſhops to the ſame Purpoſe ; but alſo from an Act of ther of King
Parliament at St. Andrew's the 17th of March Anno In all which
Robert Bruce the Competitor, is, in expreſs. Terms, call’d the
Grand-father of King Robert. Robert the Competitor had then but
one Son of the fame Name of Robert; and he muſt have had him, by
the only onę Wife he ever had; ſo far as we know, Iſabel de Clare,
whoſe Brother Gilbert Earl of Gloceſter (6), was the Husband of Jo-
anna a Daughter of England: Sọ that the Bruces were near ally’d,
if not of Kin, to the Royal Family of England, as well as to that of
Scotland.
He died (I ſpeak of. Robert the Competitor) in the Year 1295
A.D. 1295
fc) in Annandale, where, it ſeems, King Edward protected him,
notwithſtanding he diſown'd King Fohn ; but was buried in the
Abbay. Church of Gisbourn in Yorkſhire, which his Anceſtors had
founded. He left his Son Robert the fourth, and Grand-child Rö-
bert the fifth, well reſolv'd to purſue his Right to the Crown, how the Father
foon an Opportunity fhould offer. Robert the fourth was in his of King Ko
younger Years ſign'd with the Croſs (d), and was one of thoſe many was.
Scotſmen that follow'd St. Lewis King of France in his laſt Expedi-
tion againft the Infidels, and afterwards Edward I. then Prince of
England, to the Holy Land. Adam de Kilcontach, (e) Earl of Car-
rick, was alſo of the Number ; but he had the Misfortune to die at
Acon, leaving behind him a yoụng and beautiful Lady his Widow;
whom this•Robert Bruce afterwards married, and was in her Right,
ſtild Earl of Carrick. By her he had many Children, of whom after-
wards, and the firſt born was Robert the King. This ſhews, what
a groundleſs Romańce we have from Buchanan (f) and others, con-
Сcccccc
cerning
1
Robert Bruce
bert, who he
(a) Append. to Mr. Anderſon's Hiſt. Eſlay N. 12, & 14. (b) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 91. (c) Tyrrel ibid. (4)
Dugdale ubi ſup. p. 450. () Chronicle de Melroſa ad Ana, 127 (1) Lib,
. p. 244;
562 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book 111 .
true.
CC
66
1
!
.
cerning that Marriage. As that Author (valuable only for the Ele-
gancy of his inimitable Stile, and his wonderful Knowledge of the
Latin Tonge in which he writes) has been intirely ignorant of, of
defign’dly miſ-repreſented all the moſt material Circumſtances of at
leaſt this part of our Hiſtory, ſo here he has not one Word that's
« For, ſays he, (a) Alan Lord of Galloway married Margaret,
" the eldeſt Daughter of David Earl of Huntington: By her he had
" three Daughters, the eldeſt Dornagilla or Dervegild, he married
to John Baliel, who was King of Scotland for ſome Years. An un-
pardonable miſtake, ſince the Son, and not the Husband of Dervegild
was King of Scotland, as all Records teftify, and Reaſon it ſelf tells :
For the Husband could have no Pretenſions at all;. beſides he died in
1269 (6), about twenty Years before the Competition. Now comes the
Romance; “ Robert Bruce, continues be, married Iſabel, David's ſe-
“ cond Daughter, and came to be Earl of Carrick upon this Occa-
“ fion. Another miſtake no leſs groſs, the Husband of Ilabel was never
Earl. of Carrick, nay, nor his Son the Competitor, as I have Shew'd but
juſt now. But let us go on.
As Martha Counteſs of Carrick, being
now marriageable, and the only Heireſs of her Father who died
66 in the Holy War, was a Hunting, ſhe caſt her Eye upon Robert
66 Bruce, the moſt handſome Youth then living, and, affected by
« his Charms, courteoully invited, nay, in fome Meaſure com-
ped him to attend her to her Caſtle, which was near at hand.
" When there, the Age, Beauty, Birth and Manners of both eaſily
6 begetting reciprocal Love, they were ſoon married, but in a pri-
“ vate Way.---- This highly incens'd the King, whoſe Right it
was to diſpoſe of the Lady ; but by the Mediation of Friends,
he was afterwards prevaild with to pardon them. Out of this
“ Marriage was born Robert Bruce, who was afterwards King of
66 Scotland." Than which Affertion, a greater Abſurdity was never
commited to Writting: For if ſo, I mean, if Robert. Bruce (who
was firſt married with Ifabel Earl David's Daughter, and then came
to be Earl of Carrick by a ſecond Match with the Counteſs of that
Country) was Competitor for the Crown, he impudently fought,
what neither he, nor the Children he had by his ſecond Wife the
Counteſs of Carrick, had any manner of Right to. But, ſays Bucha-
nan, Robert the King was born of his Marriage with the Countefs
of Carrick.
It therefore follows, that Robert the King was not ſo
much as come of the Blood Royal, confequently was no King, but
a bare-fac'd Ulurper. " The truth is, Robert the Son of the Competi-
tor, whom, för Diftin&tion fáke, I have call-d Robert IV. was he
that married the Counters of Carrick. And of this Marriage the King
This Robert, who, as I have faid, was in Right of his Wife,
ſtild Earl of Carrick, continued all his Lifetime an irreconcileable
Enemy
6
G6
:
was born.
(a) Buchan. Lib.&. (b) Dugdale p. 524
.
Book Ill. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 503
1
1
Enemy to King John, and a conſtant Aſſerter of his own Title to
the Crown, and he it muſt have been, ſince his Father was dead the
preceeding Year, whom King Edward I. when he firſt invaded
Scotland in 1296, promiſed to ſet upin the Room of his as yet reign-
ipg Rival : But after the Battle of Dumbar, towards tſie gaining of
which the Earl, his Son, and Friends had ſo much contributed,
ſo far mockd, as to give this deriding Anſwer to his Suit, N'avons
nous autre choſe a faire que de conquerir des Royaumes pour vous ?. This
Diſappointment was, no doubt, extremely grating ; yet he continu’d
outwardly in the Intereſt of King Edward, and twice more (a) (I
mean in the Year 1299 and 1303) waited upon and fought for him
againſt the Scots. For this ’tis, that Scots Authors exclaim and in-
veigh both againſt him and his Son with a great Deal of Bitterneſs
.
I ſhall not ablolutely vindicate them : They did certainly a great
deal of Miſchief to their Country; but after all, what could they
do? They were really as much Engliſh as Scots
. As Engliſhmen
they behov'd to own King Edward as their lawful Sovereign, and
either attend him in his Wars, or forefeit the many Lordſhips they why the
held of the Engliſh Crown. 'Tis true, the Eſtates they had in Brucas
Scotland were no leſs conſiderable, and the Figure they could have bedwards
made at the Scots Court much greater ; but then they could not ac- I againſt the
knowledge the Title of King John, who, had- he prevail'd, would
certainly have found Means to rid himſelf of Pretenders ſo vexati-
ous as they muft be. They choſe what was läfelt, and perhaps
no leſs conſcientious, to fight with their undoubted Sovereign King
Edward, againſt the Uſurper(as they thought) of their Birth-right,
King Fóliwa. But King Edward's Quarrel was unjuft : So was King
John's in their Opinion ; and, as I have faid, King Edward was their
undoubted Sovereign as King of England'; in his Quarrel, whether
juft or no, they were oblig’d to fight, or to forfeit their Engliſh
Eftate, and to transfer their Allegiance from him,to one whoſe Bu-
fineſs they conceiv’d, it would be, to work their Ruine. They there,
fore did not fight againſt the Scots, but againſt the uſurper, as they
thought, of the Scottiſh Crown." That Crown they believ'd by
Right to be their own ; and how foon they had a Proſpect of
attaining to it, they made it appear, that they would defend it
with Vigour.
The firſt View they had of this Kind, was in the Beginning of
the Campaign 1297, about fix Months after the Abdication of their A. D. 6297;
Rival; for then 'twas that Sir William Wallace began to be formidable,
being now join'd and affifted in hisglorious Delign of freeing the Na-
tion, by a great many Perfons of the higheſt Quality: The Biſhop
of Carlile (6) and Men in Place about him took the Alarm, and fea-
ring left Robert Bruce the younger, who liv'd in the Neighbourhood, the Grand-
ſhould concur with his Country-men in this Inſurrection, ſent for child of the
him and his Followers of Galloway, made him ſwear upon the Altar joyns Sir
Сcccccc2
and
1
1
Wilam Wal
lace.
(a) Dugdale, ubi fup.p. 450.(6) Knighton, Pryn. p. 730,7 $1.
564 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book
III.
66
1
CG
"66
CC
and Sword of St. Thomas, that he would continue firm in his Al-
legiance to King Edward, and faithfully ſerve him againſt all his
Enemies, eļpecially the Scots. He did as he was deſir'd ; nay, he
did more: for to colour his real Deſigns, he took up Arms, ravag'd
the Lands of his Couſin Sir William Douglas, and carried his Wife
and Children Priſoners to Annandale ; but as he was retur:hing
Home, after having convers’d with the revolted Scots, he call d to-
gether all the Military Tenants of his Father, who was at the Time
in the South of England, and told them, “That 'twas true, and
they very well knew, that he had lately taken an Oath to King
" 'Edward át Carlile, but that 'twas extorted from him by Force,and
" therefore not binding : For, added be, I was compell?d to it by
« Fear, and ſwore only with my Tongue, and not at all with my
« Heart. I am heartily ſorry for the Sin I have thereby .commit-
ted; but as I ſhall endeavour to merit,fo I hope I ſhall foon obtain
6 the Benefit of Abſolution. No Body can hate his own Fleſh, at leaſt
* I cannot,and therefore am reſolv’d to join my Relations and ſerve
my Country: I depend upon your Friendſhip and Concurrence
“ in this Marter, which if you give, aſſure your ſelves. I will con-
+ ſider you as my deareſt Friends, and moſt inward Counſellors.”
.
This Speech had not the deſign’d Effect: For, ſays Knighton, thoſe
Men, willing to ſuffer any thing rather than violate their Faith to
King Edward,ſtole away from him that fame Night; but he aſpiring,
as 'twas publickly-reported, to the Crown, went and joyn'd that
perverſe People and enter'd into a League with the Authors of all the
Miſchief, the Biſhop of Glaſgow and the Lord High Steward of Scot-
land. Henceforth that Perfidious and Infidel Generation of Scots, fell
foul upon the Engiſh they met with killed and murder'd them even in
Churches and Sanctuaries--Solay Engliſh Authors.And from thencewe
mayjuſtly conclude, what I have ſaid that the Bruces both Father and
Son, had no real Inclination to fight againſt their Country, but that
they would have been the moſt forward to defend it, upon ſuch
Térms a's were afterwards thought reaſonable, I mean, could they
thereby have attain’d to the Crown they had always in their View.
That the Father did not appear on this Occaſion, but rather with-
drew to the South of England, is no Matter of Wonder :He thought
it ünneceffarý, to occaſion the Forefeiture of the whole Family at
once, and expedient to wait, till he fhould ſee what fucceſs his Son
might have. It was not great ; for notwithſtanding. King John
had abdicated and was an unactive Priſoner in the Tower of London,
yet Sir Willam Wallace, and with him all the Loyal Sots, acted in
His Name and for his Advantage. They had own'd him to be their
lawful King , and to ſay the Truth, he was not unlawfully ſuch.
He had itideed: Un-king'd himſelf, firſt by yielding to a Superior
and a fecond Time, by a plain and abſolute Reſignation : But all
this, they thought, proceeded, not from his free Will and Inclinati-
on, but from inward Timidity and outward Compulſion : For
which Reaſon, tho he was ſo far from being in a Condition to pro-
teet
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 505
1
tect them, that, on the contrary, he had diſown'd them as his Sub-
jects, and in the moſt Authentick Manner imaginable,given himſelf
and them up to a foreign Potentate; yet they would neither diſown
ror abandon him. Yet, it ſeems all were not unaniiñous in this
Sentiinent ; for the Brüce had his Abettors, and probably the Biſhop
of Glaſgow and Lord High Steward, with whom he firſt treated, were
of the Number ; but Wallace and the Majority oppos’d him: From
whence came theſe Diviſions, I have elſewhere mention'd, which
render'd this firſt Attempt towards Liberty abortive. For upon the
gth of July, (a) Robert Bruce, James Steward of Scotland, John Stewart
his Brother, Alexander Lindſay, and even Sir William Dowglas ac-
knowledged their pretended Crime of Rebellion; and upon certain
Terms granted to them by Sir Henry de Percy and Sir Robert Clif-
for, King Edward's Lieutenants, ſubmitted as before. But because
the Bruce was more particularly ſuſpected, by Reaſon of his own Makes his
and his Father's Pretenſions to the Crown of Scotland, (b) the Biſhop K. Edwara
of Glaſgow, James Steward of Scotland, and Alexander Lindſay, were
oblig'd to become Sureties or Cautioners for his after-Behaviour and
did it accordingly, with this Provilo, That he ſhould inſtantly give
up his Daughter Marjory,as à Pledge and Guarantee, both for them
and himſelf. King Edward (e) ratified this Agreement upon the 14th
of the enſuing November, and the next Year 1298, to the great Loſs
of Scotland, and the unfortunate Degradation of Sir William Wallace, A.D. 1298
he experienc'd the Worth of that Valiant,and now by his owner at
leaſt his Father's Subjects (for ſuch he reckon'd the Scots to be) diſo-
blig’d Pretender. He had offer'd himſelf to them and was rejected,
He could not conceive for what. King Jobn had ſo often abdicated;
that he believ'd that Prince's Name was made uſe of, only as a Pre-
tence to cover the ſecret Ambition of ſome one or other that deſignd
to uſurp both upon the Baliöl änd himſelf. Sir William Wallace was becomes
the Perſon, he, and indeed moſt of the Nobility fufpected : They jealous of a
thought and ſaid, that if an Uſurper muſt reign; (d) the King of of Sir Willi.
England was in all Refpects preferable to an Upſtart of Yeſterday,
Prepoffefs'd with this Jealouſy, Robert Bruce determin'd himſelf to
ſerve King Edward in good Earneſt, and did it but too effectually ;
for to him chiefly do all Scots Authors attribute their Overthrow at
Falkirk. While the main Body of the Engliſh Army: attack'd the
Front of that. commanded by Sir William Wallace; he made a Coma
paſs about, and had very nigh envelop'd him , when that great Of-
ficer, perceiving his-Danger, wiſely retreated. Robert Bruce pur-
fu'd the Victory with great Eagerneſs, but, by good Luck, Sir
William Wallace had ſet the River of Cårfon between them, and, by
this Means, both preſerv’d the Remains of his Army, and afforded
an Opportunity to the Earl of Carrick (for he was to call’d, even at
this Time, notwithſtanding his Father,who was only ſuch in Right
of his Lady, was ſtill alive) offpeaking to him, I have in the Life
of Sir William Wallace, given an : Account of their Converſation : It
D d d d d d d
had
(a) Foeder, Angl. p.774. (b) Ibid, Cetbid. p.799.(Scotichron.Maj.lib. XI fap: 3 1. Buchan,in vit. Joan, Baliol
am Wallace.
1
500
Book III.
The Life of Robert Bruce,
Is unde-
cuy'd,
Revolts
of the Guar-
dians of
Scotland.
had a very good Effect ; by it the Earl was in a great Meaſure un-
deceiv'd, with Reference to the Intentions of Sir William ; and this
laſt, having, not long after, for his and the Nobilities farther Satif-
faction, laid down his Commiſſion as Guardian of the Kingdom,
he began a ſecond Time to entertain encouraging Thoughts, and to
make forward Steps towards gaining the Minds of the Nation over
to his and their own true Intereft ; or, which was more, he gene-
rouſly ſacrificd his own Intereſt to that of the Nation. For find-
A.D. 1299, ing the Nobility unanimous, in the Defence of their Liberties, againſt
King Edward, yet ſtill fix'd in their Allegiance to King John, he
Edward, and again revolted from the firſt, and contrary to what either his Grand-
is made one father, his Father, or himſelf had ever done before, acknowledg’d
the latter ſo far, as to make War, treat of Peace, and, as one of the
Guardians of Scotland, to act in his Name, and by his Authority.
This is evident, tho by no Hiſtorian hitherto taken Notice of,from
the memorable Letter (a) William Biſhop of St. Andrews, Robert de
Brus Earl of Carrick, and Fohn Cumine younger of Badenach conjunct
Guardians of Scotland, In Name of the moſt Illuſtrious Prince John, by
the Grace of God King of Scotland, wrote on the 13th of November to
King Edward, wherein they with him Health, and the Spirit of Charity
towards his Neighbours ; and tell him, that they're willing to accept
of the Truce notified to them by the King of France; provided that
- he alſo will oblige himſelf to forbear his Hoftilities. Hence it ap-
pears, that his Heart was truly Scots, and that, in Order to reſcue
his Country, from foreign Oppreſſion, he was now willing to loſe,
(not only his Engliſh Eſtate, but alſo, with the evident Danger of
his Life, which he muſt have laid down upon a Scaffold, had he fallen
into the Hands of King Edward)his juſt Pretenſions to the Crown of
Scotland. For at this Time King John was ſtrongly ſupported
both by the Pope and King of France : And had the joint Meaſures,
theſe Potentates as well as the Regency of Scotland then purſu’d,
prov'd ſucceſsful, the Baliol would have been reſtord, and the Bru-
ce's Pretenſions thereby irretrievably funk. What Hand the old Earl
his Father had in all theſe Viciffitudes, I cannot tell ; but he liv’d,
fays Sir William Dugdale,(b)till the thirty ſecond Year of King Edward's
Reign,that is, till 1303, when, departing this Life, he was buried in
His Father the Abbay of Holmcoltram in Cumberland, being then ſeiz'd of the Man-
nors of Uretele and Nothfield in the County of Eſex, and of that of
Caldecote in Huntington with the Advowſon of the Church.
This Year was fatal to Scotland : The Regency (abandon’d by the
King of France and over-power'd by the irreſiſtible Forces and Pre-
fence of the King of England) ſubmitted to thoſe Laws the latter was
conciliate pleas'd to impoſe. At what Time the Earl of Carrick made his
Peace, I cannot tell ; perhaps not long after the Death of his Fa-
A.D. 1305. ther, of whoſe Lands, Dugdale tells us that he ſoon after had Livery.
However, 'tis certain that he did make his Peace, and that in 1305
he was employd,(c) together with the Biſhop of Glaſgow, and fohn
de
A.D. 1303
dics.
Is ?evin re-
() Pader. Angl. Tom. II. 2: 856.(b, Ubi fup: () Tyrrel, Vol. IU. P. 1619
2
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 567
de Mowbray, who had been concern'd in the late Warš againſt King
Edward, as well as he, to treat among themſelves, and advile
what Methods ſhould be purſu'd, for ſecuring the Peace, and re-
gulating the diſorder'd State of their conquer'd Country. To be
fure, they did whatever they underſtood the Conqueror had a
Mind to; and what that was, I have told in its proper Place. In
ſhort, the Laws of Scotland were alter'd; Engliſh, or rather Normàri
Cuſtoms, together with the French Language (ſtill us’d at the Bar;
and in all publick Writs) were introduc'd; moſt of the Nobility
and Gentry were forfeited, and by way of Favour obligd to com
pound for their Lives and Fortunes; ſome were exild, fome impri-
fond, and others, particularly Sir William Wallace, cruelly executed;
all Places of Honour and Truſt were fill’d with Engliſhmen; all
Fortreſſes garriſon'd by Engliſh-Souldiers, and the whole Kingdom
ſo fairly reduc'd, and ſo ſecurely ſettld, that to hope for a Change
was to look for a Miracle. But,
About nine Years before, the Scots Nation had been reduc'd to
much the ſame State, and the Courage of one private Man, Sir Enters in
William Wallace, had freed it from Subjection; and now again, two to a ſecret
different Perſons were found, Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick, and the Sir John Cu.
Lord John Cummine younger of Badenach, both young, valiant, rich, imine to
and in all Reſpects great Men, who pity’d, as Wallace had done, the ing their
Malheurs of their Country, and entertain'd Thoughts of re-acting from servis
his Heroick Part. They had been joint Guardians of the Kingdom, tude.
were perfectly well acquainted with the Genius; Diſpoſition, Hu-
mour, Strength and Courage of their Country-men, and knew,
that had they but a Leader, in whom they had Reaſon to confide,
they would certainly draw their Swords as before, and never put
them up, till Death or Victory ſhould indemnify their pretended
Crime. But to effect this, 'twas neceſſary to pitch upon a Leader,
in whoſe Authority all Men would acquieſce; and none ſuch could
be found unleſs he was King. John Baliol had again and again ün-
king’d himſelf ; He had declar'd he would never meddle with Scot-
land, nor Scots Affairs ; His Son Prince Edward had. (at leaſt vir-
tually) done the ſame, and both liv'd unactive and unconcern'd,
the Father in France, and the Son in England; inſomuch; that had
thie Nation been yet willing to receive them, 'twas certain, they
neither would, nor could accept of the Nation's Offers. But a King;
and a lawful King, muſt be had, and who ſhould be the Man was
the Queſtion. Robert Bruce Earl of Carrick had the ſame Right to
the Crown, his Grand-father had formerly pleaded ; and John
Cumine younger of Badenach (by Buchanan miſtaken for John Cumire of
Buchan) had, in Right of his Mother Marjory, (a) the Daughter of
Dervegild, and Siſter of King John, the fame Title, that abdicated
Prince had once contended for, and tho he limfelf could and did
abdicate, (for no Body is obligd to be King whether he will or
no) yet he could not thereby prejudge his neareſt of Kin: So that
Dad d d d d 2
the
(2) Lib. Coenob. de Balmer. Penes Joan. Dorn. de Balmerinoch.
Vahid
568 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III
.: Is betray'd
mine,
the Competition continu'd between the Bruce and Cumine, what it
had formerly been between the Baliol and Bruce. 'Twas therefore
neceſſary, or that the Community of the Kingdom, whoſe Right
it certainly is, in Cafes, like this, unprecedented, to decide the
Controverſy ; (and that was at the Time impracticable, fince a free
Convention of the Barons and Prelates could not meet) or that one
of the Competitors ſhould yield to the other. All Scots Authors ſay
(a), that Fohn Cumine, whoſe Title was after all no better than that
of the Baliol
, and might (by Prince Edward Baliol's After-preten-
fions) be intirely extinguith', did willingly lay by his Claim, and
acquieſce in that of the Bruce, (from the very beginning thought as
good, if not better, and now incomparably ſuch, than that even of
King John himſelf) but with this Condition, That how ſoon the
Bruce ſhould attain to the Crown, the other ſhould have all his pri-
vate Patrimony (which was very great) made over to him, and be
by Conſequence next to the King, in Honour, Wealth and Power.
This Agreement was very private, yet, that no Room might be
left for Repentance, ſign'd and feald by both Parties. But the Cup
mine had never been cordially ſincere ; or if he was, he ſoon repen-
ted; and thinking that he had now in his Hands what would effe-
Etually remove the Competition, by working the Death of all the
by therapy and Competitors, he treacherouſly fent his Counter-part of the Inden-
ture to King Edward; no doubt with Aſſurances that he himſelf had
enter'd into it for no other Reaſon, but to let his Highneſs know,
what Villains the Bruces were, and thereby to give him à fair and
legal Opportunity of cutting off an aſpiring Family, whoſe very
Being was inconſiſtent with the Peace and Settlement of the united
Kingdom. The Earl of Carrick had by this Time gone from Scotland
to the Court of England, where, while his Friends, particularly the
Biſhop of St. Andrew's, Glaſgow and Murray, and the Abbots of Scopri
and Melroſs with whom Engliſh Authors lay. (b) that he confede-
rated, were bufily employd in conſulting with the Nobility, and
in preparing the Means of a new Revolution, he thought fit for pre-
venting Suſpicion to ſtay fome Time: But he ſoon found that he
was actually ſuſpected : For he was commanded not to ſtir from the
City of London, ſecret Guards were appointed to watch him; and
when callid for by King Edward, that Prince ſhewing him the Paper
he had ſubſcrib’d; ask'd him, Whether he knew his own Handwri-
ting? He denied the Thing, and offer'd to prove it forg’d. 'Tu
Wonder that his Perſon was not that Minute ſecur’d. Perhaps King
Edward did not give great Credit to what he believ'd might proceed
from the Malice or Jealouſy of his Rival : Perhaps, as Matters then
food, he did not much fear the Conſequences of a Plot fo early
diſcover'd; or, which is more probable, he had a Mind to make
ſure of all his Brothers, before he ſhould let them know that their
Ruin
!
1
i
(a) Buchan. in vit. Joan. Baliol. Bạeth.& Ledt
, ubi fup. cit, Barbour, Continuator of Ford, &c. (6) Pryn: Tom,
II. p. 1122
Book III. The شب
1
Makes his
ز
Ninty Eight King of Scotland: 569
Ruin was certain. From whatever Motive King Edward's Slowneis
or Indulgence proceeded, he experienc'd, that Affairs of this Na-
ture admit of no Delays, and that it is leſs inconvenient to arreſt the
Innocent, who may be releas'd át Pleaſure, than to ſuffer the Guil.
tý (who to be ſure are not fo eaſily to be re-taken) to make their
Eſcape. The very fame Evening one of his Friends at Court, pro-
bably the Earl of Glocefter his Brother-in-Law, fent him privately
12 ſterling Pence; and a Pair of ſharp Spurs, King Edward's Dil
courſe to him, and much more his own Conſcience, inade him ſoon
to underſtand what was ineant by that myſtical Meſſage; he pre-
fently order'd his Horſes to be ſhod backward (for the Ground was
cover'd with Snow, conſequently the Impreflion made upon it by
the Horſes Feet; if not by this Means prevented, might have poiri-
ted out to purſuers the Road he had taken) and with only two Ser-
vants about Midnight took his Journey for Scotland, with a full Re-
Eſcape from
ſolution to take inſtantly upon him both the Title and Authority London,
of King. The Title he could not ſo ſoon get; by Reaſon both of
the Engliſh Garriſons; and Faction of_the Cumines, who, he was
now fure, would thwärt the Deſign ; he was therefore oblig'd to
begin by exèrting the Royal Authority, and did it toʻits full, if not
beyond the utmoſt Extent it can be allow’d. The ſeventh Night
after his departure from London, he arriv'd at his own Caſtle of
Lochmaben in Annandale, where he found his Brother Edward Bruce,
Robert Fleeming, James Lindſay, Roger Kilpatrick and Thomas Charters,
all brave Men, and before-hand determin’d to purſue any Meaſures,
he, as their lawful Sovereign, ſhould ſet them upon,
They had no Time to loſe, and therefore refòlvd to go altogether
in ſearch of John Cumine. As they were on the Road, 'twas the
Bruce's good Luck to fall upon a ſecond Demonſtartion of his Ene-
my's Treachery, by Means of a Courrier they met with by Accident,
who had but juſt then been diſpatch'd with Letters to the Court
of England; they were by the fame Means inform’d, that he was
at Dumfreis, arid found him ạt his Devotions in the Church of the
Minorites. Even there, the Bruce (becauſe probably the guilty
Cumine' refüs'd to come out of the only Sanctuary, in which he
thought himſelf ſecure) upbraided him with his repeated Fallhoods,
ſhew'd him the Letters he had but juſt then intercepted, and, in the
Heat of the Conteſt, ſtabb'd him with his Dagger, and leaving him
almoſt dead on the Spot, went out of the Church, and was going of Badenci
again to take Horſe, when James Lindſay.and Roger Kilpatrick (ſur-
pris’d at the Change they perceiv'd in his Countenance) ask'd him
What be ail'd? He told them what he had done, and for what Rea-
fons ; adding, That he believ'd that the Cumine was dead: Whät,
reply'd fames Lindſay, with an Air of Indignation, bade you offerd to
kill him and have not done it? With theſe Words he haftily went off,
enter'd the Church, and with
repeated Blows put the Matter out of.
Doubt. He had Reaſon, if Reaſon can juſtify an A&tion of this
Nature: Sir John Cumine younger of Badenach, was, by his Royal
Еееееее
Paren.
Kill Siz
John C!!ming,
1
570 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
..
Parentage, pumerous Vaſſals, great Alliances and opulent Fortune,
next to the Bruces, the moſt powerful Man in the Națion :-He had
been Guardian of the Kingdom, and aſpir’d to be Ķing, conſequent-
ly was not to be offended by half; and 'twas plain, that as he
could never forget the Provocation he had given, ſo, while alive;
he would never forgive the Reſentment he had met with. His
Couſin Sir Edward Cumine, and ſome others belonging to their Reti-
nue, were, by the Bruce's Followers, at the fame Time diſpatch:d.
This Slaughter, of which all Scots Authors give much the ſame Ac-
count, was committed on the roth Day of February 1306; but the
Engliſh relate it leſs favourably to the Actors. They poſitively de
ny (a), (and I have not contradicted them, becauſe I believe
they're ſo far in the Right) that King Edward was at the Pains, as
ſome of the Scots aſſert, to flatter both the Bruce and Cumine with
the Hopes of a Crown; he had ſo eagerly fought, and had now ob-
tain’d to himſelf. Neither do they tell us any thing of Sir John
Cumine’s Breach of Faith to Robert Bruce, but ſay, (what I'm confi-
dent was not at the Bottom true) That he was moſt loyal and faith-
ful to his lately acknowledg’d Sovereign King Edward, and would
by no Means comply with any Deſignor Attempt againſt him; that
to found his Intentions, the Earl of Carrick.charg’d his two Bro-
thers Thomas and Niel to deſire a Meeting with him in the Cloyſter
of the Franciſcan Friars at Dumfreis ; where, upon Conference, the
Lord Cumine refuſing to join with him in the Deſign to make him
King, he in Revenge ſtabb?d him : That Cuminé, finding himſelf
wounded, fed out of the Cloyſter to the Church for Sanctuary.; but
that one of the Bruce's Brothers and others of his Retinue, fearing
he ſhould recover, follow'd him thither; and murder'd him at
the very Altar. It may be fo; and be it as it will, the Bruce, and
thoſe about him, acted like wiſe Politicians, tho I'm far from ſaying,
like good Chriſtians. They committed a Murther and Sacrilege, I
think, at once.; both great, but (as Matters then ſtood).fo neceſſary
Crimes, that, but for them, the otherwiſe Heroick and lawful Pro-
ject had not (in all humane Probability) ſucceeded. But an ill
Thing is never to be done in View of a good; and the Almighty
ftands in no need of our Iniquities, to bring about the Decrees of
his Providence. So that whoever would go about to palliate or
excuſe the Crime I have mention'd, muſt ſay, that the Bruce (tho
not acknowledg’d as ſuch) was really the ſupream Magiſtrate at the
Time; that he did not Murder his Equal, but put to Death his
Rebellious Subje&t; and that, if he did it not by the ordinary Forms
the Law prefcrib'd, he is juſtifiable by the receivd Maxime, that
Neceſſity has no 'Law. Thus Reafons may be found out, to footh the
Coniciences of Men, who being themſelves the ſupream Judges,
may think, that upon fome Occaſions they may diſpenſe with or-
..dinary Forms. I wiſh none were of this Opinion, but I'm ſure In-
ſtances of the ſame kind may be given, not only where one Sove-
reign
f) Tyrrel Vol. III, p. 168, 169. Pryn ubi fup. p. 1122.
.
0
2
.
1
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 57 I
:
.
of ,
co
66
.
reign is abſolute, but allo in mixt. Monarchies and Common-wealths.
For,as Sir William Temple,by me fame where elſe quoted judicioully and
truly
. obſerves, All Governments are equally abſolute,when in the laſt Reſurt;
and, as ſuch, have ſometimes, contrary to the common Forms of
I aw, 'made bold, both with the Fortunes and Lives of Men,
they in their Judgment have thought guilty.
But ſhould it be lawful in the Supreme Magiſtrates, whoever they
are, on certain Emergencies, as when the leaſt Delay might o-
verturn a State, to break through, or rather to difpenfe with uſual
Forms ; it may ſtill be objected againft the 'Bruce, that he was not
yet the Supreme Magiſtrate: 'Tistrue, he was not crown'd King;but
as his after-Coronation gave no new Right;ſo stis certain that he was
at this Time in reality as much King,as when that Ceremony was per- Acts as I
form’dzat leaſt, he acted in every thing as ſuch,witneſs King Edward
himſelf,
(a) who in his Writ directed to thoſe of the North of England
and Borders of Scotland, dated the 5th of April 1306, tells theni,
" That Robert de Brus, formerly Earl of Carrick, after killing John
6. Cumine of Badenacb his faithful Subject, continu'd to add Crime
to Crime, made War in his Länd of Scotland, ſeiz Uhis Caſtles
and Towns,impriſon'd his Sheriffs and Officers,and bý ufurping the
• Dominion of Scotland, endeavour'd to diſinherit him.” 'Tis plain
then, that he thought himſelf King, and acted conſequentially.
The very firſt Thing he did (b) after having diſpatch'd his Ene-
mný, was to ſeize upon the Horſes of the Slain, and to go with his
Followers ſtraight to the Caſtle of Dumfries, where King Edward's
Juſtices were then fitting ; and a few Engliſh attending them.
He did it foquickly,that he ſurpriz’d.them all on a ſudden,and as they
had the Prudence to ſurrender themſelves to his Mercy, ſo he had the
Generofity to give them a ſafe Condyck to carry them out of the King-
dom. Another Proof, I take it, that he even then acted as King.
The better Part of the Nation conſidered him likewiſe as ſuch ; and
the Loyaliſts, I mean, the very fame Men who under the Conduct
of Sir William Wallace, and afterwards by the Command of the Re-
gency, had fought ſo long in Favour of the Baliol, now reſorted from
all Parts to, and frankly acknowledg’d the better Title of the Bruce. A. D. 1306
.
Among the moſt eminent of thoſe Patriots (c) were, Malcolm Earl the loyal
of Lennox, Fohn Earl of Athole, Sir Neil Campbel, Sir Gilbert Hay,
Sir Hugh Hay; Sir Chriſtopher Setor, Sir Thomas Randolph, Sir Simon
Fraſer, Sir Alexander Fraſer, Sir David Barclay, Sir Robert Boyd,
Sir William Haliburton, John Somarvail, Sir David Inchmartin, James
Douglas; c. to whom may be added the Generality of the Cler-
gy, and more particularly the Biſhops of St. Andrews; Glaſgow and
Murray, and the Abbots of Melroſs and Scoon. How far theſe
Church-men did approve of, or condemn the Slaughter of the Cu-
mines, I cannot tell : 'Tis probable, that if they did not approve of it
as legal, yet they were foon brought to excuſe it as neceffaryzand that
Eeeeeee 2
they
(a) Foeder. Ang. Tom. II. p. 988. (b), Tyrrel, Vol. Ill:p. 168. (a) Barbour, Edit. Glofg; 1672:p. 22
Gentry.
l
23.
572 The Life of. Robert Bruce, Book 111
2. One
1
.
hi
they made no great Difficulty to grant Abſolution for a Sin
of their Number, the Biſhop of Mærray, if we may credit King Ed-
ward, (a) conſented to, and probably called an Ad of Juſtice. Scots
Authors generally fay, (b) that how ſoon the Thing was done, the
Bruce. fu'd for, and obtain’d Abſolution from the Pope. I doubt
not, but to amuſe the Vulgar, 'twas given out fo at the Time; but,
the Truth is, he contented himſelf (and he was in the Right) with
the Intrinſick Power of the National Church ; and, if he did repent,
we're very ſure, that the only Forgiver of Treſpaſſes ratified in Hea-
ven the Abfolutory Sentence pronounc'd by his Miniſters in Scor-
land:
To the then Pope he could not apply, and if he had, he had
done it in vain : (c) Berteran de Got, Arch-biſhop of Bourdeaux, a Gal-
con, and a Subject to the King of England, had been under the Name
of Clement V. but lately promoted to the See of Rome. He was by
Conſequence no Friend to King Edward's Enemies and that Politick
Monarch left nothing undone to fix him in his Intereſts: He ſent him
great Preſents, and, which was yet more winning, flatter'd him
with Hopes of ſetting himſelf or the Prince his Son,upon the Head of
a Grand Cruſade, towards reconquering the Kingdom of Jeruſalem:
And the Pope, in Return to his, high Compliments and to encourage
his Zeal in the Proſecution of a Work, which, if effected during
his Pontificate and by his Endeavours, would prove ſo honourable
to his Memory, granted to King Edward, for ſeveral Years, a tenth
out of all Eccleſiaſtical Benefices in England, Scotland, Wales and Ire-
land': But thoſe Revenues, tho by his Holineſs deſign’d for
the Relief of the Holy Land, were," ſays Mr. Tyrrel, by King Ed-
ward, diverted for his own private Occafions, and principally, no
doubt, to quell the Rebellion in Scotland ; for fodid he and his
Partiſans ever mif-call the juſt Defence made by the Scots againſt his
Encroachments. And now he made loud Complaints of the horrid
Murther committed at the very Altar by the Earl of Carrick ; pro-
teſted that,but for that Rebellion, he would inſtantly ſet about his
defign’d Expedition againſt the Enemies of the Crols, and ſo far pre-
Daiļd with the favourable Pontiff (who, by the By, reſided ſtill at
municated Bourdeaux, and was by Conſequence inacceſible to Scots Envoys or
by the Pope Remonſtrances)'that on the 18th of May a Bull was directed (d) to
Engliſh Biſhops, with Orders to excommunicate Robert Bruce Earl
of Carrick,for his Sacriledge and Homicide;to put his Lands, and theſe
of his Accomplices under Interdict; and upon the fame Penalty to for- !
bid all Perſons tó favour, harbour or follow him ; till,by his Repen-
tance and Satistaction, he ſhould merit the Benefit of Abſolution.
His Holineſs was ſo prudent or fo juſt,as not to mention his being a
Rebel, or offer to decide the Queſtion of Right.. Nay, he was ſo
cautious, as to defire the Biſhops (to whom the Bull was directed)
to enquire before giving Sentence, Whether 'twas really true,
that
(a) Foder, Angl. Tom. II. p. 1045. (6) Buchan, in Vit Reg. (c) Tyrrel Vat. III. P. 166. (€) Ibid. Tom
l. p. 2006.(d; Ibid.p.997,
Is Excom-
1
:
i
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 573
that the Earl had committed Murther and Sacriledge. But
theſe Biſhops were Engliſhmen, and had they been obey'd, I mean,
had none dar'd to favour, harbour or follow him, he had certainly
been undone. But even that Age, we ſee, knew better Things. For,
Before this Time, the Earl of Carrick, ſatisfied in his own Conſci-
ence of the Juſtice of his Cauſe, and of the Power 'confer'd upon his
own well inform’d and lawfully ordain's Confeſſor, and conſequent-
ly careleſs of what the miſinform’d, prejudic'd, or perhaps partial
Pontiff might do, had, with all the Expedition that could be us’d,
ſet the Crown upon his Head. The Ceremony, ſay Engiſh Authors, is crown'd
( a) was perform'd twice in the Abbay of Scoon; firſt, upon the
Feaft of the Annunciation of our Lady in Preſence of two Earls two
Biſhops, that of St. Andrews and that of Glaſgom, the Abhot of
Scoon,
John of Athole, John de Menteith and a great many Knights; and
eight Days after being Palm Sunday,the 27th of March, it was with
greater Formality repeated : A little Crown of Gold, (6) made for
the Purpoſe (for it ſeems that the ancient Crown had been ſome
Years before carred off, as were all the memorable Monuments of
the Nation's Liberty, to England) was ſet on the King's Head by the
Counteſs of Buchan, in the Abſence and Place of her Brother the
Earl of Fife, to whom this Office belong’d by Hereditary Right, and
the Priviledges of his Family were thought ſo ſacred and effential,
that his Siſter was, for preſerving them, oblig'd to ſteal away with
great. Privacy from her Husband. This laſt was of the Name of
Cumine, and (as all his Clan, Kindred and Friends) an open declar'd
Enemy to the new King, for which Reaſon his Loyal Lady not on-
ly ſtole away from him, but alſo carried off all his War-Horſes along
with her : Hence the. Barbarous Uſage ſhe afterwards met with by
King Edward's Orders, and hence the infamous Name of Adultereſs
ſcurrilouſly given her by the Engliſh, (c) who without any Ground,
at leaſt ſo far as I can, diſcover, lay , That polleſs’d with Luft, and
ſhamefully, enamour'd with the Air and Shapes of the Mad-man ſhe crown'd, is calumni
The deſerted and diſhonour'd her Husband's Bed. As if no vertuous Wo- ated by Engi
man could be found of a Genius capable to prefer her Duty to her
Inclination, or the Father of her Country to that of her Children.
They add, with equal Probability, and no lefs Malice, that when
the Ceremony of the Coronation was over, and the King return'd
to his Lodgings, he ſaid to his Wife, That Yeſterday he was.
<ć but a Earl and the only a Counteſs, but that henceforth, he was a
King and ſhea Queen. Alas! reply'd ſhe, I'm affraid your Reign ſhall
“ be as ſhort as the enſuing Summer;or like to a Flower of the Spring,
flourishing and beautiful to Day, and to Morrow nothing. No
« leſs can be expected from your Perjury and Breach of Faith, and
no Wonder, if by uſurping the Title of King, you come to for-
« feit even that of Earl. "Upon this, the Mad-man, (ro do the ſame
Authors call him) turn'd furious: He drew his Sword, and had he
not been by the By-ſtanders oppos’d,would have kill'd his Wife.
Fffffff
How-
(4) Pryn. Tom. IIL p. 1/22 (6) Feeder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 1048.(c) Pryn. ibid:
66
66
C
46
CS
574 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III
.
by a great
Army of
Scots.
“ However, he ſent her a packing to her Father, the Earl of Viſier
“ in Ireland, and he remitted her to the King of England - An
impudent Calumny, none but Mr. Pryn,or one of his Kidney would
have been at the Trouble to have repeated, much leſs to have given
for a Truth. The Queen was more dutiful, and the King had more
Judgment, than to betray ſo much Vanity, and more Honour than
to act ſo mean and ſo brutal an Extravagance.
When he caus’d the Diadem to be ſet on his Head ,' he had, no
doubt, good enough Opinion of his Parts,his Fortune and Caule,
to hope he would be able to reſtore it to its ancient Luſtre : His
Subječts had the fame Thoughts ; but he was at firſt moſt unhappy,
and moſt of them, judging of future by preſent Events, unfteddy.
Is oppos'd To lay the Truth, few or none in the World,beſides himſelf,could
have ſeen the Turn his Affairs took in the Beginning, and yet have
the Courage to look for a fortunate Illue. The Cumines were di-
ſperſed all over the Kingdom, and their faſt Friends, the Earls of
March and Angus, the Lord Lorn, the Lord Abernethy, the Lord Bre-
chin, the Lord Soules, Duncan Mackdougal, &c. commanded the moſt
Part of Galloway, the Merſe, the Weſtern Highlands, Angus, &c. in-
fomuch, that there were very nigh as many Rebels in the Nation,
as Loyaliſts ; but Scots Rebels, tho more numerous, are ſeldom ob-
fervd to ſtand their Ground, in Oppoſition to a Loyal Party, ever
by their own Honeſty encourag’d, and never, as the former by a
ſecret Senſe of their Guilt intimidated. Wherefore the King had
certainly made quick Work with them, had he had none elſe to op-
poſe him. He began with theſe of Galloway (a) whoſe Conntry he
lavag'd, and laid Siege to I know not what Caſtle, 'which held out
ſome Time, in Hopes of being ſuccour'd from Carlile.
In the mean tine King Edward was not idle: He had now reign’rl
ward1. makes and triumph'd thirty five Years, was ſixty five old , an Age that re-
great Pres quir’d Reſt and he had flatter'd himſelf that henceforth he ſhould fit
gainſt King and ſleep ſecurely in the Shade of his Laurels : From Scotland at leaſt,
(fo often over-runand twice ſubdud by his Arms) he expected 10-
thing but Peace and Compliance ;and it gall’d him to the very Heart,
to think that ſo much Treaſure and Blood had been miſ-ſpent, ſuch
and ſo numerous Difficulties conquer'd in vain ; and that the Title of
Conqueror, he had ſo long and fo indefatigably ſtrugled to gain,
thould, even in his own Life-time, be effac'd. He reſolv'd it ſhould
not be ſo, and therefore made hafte to ſend (b) Aymer de Valence Earl
of Pembroke, with Robert Clifford and Henry Percy into Scotland, upon
the Head of an Army ſufficient to cruſh the threatning Inſurrection
in the Bud. But leaſt theſe Generals, as all others he had formerly
employ'd in the fame Service, ſhould fail of Succeſs, he determin'd
himſelf to follow in Perſon; not doubting but that he, and he a-
Ione, was deſtin'd to curb that proud, and, 'as he call’d them, perfi-
dious People. With this View, he ſummon'd all his Forces to ren-
dezvous at Carlile fifteen Days after Mid-fummer ; and to thew how
earneſt
!
Robert Bruce,
3
:
() Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 171.(b) Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 171, 172:- Echard, Book II, p. 321.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 575
.
earneft he was in the Matter, and how very much he had that Ex-
pedition at. Heart, he call’d by publick Proclamation all the Youth
of the Kingdoin that had Right to be Knights, and could live up to
their Quality, to appear at Weſtminſter on the Feaſt of Pentecost, in
order to receive that Military Honour, and the Ornainents ſui-
table to it. They came in ſuch Numbers, that, becauſe the Royal
Palacé could not receive them, they were fain to cut down
the Apple Trees in the Orchard of the New-Temple: In it
theſe intended Knights pitch'd their Pavilions, and in the
Church belonging to it kept their Vigil. The Prince of Wales
did the like in the Abbay Church of Weſtminſter with a glorious
Attendance of young Noblemen of the higheſt Quality. The
next Day the King Knighted the Prince, and out of his own
Wardrobe provided three hundred young Gentlemen, the Sons of
Earls, Barons, &c. with Scarlet Cloath, fine Linnen, Belts em-
broider'd with Gold, Bc. and the Prince, fo ſoon as he himſelf re-
ceiv'd this Honour, went to the Abbay Church to confer the
fame upon his Companions. When he return?d to the King with
this noble Retinue, that Monarch made a folemn Vow in their
Preſence, that he would march with them in Perſon to revenge
the Death of the Lord John Cumine, and to puniſh the Perfidy of
the Scots, adjuring the Prince and all the great Men there preſent,
by the Fealty they ow'd him, that if he ſhould chance to die before
he could effect his intended Expedition, they ſhould carry his Corps
with them into Scotland (a. Bizarre, and in my Opinioni
, irreligious
Command, by which he betray'd a great deal of Vanity and an un-
relénting Malice) nor ſhould bury it
, till a comptat Victory was
obtain'd
over that perfidious ufurper, and his per a Nation
.
This mighty Parade, and zealous Incentives to Wrath, had the
defign’d Effect : All the Nation was thereby affected with the ſame
Spirit of Revenge and Hatred, that poffefs'd their King." The Peo-
ple, the Clergy, the Merchants, contributed largely towards the
Charges of the Prince; and all the Nobility promis’d, upon Ho-
nour and Conſcience, to perform his Highneſs's Commands, whe-
ther he liv'd or died. Nor were the Scots (I inean thoſe that ad-
her'd to the Cumines) leſs animated againſt King Robert: They ſtrove
to out-do the Engliſh in their Forwardneſs to ruine him : And there
was no Conteſt between them but one, and it was, who ſhould
fight againſt him with greateſt Fury. Their united Forces, under
the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, furpriz’d the King and his
ſmall Army at Methmen in the Night, and, before he could put his
Men
in a Poſture of Defence, forc'd and made themfelves Maſters of Battle of
the Camp: The Slaughter, lay Scots Authors, was not great; for
the raw and unexperienc'd Commonalty preſently fled and
were not
purſu’d: The Reaſon was this. The King and the Gentry a-
bout him, ſtood their Grởund and fought but too long and too well;
inſomuch that being on all Sides envelop'd, 'twas a Wonder that a-
ny of them got off. The King was thrice diſmounted from his
Fffffff 2
Horſe,
}
.
576 The Life of Robert Bruce, : Book III.
!
King Ribert
very car
taken.
Horſe, and as often re-mounted by the unexampſd Gallantry of Sir
Bus di Simon Fraſer. Nay, (ſays John Barbour (a), a very valuable Author,)
hor3d, and he was very nigh being made a Priſoner by Sir Philip Mowbray, a Scotſ-
mang
by whoſe Contrivance the whole Scheme of that Engagement
had been laid. The Scots Cavalry had diſguis'd themſelves, by
putting on Linnen Scarfs or Shirts above their Armour, that by
this means they might know one another in the Dark, and be un-
known to the Enemy; but it ſeems that Contrivance did not hin-
der Sir Philip from diſcovering the King ; He ſeis’d the Bridle of his
Horſe, and cry'd out, Help, help, I have the new made. King. Sir
Chriſtopher Seton, by good Luck was at Hand, and had the Honour to
reſcue his Maſter. At length the Horſe having an Eye upon one
another, made a great and ſucceſsful Effort to get through the
Squadrons of the prevailing Enemy, yet ſeverals of them were ta-
ken, namely, the young Sir Thomas Randolph, Sir Alexander "Frafer,
Sir David Barclay, Sir David Inchmartin, Sir Hugh Hay, Sir John So-.
mervail
, one Hutting, by Engliſh Authors. (b) defignd the Standard-
Bearer of the Mock-King, and one Hugh his Chaplain. All theſe,
add they, and ſeveral others, they fcorn to vilify their Writings by
naming, were immediately hang’d, and the Prieſt, becauſe ſuch,
was made to ſhew the Way to the reſt. Some nevertheleſs, as Sir
Thomas Randolph were ſpar'd; but then they were conſtrain'd to take
an Oath of Fidelity to the King of England.
The whole Kingdom was by this unhappy Effay extremely dil-
courag'd: The Commonalty, a Set of Men never to be depended
upon by the vanquiſhºd, retird to their reſpective Habitations, and
ſubmitted anew to the Yoke, they conceiv'd it impoſſible to ſhake
Flyes to the off :. And the ing himſelf, with no more than 500 Men, with
Highlands. great Difficulty eſcap'd to the Shire of Argyle, where he propos’d
to himſelf, or to lurk for ſome Time, with his Brother-in-law Sir
Neil Cambel, or by the Affiſtance of that brave Gentleman and his
worthy Friends to recruit his ſhatter'd Army : But if he had a tru-
ſty Friend, he had alſo an inveterate and more powerful Enemy be-
fore him, Fohn Lord Lorn, a near Relation to the ſlaughter'd C4-
mine.
That Lord, upon Intelligence that the King was in the Neigh-
bourhood, gather’d together about 1000 Foot all arm’d with Axes,
which in that Mountainous Country, gave them a great Advantage
over the Horſe: They met at a Place, call d Dalree, where the
Highland-men made it their Buſineſs to ſtrike at and kill the Horſes
of the Loyaliſts, and thereby to dif-enable their Riders. The King
perceiving this, and willing to preſerve the Lives of that Handful of
Gentry on whole Loyalty and Courage he could only rely, com-
manded them to ſide off to a Strength at no great Diſtance. They
obey'd, and he himſelf is ſaid to have been the laſt Man upon their
Rear, and to have often fac'd about; as Sir William Wallace had done
before at Falkirk, and with his own Hand to have cut off ſeverals of
the
1
.
(P.27 () Marth, Weſtraint. Walling, citead by Pryn Tom: 111..8. 1123,
Book: [II. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 577
.
the moſt foreward to purſue : Among the reſt,' three Brothers of
the Name of Mackindorſet, who, in a parrow Paſs betwixt a Lake
and a ſteep Hill, thought to have over-taken and kill'd him. This
extraordinary Piece of Courage fo charm’d one of his Enemies, the
Baron Macknaughtan, that, to the great Diſpleaſure of the Lord
Lorn, it gaind him over to favour the Royal Cauſe. But,
· The Royal Cauſe ſeem'd quite undone, and that ſmall Party
that had till now kept together, beſet with Enemies on all Sides,
and miſerably ſtaraitn'd for Want of all the Neceſſaries of Life
found it impracticable to do ſo any longer. For which Reaſon, the
King thought fit to ſend the Queen his Wife, together with ſome
other Ladies that waited upon her, and his own Brother Sir Neil
Bruce, and the Earl of Athole, to the ſtrong Caſtle of Kildrimmy in
Mar. With her he alſo ſent away all the Horſes that belong'd to
himſelf and his Retinue, and with only 200 Men wander'd through,
and lurk'd among the Mountains, but not long. For even there he
was not ſecure, nor could theſe wild Places Mankind had never ts in giede
inhabited, either afford Subfiftence to his few remaining Friends, or Danger add
guard him againſt the diligent Search made for him by his indefati- Wat.
gable Enemies. Onė ſtated as he was, cannot be too lonely: As
there was a Judas among twelve, ſo another. Menteith might have
been found among two hundred. He therefore diſmiſs'd even
thoſe few Followers, and, fay's Buchanan, continud to be attended
with only two of his oldeſt and faſteſt Friends, Malcolm Earl of
Lennox and Gilbert Hay;. Names, adds Pere D' Orleans, Hiſtory is ſo
inuch the more oblig'd to preſerve and tranſmit to Poſterity, bez
cauſe Friends of their Character are ſo feldom to be met with. But,
to ſay the truth, ſome others prov'd no leſs uſeful, and by Conſe-
were as faithful as they. Sir Neil Campbel left him for ſome
Time, but 'twas to provide Victuals and Shipping for his Uſe.
And now Winter was drawing on, and the Main-land untenable;
he retir'd to the Iſles, where Angus one of their Lords receiv'd him
kindly and entertain'd him honourably. From thence he came to
Kintyre with ſome Iſlanders in his Company (a), about the begin-
ning of October, and, while there; ſent fome Truſtees to his Earldom
of Carrick, with Orders to raiſe what Rents they could get among
the Tenants. This could not be ſo privately executed, but that
the Lord Henry Percy got Intelligence of it, and preſently march'd
to the place where the King lay ; but to his Coſt: For inſtead of
ſurpriſing, he was himſelf ſurpris'd by the King, who (happy on
this only Occafion) kill'd a great many of his Men, feis d upon
Plate and Baggage, and forc'd himſelf to take Refuge in the Caſtle
of Kintyre. This was all he could do that Time; for King Ed
ward ſent quickly a Detachment to the Relief of his General, and
King Robert was once more obligd to abſcond. He failid over to
Is oblig'd to
the Me of Raughrine'; and the Hardſhips he underwent in thus ſhif- abfcond
ting from Place to Place; were undoubtedly ſuch as had broken the
G888888
Spirit.
(a) TyiTel. Vol. III. p. 174.
.
upon his
Beats the
Lord Percy.
578 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
Brothers,
Kindred
ز
ecuted.
.
Spirit, and ruin'd the Health of any leſs ſtrong either in Body or
Mind than himſelf. But after all, theſe were tolerable Evils, if
compard to thoſe he ſuffer'd at the ſame time, in the Perſons of
his neareſt Kindred and deareft Friends.
Not long after the Battle of Methren, King Edward and the
Prince his Son enter'd Scotland, each upon the Head of great Ar-
mies. The Prince march'd Northward without Oppoſition as far as
Mar, where he beſieg'd and took the Caſtle of Kildrimmy. He
found in it the brave Chriſtopher Seton, and his Lady, a Siſter of the
His Wife, King: He thought alſo to have got the Queen; but ſhe had left
the Place before his Arrival, yet to no Purpoſe ; for while the filed
and best for Safety to the Shrine of St. Duthac in Roſs, ſhe was taken with
Friends, ta, her Daughter, by William Earl of that Country, and deliver'd up
to England, to the Engliſh. After this proſperous Expedition, the Prince of
and Impriz Wales return’d with his Army to Dumfermling, where he attended
his Father, and both ſtay'd there, tili by their active Parties, all,
or moft Part of King Robert's Friends and Favourers were brought
Priſoners to them. As the barbarous Uſage they met with, will
be an indeleble Stain upon the Memory of that Monarch, ſo it will
teach all After-ages, that Tyranny can never thrive, and that the
ready Way to loſe one's Conqueft
, is to let the Conquer'd be too
much ſenſible that they are ſo.
Wiliam Lamberton Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and Robert Wiſhart Biſhop
of Glaſgow, had been taken in Armoạr, fay Engliſh Authors, and were
thereafter put in Chains of Iron, and ſent clole Priſoners to England;
and, had it not been for Fear of diſobliging the Pope, would cer-
tainly have been put to Death. But that was not to be allow'd:
For which Reaſon King Edward contented himſelf to deſire that his
Holineſs might ſuffer them (a) to be baniſh'd, and others. placd in
their vacant Sees. He alſo intreated that the Monaſtery of Scoon
(b), becauſe feated in the Midft of a perverſe Nation, might be
tranſlated to ſome other place. As for the Abbot, he treated him,
as the two Biſhops, moſt defpitefully, and wrote earneſt Letters to
Haquin King of Norway (c) intreating that he would cauſe ſeize, and
ſend to him, under a Guard, the Perſon of the Biſhop of Murray,
notorious Rebel, who, he ſays, was Excommunicated for conſen-
ting to the Slaughter of John Cumine, and had fled to the Iſles of
Orkney, with Hopes of avoiding Juſtice.
After this Manner did he deal with the Clergy, but with the Lai-
ty much worſe. His Age, ſays Mr. Echard(d) his Rage and Deſire
of Revenge made him alınoſt inexorable. Fohn Earl of Athole, tho
of the Royal Blood, and allied to himſelf, was diſhonourablŷ prefer'd
to a higher Gallows than any of the reſt ; King Robert's three Bro-
thers, Nzil
, Thomas, and Alexander, his Brother-in-Law Sir Chriſto-
pher Seton, John Seron, Brother to Sir Chriſtopher, Sir Simon Fraſer, Wal-
ter Logan, Herbert Norham, Thomas Boys, John, or rather Adani Wal-
lace; Brother to the matchleſs Sir William, and a vaſte many more of
all
a
B..
i
(a) Foder, Angl. Tom. II, p. 1025. (6) Ibid. p. 1030. (c) ibid p. 1048. (d) Book Il. p. 321,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 579
.
all Ranks were,after various and moft exquiſite Torments, at different
Times, and in different Places of both Kingdoms, eſpecially at Lon-
dón, put to moſt inhumane, but, ſay Engliſh Authors (a) moſt deſer-
ved Deaths. Good God! what is it Prejudice and Partiality do
not vindicate ? Nay,what Iniquity will they not approve of ? Nor
was the Sex and Quality of ſome Loyal Ladies able to protect them
from the moſt offenſive Inſults and horrid Cruelty : Witneſs the La-
dy Mary, one of the Siſters of King Robert, Sir Nail Campbel's
Lady, and the Counteſs of Buchan. They were both, the Lady
Mary at Roxburgh. z. and the Counteſs at Berwick , (b) put in.
wooden Cages ſhap'd like a Crown, and in that tormenting Poſture
liung out from high Walls or Turrets, to be gaz'd npon, and re-
proachd by the meaneſt of the Populace. - To be ſhort, (c) after the
ftri&teft and fevereſt Inquiſition that could be made,w.ho ever were
found to have conſented, or to the Slaughter of the Cumine, or to the
Coronation of the King, were immediately executed ; only the
King's own Wife and Daughter met with ſome Regard: The laſt was
detain'd in a Religious Houſe in Lincoln-ſhire, and the firſt, tho alſo
kept in cloſe Cuſtody,yet was us'd civilly,and, if not like a Queen,at
leaſt as a Perſon of the higheſt Quality
Thus did King Edward a third Time triumph over the conquer’d
Nation, and diſpoſe of the Lives and Fortunes of all his Oppoſers;
arbitrarly and cruelly,as his Temper inclin'd him to, while the hi-
therto unfortunate King Róbert, deſpoild of all Earthly Comforts
but Hope, a good Cauſe, and an undaunted Courage, lurk’d in the
Iſle of Raughrine, fafe, only becauſe no Body thought he was fo :
For after all the Inquiſition made for him, he was concluded to have A.D. 1397
periſh'd ſomewhere, and for that
Reafon was no more ſought for. But Leaves his
what contributed to his preſent Security,wa's like to deſtroy his after
Deſigns:Wherefore in the Beginning of the Spring, he thought it highly
expedient to let bis Well-wilhers know, that he was ſtill alive,
Surprizes
and ſtill in Hopes. With this View, he ſent. Sir James Dou- the Engliſh,
glas and Sir Robert Boyd to the Ife of Arran., and theſe brave at Arran,
Gentlemen upon their landing, had the good Luck to meet
with a Convoy of the Enemy defign’d to Victualthe Caſtle of Brath,
wick : They cut off the Convoy, and the Garriſon immediately.de-
ſerted the Caſtle, and thinking to fly by Sea, were for the moft
Part drown'd. This ſmall but fortunate Beginning encouragʻd the
King to come over himſelf, the rather, becauſe there was a greai deal
of Cloathing, Arms and Provifions of all Sorts found in the Iſle, and
his Men ſtood very much in need of ſuch Neceflaries. From Arran
he ſent Spies to Carriek, with Orders to raiſe a Fire rear his own
Eaſtle of Turnberry; in Caſe there appear'd an Opportunity of acting
with Advantage. The Spies did their Duty,and that Place was luckily
ſurprizd, the Garriſon put to the Sword, the Spoil divided among
the Affailants; and the Lord Percy, who had been made Governor of
that County, néceſſitated to make his Eſcape into England. Thus
Ggggggg?
with
(5) Pryn. Tom. III. p. 1126,&c. (b) Feeder. Angl. Tom. II. p. 1306.(Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 173.
Retiremeni
L
580 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
Retreats to
the Wood of
with a Handful of Men, in all, not above four hundred, was that
glorious Campaign open’d, which brought all the Victories of King
Edward's Reign to dwindle away into nothing. That Monarch had
held his Parliament, and, to be the nearer at hand to ſuppreſs all
Commotions, if any ſhould happen, had paſt the Winter at Carlile.
He heard of theſe Attempts with Concern, but hopd. that the
Army. he had left in Scotland, and the Scots of his Party, would be
able at leaſt to retard the Enemies Progreſs, till he ſhould again
draw the whole Power of England, Ireland, c. to the Fields. But
Providence was, it ſeems, reſolv'd to humble him ere he died, and
thereby, no doubt, to prepare him for the great ·Account he muſt
very ſoon make of all the Blood-lhed, Devaſtations and Calamities
his Ambition had occafion'd.
Before the Holy-days of Eaſter were over, (a) King Robert had
Glentrole." ſomething like an Army: He lay at Cwmnock; when he was advis’d
that the Earl of Pembroke and the Lord Lorn, by both whom laſt
Year he had been defeated, were marching againſt him, with For-
ces much ſuperior to his own. (b) Nevertheleſs he determin'd
himſelf to venture upon an Engagement,but choſe well his. Ground;
and that he might Fight with the greater Advantage, retir’d to the
Top of a high Mountain. From thence he diſcovered the vaſt Superio-
rity of the Enemy's Numbers and found, that the Lord Lorn,with his
Highlanders was taking a Compaſs about the Hill,in Order to fallon
his Rear, whilſt his Front wasattack'd by the Earl. Heherefore divided
hisParty into three, and having told them where to Rendezvous at
Night, he order'd them to fly three ſeveral Ways. They met according-
ly; tho, 'tis ſaid the King himſelf had much ado toget out of the Scent
of a Slouth-hound that followed cloſe upon his Steps,but the Hound
loſt his Scent; ſome ſay at the Paſſage of a River; others, that he
was killd by the great Skill of a Scots Archer. They all rally'd in
the Wood of Glentrole
, and were there agaiņ attack'd by the Engliſh
General, but ſtood their Ground ; nay repuls’d the Aggreſſors with
conſiderable Loſs of their Men. This Succeſs, and the continual
Acceſſion of thoſe in the Neighbourhood, (for all Scotſmen, but the
Cumines and their Friends, were ſo irritated with the horrid Cruel-
ties of late committed upon the Perſons of their beſt Patriots, chofe
father to venture any Thing, than to be thus Subject to Engliſh
Laws and Neronian Puniſhments.) this Succeſs I ſay, and the conti-
nual Refort of freſh Numbers to the King's Party, encourag’d him
to coine to the open Fields. All Kyle and Cunningham prefently ſub-
mitted to his Obedience, and Sir James Douglas,by lying in Ambuſh
with but fixty Men at Netherford in Cunningham, found means to put
1000(tho coinmanded by an experienc'd Officer,Sir Philip Moubray)
to Flight. Theſe Troops re-joyn'd the Earl of Pembroke, who, on
the tenth of May,with 3000 Men, thought fit, fay Scots Authors, to
attack the King at Lowdon hill in Kyle. But that Prince, whoſe Party
did not amount to above: 600 Souldiers, had before hand fortified
(a) Tyrrel, Vol. II!, p. 177. Echard, Book II. P. 322. (6) Barbour:
his
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 581
nerals.
1
I
his Camp fo artfully; by Means of a Moraſs on the one Hand, and,
where that was wanting, with Foſſeys and Dykes, that the Acceſs
to it was very uneaſy; and where he was attack'd, he made ſuch a
noble Reſiſtance, that the Enemy, after a ſharp Engagement of fome
Hours, retreated in Diſorder
. The Engliſh, (a) on the contrary,tell
us, that King Robert was the Aggreffor, and that having gather'd
together the ſcatterd Remains of his Army, he ſuddenly attacked Defeats owe
the Earl of Pembroke and gave him a great Defeat. They add, (b) Englifs Ge
that three Days after, he did the like to Ralph de Momt heamer Earl
of Gloceſter, and, that this laſt was oblig’d to fly to, and ſhut him-
ſelf up in the Caſtle of Air. King. Robert followed, and inſtantly
laid Siege to that Fortreſs, but ineffectually. For,
King Edward, who was ſtill at Carlile, enrag:d at the daily -Advi-
ces he receiv'd of his Rival's Succeſs, had, before this Time, under
great Penalties commanded all that ow'd him Service, to attend him
three weeks after Mid-ſummer ; and now ſome of them were, in
Obedience to his Summons, come up ; thoſe he fent preſently
forward, with Orders to relieve the Earl of Gl.cefter. Upon the
Approach of theſe Forces, fay Engliſh Authors, King Robert left the
Siege, and with a flying Army, of about 10000 Foot, retir’d into
his wonted Coverts, the Boggs and Mountains. He had Reaſon;
for he was ſoon after inform'd that King Edward was following theſe
Detachments in Perſon, and that he was upon the Head of as formi-
dable am Army, as his large Territories and great Treaſure could
raiſe, and King Robert could not pretend to meet him in the open
Fields, and therefore wiſely retreated. But Providence interveend,
and the Face of Affairs came to change on a ſudden.
Juſt as King Edward was about to ſet out from Carlile, he was ta-
ken with a Dyſentery ; yet did ſet out, and moving by eaſy Journa
nies towards Scotland, arriv'd at a ſimall Town call’d Brugh upon
the Sands, where, finding his Malady increaſe, he piouſly broke
forth, ſay Engliſh Authors,() into this memorable Ejaculation, Lord
if thou thinkeſt it good for theſe thy. People, to bave me continue longer
with them, I am - ready to venture my Life for them ; but, if otherwiſe, thy.
Will be done. To ſay nothing of the Engliſh (whoſe Blood and Wealth.
he ſquander'd away in the Proſecution of his ambitious Deſigns)
nor of the Welſh (whoſe Country he enſlav'd, and whoſe Princes
he killd) he had been a terrible Scourge, at leaſt to the Scots, during
the Space of, eleven Years. The Juſtice of God was now ſatisfied;
and he was ſo merciful, as not to think it good for that People; to con-
tinue longer their Scourge among them : So the mighty Monarch
died upon Friday the 7th of July, in the thirty fourth Year of his hearts
Reign, and fixty eight of his Age ; inſenſible, it ſeems, of the unjuſt Deark,
Quarrel he had ſo obſtinately purſu'd, and conſequenty regardleſs
of the Account he was about to make of thoſe innumerable Lives
his Cruelty had taken upon the Scaffold, and his Ambition in the
Fields.
H h hh hhh
Yet
(a) Lchard, book 11. p. 322. b) Ibid. Tyrrel, uilup. (6) Tyrrel, Vol. ill. p. 178. Echard, Book İL p. 22:21
King Ed
582 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
1
Yet moſt Writers of his own Country, dazld with his great Vi-
Eories, 'majeſtick Air, profound Policy and uncommon Bravery;
and for theie his Qualifications willing to forget that he aimd at
Arbitrary Power, and, when he durft, exerc'd it in Spite of all his
repeated Oaths to the contrary; that out of a Deſire to obtain
what he had no Right to, by his frequent calling of Parliaments
and begging of Money towards the Charges of his never ending
Wars, he weakn’d and depreſs’d the Royal Prerogative, beneath
what it had been thought in all Reigns but his own and his Father's;
that never any King before, did draw ſo much Wealth from his
impoveriſhd Subjects, nor ever any before or ſince, ſhed ſo much
Chriſtian Blood in the Iſland, and after all to no Purpoſe, ſince he
had the Mortification to ſee, even in in his own Lifetime, another
King within it beſides himſelf. The Writers, I ſay, of his own
Country, dazld with his great Succeſſes and eminent Parts, and
therefore willing to forget his enormous Failings, do generally diſ-
miſs him with a fair and noble Character, and, to uſe the Words of
Mr. Camden, fay, (a) That in his valiant Breaft. God ſeem’d to have
pitch'd bis Tént : An Hyperbolick Expreſſion, by which, or nothing
at all, or too niuch is meant.
Upon the Death of the great King Edward I. his eldeſt Son Ed-
Is fucceeded ward of Caernarvon, now 23 Years of Age, tho far inferior in all Re-
by his Son ſpects to his Father (b), ſucceeded him with a general Applauſe
,
lays Mr. Echard truly; not ſo much by his own Hereditary Right,
as by the unanimous Conſent of the Nobles, ſays Wallingham (*);
moſt fallly: For who could, or at that Time durſt queſtion his
Hereditary Right? He was not preſent at his Father's Death (d),
as the fame Walfingham ſuppoſes, no doubt, to have an Occaſion of
a perſing him, for not executing the dying. Commands of that
Prince, particularly that ridiculous one of carrying about his Corps
into Scotland, till the Scots (unable to ſtand before the terrible No-
thing) ſhould be ſubdu'd.
The Corps was upon his Arrival (for he haftend to do that
laft Duty, by Advice of the Nobles and Biſhops about him) carried
back to England, and appointed to remain at the Abbay of Waltham,
till further Orders could be given about folemnizing the Funerals.
This done, he immediately march'd into. Scotland, and being at
vades Scot Dumfreis (é), received the Homages of a great many in the Coun-
try, then leaving the Earl of Pembroke (f) with Power to pardon
all thoſe that could be brought to Submiffion, he return'd to Eng-
land; indeed too ſoon : For he had no ſooner got to York (8), but
King Robert Advice was brought to him, that King Robert, who (conſcious of
tubdues Gal- the Weakneſs of his little Army) had wiſely kept out of the
Way for a Time, had attack'd his Friends in Galloway, and laid all
that Country under Contribution. He had very good Reaſon; for
but
Edward II.
11ho in-
lan
loway.
(1) Echard ad Ann 1307. (b) Echard Book II. p. 323. (6) Edit. Francofurt. Ann. 1602. p. 95. (d) Tyrrel
Vilelli. p. 179. (e) Tyrrel Vol. 11I. p. 224. (F) Fæder, Angl. Tom. III. p.7. (2) Ibid. p. 14. Tyrrel
Book (II. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 583
1
i
but laſt Winter (a) Duncan Mackdougal, a great Man in thoſe Parts,
had cut off 700 Men, commanded by Thomas and Alexander Brwies,
both bis Brothers, Reginald Crawford, Malcolm Mackail Lord of Kin-
tyre, and two Iriſh Noblemen. The laſt three were kill'd upon the
Spot, and their Heads ſent, with the Perſons of the three firſt
nam'd, to Carlile, where King Edward reſided ; and how inhumanely
that Prince treated theſe illuſtrious Priſoners, I have already told.
To make ſome Attonement to their Ghoſts, King Robert laid hold
on the Opportunity King Edward's prepoſterous Return afforded
him, and that Prince to be even with King Robert, nam'd his
Couſin-German (6) John of Britany Earl of Richmond, to be Guara
dian of Scotland, in the Room of Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembroke
(whoſe Defeat in the beginning of the Campaign, had, it ſeems, lef-
ſend his Reputation) and appointed him as ſuch (c), to march up-
on the Head of a freſh Army, to the Relief of thoſe in Galloway.
Some write (d), that the new Guardian was fucceſsful, and that
he engag’d with, and put King Robert to Flight. It may be ſo, tho
only one ancient Author is brought to vouch it: But 'tis certain,
that if the King was worſted on this Occaſion, he ſoon recruited his
Forces, and retriev'd his Loffes: For 'tis own'd (e) that not long af-
ter, 'he re-enter'd Galloway, and his Arms were ſo proſperous, that
King Edward, being now return’d to his Capital, iſſu'd out his Ora
ders, on the 28th of Oktober, to the Sheriffs of the City (f), requi.
ring them to buy up all Manner of Proviſions and Ammunition, to
be furthwith ſent to Berwick, in order to enable his Engliſh Army to
oppoſe the Progreſs of Robert Bruc ( no higher Title was yet, nor
long after, allow'd him by the Engliſh Court) and his Accomplices
in Scotland.
King Edward had all the Reaſon in the World to encourage and
thank his Friends in Scotland, for their Fidelity to him. As they
were but too faithful to hjin, and too conſtant in their Enmity to
their King, and conſequently to their Country, ſo they were ftill
too. numerous : For beſides all the different Branches of the Cų-
mines, Authentick Records (g) inform us, that at this Time, and
long after this, the following Perſons were deeply engag'd in the
Engliſ Intereſt, David de Strathbogy Earl of Athole, a Man of a very
different Character from John, (probably his Father or Brother)
who but ſo very lately had ſuffer'd upon an Engliſh Scaffold, Robert
de Umfraville Earl of Angus, Patrick Dænbar Earl of March, Patrick
his Son, William Earl of Roſs, Hugh his Son, William Rofs of Hane-
lack, David Brechin, David Graham, Reginald Cheyne, Henry Sinclair,
Robert Keith, John Kingſton, Adam Swyburn, Henry Haliburton, John
Mowbray, Alexander Abernethy, John of Argyle
, and, the formerly
brave and honeſt, Sir Adan Gordon. I have nam’d them with Re-
luctancy; but as a great many of them gloried in their Treaſon,
while alive, ſo 'tis juſt their Memories, when dead, ſhould be
Hhhh hh h 2
tranf-
.
(a) Matth. Weſtminſt. p.464. (b) Foeder. Angl. p. 10. (c) Ibid. p. 14. (d) Tyrrel p. 225. (e) Tyrrel p
226. (f) Feeder, Angl. p. 16. (8) Ibid. p. 81, 82, 94, 227;
584 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book IIL
tranſmitted to Pofterity, with the Reproaches they deſerv'd ; be-
lides, 'tis neceſſary to let my Reader know, what a divided People
we then were, and what terrifying Oppoſition our Immortal Deli
verer muſt needs encounter.
Winter was come on, but the Campaign was not ended: The in
defatigable King had recruited his Forces, regain’d his own
Lands
and Caſtles, defeated two Engliſh Armies and their reſpective Ge-
nerals, eſcap'd the imminent and irreſiſtible Dạnger that was
threatn’d, firſt by King Edward the Father, and then by the Son,
and ſufficiently puniſh'd his Rebellious Subjects on the Borders.
This was, I humbly conceive, Work enough for one Summer, and
therefore am apt to think, that he did not go North (as is inlínua-
ted, but not poſitively aſſerted, by any Author I know) till about
this Time ; when conſidering that all, or moſt part of the Low-
lands, from Galloway to Inverneſs, were over-power’d, or by the
Engliſh, or by the Scots in the Engliſh Intereſt; inſomuch, that his
numerous Friends, eſpecially in the North, where he had a plentiful
Eſtate, could not join him. He reſolv'd to rowſe their Courages,
by Thewing himſelf among them, yet did not abandon his Conqueſts.
iả the Weſt and South. On the contrary, he left Sir James Dou-
glas (a) with a competent Force upon the Borders, and that
Gentleman was ſo ſucceſsful, that he drove all the Engliſh out of
Douglaſ-dale, Atrick Forreſt, and Fedburgh Forreſt, and re-took Sir
Thomas Randolph, the King's Siſter's Son, who, fince his Captivity
at Methwen, had ſerv'd the Enemy, and with him Sir Alexander
Stewart of Bonkil.
The King was no leſs buſied in the North; the firſt Accounts
Subdues the brought of him fince his Retreat, advis’d (b) that he had ſurpris’d
North of the ſtrong and well fortified Caſtle of Inverneſs, and that his Army
grew every Day more and more Numerous. He met with no re-
markable Oppoſition in his March from the Shire of Murray to that
of the Mearns: For all the interveening Caſtles yielded to him up-
on his firſt Approach, and he, unwilling to diminiſh his Numbers
by putting Garriſons in them, and, fince not garriſon'd, to prevent
their being re-taken by the Enemy, he caus’d them to be demoliſh'd.
Maſter, by this Means, of all that Tract of Land I have, men-
tion’d, he was ſtop'd in his Progreſs at Glenesk, by a great Shew of
a tumultuary Army of ſome Engliſh, and more Scots, the Earl of
Bychan, now the principal Man of the Name of Cumine, had with
great Expedition gatherd together to croſs his Deſigns. The Earl,
to make the greater Appearance, upon Chriſtmaſs-day, (c) drew his
Men out at large, and took up a great deal of Ground : But the
King was not to be frighted by Shews; he was advantageoully Po
fted, and kept cloſe within his Bounds, ſo that the Enemy, not da-
riug to attack him, ſu'd for, and obtain'd a Truce.
Some few Months after this, the King (wearied with perpe-
tual Toil, and the Hardſhips of all ſorts he had undërgone) came
Scotland,
to
5. Barbour (6) Ibid. (6) Buech, Buchan. &c, in vit, Reg. Extract, e Whoa. Scor.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 585
1
Gains the
to be affected with, I know not what, lingring Malady; and the
Earl of Buchan, John Mowbray, and others of that Faction, thought
fit to lay hold on the Opportunity of eſtabliſhing themſelves in the
good Opinion and Favour of the King of England. But as infirm as
the King's Body was at the Time, his Mind was ſtrong and his
Judgment found : He: very well knew how much the Fate of Ar-
mies depends on the Conduct of the Commander in Chief, and
therefore (tho he could not fight himſelf ) would not be abſent,
while his Men fought for him.' Some ſay that he caus'd himſelf to
be carried in a Litter to the Field of Battle ; others, that ſupported
by two Men he ſat on Horſe back, and thereby inſpir'd both Officers
and Souldiers with lo much Courage, that they were never known A.D. 1308
to have expreſs’d more upon any Occaſion whatever. On the con-
trary, thote commanded by Cumine and Mowbray never ſhew'd leſs :
All their Hopes of Victory proceeded from the Report of the King's
Illneſs, and finding themſeves by his Preſence diſappointed, they Battle of
could by no Means be prevaiļd with to ſtand their Ground. Some Inverurya
few were killd upon the Spot; all fled, and in the Chace a great
many were taken, but by the King's Orders nioft civilly us’d and
graciouſly pardon d. As this Victory, (a) King Robert gain'd near
Inverury, on the Feaſt of the Aſcenſion of our Lord, 1308, contri-
buted very much to his perfect Recovery, ſo it gave a noble Begin-
ning to theſe repeated Triumphs that adorn’d the reſt of his Life;
for henceforth Victory ſeemd attach'd to his Sword, and Succeſs to
his Will.
The Conſequence of the Battle of Inverury, was what the King
had hop'd it would be, (b) the Reduction of moſt Part of the North,
particularly of the Caſtles of Brechin and Forfar. From thence,
unwilling to loſe Men and Time in more Sieges , and for many
Reaſons deſirous to make himſelf Maſter of the Lands poffeſs’d by
the Cumines and their Allies, he march'd ſtraight to the Shire of Ar-
gyle. (6) The Lord Lorn enedavour'd to ſtop his Progreſs, by po-
fting 2000 Men upon a high Mountain, over which’twas neceffary
to paſs ; but the King having got Advice of this ſent a Detachment
under the Command of Sir James Douglas Sir Alexander Fraſer,and Sir
Andrew Gray, with Orders to fetch a Circuit about, and by this
Means to get up the Hill, by Ways the Enemy had not taken Care
to guard. The Stratagem fucceeded, and the Highlanders found
themſelves charg'd by the main Body of the King's Army, and the
Detachment I have mention'd, at once. The Lord Lorn,after having
feea his Men cut to Pieces, fed, and eſcap'd by Sea into England, Lord of their
but his Father Lord Alexander Mackdougal was forc'd to give up sple out of
the Country:
both his own Perſon and his Caſtle of Dunſtaffage to the King's Mer-
cy. Others (c) ſeem to make no Diſtinction between the Father and
Son, but ſay in general, that the Lord of Argyle capitulated upon
theſe Terms. That he ſhould not be oblig'd to do Homage to King
Robert, but that he ſhould get a ſafe Conduct, and be allow'd to
Iiiiiii
retire
(a) Extract. e Chron. Scot. (b) Barbour. fc) Extract e Chro 1, Scots
:
.
Drives the
586 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
gain'd by
Lord Edward
Bruce. .
retire to England, where afterwards we ſhall find him a very active
Man, and in great Favour with King Edward.
One Donald of the Iſles, was another Enemy to the righteous
Cauſe : While the King was bufied in Argyle, he fell.down upon his
Brother the Lord Edward Bruce in the Low-lands : They met at
the River of Deir on the 29th of June, and a ſharp Engagement en-
Victory ſu'd : (a)Donald was worſted and made Priſoner ; and one Ronald, a
bold Man and a good Officer was, with a great many of the inferiour
Sort, left dead on the Spot. After this the two Brothers reunited
their Forces, (b) march'd to Galloway as they had done the Year be-
fore, and wholly ſubdu'd that rebellious Country,
That which very much contributed to theſe Succeſſes, was this:
King Edward had been taken up for ſome Time with his
Marriage formerly agreed to by his father, and Philip the Fair,
King of France, whoſe beautiful Daughter Iſabel he married
with extraordinary Magnificence at Boloign ; but aſsoon as he red
turn'd to England, he refolv'd to come to Scotland in Perſon, in Order
(as he expreti’d himſelf in all his Writs)to reduce the Traitor Robert
Bruce and the Rebels his Accomplices. With this View, he wrote a
Letter of Thanks (c) to the Nobility of his Faction, for the Fidelity
they expreſs’d to him, and exhorted them to continue in their Duty,
till he ſhould come with an Army to their Relief. Nay, he truſted
them fo far as to appoint two of their Number, (d). Robert Umfraville
Earl of Angus, and William Roſs of Hinelack, to be conjunct Guardi-
ans of the Kingdom till his Arrival. He promisid to be at Carlile
on the 15th of Auguſt
, and among other Provifions, commanded a
great Quantity of Salmotd, to be got ready for the Entertainment
of the Officers and Courtiers about him; but he was not ſo good as
his Word. He had one foible
, even Age and dear bought Experience
could never remove;the Tenderneſs he had for his Favourites was ex-
ceffive ; the People charg'd hiin with making Miftreffes of them,
and the Quality could not ſuffer them to be, what they aim'd at,
their Maſters. Peter Gaveſton, a young Gentleman of Gafcony, was
by this Time become the Object of King Edward's Love, and, for
that very Reaſon, of the Nation's Hatred; who, while they conten-
ded about diſgracing or preferring that one Man, gave thereby an
Opportunity to the more nobly employ'd King Robert, to go on as
he did, from Victory to Victory. Fame had already proclaim'd his
Fleirinting of great Succeſſes and glorious Axions beyond Seas, and Philip King
of France had heard of them with Pleaſure. That politick Prince
King Robert, did not'think that it confifted with his Honour to make an open
Breach with his Son-in-Law; but he conceiv'd it, as it certainly
was,his Intereſt to favour and ſupport his ancient Allies. Wherefore
in the Beginning of March 1309, he ſent Oliver 'de Roches his En-
voy to Scotland, (d) who, paſſing through England, obtain'd a ſafe
Conduct from King Edward, and was by him impower'd to treat a-
bout
A.D. 1309
France fa-
vourable to
(s: kivid. Buer. Holinſhed, in Vit. Reg. (b) Tyrrel, p. 230. (c) Foder, Angl. Tom. III. p. 81. (-) Ibid. By
14.10) Ibid. p. 127.
1
1
Letter of the
66 THAI?
foon they could retrieve their Misfortunes and re-ſettle the Na.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 587
bout a Peace with William Lamberton, lately Biſhop of St. Andrews,libe-
rated from his Confinement in England, and therefore(as King Edward
thought) in the Engliſh Intereſt,and with Robert Bruce (ſo he ſtill call’d
King Robert;) and ſo he imagin’d that the King of France would call
him alſo. He was ſo much perſwaded of this, that in one of his Writs
(a) he aſſerts (as his Father was wonit to do before) that the King
Of France did not at all own the Scots as his Allies : And, in another,
complains to King Philip, (b) that one of thắt Prince's Envoys, Ma-
ben de Varennes, had with the fame Bearer ſent two Letters to King
Robert Bruce, the one open, directed to the Earl of Carrick, t'other
clos'd and ſeal’d up in a Box,directed to the King of Scotland. 'Tis
true that the King of France did not think fit to own above-board
the Scots as his Allies, in Oppoſition to his Daughter and Son in-
Law; but that he very early acknowledg’d King Robert to be King,
is evident from a Letter (c) he wrote the next Year to King Edward
himſelf, wherein he calls him King of Scotland. Nor could his Am-
baffadors, rior thoſe of any Prince elſe in the World, as I ſhall af-
terwards ſhew, have been admitted to his Preſence, without yiel-
ding that previous Acknowledgment. However de Roches was ad-
mitted, and very kindly entertain'd : What his Inſtructions were, I
eannot well tell, but I find that towards the end of March (d) a great
many Earls and Barons (conveend at St. Andrews in the Name of Nobilicy of
the whole Community of Scotland) wrote a Letter, “ To the moſt Scotland to
« Chriftian and moft Victorious Philip King of France, fignifying, bramer
the King of
in a Parliament held at St. Andrewws, they had with great Joy re-
66 ceiv'd the Letters of Credencè, ſent to them by his moſt Chriſti-
< án Majeſty: That they very much applauded the pious Deſigns he
<< had to endeavour theRecovery of the Holy Land;that theyhad a feel-
ing
Senſe and juft Value for the Favour he had done them,in coin-
memorating the Ancient Leagues between the two Kingdoms of
66 Frdnce and Scotland, in taking Notice of the many Wrongs and great
« Oppreffions they had ſuſtain'dzand more particulary in his expref-
<< ſing his fingular Affection to the Perſon of King Robert and the
6 Kingdom of Scotland and her Liberties. They added, That, how
tion, their King and they would, with all their Hearts and
“ Strength, join and aſſiſt him in the holy Enterprize he had under-
Much about the fame Time(e)certain Nuncios came from the Pope, Rhinople are try
(a more equitable one than his Succeſſor John XXII. as I ſhallafter the Pope,
wards have Occaſion to tell) who having ſome time before abſolu'd ted to peace
King Robert of the Sentence pronounc'd againſt him
after the Slaugh-
ter of Lord John-Cumine, now exhorted him to make Peace with
King Edward, and to content himſelf with what he had already
won from the Engiſh in Scotldnd. He had made the fame Overture
at the Court of England; that is, if I take it right, he would have
Iiiiiii 2
had
(a) Ibid. p. 195.(6) Ibid. p. 149.(6) Ibid.p.215.(d) Mr.Symbon's Hilt.of the Stewarts p; 100:10 Tyrrel,p.232
ic
CG
66
CC
.
16 taken.”
.
588 The Life of Robert BruceBook ill.
,
,
Several
en Foot.
had them both to agree to a Truce, till by Proceſs of Time a Peace
could be effected. But King Robert was ſtill a Loſer, and there-
fore had no Regard to theſe Propoſals, but went on, ſays Mr. Tyr-
re', conquering more Places in Scotland, during the greateſt Part of
the enſuing Summer. What Places theſe were, by Reaſon of the
unchronological Accounts of John Barbour, the only one Author that
has enter'd into the Detail of King Robert's A&tions, I dare not ven,
ture to condeſcend upon : But I find that in Auguſt, a Truce was a-
Treaties ſer gain propos’d ; Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulſter (a) firſt, and then
() Robert Earl of Angus and ſome others, were nam'd Plenipoten-
tiaries for the King of England, and Sir Neil Campbel (c) and Sir
John Monteith, for the King of Sots. But it ſeems the Treaty did
not yer take effect : For in the following December King Robert be-
fieg'd (d) Ruthe: glen, and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloceſter, a little
before made Captain-General of King Edward's Forces in S.otland,
was appointed to raiſe Men with all Expedition towards relieving
that Fortreſs. He came probably too late; the Reaſon I have to
think .fo, is this:
A Treatybeing again* ſet on Foot in February 1310, a Truce was
agreed to, and fome Priſoners liberated, particularly the Lady Ma-
ry Brusce (e) King Robert's Siſter, and the Wife of Sir Neil Campbel
the ſame who had been, by Edward I. ſo inhumanely ſhut up
in a Cage at Roxburgh, was exchang’d for Walter Cumine. But this
Truce was ill kept, and, if we may take King Edward's Word for
it, the Scors broke it. He ſaid ſo in all the Writs he iſſu'd out this
A. D.1310. Year for raiſing of Men and Money to be employ'd againſt thoſe he
cali'd his perfidious Enemies, and complain’d to the King of France
(f), that the Scots kept neither Word nor Write, nor Faith nor
Oath to him, tho taken upon the Body of Chriſt, and Relicks
of the Saints ; and that in the Midſt of the Truce granted to them at
his (the King of France's) intreaty, they had ſurpris?d Caſtles, ta-
ken Towns, over-run Provinces, and put a great many, both Eng-
1:4h and Scots in his Service, to the Sword. King Philip made An-
ſwer (8), That if it be true, that the Scots have had ſo little Re-
gard, or to his Honour, or to their own, he was heartily forry,
and would inſtantly ſend Ambaſſadors to them, and check them for
it; but that he ſhould not inlarge upon this nor any other Subject
till Meeting; and he intreated, that according to Agreement, they
mighi meet afſoon as poſſible. King Edward could not keep that
Appointinent; the deſperate State of his Affairs in Scotland, callid
hin thither. He made all the Preparations neceſſary for his intended
Expedition : John de Caunton was ſent before him (b) with a Fleet
t) Perib, and Orders to repair the Fortifications of that Town;
and another Fleet commanded by Simon de Montacure (i), was op-
der'd to join that of John Lord of Argyle, and others bis faithful
Subjects, and then to attend him fome where in Scotland. Thither
he
(a) Fæder. Angl. p. 163. (b) Ibid. p. 192. (6) Ibid. p. 163. (d) Ibid. p. 193. (a). Ibid. p. 204. (f) Ibid,
1.2.17, 19) Ibid. p. 215. (b) Ibid. p. 211. (i) Ibid. p. 223, 224.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 589
Edward II.
Who pafles
in Sootland,
he himſelf went upon the Head of a great Army: Towards the be-
ginning of September (8) he enter'd the Kingdom, and march'd invades Scoi-
without Oppoſition as far as the Firth of Edinburgh, fay Engliſh land by Sea
Authors; as far as Renfrew, ſay the Scots (6); and Winter approa-
ching he return’d to Berwick, but was follow'd cloſe by King Robert,
who, as the Scots were wont to do on the like Occaſions, had upon
his Approach with ſuch a ſuperior Power, ravag'd the Country be-
fore him, and retir’d to certain Faſtneſſes he could not force; but
returning to the open Fields upon his Retreat, fought all Opportu-
nities of diftreſling, harraſſing and leffening his Army. This inade
him again to march backward into Scotland with freſh Proviſions,
and as numerous Forces as before, but in vain.: King, Robert was
not fo imprudent as to ſuffer himſelf to be drawn to a general En-
gagement; and the Seaſon of the Year did not permit King Edward,
nor to encamp in the Fields, nor to march far into the Country,
He therefore, with the Earl of Cornwal, thought fit to ſtay ſome
Time at Roxburgh, to ſecure thoſe Parts from Incurſions, while the
Earl of Gloceſter, for the ſame Purpoſe, lay with ſufficient Forces at
Norham. King Edward did more, in Imitation of his Father, who
had always obſerv'd, , that the Scots feldom faild to recover,
by brisk and ſudden Onſets, in the Winter, whatever ſuperior For-
ces had gain’d from them in the Summer: He reſolv'd to paſs that the Winter
rigorous Seaſon in the Country, and accordingly took up his Lod-
ging and kept his Court, with the Queen his Wife, and the Flower
of his Nobility, at Berwick. When in this Place, he was inform’d
that King Robert, ever intent upon fit Expedients for carrying an
the War with Advantage, had found Means to get his Army fre.
quently ſupplied with Victuals, Arms and Horſes from England,
and that he had of late form’d a Deſign upon the Iſle of Man, and
had given Opders to the Commanders of his Fleet, that lay in the
Æbudæ or Out-Iſles, to fail from thence to the Ife I have mention'd.
To prevent this Miſchief, and remedy the other, King Edward e-
mitted a Proclamation (c) ſtrictly forbidding all his Subjects to
keep any manner of Correſpondence with the Scots; another (d)
commanding to ſeize upon the Perſons of certain Malefactors of the
Iſle of Man, who he heard were in the Intereſt of Robert Bruce,
and reſorted to ſeveral Places of Engiand, Ireland and Wales (e);
and a third defiring thoſe of the North of England to give all the
Aſliſtance in their Power to Gilbert Mackaskell, Steward to Anthony
Patriarch of Jeruſalem, towards fortifying and defending the threat,
ned Iſland. He alſo wrote to the Pope and to the Cardinals, a
great inany different Letters (f) but all to the fame Purpoſe; in:
treating that his capital Enemy the Biſhop of Glaſgow, whom, at
his Holineſs's defire he had ſent to the Court of Rone, might meet
with no Favour, but be, for his Unworthineſs degraded, and for his
many Perjuries and Acts of Rebellion, for ever banilh'd from Scot-
K k k k k k k
land,
1
.
(a) Tyrrel p. 239. (6) Extract, e Chron, Scot: (c) Foeder. Angl. p. 233. (d) Ibid. p. 244. (e) Ibid. p. 238
(f) Ibid. p. 245, 246,
590 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
Invades
Scotland a
Sea
Land.
i
land, England, &c and to the Archbiſhop of Canterbury (a), re-
quiring a voluntaay Grant from the Clergy of that Province, to-
wards enabling him to put an End to that calamitous War, the
Traitour Robert Bruce had commenc'd againſt his father, and con-
tinu'd againſt himſelf, to the Diſgrace and Detriment of the Crown,
Kingdom and People of England. In a word, he omitted nothing
(tho the Engliſh will not allow that he ever did enough) that could
contribute to depreis his odious but invincible Enemy.
He was fo forward in his warlike Preparations, that about the
A. D. 1311. beginning (b) of March 1311, he was able to open the Campaign
and march into Scotland; but for Want of Forrage and other Provi.
fions, ſay Engliſh Authors, could do nothing conſiderable. But 'tis
certain, that he did what he could ; for he detach'd the Earl of Cornia
third time, wall with the Flower of his Army to Perth, and the Earls of Gloceſter
and Surrey to the great Forreſt of Selkirk: Yet none of theſe Generals
had the Succeſs they expected. King Robert was always on his
Guard, and never to be taken at a Diſadvantage. When he had
not Forces to fight, he had the Prudence to retreat ; and what his
Armś could not do, he took care that Hunger and Scarcity ſhould
effect. King Edward ſoon perceiv'd, that to vanquiſh an Enemy of
this Character, 'twas neceſſary to raiſe freſh Forces, and to provide
them with the Neceſſaries thoſe hitherto employ'd had wanted.
Wherefore he orderd Proviſions to be brought about by Sea, gave
the Command of his Fleet (c) to a Scotſman, the Lord of Argyle,
whom he order'd to make a Deſcent in his own Country and in
Inchegall : And to back him, or to make a Diverſion in his Favour,
he, not long after, viz. on the 4th of July, commanded all that
own'd him in Scotland, and all (d) that ow'd him Service in Eng-
land to attend him, where he ſtill continu'd to reſide at Berwick.
How well he was obey'd, I know not; 'tis certain, that his De-
figns were baffl’d, and he found himſelf obligd to leave Scotland in
the following Auguſt, and return, after he had to no purpoſe ſtay'd
in it about a Year, to London. King Robert laid hold on the
Ring R- Opportunity, drew all his Forces together (e), and about the Mid-
Expedition, dle of the fame Moneth, by Solway Firth enter'd England in his
into Eng. Turn. He met with little or no Oppofition, and therefore, after
having waſted the Country of Gillefrand and a great Part of Tyndale,
brought back to Scotland a rich Booty, and an Earneſt of richer :
For in Septeniber next he return'd again by Redeſdale, over-run the
Country as far as Corbridge ; from thence turn'd afide into Tyndale,
ſeiz'd upon whatever he had left in thoſe Parts before, and made
himielt fo terrible to the neighbouring Inhabitants of Northumber-
land, that they ſent Meſſengers to him; and to obtain a Truce, but
till Candlemaſs following, gave him 2000 pounds ſterlin ready
Money
land.
:
As
(*) Foeder. Angl. p, 258. (6) Tyrrel ubi fup. (6) Fæder. Angl. 265. (d) Ibid. p. 271; (e) Tyrrel p. 248,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 59 1
As theſe Succeſſes were equally honourable and advantageous
to King Robert and his Loyal Subjects in Scotland, ſo they were in-
expreflibly grating to King Edward and his Court. The Scots,ſoine-
times ſubdu’d,and for the moſt Part upon the Defenſive, had of late
made many great and noble Efforts at Home,or to re-gain, or to keep
their own ; but ſince the Days of their glorious Guardian Sir
William Wallace, they had never dar'd to attempt any Thing out of
their own Country;and now,tho they were not as yet entirely Maſters
of it, they had the Courage to invade England it ſelf, and had done
it with that Succeſs, that enrich’d them, and made their Enemies
more miſeraby poor than ever they had been. King Edward could
not hear the Clamours of his impoweriſh'd Subjects without Sor-
row, much leſs bear the Affront he conceiv'd to be put upon him-
felf:He could not forbear expreffing his Reſentment, both to the Pope
(a) and King of France (b). He entreated that the firſt would excuſe
the neceſſary Abſence of the Biſhop of Durham from the Council of
Vienne, becauſe, ſaid he, the Scots, who(while he was among them,
lurk'd like Foxes in their impenetrable Recefſes) had fince his Re-
turn done more Miſchief than ever, invading England as far as Dur.
bam deſtroying the People,ruining the Country,and Alas ! not Sparing
een the Ecclefiaftical Liberties. He concludes, that therefore the
vigilant Biſhop ſhould ſtay at Home. As for the King of France,
he tells him, that for the ſame Reaſons he cannot wait upon him as
he deſign’d, being neceffitated to march forthwith againſt the pre-
vailing Rebels.
He did it notwithſtanding the Rigour of the Seaſon, and was at
Everwyk(c),near York,in January 1312;but, when there found it more
reaſonable to treat about a Peace, than to proſecute the War: For
that Purpoſe he nam'd among others, David Earl of Athole, Alexander
Abernetby, and Adam Gordon, his Plenipotentiaries. But it ſeems the
Treaty come to no Effect; for I find, that while he yet ftay'd at A.D. izrż.
York, in the following April, he was alarm'd (d) with the Accounts
he receiv'd of King Robert's defigning to beſiege Berwick. To pre-
vent which, and to cruſh all Projects of the ſame Kind, he wrote,
not only to his Nobility in England, Wales, and Ireland, but alſo to
the Count de Foyz, (e) and indeed to all the Free-holders in Gaſco-
ny, (their Names are upon Record, and are very numerous) deliring
them to be ready with their Hories and Men, to come over
and aflift him towards ſupporting their own and his Honour. He
was, it ſeems, but ill ſerv'd, and as the Groans of the People had
call'd him North at a Time, when, to ſay the Truth, he could not
enter upon A&tion, ſo now when he could, the Diſcontents of his
Nobility recall’d hiin to the South.
His Rival King Robert had better Subjects: They flew whither he
directed them, and forcing ali Oppoſition, reduc'd this Year (and I
believe about this Time of the Year) the Caſtles of Bute, (f) Drum-
K k k k k k k 2
freis
ra) Fæder. Angl. p. 283, 294. b) Ibid. p. 295. (c) Ibid. p. 300. (d, Ibid. p. 313.) Ibid. p. 315. f, Ex
tract. e Chron, Scot.
--
و
592 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
ful.
His fecond freis and Dalfwnton in Scotland, then joining together made up a
Expedition great Army, and about the Middle of Auguſt invaded England, (a)
into England burnt the Towns of Hexam and Corbridge,waſted all the Weſtern
Parts, attack'd the Town of Durbam, laid a great part of it into A-
ſhes, and forc'd the People of that Biſhoprick to compound with
them for 2000 Pounds. Upon receiving that Sum, the Scots gran-
ted them a Truce till Mid-ſuinmner next enſuing ; but with this Pro-
viſo, that whenever they Thould think fit to march farther into Eng-
land, they might have free Paſſage through the County. The in-
habitants of Northumberland, fearing the like Conſequences, paid
9000 Pounds more, and upon the fame Conditions. Thoſe of Cum-
berland and Weſtmoreland ask'd and obtain'd the fame Terins, but
they had not ready Money to lay down, and therefore were forcd
to give Hoftages for what remain'd unpay'd. This done, King Ro-
bert return'd triumphantly into Scotland, upon the Head of an Army,
enrich'd with Treaſure, burden'd with Plunder, and nobly attended
with a Train of Captive Enemies. But he had no Mind that thoſe
Men, whom Hardıhips of all Sorts, and even Subjection it ſelfcould not
depreſs, thould by Fale and Plenty degenerate. To keep thein a-
wake, he form'd a Defign upon Berwick, and thought to have ſür-
priz’d that Town by Means of certain ſcaling Ladders of Ropes,
which were hung by Hooks upon the Walls ; but the barking of a
Dog alarin'd the Garriſon, and the Aſſailants were oblig'd to retire
with ſome Lofs. He had better Succtis ellewhere : Perth or St.
Fohnſtoun, a large, and, by the Engliſh, admirably well fortified Town,
in the very Bowels of the Kingdom of Scotland, was ſtill in the Hands
of the Enemy. In the midft of the Winter, King Robert ſurpriz'd,
and by Means of the like Ladders took it. By the Rules of War, he
might have put all within it to the Sword, and accordingly gave Or-
ders to give no Quarters to the Scots of the Engliſh Side, but generally
ſpar'd the Engliſh themſelves, and not only fav'd their Lives, but
granted them Liberty to retire to their own Country.
A.D. 1313:
The next Campaign was no leſs proſperous, Sir James Douglas
open'd it very early,and nick'd his Time very opportunely; for upon
Sbrove Tueſday or Faften's Eve, while the Englih Garriſon in Roxburgh
(b)were,as was uſual,feafting and drinking to dedammage themſelves
before Hand of the Auſterities of approaching Lent, he drew near
to the Caſtle, aſſaulted and took it without Oppoſition. The vali-
Roxburgh tao
ken by Sir ant Thomas Randolph, by the King his Uncle lately made Earl of Murray,
made the likeAttempt upon the Caſtle of Edinburgh,and had no worſe
Succeſs. He beſieg’d. it regularly,but could not win it without a Strata-
gem:He diſcover'd a narrow Paſſage that led to the Top of the Rock,
but that Paſlage was in the Eye of the Defendants; and he, to draw
thein elſewhere, made a feign'd bút vigorous Attack on the oppo-
fire Side. Thither the whole Garriſon run to oppoſe the Aſſailants,
and in the inean time a finall Detachment from theſe laſt clamber's
up thie Rock by the Paſſage, I have mention'd, clapp'd ſcaling
Lad-
() Tyrrel, p.257.(6Buchan. in Vit, Rob. Extrace. « Chron. Scor. Barbour, &c.
He takes St.
Fobnftoun.
James Dou.
gias.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 593
And in
Thuis RAL-
dolph.
buc
not taken
Ladders to the Walls, and ſo made themſelves Maſters of the Place.
The Iſle of Man was taken not long after, and the Earl of Murray L'urg) by Sir
made Lord of it. To be ſhort, all the ſtrong Places the Enemy
had hitherto poſſeſs’d in Scotland, but Stirling, Dembar and Berwick,
were this Summer reduc'd; and, to ſave Charges, and hinder lupe. Man reducido
rior Armies from ſeizing them anew, for the moſt Part demolith’d.
Theſe three had numerous Garriſons and Abundance of Proviſions ;
but Stirling; becauſe in the Heart of the Kingdom, could not be ſo
eaſily ſuccour’d; for which Reaſon Edward Bruce the King's Bro-
ther land Siege to it, and, deſpairing of taking it by Force, agreed Stirling bis
with its Governor Philip Mowbray (a S. otſman born, and therefore the
more obſtinate Enemy) that all Hoftilities ſhould be laid aſide (a)
till Mid-ſummer next ; and that, if the Caſtle was not by the Eng.
liſh reliev'd before that Time, it ſhould be deliver'd up to the Scots.
King Robert was very much diſlatisfied with this Agreement, but
would not ſo far mortify his Brother, as not to ſtand to what he
had done. In the mean time, the Scots of the Engliſh Faction made
loud Complaints that they were abandon’d : They ſent (6) two of
their Number, Patrick Earl of Dumbar and Adam Gordon, to London,
to inform King Edward of their Condition, and intreat that ſpeedy
Succours might be ſent them. That Prince gave them, what they
too well deſerv'd at his Hands,(c) comfortable Anſwers and fair Pro-
miſes, and did what his preſent Circumſtances allow'd him towards
their Relief. He try'd firſt what could be done by Way of Nego-
tiation, gave his fafe Conduct (d) to French Ambaſſadors, who, in
Order to bring about a Treaty, were on their Road to Scotland;
nam'd Commiſſioners, and among the reſt the Earl of Angus,(e) to
treat about a Truce or Peace ; fent another Scotſman(f)Sir Alexander
Abernethy, together with Bertrand Earl of Champaign, and Walter
Maydenſtan a Clergy.man, on an Embaffy to the Pope, in Order
to gain to, or fix the ſpiritual Father in his Intereſt ; ask'd Money
by Way of Loan from all the Biſhops (8) and Convents in England,
and towards the End of the Year (b) lummon’d all the Forces his
Dominions could raiſe, to attend him into Scotland: For now he re-
ſolvd he would over-power, and with one Blow quite 'undoe that
turbulent Nation, that had put ſo many and ſo ſignal Affronts upon
his Father and himſelf.
With this View he came to York in May 1314; (i) the rather be-
cauſe he had but a little before,(k) receiv'd Advice that the Scots had
enterd Cumberland, ſpoild the Country, kill'd ſeverals of the In- A.D. 13143
habitants, taken ſome Towns, and aſſaulted (but in vain, becauſe third Expe
of the great Concourſe of People who had fled thither for Refuge) England
.
the City of Carlile. Upon this Account, I ſay, King Edward haften'd
his intended Journey to York : When there, he caus’d publick Pray-
ers to be offer'd up for the Succeſs of his Arms; and becauſe he dwerelis
heard that the Scots Army confifted chiefly of Infantry, and that King tion into
L111111
Robert
() Foeder. Angl p. 481. (b) Ibid. p. 458. (c) Ibid. p 458. (d Ibid. p. 410. (e) Ibid. p. 411. ibid. p.436
13) Ibid. p. 428,432. Ibid. p. 463,475,476,478. Ibid.8,479.481. , Tytrel, p. 260,
Scotland.
594 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
J
Robert had no Mind to meet him upon the Frontiers, but had pofted
himſelf before Stirling in a mooriſh Ground, where Horſes could not
be very ſerviceable, he order'd as many ſtrong and tall bodied Men,
capable to ſerve on Foot, to be rais’d, as was poſſible. York-Shire
alone afforded no leſs than 4000, and all the Counties of the King-
domn in Proportion. The Earl of Viſter was appointed to command
the Iriſh, (a) and the Earl of Pembroke (b) the Engliſh upon the Bor-
ders, till he himſelf ſhould come up with the reſt of the Army; an
Army fo great, that the like was never ſeen before nor ſince that
Time in Britain. Scots Authors, particularly Boethius, (c) ſay, that
it was compos’d of more than 300000 Men of all Nations in Ami-
ty with, or ſubject to King Edward, namely of Engliſh, Iriſh,Welb,
Gaſcons, Fleemings, Dutch, &c. and that from all Parts of the Neigh-
bouring Continent, as well as England it felf, huge Numbers
came down upon Scotland, as to a Country, which, for a Reward of
their certain Victory and undoubted Conqueſt, they were to divide
among themſelves, and to tranſmit to their Poſterity. Engliſh Au-
thors do not deny, but that their Army wasas great as it could be;
for Walfingham tells us, (d) that all but the four Earls of Lancaſter,
Warwick, Warren and Arundel
, that ow'd Service to the Crown,
join'd King Edward at York, Newcaſtle or Berwick. Mr. Tyrrel (e)
ſays the fame Thing : And 1 humbly conceive, that (to ſay nothing
of the Iriſh,Well and Gaſcons,all whom we find upon Record, to have
been before this Time fummon’d to fight againſt Robert Bruice and his
Adherents) if but all the Engliſh,that owd Service to their King,did,
as is own'd, attend him on this Occaſion,they would make an Army
of 100000 Men. I ſay ſo the rather becauſe, as I have before from
Engliſh Authors related , Edward 1. brought more than once
that Number to the Fields againſt the fame Enemy :. And I do not
find that ever he made or needed to make ſo great Efforts for rai-
fing of a numerous Army, as his Son Edward II. did on this great
and neceffary Occaſion: Nor do I believe what Scots Authors
gene-
rally write, that the Engliſh Army; as confident as they were of Suc-
ceſs, kept no Order nor Diſcipline; for the Authentick Records, I
have already cited, evidently ſhew, that King Edward was perfectly
well inform'd, even before he enter'd Scotland; of the Strength, De.
ſign, Diſcipline and Situation of the Scots;and that he took his Mea.
Tures accordingly, caus'd publick Prayers to be put up for Succeſs;
and great Numbers of Foot to be levied through all the Kingdom. A
Proof, 1 take it, that whatever the Scots Commanders may
have gi-
ven out at the Time to encourage their own Men, 'twas not literal-
ly true, that the Engliſh Army was nothing but the Refuſe and Raf-
cality of all the different Nations from whence they came, or that
they had no Skill of War, obſerv'd no Diſcipline, but that, drunk
with Preſumption, and ſunk in Senſuality, they were confounded
by the Commixture of Men, Women and Children, their Clamour,
Noiſe,and Diverſity of Language. Nevertheleſs, that they very much
depen-
(a) Fæd.Ang.P. 478.6) Ibid, P: 477:69) in Vis: Bob. (d) R: JA (C) p. 260
.
f
Book [II. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 595
depended upon their Numbers; (and 'twas to Wonder, conſidering
their vaſt Superiority to the Scots) is ſo truė, that oné Robert Ba-
ſton, a Carmelite Friar, and Prior of a Monaſtery in Scarsburgh, was,
by Reaſon of the Talent he had of making barbarous Verſes, in that
unpoliſh'd Age thought witty, brought along with the Army, in
Order to deſcribe the Battle and fing the Victory. He didboth;
but fung to another Tune than that he had thought on.
On the other Hand the Scots Army confifted of no more than
30000 Men; but they were well appointed, advantageouſly poſted,
Huth'd with Succeffes, hardn’d with continual Uſe of War; and by
reaſon that on the Points of their Swords and Spears they carried a-
long with them all their Hopes of Life, Liberty, Honour and
Wealth, unſpeakably reſolute and fierce. Beſides, they had on their
Head a Leader who alone was worth Multitudes : Nothing efcap'd
the Depth of his Penetration and Fore-caſt; he foreſaw and prepar'd
himſelf againſt all Inconveniences, could lay hold on, and make uſe
of all Advantages, was ſeconded by ſeveral Officers, particularly his
own Brother Edward Brucé, his Nephew Thomas Randolph, and Sir
James Douglas, inferior, either for Conduct or Courage, to none li-
ving but himſelf; and there was not a Souldier in the Army, but
very well knew, that he, equally loath, or to expoſe their Livés, or to
hazard his own Reputation and Crown in vain, would have re-
treated to the Mountains, as he did on ſeveral Occaſions before,
but for the Aſſurance he had of Conqueſt and Victory. : They
were not miſtaken: For, as often before they had ſeen him out-do all
or moſt Chiftains they had feen, heard or read of, ſo now they
found that he out-did himſelf.
He took up his Ground with the Battle of
greateſt Prudence imaginable, about two Miles to the South of (what Bannockburn
was chiefly contended for) the Caſtle of Stirling, and juſt behind a
ſmall Brook, call’d Bannockburn; over which the Enemy muſt paſs
before they could reach him, or fuccour the Caſtle. And to render
the Paffage, which in that Seafon of the Year (being Mid-lummer)
is very eaſy, as dangerous as could be, on his Side of it; he causá.
deep Pits and Trenches to be made, and thoſe he filld with ſharp
Stakes, and cover'd over with Hurdles or green Turfs, fo artfully,
that the advancing Enemy could not with the Eye diſtinguiſh themi
from ſolid Ground, and when upon them, were ſure to ſink down
by the Preſſure of their own Numbers or Horſes Weight, and by
Confequence to fall upon the killing Stakes, and to ly helplels in the
devouring Pit:: After this Manner did he guard his Front, againſt
the firſt and fierceſt Onfet of the Engliſh Horſe; and to render them
elſewhere intirely uſeleſs, as alſo to intangle their Foot, he was
flank'd on one ſide with inacceflible Rocks, and on the other with
a mooriſh Spot of Land. Thus fituated, he us'd even the Rays of
the Sun to his Advantage; for as thefe gave but neceſſary Light and
Heat to his Men, ſo by being emitted dire&tly in the Faces of the
Enemy, they dazld their Eyes and embaraſs’d their Motions, Nor
did he believe, what is by too many thought, and by ſome
Ll11111
faid,
1
596 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III
his laſt,
ſaid, that God Almighty, regardleſs of the Cauſe, is always to be
found on the Side of the Strongeſt. By his own Piety, and that
which he inſpir’d to others, he made Heaven propitious; for he
fpent a great Part of the Night, that preceeded tlfe Day of Battle
, in
Prayer, and, by his Example and Command, made the whole Ar-
my to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharift the next Morning.
Nay, we are told (a) that the great Victory he was about to gain,
was preſag’d by no leſs than a Miracle : He had a particular Re-
ſpect for St. Fillan, whoſe Arm he had for that Reaſon commanded
his Chaplain to bring along with him to the Army;
fearing the Loſs of the Relick, in caſe of the Loſs of a Battle,
brought only the ſmall Silver Cheſt in which it us'd to be enſhrin'd;
but to the Admiration of all preſent, while the King was at his De-
votions, the empty Cheſt, he had plac'd upon the Altar, open’d and
ſhut of its own Accord; and the Chaplain, upon inſpecting the Cheſt,
found the Arm had got into it, and cry'd out; A Miracle ! a Mira-
cle! His word was taken for it; and the Story, being preſently
handed about among all the Officers and Souldiers of the Army, e-
qually inflam'd their Courage and Piety; they no longer doubted
of the Event of a Battle, the Lord of Hofts had pre-determin’d in
their Favour : And leaſt their Fervour ſhould relent, or Confidence
waver, the Abbot of Inchaffrey (who, early in the Morning had ſaid
Maſs on the Top of a high Hill, and adminiſtred the Sacrament to
the King and great Officers about him, as others of the Clergy did
to the reſt of the Army, when they were to join Battle) advanc'd
before the foremoſt Ranks with a Crucifix in his Hands. The
whole Army follow'd, as is uſual in Proceſſions, and when in a fit
Place, fell down upon their Knees, both to receive the Prieſt's Be-
nediction, and to implore the Protection of the Objėct repreſented
to them upon the Croſs. The approaching Enemy was hard at
Hand, who, ſeeing this uncommon Humiliation, they knew not
the Reaſon of, concluded, that the vaſt Inequality of their Num-
bers, and pompous Shew of their glittering Weapons had frightn’d
the Scots into Submiſſion, and that by thus kneeling, when they
they ſhould have been ready to fight, they meant to ask Mercy,
and to beg their Lives. But this Error laſted not long; for the
Scots got ſoon to their Feet, and, with Countenances that had no-
thing in them but what was Fearleſs and. Manly, ſtood to their
Arms, and ſeem'd rather impatient of Delay, than apprehenſive of
being charg’d.
King Robert ſet
himſelf (6) upon the Head of the main Body, his
Brother Edward Bruce upon the right Wing, and his Nephew Thomas
Randolph on the Left; beſides all which, there was alſo a fourth Battle,
(c) commanded by Walter, Lord Great Steward of Scotland, then but
a Youth of about 20 Years old, and the Lord James Douglas, who
were both that Morning Knighted by their difcerning Sovereign.
The
..
"
(a) Boeth, Holinſaed. Reign of Robert I, (b) Buchan, in vit, Reg. Rob, I. Tyrrel Vol. III, p. 260, 261. (.
Barbourg
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 597
A
The Engliſh Generals likewiſe drew up their Army in three Bodies.
The Center conſiſted of Pike-men and Archers, and the Horſe were
plac'd on their Flanks. A greatmany of theſe laſt were arm'd Cap-4-
pe, and their foreign Cuiraſſiers were very numerous. The Battle
was commenc'd by the Right of the Engliſh, who advanc'd with great
Swiftneſs upon the Left of the Scots; but before they could get up
to a cloſe Engagement, great Numbers of them fell head-long into
thọfe Ditches King Robert had plac'd in their way. This, to be
ſure, would occaſion a terrible Dilorder and univerſal Surprize; and
Thomas Randolph fail'd not to improve the Accident he had foreſeen
and look'd for, into a total Rout of Men, over-powerd by thoſe
things they hopid would have been their Safety, their great Num-
bers, their brisk Horſes, and weighty Armour. What fell out, as
the main Bodies of both Armies were about to engage, tho at firſt
View of no great Moment, had nevertheleſs a great and happy
Conſequence. The King was riding before, and leading on the
foremott Ranks of his Men, when one of the Enemy, Sir Richard
Bóhæn, to whom he was not unknown, thinking to determine the
Quarrel and Fate of the Day, made a ſudden Puſh with a Spear
at his Body; but he wavd the Blow with great Dexterity;
and, by the Swiftneſs of his Horſe getting up to the Aggreſſorg
gave him ſo finart a ſtroke with his Halbert, that he laid him dead
on the Spot. The Boldneſs and Vigour of this Action inſpir’d the
Scots, who beheld it, with that irrefitible Gourage that never fails to
conquer. They fell in upon the Enemy's Ranks and broke them in
a Minute, yet were themſelves very much gall’d by the Arrows of
the Engliſh Archers who flank'd them; but the Lord Edward Bruce
came very opportunely upon their Backs with about 1000 Spear
men, and cut them to Pieces. A miſtake the Engliſh fell in at the
ſame Time, finiſh'd their Overthrow; for ſeeing a great Number
of the Scottiſh Servants and Boyes of the Camp, drawn up on the
Side of an adjoining Hill, they took them for freſh Troops juſt rea-
dy to fall down upon them; upon which the foremoſt turn’d their
Backs, and, in their Flight, diſorder'd thoſe that ſtood behind them.
Gilbert, the young and brave Earl of Glocefter, King Edward's Nes
phew by his mother, enrag'd to ſee his Countrymen (a) every
where worſted, made a noble Effort, upon the Head of his Milita.
ry Tenants, towards renewing the Battle: He is ſaid have done
great Execution with his own Hand; and 'tis certain, that he went
on ſo far, that he could not come off, but choſe rather to die with
his Sword in his Hand, than to ask Quarters. In fine, great Valours
ſays Pere D' Orleans (b), was ſeen on both Sides; but that of the
Scots was more general, better manag'd, and in the End more for
tunate ; inſomuch, adds Mr. Echard (c), that England receiv'd on
this Occafion the greateſt Overthrow, that Nation did ever ſuſtain,
If Scots Writers may be credited; no leſs than 50000 Men were
kill'd either in the Chaſe or Field of Battle; whereas on their Side,
M m m m m m m
+
.not
.
(a) Wallingham p. 105. (6) Liv.4.2.537. (c) Book LL. P. 327,
598 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III
culty 'e-
ſcapes.
not above 4000 were kill'd, and of thoſe none of Note but two, Sir
William Wepont, and Sir Walter Roſs. The Engliſh have
not thought
fit to tell us préciſely their Loſſes; but how prodigiouſly great they
muſt needs have been, we may eaſily conjecture from the unſuſpe-
Eted Acknowledgement of Thomas Walſingham (a), who tells us
frankly, that henceforth the Engliſh, or, as Mr. Echard (b), is
pleas’d to tranſlate him, the unhappy Borderers became ſo diſheartn’d,
that a hundred of them would fly from three Scottiſh Souldiers.
Beſides the Earl of Gloceſter, a great many Noblemen of the
higheſt Rank, 700 Knights and Bannerets, and great Numbers of
Gentlemen were Slain. The moſt eminent were (c) Robert Lord
Clifford, the Lord Pagan Tiptot, the Lord William Mariſhal
, the
Lord Giles de Argenton, the Lord Edmund de Maule, &c. Nor were
the Priſoners leſs conſpicuous either for Merit or Quality ; Humphry
Bohun Earl of Hartford, the Lord Ralph de Mountbermer, the Hul-
band of the Counteſs Dowager of Gloceſter, King Edward's Siſter,
Henry Lord Percy, the Lord Nevil, the Lord Scroop, the Lord Lucy,
Afton, &c. were among them. Nay, King Edward himſelf eſcapd
Kingdo with the greateſt Difficulty imaginable: He food to the laſt, ſays
great Diffi- Walſingham (d) (more truly than Buchanan, who tells us, without
any Warrant I know of, that he fled among the firſt) and did not
give over fighting, till compell’d againſt his Will by his Friends a.
bout him to fly. King Robert gave Orders to Sir James Douglas up-
on the Head of 400 Horſe to purſue him; and had not Patrick Duna
bar Earl of March been an unrelenting Traitor to both Kings, John
Baliol and Robert Bruce, the latter had on this Occaſion been ho-
nour'd by a Royal Captive : But that Earl receiv'd him, and, they
ſay, fifteen Earls with him, into his Caſtle of Dumbar. Sir James
Douglas could not beſiege it ; but he rode by and waited ſome
Time betwixt it and the Borders, in hopes that King Edward with
his numerous Retinue would venture out, and attempt to make
their Way by Land to England; in which Caſe he had certainly in-
tercepted and taken him, or died on the Spot. King Edward to a-
void this Danger, choſe to undergo 'another, leſs great indeed, but
more diſhonourable: "He went on board a certain Vefſel (fome Au-
thors ſay a Fiſher Boat) which was all the Shipping to be found at
Dumbar on that Juncture; and by this Means got to Berwick by Sea.
Engliſh Authors conceal thoſe aggravating Circumſtances that atten-
ded their Overthrow : But how much their King was put to it, we
may learn from the Vow he then made, and afterwards perform’d,
to give a Houſe in Oxford (e) to 24 Carmelite Friars Divines, in
caſe it ſhould pleaſe God to favour his Eſcape. It ſeems he had a
particular Value for thoſe Carmelites; but the Prior of Scarsburgh,
whoſe Poetick Genius, he thought, would immortalize his Name
and Victories, did not anſwer Expectation. He was found a.
mong the Priſoners, and commanded to Thew his Parts upon the
Subject
(P.:06. (b) p. 328. (©) Walfingh. p. 105. (d) Ibid. (e) Barges's Hift. of Edward III.edit. Cambridge
Ang. 1689. p. 22.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland: 599
Subject intended. He did it, but was in a melancholy Mood at
the Time, and if his barbarous Verſes fignify any Thing, they fig-
nify ſo much ; for he begins thus,
)
De planétu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo,
Riſum retrudo, dum tali themate ludo, &c.
A Scots Monk, as little acquainted with the Nine Siſters, as the Engliſh
Friar, made a Poeń upon the ſame Battle, but in a gayer Strain,
and better, only becauſe more intelligible, but both theſe, ſome Au-
thors (a) have been at the Pains to tranſmit to Pofterity, were in
my Opinion out-dore by a ſcoffing Ballad (6), made at the ſame
Time, and by the Vulgar ſung no doubt with great Pleaſure : It
begins as follows;
Maydens of England fore may yeč mourn,
For zour Lemmons zou have loſt at Bannockburn,
With heve a low
1
What ho! weend the King of England,
So foon to have won all Scotland,
With a Rumbylow!
Tis but too natural, and therefore ordinary_to Victorious Nati-
ons to mock and inſult over the Vanquiſh'd : This is certainly one
of thoſe Infirmities attach'd to feeble and unthinking Man, who,
injudiciouſly ſwell’d with preſent Proſperity,does not reflect upon
the
uncertain and un-forſeen Viciffitudes which attend all Things on
Earth, eſpecially the Events of War. But if Boaſting and Scoffing
were at any Time tolerable, the Scots, on this Emergency,deſerv'd
ſome Grains of Allowance. They had baffl’d one of the greateſt Po-
tentates in the World : They had the bewitching Pleaſure of being
glutted with Revenge ; and of a poor, and therefore diſregarded
and undervalu'd People, were, by the immenſe Treaſure and plentiful
Proviſions found in the Enemies Camp, become in a Minute opulent
and eaſy.But as their incomparable Monarch had receiv'd the hardeſt
and fierceſt Stroaks of adverſe Fortune with Patience;fonow he us’d
K. Robert's
his Proſperity with unprecedented Humanity and Moderation. By this generous
Means,ſays Pere d'Orleans,(c)he foil even Edward I.and added to the after the
Character of the Scots Hero, what d ever been wanting to that Battle,
of the Engliſh, Humility in Triumph, and Mercy in Power. He
very much lamented the Death of the Lord Giles de Argenton, becauſe
of old his intimate Friend and Familiar Acquaintance ; and as he
order'd all the Slain (d) to be decently buried, ſo he took a ſpecial
Care of the Body of that Gentleman, which was with great Honour
(e) interr’d in St. Patrick's Church near Edinburgh. Thoſe of (f) the
M m m m m m m 2
Earl
(a) Extract. Chron. Scot (6) Barnes, p. 5. (6) P.537. (d) Tyrrel, 261. (e) Holinſhed. p. 319. (f) Tyrrel, 11
bid.
!
600 The Life of Robert Bruce, , Book III.
Earl of Gloceſter and the Lord Clifford he ſent to King Edward, when
at Berwick; and becauſe of his former Friendſhip with the Lord
Mounthermer, generouſly diſmiſs'd him without Ranſom. The Reft
of the Priſoners he alſo us’d with uncommon Civility; and the moſt
eminent among them, particularly the Earl of Hereford and his
Train were ſoon after ſuffer'd to return to England, upon certain
Conditions they agreed to and King Edward thought fit to ratify;that
is, they were exchang’d for Elizabeth King Robert's Wife, Marjory
his Daughter , Chriſtine his Siſter, Donald Earl of Mar, Thomas
Murray, and Robert Biſhop of Glaſgow, the Scotſman in the World
both the Edwards hated moſt heartily, and perſecuted ſo far as they
could moſt feverely. All theſe we find, (a) after a long and irk-
fom Cortinen:ent of about eight Years, were, by King Edward's Or-
ders, convoy'd ſafely from Place to place to the Borders, where, by
Walter, Lord Steward of Scotland, and a gallant Band of the young
Nobility,they were joyfully receiv’d,and {plendidly attended to Stirling,
by this Ťime ſurrender’d, in Purſuance of the Capitulation, I have more
than orice řention'd, to the King. As for the Heroick and much
injur'd Counteſs of Buchan, what came of her I cannot tell ; 'tis pro-
bable that the inhumane and ſhameful Uſage ſhe met with, had be-
fore this Time occaſion'd her Death.
King Edward fiay'd but as long at Berwick,as was neceſſary to pro-
vide for the Safety of that important Frontier. He made one Petre
Spalding Governour of it, and(taking along with him the Children
of fome of the wealthier Burghers, as Hoſtages for the Fidelity of
the Reft) went to York, in order to meet and adviſe with his
Parliament, which was to ſit down on the 15th of Auguſt (ò). The
Lord Edward Bruce and Sir James Douglas follow'd him cloſe upon
the Heels: They march'd by Berwick, invaded England, waſted North-
thumberland, rais'd great Contributions iņ the Biſhoprick, took many
Priſoners, and drove away a great Booty of Cattle froin York-Shire,
Great Ha- burnt Appelbery, Kirkwold, Gr. Nor did they ſooner return to their
vock made own Country, but another Body of Scotſmen enter'd England again
by Redeſdaleand Tindale, drove off the Cattle,fet Fire to the Towns,
Scots in Eng, ruin’d the Inhabitants, then fell upon and Conquer'd all Gileſland,
inſomuch that the People in all thoſe Parts ſwore Allegiance to the
King of Scots, and paid him Tribute : The County of Cumberland a-
lone paid 600 Merks (no inconſiderable Sum in thoſe Days) for its
Share. All this the King and Parliament of England aſſembld at
York,fat and ſaw; yet ſo impotent or ſo diſpirited was that glorious
Nation become on a ſudden, that nothing material was concluded
concerning the preſent Poſture of Affairs ; fave only, that they agre-
ed to the Exchange of thoſe Priſoners, I have nam'd, and that Abun-
dance of Inclination was expreſs’d towards ſetting a Treaty of Peace
on Foot. The King of Scotland was hopeful, it ſeems that now the
Engliſh would ſee that 'twas not practicable to re-gain the Crown he
had won and wore with ſo much Honour and Juſtice, he therefore
by the Vi-
ctorious
Land,
Wrote
.
14. Foeder. Angl. Tom. III. p. 497, &cand 501.(b) Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 262,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 601
pen
wrote obligingly to the King of England, intimating that (a) he de-
fir'd nothing to much as to be in Friendſhip with him. Upon this,
Engliſh Plenipotentiaries were nam’d, (b) and á ſafe Conduct was Treaty of
granted (0) to Sir Neil Campbel, Roger Kilpatrick, Robert Keith and Foot to ne
Gilberth Huy, Commiſſioners fent by Sir Robert Bruce
, (ſays the Re. Purpolo.
cord) to wait on King Edward at Durham. But thoſe Commiſſioners
would needs have their Maſter to be own'd and ſtil:d King Robert:
And this was as peremptorily refus d as ask'd; ſo the War went on.
The Scots on their Side open'd the Campaign very early,(d): They A. D.IRIS:
enter'd the Biſhoprick of Durham in the Beginning of the Spring, .
and plunder'd the Town of Herlepool, which the Inhabitants, who
fled to the Ships in the Harbour with their beſt Effects, had left o-
to inſult. I read of no more Dammage done on the Borders at
this Time; and in Order to prevent the like in Time to come, the
King of England, after having exhorted (c) the Arch-bilhop of York
and thoſe in the North to a vigorous Defence, obtain'd a great Sum
of Money (f) by Way of Loan from all the Convents of his King-
dom, provided Berwick (g) with all Neceſſaries and held (b) another
Parliament, no doubt, in order to find out Means of reducing the
Scots Rebels, who ſaid he, (i) confiding in their Fierceneſs, were threat-
sing an Invaſion upon the Land, at laſt went in Perlon to Berwick, (k)
where, on the zothof June he ſummond all his Forces to attend him;
but in vain : He was forc’d, I know not upon what Account, to re-
turn to London (1) in the Beginning of July; and King Robert, ever unſucceſs
intent upon all Opportunities of Advantage, invaded Englan.. upon made by
the Head of an Army, but was not attended with his ulualSucceſs; both Kings
for he laid Siege to Carlile
, and endeavour'd to ſurprize Berwick in and England
vain. 'Tis probable, that he had not ſufficient Forces to compaſs fo
great Deſigns, and that he undertook them, but to amuſe King Eda
ward, and to draw the Forces of England towards the Borders, while
by Means, unſeen by them, he ſhould give them a greater Blow than
perhaps they had yet receiv’d. If this was the Project he went u.
pon,
he was ſo far ſucceſsful, that King Edward determind himſelf,
(m) and prevaild with his Couſin John of Britany Earl of Rich nond,
and the Earl of Lancaſterzas alſo with the great Earls of Surrey and He-
reford, to go to the Borders of Scotland, and to ſtay there, from the firſt
of November till the Clofe of Winter: With this View,he allo fum-
mon’d the reſt of his Nobility to the fame Duty ; but before he or
they could be ready for that Expedition, he receiv'd a ſtrange Piece
of News, by which all his Meaſures were diſconcerted.
The Lord Edward Bruce had landed (n) upon the Head of a gal: Edward
lant Army in Ireland, whither the Majority of the miſerably oppreft Bruce made
Natives (at leaſt they thought themſelves ſo) had call'd him, and Kaning of tra
afterwards, declar'd him their King. I deſign to write his Life, and
therefore in this place ſhall ſay no more of his glorious Actions and
Nnnnnn tà
untime:
(a) Foder. Angl. Tom. III. p. 495,497.16) Ibid p. 497. 'c lbid. p. 495.0d; Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 264. (e)
Foed. Ang. Tom. III. p.506. (Ibid.p: 511. 3). Ibid.p: 516.(b) Tyrrel p. 263. (i) Feed. Ang. P. 523. (kjilbide
() Ibid. p. 524. (m) Ibid. p. 531.(63) Ibid. p. 532
602 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III
0
untimely Fate, but that he waged near a three Years War in that
Country, and had probably continu'd Maſter of it, had he been
Matter of his own Paffions; I mean had the Heat and Vehemency
of his Martial Temper been allay'd, as when in Scotland, by the Mo-
deration and Prudence of his Brother's ſuperior Genius.
While the new King of Ireland was making conſiderable Advan-
ces towards his Settlemeut, the King of England was courting his
Parliament at Lincoln, (a) in Order to obtain their Aſſiſtance againſt
his Enemies the Scots. He promiſed to obſerve all the favourable
Ordinances the Prelates and Great Men had forc'd from his Ance-
ſtors and himſelf, and they granted to him, in Aid of his War with
Scotland, out of every Town in the Kingdom, one ſtout Foot-man to
be furnith'd and arm'd with Swords, Bows, Arrows, Slings, Lances,
A.D. 1316.
and other Armour fit for Foot-men, at the Charge of the Towns :
The Cities, Burghs and King's Demeſnes were excepted; but then
the Knights, Citizens and Burgeſſes, granted for the fame Service
a fifteenth Part of all their Moveable Goods; and all the Militia
of England being, in Purſuance of theſe Reſolutions ſummon'd to be
at Newcaſtle fitteen Days after Midſummer, the Earl of Lancaſter was
appointed to command them in Chief. That Earl came to Newcaſtle
accordingly, but did nothing conſiderable either,fay Engliſh Authors,
becauſe of his own Mif-underſtandings with the King his Maſter,or
by Reaſon of the great Scarcity of Proviſions
. . I find another, and
perhaps a better Realon for his Non-action : A Treaty of Peace was
again let on Foot in the Beginning of this Summer, (b) and Róbert
Umfraville, Earl of Angus, was one of the Plenipotentiaries nam'd by
King Edward ; wherefore the Army formerly appointed to draw
together at Mid-ſummer, (o) was countermanded, and order'd to
be in Readineſs againſt the 10th of Auguſt. But the Treaty càme
to nothing; and the Scots always before-hand with the Engliſh,fail'd
vores made not to invade England about Mid-lummer, the very Time formerly
by the Scots condeſcended upon for the Engliſh Army to march againſt them
(d). They enter'd York-Shire, and waſted the whole Country as far
as Richmond, and had laid the Town in Aſhes, had not the Gentle-
men of the Country, who retreated into the Caſtle, compounded
with them for a Sum of Money. From thence they continu'd their
March through the reſt of York-Shire Weſtward; and having burnt
and plunder'd the whole Country for about fixty Miles, return'd
with a large Booty and many Priſoners to Scotland, leaving behind
them ſuch a Scarcity, that a Quarter of Wheat was ſold in thoſe
ſoins hisBro- Parts for fourty Shillings. After this fortunate Expedition, by
te per ing which King Róbert made it in a great Meaſure impra&ticable for an
in Ireland. Engliſh Army to march through thoſe deſolate Provinces, he went
over to Ireland, where he ſtay'd with his hitherto ſucceſsful Brother,
King Edward, till Whitſuntide the next Year.
The
Greäe
in England.
King Robert
1
(a) Tyirel, Vol. III. p. 265, 266, 267. (b) Feeder: Angh Tom. III. p. 553, and 557. (c) Ibid., P: 563. (d)
Tyrrel, P. 267,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 003
the Borders
by Sir James
The King of England had no ſooner Advice of the Abſence of
his over-topping Rival; but he haftn’d to the North, and doubted
not but he ſhould now have an Opportunity of doing ſomething to
Purpoſe, in Oppoſition to the tew Forces he ſuppos’d were left in
Scotland. When at York, at which Place (tho molt if not all Engliſh
Hiſtorians paſs over in Silence this Expedition, as they do a great
many more unſucceſsful ones both of this King and his Father) he
arriv'd (a) before the end of Auguft, he iſſu'd out his Writs com-
manding all bis Power to attend him about the beginning of O&to-
ber. He aflur’d himſelf, as he ſays in expreſs Terms 10) that in
ſuch an Exigency, there was no Engliſhman, whether Laick or of
the Clergy, but would put his Hand to the Work. And that no-
thing might be wanting to compaſs what he intended, he wrote
with great Earneftneſs to his Officers in Gaſcony, defiring them (6)
to fend over in all haſte the Money, that tranſmarine Province had
granted him. Sir James Douglas, one of the Guardians of the The Engliſe
Marches for Scotland was aware of theſe Preparations, and took deteated on
his Meaſures ſo well, fays Buchanan (d), that he met with and o.
verthrew King Edward's Forces no leſs than three Times. Holina Douglas
,
thed (e) ſeems to reduce theſe three Engagements to one, where he
infinuates, that the King of England was in Perſon, and tells us,
that in this Battle three notable Captains were Slain, viz. Sir Eda
mund Lylau a Gaſcoign, Sir Robert Nevil
, and a third who had the
Honour to die by the Hand of Sir James Douglas himſelf. But what
the King of England could not effect by Land, he attempted by Sea ;
and with this View ſent his Fleet to the Firth of Edinburgh, with
Orders to land on either Side of it as his Commanders ſhould think
fit. He was obey'd accordingly, and Duncan Earl of Fife, informd
of the Miſchief done by the Engliſh in his Neighbourhood, rais'd a
bout yoo Men, in order to drive them back to their Ships ; but
when he came in their view, he was frightn'd' by the Superiority of
their Numbers, aud was marching back again, when he met with
that Loyal and Martial Prelate, William Sinclair Biſhop of Dunkeld, William Sian
and his Retinue, conſiſting of about 60 arm’d Men The Biſhop of Dubicada
blam'd the Earl for the little Courage he had expreſs’d, and taking defeats the
a Lance in his Hand, and putting the Spurs to his Horſe, cry'd
out, Who loves Scotland, follow nie. All did as he defir'd them, and
they chargd the vagrant Enemy with that Vigour (f); that at the
firff Onſet 500 of them were killd : The reſt fled with great Preci-
pitation to their Boats which lay at Dunnybriſel, and enter'd them in
ſuch a Hurry and Confuſion, that one of them, overſet by Numbers,
ſunk down in the River, before they could get to their Ships:
This William Sinclair, a Son of the ancient Family of Roſline,
(from whence the illuſtrious and potent Earls of Orkřey (g) and
Caithneſs not long aiter defcended, as does ſtill the preſent Henry
Lord Sinclair, Succeſſor to William Son and Heir (b) to William
Ninn n n n n 2
Earl
>
Englife
!
(ã) Foeder: Angl. Tom. III. p. 368. (6) Thid. Te) Ibid. p. 569. (d) In vit Reg. (e) Hift of Scotl. p. 329.
(f) Holinlaed, p. 321. 19) Torfácus Hilt. Orcad. p. 174; (b) Charta penes Wil. Wilſon Clerk to the Sclien
004. The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
ward II.
Earl of Caithneſs) had been ſeveral Years before this Time a noted
Patriot, and had, to the King of England's great Diſſatisfaction,
Thew'd 'himſelf to be ſuch, when at the Court of Rome (a) in 1311 :
For theſe Reaſons 'twas, and no Wonder, that King Robert had a
peculiar Regard for him, and commonly call’d him, His own
Biſhop .
Had he or any Body elſe been able to prevail ſo far with that
Court, as to make them but hearken to Reaſon, he had done the
moſt valuable Piece of Service, King Robert could receive. Pope
Boniface VIII. who had given himſelf the Trouble to enter into the
Merits of the Gaufe, declard himſelf openly in Favour of the Scots,
notwithſtanding they were at the Time, by the prevailing Afcen-
dant of King Edward I. reduc'd to the laſt Extremity : But he was
A. D. 1317. dead long ago; and I do not find, that, till about this Time, his
Succeffors did much concern themſelves with the State of Britain.
Pope John But now John XXII. was promoted to the Pontifical Throne, the
tial in Fu. King of England (unable either to offend Scotland, or to defend Eng-
vour of Ed- land it felf,
much leſs Ireland by the Force of his own Arms) ſu'd for
and obtain’d from him ſuch other Weapons, as he thought the
Scots would not dare to refift. 'Twas the Height of the Ambition
and moſt earneſt Deſire of all the Popes in thoſe Days, to have the
Glory of recovering the Holy Land, long ſince loft to, and re-con-
quer'd by the Infidels. For this great End they ſtuck almoſt at no-
thing; and the Chriſtian Princes, ſenſible of their Weakneſs in
this Reſpect, never faild, when they found their Favour neceſſary,
to put on the Croſs and take an Oath to go to feruſalem, and with
all their power to fight for its Relief. Edward I had more than
önce trick'd the Holy Father into his Meaſures by this Stratagem,
but never ſo effe&tually as his Son Edward II. did on the preſent Oc-
cafion. He made the new Pontiff to believe, that nothing kept
him from accompliſhing his Vow, but the Rebellion of Robert Bruce
and his Aſſociates; and that they were Rebels he prov'd by produ-
cing the Documents of their Submiſſion to his Father. Pope John
was the more inclinable to credit what was fo confidently aſſerted,
and ſo apparently true, becauſe the King of England (to ſay no-
thing of the Treaſure he ſquanderd away among the Court Para
ſites) was ſo mean, as to give way to his uſurping a Power of gi-
ving the Law to Kings in Matters Temporal, and (b) of comman-
ding not only Robert Bruce, but alſo himſelf to lay down their Arms,
and obſerve a Truce preſcrib'd at Avignon, where the Pope then re-
fided. The truth is, that Truce was fought for by himſelf, and
deſign'd for his Advantage ; and when the two Cardinal Legates
Guace lin and Luca came over to England with the imperious Bull
,
they were welcom'd and receiv’d, as if they had been Angels from
Heaven; but were not aſſur'd of the like Entertainment in Scotland,
and therefore ſent Meſſengers before them, the one a Biſhop,
t'other a Clergyman of Reputation, to prepare their Way.
Theſe
(a) Foedex, Angl. Tom. III. p. 303; (b). Ibid. p. 594.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 605
66
66
Theſe Meſfengers went from Durham by different Roads to the
Borders of Scotland (a), whither they got fafe but with much Dif-
ficulty. From thence they were conducted to Roxburgh, where
the King, now return’d from Ireland, was at the Time. He received
them graciouſly and civilly, as themfelves own, (for I ſhall here inſert
nothing but what I have from their own Relation to the Pope and
Cardinals) but having produc'd their Letters, directed, To Robert
Bruce Governor of Scotland, he would not ſuffer thoſe that were ſeald
to be made open, “Becauſe, faid be, they muſt needs be written Remarkable
to ſome other than to me; there are more than one Robert Bruce between K.
« in my Kingdom, who govern it in Conjunction with the relt of Robert and
" the Barons, to be ſure their Eminencies have directed theſe Let- Meſſengers.
ters to one of them.” The Letters of the Pope, becauſe open, be ſuf-
fer'd to be read, and heard them with great Shew of Reverence, but ſaid,
cc That they contain’d Matters of ſo great Importance, that he
16 could make no Anſwer to them, nor could he allow the Cardi-
« nal Legates to enter his Kingdom, till he ſhould adviſe with his
" Barons : That, for that Purpoſe, he ſhould inſtantly call them to
" gether, and that before the firſt of October they ſhould know his
6 Reſolution. He added, That nothing could be ſo agreeable to
" him as a ſolid and laſting Peace, and that he ſhould take it kind=
'«.ly from whoever would be inſtrumental in bringing it about:
His Courtiers ſpoke more plainly; they told the Biſhop 66 That had his
" Holineſs given him the Title of King, he had preſently enter'd
upon a Treaty, and would have been far from declining the Mea
66 diator. For the ſame Reaſon an Expreſs, ſent by the Pope to ac-
quaint the Scots Clergy of his Acceſſion to the Pontifical Dignity,
u had been denied Acceſs into the Kingdom, and after three
66 Months delay, was yet upon the Borders. The Biſhop intreated
" the King to grant his ſafe Conduct to this Expreſs; but, by his
" Silence and the Alteration of his Countenance, receiv'd a Denial:
« Upon this the Biſhop told the King and his Council, that the
6. Church, becauſe the Mother of all Chriſtians, did not uſe to
" prejudge the Intereſt of any of her Children, and that for that
« Reaſon the holy Father had not thought fit to give him the Ti-
u tle of King, till the Contention between him and the King of
« England ſhould be ended ; and that to effect this, he had ſent the
“ Cardinal Legates, with Overtures of, and Orders to bring about
a Peace fo neceſſary to all Chriſtendom, and more particularly
to the Holy Land, loft by Reaſon of the Diviſions of Europe:
The King with a ſmiling Countenance and an agreeable Air reply’d;
6. That he had a moft dutiful and filial Reſpect, both for the Church
" as his Mother, and the Pope as his Father; but that it ſeem'd
6 his Parents had not thoſe Eyes for him they had for others : That
“ if to give him the Title of King, was to prejudge the King of
to England, to refuſe it was to prejudge him: That he had good
« Right to, and was actually in Poffeffion of the Kingdom: That
O000000
(a) Foeder. Angl. Tom. III. p. 661,662. Vid. the Cardinal's Letter to the Pope.
66
96
C
CG
16 he
రంగ The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
The Pope
com:nands a
the two
66 he was own'd by all other Kings and Princes in the World, and
" that had the Biſhop brought ſuch Letters to any other Court, but
" his own, he very much doubted if he had return'd with ſo civil
o an Anſwer as he had given.
As civil as it was, neither the Pope nor Cardinals were ſatisfied
with it : 'Tis true they had Patience till the Time condeſcended
upon was elaps'd, but then finding that no Acceſs was to be allow’d
to any who would not, as a Preliminary, acknowledge the Title
of King Robert, they reſolv’d to unſheath the ſpiritual Sword, and
to uſe that pretended Authority, weak Heads and ſcrupulous Con-
ſciences were terrify'd by, but to which the Learn'd and Wife did
never yield but when acted by ſome By-end of their own. With
this View, they ſent one Adam Newton (a), Guardian of the Mi-
two Years, norites of Berwick, to Scotland, with Orders to publiſh the Truce, and
obſerved by to declare both the King and Kingdom Excommunicated, if they
Kings.
did not inſtantly defift from Hoftilities. The zealous Friar left his
Convent, and boldly ventur'd to go as far as the Village of Old-
Camus, where he found the Scots Army was encampd; and (tho it
was in the end of December) very buſily employ'd in cutting of
Wood, and making various Engines in Order to beſiege the Town
and Caſtle of Berwick. He was terrified at this Sight, and thought
not fit to advance farther without a ſafe Conduct, which was gran-
ted him in the King's Name by Walter Lord High Steward of Scot-
land, Sir Alexander Seton, and, William Montonferth. The King
would not ſee him; but theſe Gentlemen defir'd that he would de-
liver his Letters to them, and promis’d to return them immediately.
He did it with ſome Reluctancy, and had Reaſon ; for they were
no ways acceptable, and therefore were re-deliver'd with Contempt.
Upon this the Friar had the Courage (at leaſt he afterwards ſaid
fo) to proclaim the Truce, to the hearing of a great many of the
Army; but no Body took Notice of it. The next Day he was dif-
miſs'd without a ſafe Conduct, and in his Way to Berwick (for he
durſt not venture to go farther into Scotland, tho he much inclin'd
in hopes of working upon the Minds of the bigotted Clergy,
if any ſuch had been found) was robb’d by four Men, appointed as
'twas ſuppos’d, to Way-lay him, and bring back the Pope's Bulls
and Cardinals Inſtructions to the King.
All this the Court of Rome, equally exaſperated by the great
Largeffes and continual Complaints of the more obedient and duti-
ful King Edward, conſider'd as the greateſt Affront that could be
put upon the Apoſtolick See ; and henceforth the Pope did not ſo
much as put on the Air of a common Father, but on all Occaſions
A.D. 1318. acted like an open avow'd Enemy, both to the King and Kingdom
King Ro- of Scotland. The laſt he laid under an Interdict; and the firſt, to-
Kingdom ofgether with all his Accomplices, he order'd to be declar'd Excom-
Scrland Ex municated every Sunday and Holiday (b), not only in all the
Churches of England, Ireland and Wales, but alſo of Flanders and
France
i
;
Coniniuni-
cated.
(4). Fæder. Angl. Tom. III. p. 683. (b) Ibid. p. 707, 799, &c.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 607
1
France. Nay, he turnd ſo unconſcionably inexorable, that at the
Sollicitation of King Edward, (a) he caus'd impriſon fome Scotſmeni
King Robert had ſent to his Court, in Order to allay his Reſeritment,
by informing him (as 'twas eaſy to do, would he but have liſtn'd to
Reaſon) how Matters really ſtood.
Pope John was not the only foreign Prince King Edward endea-
vour'd to fix in his Intereſt : He had long before made heavy Com- Edward It.
plaints to the Earl of Flanders, that the Scots had been, from the engain ovet
Beginning of the War,ſupply’d(b)with Ammunition of all sorts by his all forreign
Subjects; and that in one Day, (C) no leſs than thirteen Ships load- his intereſt
en'd with Arms and Victuals, had fail'd from his Port of Delfwyn
for Scotland. He had alſo complain’d to the Magiſtrates of Genoa,
that (d) the Subječts of that Republick had affifted his Enemy Ro-
bert Bruce, to whom alſo they gave the Title of King, with Arms
and Galleys; and now again he wrote (e)to the Earl of Flanders, the
Duke of Brabant and Magiftrates of Newport, Ipres, c. and told
them, that to his great Prejudice, and the Scandal of Chriſtendom,
the Scots Rebels, who had never ceas’d impoſing upon and begging
Succours from all Neighbouring Nations, tho now, for their Difo
bedience to the Holy Church, excommunicated, were nevertheleſs
kindly receiv’dand powerfully aſſiſted by their Subjects
. The Duke
of Brabant, (f) who was Nephew to King Edward, and the Magi-
ftrates of Ipres, (g) made anſwer, that they knew nothing of the
Matter, but ſhould henceforth take Care that no ſuch Thing ſhould
be done. Theſe of Bruges were not ſo complaiſant : (h) They imi:
tated the Earl of Flanders, who, in his Return to the King of Eng-
land, (i) plainly told him, that tho he valued his Friendſhip more
than that of the King of Scotland, yet he could not hinder his Mer-
chants from carrying on their Trade and that Flanders had ever beeni
open to all Nations whatever. Haquin V. King of Norway, (k) was,
as much, if not more in the Intereft of King Robert, as the Fleemings, The Earl of
French, or Genoeſe : He had ſent a folemn Embaſſy to him, in the K. of Norway
Year 1312, and not only own’d him King, but alſo renew'd the favourable
Treaty, concluded in Anno 1 266, between their Predeceſſors King
Alexander III. of Scotland, and Magnus IV. of Norway ; ſo that the
Engliſh Sollicitations were almoſt no where prejudicial to the Intereſt
of Scotland, but at the Court of Rome, where they ſhould have been
leaft ſo. But,
Tho King. Robert was hugely mortified, yet he was not at all
daunted by the Pope's Partiality : He depended upon his own good
Conſcience, and the Aſſurances given him by his own Clergy, who,
as they themſelves continu’d, notwithſtanding the Interdict, to cele-
brate Divine Worſhip, and adminiſtrate the Sacraments,(1) ſo they
made the People to know that the Pope was miſ-inform’d and preju-
dic'd : That he had nothing to do with the temporal Affairs of Prin-
00000002
ces,
to K. Robert
(a; Ibid. p:761. b; Ibid: p: 386. (*) ibid. p. 403. (d) ibid. 2563: Ce) ibid. p.795. (f) ibid. p.706;
ibid. R 771. (1) ibid. (i, ibid. 770. (k) Torfæi Hift. Orcad.p.198.(1) Foeder. Angl. p. 794!
1
608 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III
Great Ha.
in England
bythe Scots.
ces, unleſs admitted as a Mediator, and that his Thunder could
hurt none but theſe that had unjuſtly procur’d it, to favour their
otherwiſe impotent Malice,and in vain contended for Uſurpation. The
King perſwaded of thefe Maximes(even the Church of Rome did never
condemn)and back'd by his Loyal and diſcerning Subjects, ſat down
before Berwick on the żd of April, (a) and took it, fay fome, by the
Treaſon of Peter Spalding the Governor; others, by Storm ; yet was
ſo far from retaliating the Barbarities committed by the Engliſh,when
about twenty Years before they made themſelves Maſters of the
ſame Place, that on the contrary, he ſuffer'd none to be killd, but
ſuch as were ſo mad as to refift. The Conqueſt of Berwick was fol-
low'd by that of the Caſtles of Werk, Harbottle, Midford, and indeed
vock done of all Northumberland, but Newcaſtle and ſome few Fortreſſes. This
was not all : For in the following May, another Body of Scots, under
the Conduct of Sir James Douglas, again enterd England, and pene-
trated farther than ever they had done before. They burnt the
Towns of Nortballerton and Burrough; bridge,plunder'd Rippon, fet Fire
to Scarburgb and Skipton, then return'd with an immenſe Booty,and
a confiderable Number of Priſoners they found lurking in Woods,
and, ſays
. Mr. Tyrrel, drove before them like ſo many Sheep.
Had King Edward Bruce been this Year, as ſucceſsful in Ireland,
(and 'twas his own Fault that he was not ſo) the Glory and Happi-
neſs of Scotland and Scots-Men had been compleated; but that Prince,
naturally forward, by Succeſs emboldn'd, and defirous to win a
Battle before his Brother King Robert (who again went over to his
Aſſiſtance) could join him (fo lay all Siots Authors) unfortunately loſt
Edward K. it, together with his Crown, bis Life, and the blooming Liberties
of Ireland de- of the again diſpirited Iriſh. However the King of England was not
ſo much elevated by the Succeſs of his Arms in Ireland, as he was
mortified by the repeated Loſſes and irretrievable Ruine of his Peo-
ple in the North of England. To dedammage them (b) ſo far as he
could, and to guard them from further Miſchief, he came in Per-
ſon to York towards the End of the Campaign and order'd the whole
Country (C) to be arm'd and upon their Guard, in caſe they ſhould
be invaded,during the enſuing Winter.
He kept his Chriſtmaſs at Beverly in York-Shire, (d) and ſtay'd in
that Country till Auguſt 1319, when being joyn’d(e)by all his Forces ;
A.D. 133). and having order'd publick Prayers to be put up to Heaven (f) for
the Proſperity of his Arms, he march'd upon the Head of a mighty
Army, and on the firſt of September inveſted Berwick by Land and
Sea. Walter Lørd Great Steward of Scotland, who,for his high Birth,
Edpored valt Eſtate and incomparable Qualifications both of Mind and Body,
ded by tal
. liad been married ſome Years before with Princeſs Marjory,the King's
Great Sie only Daughter, was Governor of the Place; and by the noble De-
ward utset- fence he made, ſhew'd himſelf worthy to be what he was, the. Fa-
ther of the Great King Robert II. the firſt of the Royal Stewarts that
aſcens
a Holinſhed p.321. Tyrrel, Vol. 3. p. 272. (b)Feeder. Angl. p.741,742. (Ibid. 2. 748.(d) Tyrrel, p.273
14. () Foeder. Angl. p.774. (fibid. p. 786,
kill'd.
Berwick be-
fieg'd by,
Book Ill. The Ninty Eigbt King of Scotland. 609
Mitrops.
afcended the Throne. Should I enter into the Detail of this memorable
Sjege, as Mr. Simſon has done, (a) from Barbour and other good
Authors, I ſhould do but Juſtice to the une qualid Valour the Belieg'd
in general
, and the Governor in particular expreſi’d ; but I deſign
Brevity, and am laath to enlarge but upon ſuch Tranſactions as a re
not ſo vulgarly known. King Robert had at the Time an Army (6)
of about 20000 Men, whom (not daring to attack the ſuperior E-
nemy in their well foștified Camp) he ſent, under the Conduct of
the two great Captains the Earl of Murray and Sir James Douglas, in-
to England. They waſted the whole Country before them, and
thought to have furpriz’d and taken the Queen of Erigland in the Greae Haa
very City of York : But that Project fail:d them ; ſhe got Notice of in England
it, and retir'd in Time ; but William de Melton Arch-biſhop of the by the Scots.
Place, together with the Bilhop of Ey, a valt Number of Clergy-
men and others, griev'd at the repeated Loſſes of the impoveriſh'd
People in thoſe Parts, would needs fignalize their Zeal upon this
Occafion., They drew a raw and undiſciplin'd Army together, and
were fo mad as togiye Battle to the Scots at Mitton upon Swale about
twelve Miles from York. Their Preſumption coft them dear: They Barcle of
were broken upon the very firſt Onſet, and the Scots, who had en-
gag'd, as they were generally went to do, on Foot, immediately re-
mounted their Horſes, in "Order to follow the Chaſe. They dịd not
fpare (and they were certainly in the Right) the Monks or the
Prieſts, but killd all they could overtake, to the Number of
4000 Men,and among the reſt the Mayor of York, beſides 1ooo
who were drown' in the River.. Upon the News of this Defeat
which the Englifh receiv'd on the 21ſt of September, their King fin,
ding all the Affaults he had given to the Town of Berwick ſucceſsleſs ; Sie e of
and feeing all his Engines (particularly a great one call’d the Sov)de. Berwick
Atroy'd by the Defendants, thought fit to raiſe the Siege, with De.
fign (fay Engliſh Authors) to intercept and fight the Scots Army, as
they return’d to their own Country: But their Generals took anos
ther Courſe, and got Home with many Çattle, much Plunder and
more Glory; yet were not ſo ſatiated with Viétory, but that in the North of
following November they paſs’d the Borders anew, waſted all Gilles-England es
land as far as Bürough under Stanmore ; and then returning through
Weftmorland and Cumberland, did the like in both theſe Counties,
Scotland was now become exceedingly rich, and England, at leaſt
the North of it, miferably poor; wherefore both Nations were e
qually deſirous of a Refpite from War; the one in Order to enjoy
the Fruits of their long Toil and great Victories, t’other to retrieve
their Lolles, and recruit their Forces. Both Kings were fenfible of
the Difpofitions of their Reſpective People, and Edward, content to
{mother his Reſentment, which was very great for a Time,(c)by the
common Advice of his Barons, was at length prevail'd with to make Tw Year's
2 Truce for two Years. King Robert did the like, and it commenc’d
Рpppppp
(1) Life of Walter IV: Lord High Steward of Scotland. (b) Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 273, 274. Holina... R.328
(Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 275,
rais’d.
o
Truce as
gree'd to
on.
..:
610 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
a
1
on the 21ſt of December 1319, and lafted, without any Breach made
by either Side, ſo far as I can ſee, till Chriſtmas 1321 (a). The
Terms of it allow'd each Party to proſecute ſuch peaceable Mea-
ſures as they thought beſt to ſerve their Intereſts. As the King of
A.D. 1320 England, by his Ambaſſadors and repeated Applications (b) wearied
the Court of Rome(of it ſelf not at all favourable to the Scots) with
daily Complaints againſt, and ſham Stories of his own Claim and
Sovereignty over them, ſo the King of Scotland, tho not in the leaſt
troubled in his Conſcience, yet uneaſy and loath to continue at Odds,
with whom he believ'd the ſpiritual Father of all Chriſtians, made
it his Buſineſs to undeceive the Pope, and diſpoſe him to act, as he
ought to have done, impartially. With this View, he ſent Odard
de Mambuiſon, and Adam de Gordon (perhaps the ſame brave Man who
had been to fix'd in his Loyalty to King John Baliol, that he was,
for many Years after, diſloyal to King Robert Bruce) to Avignon (c)
where the Pope ſtill reſided, and with them that bold, loyal, judici-
ous & pious Letter,(d)written in Name of the Nobility and Communi.
Admirable ty of Scotland at Aberbrothock the 6th of April 1320. It contains in
Letter of Subſtance an Account of the Origine of the Scots Nation, of their
of Scotland Converſion to, at leaſt Confirmation in the Chriſtian Faith by St.
to the Pope. Andrew, the Brother of St. Peter ; of the uninterrupted Succeſſion
of 113. Kings in the Royal Line, who, ſay they, reign’d over them
without the Intervention of an Alien ; of their Liberty and Inde-
pendency, never diſputed till of late, and ever preſerv'd ; of their
Jamentable Circumſtances and inſufferable Oppreſſions under the
Tyrrany of Edward I. King of England; of the great Merit and Va.
lour of their Deliverer King Robert Bruce ; of the Right of Succeſſion
undoubtedly lodg’d in him, by the Laws and Cuſtoms of the Land, and the
dise Conſent do Aſſent of the Community. To him continue they,as well upon
the Account of his Right,as by Reaſon of his Merit,we will adhere: But if he
defifts from what he has begun,& goes about to ſubject us or our Kingdom to
the King or Kingdom of England,
we will expell him as our Enemy, and the
Subzierter of his own and our Right and we will ſet another King over us, who
ſhall be able to defend us:For ſo long as but an hundred Scotſmen remain alive,
we will never be ſubjected in any. Manner of Way to the Dominion of Eng-
land. In fine,they tell him that if his Holineſs will not ſuffer himſelf to
be undeceiv'd, and continues to favour their injurious & calumniating
Enemies, they are perſwaded, That the Almighty will impute to him
the Deſtruction of the Souls and Bodies, and all the Hoſtilities which the
Engliſh ſhall commit upon them, and they upon the Engliſh, So true
'tis, that our Anceſtors in thoſe Days very well. underſtood both
the Pontificate and Regale; and that they neither thought themſelves
oblig'd to acknowledge a King, tho an Hereditary one and other-
wife indiſputably lawful, who would, by giving up his own and their
Right to a forreign Power, Un-king himſelf; nor to ſubmit the fame
Right
1
j
RY
:
,
7 Foder, Angl. Tom. 3. p. 809, 816.(b) Ibid. p. 892. (c) Ibid. 848. (d) Append. to Mr. Anderſ. 'Effay,
Nuinb. 13.
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 61 i
ftill Parciali
France as
favourable
to the Scot's
1
Right to the Arbitrement, even of him whom they ſtild and believ'd
to be in ſpiritual Matters, God's Vicegerent upon Earth.
I do not find that the irritated Pontiff was yet willing to be con-
vinc'd : 'Tis true, that he delay'd proſecuting King Robert, as he
had done before, with (a) his Citations and Cenſures, and that he
wrote preſſing Letters (6) to King Edward, exhorting him, for
the good of both Kingdoms, of all Chriſtendom, and particularly of
the holy Land, which ſo much ftood in Need, of his Preſence, to
entertain ſerious Thoughts of a laſting Peace. But when a Treaty
was ſet on Foot, as it was ſoon after, for that End, his Nuncio's,
who would needs be preſent at it, were (as it appears from King
Edward's many Letters of Thanks to the Pope and Cardinals (), for The Pope
their good Offices) evidently Partial in his Favour : And it ſeems
the Ambaſſadors of France were no leſs ſo in Favour of the Scots; at
leaſt King Edward himſelf was of that Opinion; and 'twas with
Reluctancy that he ſuffer'd them (d) to affiſt at the Congreſs. To
be ſhort, the Treaty took no Effect, and both Monarchs ſpent a
great. Part of the enſuing Year 1321, in Preparations for renewing A.D. 1zżí:
the War.
King Edward began it with ſo much the more Refolution, be-
caule, as he himſelf wrote to the Pope (e) he had lately vanqui-
fhed and proſecuted to Death a rebellious Faction of his own Sub- Engliſh Ra
jects, headed by his Kinſman the Earl of Lancaſter, who had taken pels com-
Arms againſt their Sovereign for no other Reaſon, that I can fee, the Scots:
but becauſe their Sovereign was pleas'd to Honour two Favourites
the Spencers, Father and Son (inſolent. indeed and covetous, as moſt
Men in high Favour are wont to be) with more Regard than they
would allow of; and who, to ſupport their Rebellion againſt the
King, had likewiſe ſo far betray'd their diſtreſs’d Country, in.
whoſe Favour they nevertheleſs pretended to act, as to enter into a
ſecret Alliance with its open and avow'd Enemies the Scots : Wit-
nefs thoſe myſterious Letters (f) written in the French Tongue by the
Earl of Murray and Sir James Douglas to their Chiftains, and dire
Eted, partly to King Arthur, the Name aſſum'd by the Earl of Lana
caſter, partly to Ralf de Nevil, Roger Clifford, &c. To natural 'tis for
Rebels to deſtroy, what they moſt ſet up for, their native Country:
and ſo uſual it has been in all Ages to foreign Princes to foment A-
broad, what they moſt deteft and fear at Home, Rebellion and Ci-
vil War. Never had a Prince more Reaſon to make uſe of that
Piece of Policy than King Robert, and yet I wilh, for his Honour, I
could ſay that he had ſcorn'd to do it.
King Edward reſolv'd to be even with him; and the Engliſh Natis
on, willing to think that the Succeſs which had till then attended A. D. 1Žiği
the Scots, was not owing ſo much to their Valour, Conduct or
good Fortune, as to the Treachery of ſome of themſelves, the
Backwardneſs of their great Men, and the Male-adminiſtration of
Ppp P P P P 2
their
á
(a) Feeder. Angel. Tom. III. p. 848. (b) Ibid. 846. (c) Ibid. p. 883, 884. (d) Ibid. p. 853, 854. (e) Ibiti
P.944. (1) Ibid. p. 926;
612 The Life of Robert Bryce, Book III.
North of
the
Scots.
their King or his Miniſters, now unanimouſly agreed to grant large
(a) Subſidies, and to raiſe an Army fufficient not only to repel, but
to conquer their hated Foes. Theſe laſt had renew'd their Hoftili-
ties, and invaded England in February ; that is, a Month after the
Truce was expird (b). They had done the like in June (c), and
now they had Advice that he was at Fork (d), but that his Army
was not yet ready to march againſt them. King Robert, to be a third
Time before Hand with him, put himſelf upon the Head of a
choice Party of his Men (e), enter'd England near Carlile in the
Beginning of July, burnt a Mannor that formerly belongd to
himſelf at Rofs and Allerdale, ſpoild the Monaſtery of Holm, wafted
England fre. the Country of Conland, and paſſing over Doden-Sands, and then to
quently, wa- Cartmle, beyond Leven-Sands, he advanc'd to the Town of Lanca-
ſter, where he was join'd by the Earl of Murray and Sir James Dóm-
glas, with another Body of his Army, and with them advancing
Southwards, he came to Preſton in Anderneſs, eighty Miles in
Engliſh Ground, having ravag'd and laid waſte all behind him, ex-
cept the Abbay of Fourneis a Priory of black Chanons in Cartmeld
,
another of black Monks, and a Houſe of preaching Friars in Lan-
caſter, and another of Friars Minors in Preton. From thence he
return’d with many Priſoners, great Riches and much Booty of all
Kinds; and coming to Carlile encamp'd near that place five Days;
during which Time Detachments from his Army deſtroy'd the
Corns and all Things elſe in the Neighbourhood. All the King of
England could do in the mean Time, was to Order the Country
People to drive their Cattle, and carry their beſt Effects out of the
Reach of the Invaders (f), and to write to the Pope and Cardinals
(g), earneſtly defiring them to proſecute the Scots with the utmoft
Severity; but at length when his Fleet (b) and Land Army were
Edward 11. ready to enter upon A&tion, he ſet out from Newcaſtle (i) in the Be-
ginning of Auguſt
, and enter'd Scotland upon the Head of ſuch a
formidable Army, as the wifer King Robert did not think fit to
op
poſe in the open Fields. He therefore retreated to the North of
Forth; whither he commanded all his Subjects by South that River,
to follow with their Cattle and valuable Moveables. His Orders
were punctually obey'd, and he very well knew that his Enemy's
Numbers would in an abandon'd Country prove their Bane, that
they could not ſublift long, and unleſs they ſat down before, and
offer'd to beſiege ſome ſtrong Place, in which cafe he would have
rais'd all his Power and given them Battle, or inade a Diverſion by
re-entering England) they could do but little Harm. What they
could, they did : They advanc'd as far as Edinburgh, pillag'd the
Abbays (k) of Holy-rood-boufe and Melros, burnt the Monaftery of
Dryburgh, kill'd fome Monks, whom in the Night time they found
Sleeping in their Cells, riffl'd ſome Churches, and even the Altars
where
invades
Scotland.
?
1
(a) Tyrrel. Vol. III. p. 299. (6) Foeder. Angl. p.930. () Ibid. p. 959. (d) Ibid. p. 961. () Holinſhed
p. 323. (f) Foeder. Angl
. p. 962. () Ibid. p. 967, 971 (b) Ibid. p. 955; (i) Ibid. P: 971. () Extrad..
Chrop. Scot,
Succeſs
و
land,
and
R999999
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 613
where the conſecrated Hoſt was preſerv'd and by them worſhipped,
then return'd ingloriouſly, without Honour, Booty or Pri-withotur
ſoners.
In this Manner did King Robert vanquiſh without fighting : But
this was not enough ; he follow'd cloſe upon the Heels of his Ene-
my (a), harrafs’d his retreating Army, with brisk Onſets and ſudden
Incurſions, took Norham Caſtle, and, marching forwards, deſtroy'd
ſeveral Towns in the North-Riding of York. Nay, on the 14th of fe perfis de
October he ſurpris’d and attack'd King Edward himſelf at the Abbay ted at Byez
of Byeland in the Forreſt of Blackmore'; (Holin/hed (b) ſays, that
'twas a fair Battle, to which both Kings prepar'd themſelves with
Deliberation) and had taken him Priſoner, had he not ſav’d him-
ſelf by Flight to York, to the very Gates of which he was purſu'dy:
and that City inſulted by Walter, Lord High Steward of Scotland. York Yaire in
His Couſin John of Britany the Earl of Richmond, had not ſo good fulted.
Luck: His Men were totally routed, and himſelf, together (C) with
Henry Lord of Sanly, the French Envoy was, tåken, as was alſo King
Edioard’s whole Plate, Furniture and Money.
The victorious Scots continu'd in the very Sight of York, till they
had ravagd the whole Neighbourhood, burnt Rippon, compounded
with Beverly for 400 pounds; and had not the Seaſon of the Year
been ſo far advancd, I know not what 'tis that they might not
have attempted. But King Robert did not at all aim at Conqueft:
He invaded and ravag‘d England, but to ſave Scotland, and to con-
vince King Edward and all his Succeſſors, that they had beſt lay by
their unjuſt Pretenſions to a Superiority they could not keep: The
impoveriſh'd and diftreſs’d Inhabitants of the North ; nay, ſome of
the beſt Patriots England had, were ſo ſenſible of this, that finding
their, King equally
, unfortunate and relentleſs, they began to enter-
tain Thoughts of forcing him to Reaſon, and accordingly enter'd in-
to à clandeſtine Treaty with King Robert (d) to that Effect. An-
drew de Hercla Earl of Carlile, was the Perfon principally concern’d
in it, and was therefore arreſted, condemnd and executed in Fe-
bruary 1323 for the treaſonable Fact; and I cannot but acknowledge Tile Exectia
deſervedly; tho by the Treaty it ſelf ’tis plain, that tho he made ted, and Fos
bold to encroach upon the Rights of Sovereignty, and thereby af-
fronted his King and Government, yet he meant no Prejudice
either to the Honour or true Intereſt of his native Country : And
this is perhaps the firſt, if not the only Inſtance I can givę, of a
Man who acted illegally againſt his Sovereign, when at the ſame
Time he prov'd an earneſt Friend to his Country.
The King of Scotland, ſatiated with Glory, and deſirous of Peace
and Eaſe (now he was drawing to old Age) but more particularly
concern'd at the implacable Prejudice of the Pope, to whom A. D.1322
while the war lafted, he could get no Acceſs, laid hold on the fa-
vourable Diſpoſitions of the English Nation. He cáús’d the Earl of
Rich-
1
Earl of Cor
whas:
(2) Tyrrel
. Vol. III. p. 299. (6) P. 324. (c) Focdex. Angl. Tom. III. p. 978, 982. (d) Tyrrel Vel. I!!. F.
201, Focdep. Angl. 1983,
.
:
614 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
i
CC
Truce re-
why.
CC
Richitiónid to be us’d, conform to his high Quality, with much Reſpect,
but he himſelf convers'd familiarly with the Lord de Sully or Sanly.
That Gentleman undertook, upon his being remitted to England,
to mediatė, if not a Peace, at leaſt a long laſting Truce, and was
as good as his Word : But the King of England worded it in ſuch a
Manner as was diſagreeable to King Robert; upon which this laſt
wrote in French to the Lord Sanly as follows (a):
“ You may remember, Sir, that before you left Scotland, We told
you, that We were willing to enter into a Treaty with the King
je cited by the “ of England, provided that the Kingdom of Scotland ſhould re-
main Free and Independent to Our ſelves and Our Heirs, and
" that our Allies ſhould ſuffer no Prejudice: And now We have
receiv'd a Tranſcript from that King, bearing,. That he grants a
" Truce to the Scots in Arms againſt him.--- A
way
of ſpeaking
very ſtrange : For in all former Treaties, altho he did not give
• Us the Title of King, yet he nam'd Us as Chief and Principal on
" the one side, as he did himſelf on the other : Whereas now he
of makes no more mention of Us, than of the meaneſt of Our Peo-
ple: Wherefore be not ſurpris’d that we cannot agree to this
" Truce, as it is worded ; yet We ſhall ratify it, if he thinks fit to
expreſs himſelf otherwiſe. If he does, he muſt alſo ſend a ſafe
66 Conduct to Sir Alexander Seton and Sir William Mountfichet,
« whom We deſign to ſend to England, in order to take his Oath,
" that he ſhall faithfully obſerve the Articles agreed to : But know
" that we are to ſtay in this place no longer than till Wedneſday af-
ter Eaſter. Wherefore let us have an Anſwer in all Hafte. Bere
66 wick 21ſt March 1323.
66
66
06
C
“ Yours came to Our Hands but Yeſternight.
What King Robert quarrell’d was quickly amended as he defir'd;
and this ſhort Truce brought on a long one, which was concluded
at Thorp near Everwyck (b) on the zoth Day of May, by William
Biſhop of St. Andrew's, Thomas Randolph Earl of Murray, Sir John
Monteith, Sir Robert Lawder, &c. Plenipotentiaries for the King of
Scotland; and Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembroke, Hugh le Diſpencer,
the Son, Qc. for the King of England. This laſt ratified it at Bi-
Shopſthorp (), on the ift of the enſuing June, and the former at
A Truce of Berwick (d) on the 7th of the ſame Month. It was to laft full 13
13 Years Years, that is from the 12th of June 1323, till the 12th of June
1336.
As the grand, if not the only Motive that had induc'd King Roa
bert (e) to lay by his victorious Arms, before he had forc'd a poſi-
tive Acknowledgement of his Title from his contending Rival, was
to have an Opportunity of reconciling himſelf and his Subjects with
the Pope ; (for after all, 'twas not at all defireable in thoſe Days. to
be
concluded.
(a) Foder Angl. Tom. III. p. 1003. (6) Sce the Articles in Fäder. Angl. Tom. III; 102%. (6) Ibid. R.
1025. (d) Ibid. p. 1030. (e) Tyrrel Vol. III. p. 301. Echard, Book II, p.331,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 615
to
be at Variance with one the Chriſtian World beliey'd to be the
Head of the Church, and Center of Unity among them) ſo now he A. D.1324.
fent his Nephew the Earl of Murray (who, it appears by all the
Negotiations of this and the Beginning of the after-Reign, was as
great a Stateſ-man as a Captain ; that is
, he was beyond moſt great The Earl of
Perſonages that have had a Being in the World, eminent in the Murray en-
Arts both of Peace and War, to Avignon with Orders to foften if pof- remove the
fible the harſh Humour, and remove the Prejudices his Holineſs of the Pope
was poſſeſs’d with. To effect this, he did all that could be
expe-
againſt K.
Eted from one of his conſummate Prudence and winning Behaviour.
Robert.
It ſeems that he did not take upon him the Character either of an
Envoy or Ambaſſador from King Robert : For 'tis probable that as
ſuch he had not got Acceſs ; but, perſonating a private Man, he
told the Pope, (a) that he had vow'd to go in Pilgrimage to the
Sepulchre of our Lord and Saviour, in Order to fight againſt the
Infidels. He begd leave to accompliſh that Vow, and ask'd the uſual
Indulgences granted by the Apoftolick See to himſelf
and ſuch as were
to accompany him The Pope anſwered that the Delign was in it ſelfholy
and good, but that neither he nor his Country-Men, while they lay un-
der the Sentence of Excommunication,could merit thereby ; yet if he
would reconcile himſelf to the Church, and endeavour å laſting
Peaceſſo much wilh'd for and ſo neceſſary to all the World)between
the Scots and Engliſh, his Services would then be acceptable. The
Earl faid, That in Order to obtain a Reconciliation, Ambaffadors
were on the Road from Scotland, and deſir'd that a ſafe Conduct
might be ſent to them. The Pope promis’d to deal with the Princes,
through whoſe Territories they were to pafs,for that End : Then
the Earl, continuing his Diſcourſe, told him, That the King his
Uncle, inform’d that Charles King of France deſign'd to go with a
great Power to the Recovery of the Holy Land, reſolv’d to do the
like, and to act, either in Conjunction with that Prince, or by him-
felf, as ſhould be thought expedient. As this was in it felf true,
(for the King had really that Deſign) ſo it was the moſt proba ble
Means, that could be thought on to flatter the Holy Father, who,
whatever he thought of the Stubbornefs of Scotſmen's Temper, could
not but have a good Opinion of their Valour. He added, That
nothing could obſtruct the Effects of his Uncle's Zeal, but his being
under the Cenfures of his Holineſs; but that, if his Holineſs would
write exhortatory Letters to him concerning the Holy War, and in
them, give him the Apellation of and Honour due to a King,
he was very ſure that theſe Letters would meet with a
hearty Compliance, and all the grateful Returns that could be de-
fir'd that thereby the Rights of the King of England, if he had a-
ny, could be no ways prejudg’d, ſince they ſtill lay open to Debate
and Examination: But if this was refus’d, he was affraid his private
Endeavours towards either a Peace with England or a Reconciliation
with Rome, would prove ineffectual. Pope John was himfelf much
Qq949992
of
() Pope's Letter to King Edward II. in Fæder, Angl. Tom. 4. Q: 28,
616 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III
--
1
of the fame Opinion; but whether he did condeſcend to the Prelimi.
nary requir’d or no, I cannot preciſely tell ; 'tis certain, that he
very much inclin d'to yield that Point, and as true, that King Ed-
ward did all in his Power (a) to hinder him, and that by Remon-
Atrating that the Scots had yet given no-Satisfaction for their Con-
tempt of the Pope's Decrees, that they would give none; and that
tho (6) he was moſt willing to ſubmit all Differences to the Determi-
nation of his Holineſs, they would not : He ſo far prevail'd that
King Robert's Ambaſſadors (c),unable to move the inflexible Pontiff,
return'd without having obtain’d, what they'chiefly infifted upon, a
Relaxation from his Anathemas.
They were more ſucceſsful at the Court of France ; for Charles IV.
Sirnamd the Fair, did now above Board, what his Father and Bro-
thers, becauſe of their near Relation to King Edward, (his Queen
was a Daughter of France) had done but by half, and would not
publickly own. He not only receiv'd the Scots Ambaſſadors (and
theſe were Thomas Randolph Earl of Murray, Robert Keith Marſhal of
Scotland, and Adam Murray, Doctor of Law) with Civility and Kind-
neſs ;. but, notwithſtanding the Alliance made by King Philip the
Fair with his Son-in-Law King Edward, was not broken ; and tho
League with the King and Kingdom of Scotland continu'd under the Sentence of
France re. Excommunication, he nevertheleſs renew'd the old League, which
declara per- of late ſeemd to be interrupted ; inſomuch that in April 1326, a
Treaty was finally concluded, () by which King Robert, his Súc-
cellors and Heirs Kings of Scotland were obliged to make War upon
the Kings and Kingdom of England, as often
as requir’d by Charles
King of France, his Succeſſors and Heirs, and never to make Peace
nor Truce with the faids Kings of England, without comprehending
the Kings and Kingdom of France in the ſame; or if any ſuch Peace or
Truce ſhould be made,they were declar'd to be of themſelvès void and
null. The King of France oblig?d himſelf, his Heirs and Succeflors,in the
very fame Terms, with Relpeet to the Kings of Scotland, which
had he not undertaken and ſome Years after as faithfully performd
both Sotland and France had been probably,by the prevailing Arms,
(I may fafely ſay Injuſtice, at leaſt with Reference to Scotland)of a
nother King of England, Edward III. to all Intents and Purpoſes un-
done. Such Turns as theſe were no doubt in View at the Time;
yet ſo juſt was King Rabert, that by an expreſs Clauſe he kept him-
ſelf free from his Engagements
, till the prefent Truce he had pre-
vioully agreed to ſhould be expir'd. In the mean time a Treaty
towards a final Peace (e) had alſo been ſet on Foot in England, but
to no Purpoſe : And now the laſt A&t or Part of King Edward's Trá-
A.D. 1325, gical Misfortunes was drawing near : I'have not Leiſure to enter in-
to the Detail of them : His Subjects, his Parliament, his Wife and
Son confpir'd his Ruine ; and the guiltleſs Monarch, 1 fay guiltleſs,
(for
a) Foder Angl. Tom. 4. P. 46.. b; Ibid. p. 141.(c) Ibid. p. 176, 177.(d) See it at full length in
Tom. I. Des Traites de paix, de Treve,d'Blliance, &c. Imprim. a Améterd: 1700.9) Fæder, Angl. Tom. IV;p:
petual,
p.
189.
1
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 617
(for he liad rio Fault, but that of doating upon, and being 'over-
Ful’d, tho not greatly to the Detriment of any Body, (a)by worthleſs
Favourites) was taken, imprifond, deposd, or rather perſwaded fetal'Enal
to refign; and in fine, 'inhumately murder'd by Means of a red
hot
Iron, thruſt up through a ductile Pipe into his Bowels and Body
A Barbàrity hitherto unprecedented in Britain, at leaft fince the Bri-
tains ceas'd to be Barbarians ; for which the infamous Actors after
wards ſuffer'd (and 'tis to be fear'd ſtill do), what the Enormity of
their Crime deſervd; and ſuch, as had not the like or greater Indig- Edward INT.
nities been afterwards put upon fucceeding Monarchs,
Poſteríty would King of me
not believe. Before the Villany was compleated, Edward III. (à
Youth of great Hopes, but for want of Experience and Reaſon,miſe-
rably 'miſ-led by his wicked Mother Queen Ifabel, as ſhe was by her
Gallant (ſo 'twas generally believ'd)-Roger Mortimer a Tràitor, not
long before for his Rebellious Praćtices arraign'd and impriſon'd)
was advanc'd to the Throne in January 1327; and immediately after
Writs were iffu'd out (6) to all the Sheriffs in the Kingdom, to pro-
claim the new King's Peace, and to declare to the People, That his
Fathet, the late King, had by the Advice and Conſent of the Nobility and
Community of the Realm, made a free and voluntary Reſignation of his
Royal Dignity to him, as being his eldeſt Son and Heir to the Kingdom.
This was a plain and obvious Fallhood : But Lying is the Life of
Uſurpation, and who ever goes about to pull down a lawful Go-
vernment muſt build a new one upon Slander and Calumắy;a feeble
Foundation and therefore the unfolid Superſtructure is eaſily ſha-
ken, and feldom lafting.
In the night of the ſame Day, in which King Edward. TIT. was
crown'd, Engliſh Authors tell us, (c) that the Scots broke the Truce, Trúce brez
and thought to have ſurpriz’d the Caſtle of Norbam , but were dir-
appointed and
repuls'd by the Vigilance and Conduct of the Engliſh
Governor Sir Robert Manner's. How true this is, I cannot tell, luch
a pitiful little Trick,I am apt to believe the King knew nothing of
'Twas below the Grandeur of his Soul to ſteal a Caſtle in Time of
Peace, after he had won a Kingdom, and ſo often over-run the halls
of another in open War. Beſides, l' have ſhew'd from Engliſh Au-
thorsthat but two months before the Truce was agreed to, he had
fairly belieg‘d and taken that ſame Caſtle ; and I am ſure by the Are
ticles of that Treaty he was not bound to reſtore it. So thàť "tis
probable, the Engliſh had re-taken it in Time of Peace, and that
the Scots had a mind to be even with them ; the father, becauſe, to
ſay the Truth, it ſeems they were at this juncture content of a *
Rupture. They had Reaſon: For why ſhould they think, that an
únconſcientious Junto, who had ſhew'd themfelves Villains enough 9
to dethrone and impriſori their lawſul Sovereign, would be lo honeſtº
as to obſerve the Treaties he had made: 'Tis true that they ex-"
Rrrrrrr
preſs’d
(@See bais Vindication by Dr. Brady in his Hift.of the Succeſſion.p.379,379,&c.by Joſhua Barnes in his Hift.
of Edward III. p. 21; 22; &c. by Sir Tho. Craig of the Succeflion, 8, 179, 186. (6) Echard, Book 2, 8, 33%.
(6) Holinfhed, . 325. Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 340, Barnes, p. 5:
The thiri
teen Years
ken,
j
618 The Life af Robert Bruce,
Book III.
و
preſs'd a Willingneſs, (a) not only to keep the preſent Truce, but
alſo nam'd Plenipotentiaries to treat (b) about a final Peace. King
Robert did the ſame, (c) but ſoon found, ſays Buchanan, (d) that the
Engliſh were not in Earneſt; and that on the contrary, they went
about to delude and abuſe his Credulity. What 'twas they did, he
ſays is by no Author related; but adds he, to be ſure King Robert,
now lo old and valetudinary that he could not act nor command
his Armies in Perſon, whoſe Domeſtick Affairs were not entirely
ſett!'d, and whoſe Mind was abundantly fatiated with former Vi-
&ories, is not to be ſuppos’d to have enter'd upon a War, without
a great and juſt Cauſe. I am of his Opinion; and the Cauſe, I take
it, was this ; he ſaw by the perfidious Conduct of that Faction by
which the young King of England was over-ruld,' that how foon
they ſhould come to be fix'd in their uſurp'd Power, they would
have no more Regard to Treaties concluded by the depos'd King,
than they had had to his Sacred Perſon and eſtabliſh’d Laws.The young
King was not really ſuch ; for ſtill his Father was alive , and per-
haps, ſays Mr. Tyrrel
, (e) he meant, at leaſt he pretended to reſtore
this laſt, to his Crown and Liberty. Had he done it, none would
have ſaid that he was thereby, guilty of the Breach of a Truce the
Prince he fought for had made with him. Be it as it will, 'tis cer-
tain, thạt ķing Robert could never think himſelf or his Poſterity fe-
cure, while the King of England kept up his Pretenſions to Scotland,
and 'he thought fit to lay hold on the Opportunity, offer'd of
obliging either the Father or Son, or both, to give them up. With
this View he improv'd the Quarrels that had fallen out (perhaps
without the Knowledge of either of the Kings) upon the Borders ;
and finding the Englip Ambaſſadors no ways diſpos’d to conclude a
Peace on the only Terms he could accept of, he ſent them back,
and with them, a ſhort and brisk Defiance, telling the young
King Edward, That he would inſtantly invade England with Fire and
Sword. He kept his Word. For,
Towards Eqfter, the often mention’d and ever renown'd Earl of
The Scots Murray, and Sir James Douglas (g)enter'd England
upon the Head of a
gallant and experienç d Army of about 25000 Men, all well mounted;
the better Sort on good ſtrong Coạrſers, and the common Souldi-
ers upon little bụt approv'd Hackneys and Geldings without Wa-
gons of Carts, and therefore equally fit for ſudden Invaſion or quick
Retreat. To oppoſe them, King Edward ſent his Uncle, the
Earl of Northfolk, and ſome other Generals to the North, with
a felect Detachment of Souldiers, and again ſet a Treaty on Foot,
and nạm'd (1) Commiſſioners for that Purpoſe, but in vain. Where-
fore(now aſſur’d,as he expreſs’d himſelf, (i) that the Scots ſcorn'd to
accept either of Peace or Truce, but upon their own Terms) he
ſummon’d all oblig'd to ſerve him,from the Age of fixteen to that of
fixty
(*) Foeder. Angl. Tom. IV. p. 226. (6) Ibid. p. 281. (c) Ibid.(d) Ubi fup. (e) Loc. cit. (f, Tyrrel. Loc. cit
(8) Barnes
, p. 6, 7, 8. Tyrrel, ubi fup. p. 340, 341. Echard, Book 11. p. 339, 340.
(b) Foder, Angl, Tom. IV
p.287. () Ibid. p. 292,
و
land.
.
Book Ill. The Ninty Eigöt King of Scotland. 619
+
fixty Years, to repair to his Standard. He alſo by bis Letters (1)
entreated Job Lord of Beaumont in Hainault, the Brother of Wil-
liam Earl of Hainault (by whoſe Aid the Queen had been in a great
Meaſure enabl’d to dethrone her Husband, and who was but lately
gone Home again) to come over to his Affiftance. That Lord
fail'd not to comply with his Requeſt: He not only returr’d, but
alſo brought along with him, or was follow'd by a felect Band of a
great many Noblemen and Knights from Hainault, Flanders, Brá-
bant, Bohemia, Artois, &c. in all about 2000 Men at Arms. With
theſe and at leaſt 60000 (Holinſhed (6) fays 100000 of his
own Subjects) among whom was the whole Flower of the
Engliſh Nobility, did King Edward ſet out from York in the begin-
ning of June, with Deſign to ſeek out and give Battle to the Scots. Tlieir erona
The Smoke of the Houſes and Villages they burnt where ever they quiet and
came (and they had come by this Time about twelve or fourteen Progreſs.
Miles beyond Durbam,and had cut off a diſorder'd Multitude of Coun-
try Militia, who had dar'd to oppoſe their Progreſs) directed him
whither to march: But to no Purpoſe'; 'twas impoſſible for ſuch a nu-
mierous Army, embaraſs’d with their Arms, Proviſions, and heavy
Baggage, to equal the Pace of, much leſs to over-take the vagrant
Enemy. He therefore gave over the unneceſſary Purſuit, aban-
don'd all that Country to Rapine, and turn’d towards Scotland, ei-
ther to intercept the Scots as they return'd to their own Country, or
in his Turn to lay it waſte. But when he had with much Difficul-
ty come to the River Tyne, he found it almoſt impaffable by Rea-
ſon of the great, round and flippery Stones which very much of-
fended the Horſe in their Paſſage through it, and of the enſuing
Rains which quite obſtructed that of the Foot. However, hope-
ful that the Scots would return that Way to the Defence of their
own Country, he continu'd there with his whole : Army, tho in
great Want of all Neceſſaries, the ſpace of five or fix Days. But
the Scots did not return as was expected: Wherefore the King, fin-
ding that his Army was unable to lùbfift longer in that barren Soil,
re-paſs’d the River in Order to ſeek them out aş" before ; and by
Proclamation promis'd a great and honourable Reward to any that
fhould give certain Intelligence of them; for now they.lay fome-
where encamp'd, and no Body could tell in what Place: About
fifteen or fixteen Knights and Eſquires were thereby encourag'd to
undertake the Adventure ; and ſome Days after, one Thomas Roke-
by return'd, and riding toward the King, told him, That the Ene-
my was encamp'd on a great Hill in Weredale, at no more than
three Miles diſtance. “ Dread Sir, added he, what I ſay, I'll main-
“ tain for Truth, for I ventur'd .fo near to take the better view of
them, that falling into their Hands, 1 was carried before their
Leaders, to whom
I gave an Account of your Majeſty's great De-
“ fire to meet with them, and of the Reward promisd to any that
fhould find them out : Upon which the Lords that command
Rrrrrrr 2
(6) Barnes Loc. cit. (6) P. 326,
66
4
+
66 their
.:
620 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
CG
66 That if
06
66
6C
22
66
their Army, made me promiſe to make the Diſcovery, and free-
ly quitting me my Ranſom,fet me at Liberty, upon that Conditi-
on : For they faid they long’d no leſs to meet with your Maje-
“ fty; and if you pleafe, I ſhall Thew you their Faces within a few
“ Hours.” Rokeby was honour'd with Knighthood, and rewarded
with a Yearly Revenue of 100 pound ſterl. to him and his Heirs:
And ſo the Army began to mareh,and about Noon came in good Or-
der ſo near to the Scots, that the Front of either Hoft might perfectly
view the Arms and Cognizance of the other. But they were divi-
ded by the River Were, which runs a little below the Hill, on
which the Scots were encamp'd : And King Edward not thinking fit
to paſs it in their view, (for upon his Approach they had iflu'd
out of their Trenches, and rang’d themſelves in three Battles on
Foot at the Deſcent of the Mountain) ſent them word,
they would paſs the River, and fight with himn in the plain Field,
“ he would freely retire, till lie had left them fufficient Space to
range their whole Army, that Day, or when they pleas'd; or elfe
upon the like Offer, he would come over to them.
Sir James
Douglas at firſt approv'd of the Propoſal, but the Earl of Murray o
ver-ruld his Heat : And they made this brisk and prudent Anſwer,
cc That the Scots Lords are not wont to take Advice of their Ene-
my: That 'twas now known where they were, and what they
ct had done : That they would maintain their Poft as long as them-
« felves ſhould think fit : And if the Engliſh took this ill, they
might correct them if they could.". They durft not attempt to
do it; but for Fear of being themſelves ſurpris'd in their Camp,
continu'd where they were the Night following, and they were
forc'd to ly upon the Ground and hard Stones in their Armour,
without either Forrage for their Horſes, or Viêtuals for themſelves,
nor fo much as Fewel to make Fire. But the Scots; on the other
Hand, not at all terrify'd at the Sight and Neighbourhood of their
formidable Enemy, contented themſelves to leave good Watch on
the Ground they had taken up, retir'd to their Camp, and made
ſo many and ſo great Fires of Engliſh Wood, eſpecially between
themſelves and the Enemy, as if they defign'd_to provoke and in-
fult them, by waſting to prodigally that Fewel they wanted
and could not get. And now 'twas Mid-night; they made ſuch a
Noiſe with perpetual and univerſal Shoutings and Čries, and win-
ding of Horns and Clarions, as if they meant not only to frighten
the Earth, but to rend the Heavens. The next Morning both Ara
mies fac'd each other as before; and ſome detach'd Parties met and
fought with great Courage and ſome Slaughter: But neither durf
pats the River in Order to a general Engagement. However the
Engliſh concluded, that át length the Scots muſt needs want Provi-
fions, and be oblig'd to retire of courſe; in which caſe 'twas reſol-
ved, that the Horſe ſhould purſue and entertain them, till the Grofs
of the Army could get up. But on the fourth Day, when early in
the Morning they directed their Eyes to the Enemy's Camp, they
beheld
':
Book (II. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 62 .
I
beheld, to their Admiration, the Mountain on which they had
lyen ſo long, deferted and naked; and afterwards learn'd that they.
had retreated to another by the ſame River ſide, more advantage-
ous for them than the former, by Reaſon of a great Wood they had
on the one Hand, and a large Bogg on the other. Upon this the
Engliſh, in Purſuance of their former Reſolutions to ſtarve the Scots
into a Neceffity of Fighting, decamp'd likewiſe, and lodgʻd them-
ſelves upon another Hill over againſt them; but to as little Purpoſe
as before, by Reaſon of the fame River, by which they were ſtill ſe-
parated. That Impediment did not hinder the incomparable Sir
James Douglas from forming a Project, which had it taken Effect,
(and 'twas a Miracle it did not) would have put an End to the
War, Scots and Engliſh Authors relate the Adventure variouſly ;
but the Engliſh, I think, with more Probability: For which Rea-
ſon, I ſhall give their Account of it. The next Night after the Re-
moval of the Engliſh (upon Intelligence, that dreading no more to be
attack'd as in the beginning, they kept but a careleſs Guard,) Sir
James paſs’d the River with a few reſolute Men, enter'd their
Camp, and, perſonating an Engliſh Officer, as if he had been one of
the Rounds, cry'd out as he advanc’d, Ha! St. George, no Watch.
By this Means he got at laſt to the Royal Tent, and deſigning or to Edward III
take the King Prifoner, or to kill him if he fail'd in it, firſt flew his killa orºfa-
Chamberlain, and then his Chaplain, who bravely interpos’d his ken Prifo
own Body to prevent the Blow aim'd at his Maſter. This rude James Dową
Shock awaken’d the Monarch, and his Tent was preſently fill'd glas,
with ſuch Numbers of his own Subje&ts, as the Douglas was not
able to withſtand ; yet he got off as miraculouſly as the King had
eſcap'd : So favourable is Fortune to the daring and brave, who
court her gallantly.Henceforth the Engliſh kept better Guard, and the
Scots continu'd in their view,during the ſpace of about fourteen Days
longer ; when, being in great Want of Bread, Salt and other Necef-
faries, and finding that they could gain no more Advantages by
Surpriſe, and not daring to give open Battle to a Royal Army by
which they were ſo unequally out-number'd, they reſoly'd to retreat.
Accordingly their wary Generals gave out Orders commanding
them all to be ready to march under their ſeveral Banners. Of this
King Edward got Notice from a Scots Gentleman that was taken
Priſoner, brought to him and ſtrictly examin’d: But whither they
were to 'march, or what to do the Gentleman could not or would not
tell. The King's Council concluded from thence, that Famine and
Deſpair had at laſt determin’d the Scots to hazard all at one Blow,
and that the enſuing Night they would certainly make an Attempt
upon the Engliſh Camp. The whole Army was therefore divided
into three Bodies, and appointed to ſtand to their Arms all Night.
Upon the Approach of the Morning, twoScots Trumpeters, that
had been but juſt then taken by the Scout-Watch, were brought to
the young King and his Council; and ſpoke frankly (for they had vo-
luntarly ſuffer'd themſelves to be taken to this Purpoſe “ Ye Lords of
Sflffff
England,
66
r
022 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
66
C6
ܪܕ
England, ſaid they, why do ye ſtand thus in vain to your Arms? On
66 the peril of our Heads your Enemies are march'd off :They began
to move before Midnight, and we're ſure they're no leſs than three
6 or four Miles onward of their Way, only they left us two behind,
" to ſhew you what Courſe they had taken.” This was very pro-
voking; but what ſhould the Engliſh do ? 'Twas in vain to purſue
an Enemy they could not hope to overtake. The Autumn was far
ſpent, and they had loſt more Men and Horſes by conſtant Fatigue,
frequent Removals, bloody Skirmiſhes, Hunger, Rain, Cold, ili
Lodgings and hard Paffages, than a fair Battle had probably coſt
them. They therefore withdrew to their Winter-Quarters : But
before they broke up, a great many of them had the Curioſity to
take a view of the Scottiſh Camp, and ſome no doubt look'd for
Booty and Plunder : But theſe were deceiv'd, they only found a-
bout 400 Oxen and Deer, the Scots had kill'd, becauſe they could
not conveniently drive them away, and meant to render them as
uſeleſs as might be to the English. There were alſo ready ſtretch'd
on Stakes over Fire-places 300 Caldrons made, after their way; of
Skins with the Hair ſtill on them, all full of Water and Fleſh in or-
der to be boild; 10.00 Spits with Meat ready to be roaſted on
them; 10000 Pair of old Shoes made of raw Leather with Hair
on them, and five Engliſh Priſoners faſt bound to Trees with their
Legs broken, thàt ſo they might not eſcape to give Intelligence.
The wiſer Sort of the Engliſh admir’d the golden Poverty, and
healthful Parfimony they found in their Enemy's Camp, and con-
cluded from thence, that their Kings,.tho upon the Head of 60003;
or 100000 brave Men, had made a nobler Attempt, in but offe-
The admi- ring to conquer 25000 or 30000 Scats, than Alexander the Great,
lity of the when with 30000 Macedonians and Greeks,he gave Battle to and rou-.
ted upwards of 300000 of the effeminate Perſians. And this ſhews,
that the Strength of a Country does not ſo much conſiſt in the
Wealth of its voluptuous and eaſy, as in the Frugality and Har-
dineſs of its manly Inhäbitans. The Scots were in thoſe Days,
fays Froiſſart (a Cotemporary Author; perfectly well acquainted
with their Manners, Courage and Conduct,) fo abſtemious and pa-
tient in Time of War, that for a long Time they could live on
Fleſh half boild, and drink out of the next River : They needed
to carry along with them no Pans nor Caldrons to dreſs their Meat
in: Thoſe Conveniencies they ever found, where Beaſts proper for
Food weſe to be had: Nor had they great Occaſion for Bread; a
little Oat-Meal, which every Souldier carried behind him in little
Bags for the Purpoſe, kneaded with Water, and laid over a Fire on
a linall Iron-Plate, did ſerve their Turn. Thus without Money
their Armies were paid, arid without Proviſions, but ſuch as they
purchas'd from the Enemy, entertain'd. The Scots High-landers
have not as yet degenerated; nor from the Frugality, nor from the
Bravery of their Anceſtors : And had they ſuch a Cauſe, ſuch a
King and ſuch Chiftains,'tis not to be doubted, but they could face,
and
Scots in
Time of
Wat:
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 62 3
cluded by
K. Robert
111.
acting by Conſent of, and in Conjunction with their Parliament,elle
and perhaps foil an equal;if not ſuperior Number of regulár Forces.
Engliſh Authors(a)are to this Day hugely difpleas'd with what they
call the bad Conduct or Treachery of thoſe about the young King
Edward, who thus ſuffer'd a Handful of Scots to inſult them in
their Country, and then to eſcape to their own. But what fol-
lowed was ſtill more grating ; indeed ſo very much, that all their
Writers ſpeak of it with Regrate ; and moſt of them rack their In-
ventions, nay, ſtick not at Forging and Lying, to leſſen, as they
think, their Diſgrace , I think their Glory: For the next Year a fi. A.D. 1328
nal Peace was concluded upon equal and juſt Terms; and in my Peace con-
humble Opinion, 'tis more glorious to lay down an unjuſt Pretenſion,
than to keep it up; to ftiffle, than to cultivate the Seeds of Delo- and Edward
lation and War; to commiſerate, than to perpetuate domeſtick and
foreign Calamities, and to keep within Bounds than to conquer.
And this is preciſely what the King of England, (not only by Advice
of the wicked Woman his Mother and her Minion the Lord Roger
Mortimer, @c.who by this Time had compleated their Infamy by the
Murder of the late King Edward Il.but alſo by that of the Wiſdom of
the Nation aſſembld in Parliament) refolv'd to do. It had heen þap-
py for himſelf and the whole Iſland, if he had not afterwards repen-
ted of this the beſt, and I dare ſay, the wiſeft Action of his glorious
Reign. Mr. Tyrrel (a) is ſo judicious, as to offer no Excuſe for him,
but that he was under Age when he made the Agreement, and there-
fore would not afterwards ſtand to it. He was fixteen Years old at
the Time ; and as moſt Kings are Majors at fourteen, fo I ever
thought that all Kings were always to be bound by folemn Treaties
made by themſelves, whether Majors or mo, and aſſented to by their
Councils and Guardians ; more particularly thoſe of England when
whatRegard can be hador to ſolemn Treaties or to Acts of Parliament,
while the Sovereign is under Age? Mr.Echard(b)ſays that at this Par-
liament theſe Things were tranſacted to the Dammage and Diſhonotir
of the Crown of England, againſt the conſent of the Engliſh Nobility, by
the Procurement of Queen Iſabel..--. I doubt not but in all Parlia-
ments fome Party or other prevails, and that the Sticklers againſt
them may ſtill ſay, theſe Things were tranſacted to the Dammage and
Diſhonour of the Crown ; but when an A&t is fairly paſt by the Majo-
rity of Votes, as on the preſent Occaſion, with what Truth they cari
add, Againſt the Conſent of the Nobility; I do not ſee. I'm ſure that
ſome Years before this Time, all the Commons in the North of
England, and not a few of the Nobility of the Kingdom,
were inclinable to make ſuch a Peace as was now concluded withi
Scotland ; and ’tis not likely that their late ill Succeſs againſt
the
fame Enemy had wrought an Alteration upon their Minds. The
:
King of Scotland was as potent as ever, and the North of England no
leſs liable to Inſults from his hardy Subjects;nay the Government of
the whole was as unſettld,and a Peace by Conſequence as neceſſary.
Sriffff 2
Others
(a) Tyrrel, Vol. III. p. 345. (b) Vol. III. p. 351.(c) Book II. p. 342.
i
624 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III
Others more diſingenuous, have Recourſe to palpable Falſhoods,
particularly Walſingham, who, (a) tho he owns the Peace was made
by the Affent of Parliament, yet tells us, that the Articles of it
were known to no Engliſh-man; and Mr. Atwood, who aſſerts (6),
contrary not only to Hiſtory, but to the very Records of Parliament,
that it was made without Conſent of Parliament: And Mr. Barnes,
who, to excuſe the after-Conduct of his Heroe King Edward
III. 'a Province too hard for any Man, has the unpreceden-
ted Confidence to ſay, (c) that notwithſtanding all the Arti-
cles of the Treaty were with all Expedition perform’d by both Par-
ties, Tet however either of the Kings reſervd Liberty to bimſelf (after a
Trúce of four Years) to refuſe the Peace, if tben be ſhould not like the Con-
ditions. So that according to him, this Peace, one of the moſt au-
thentick, publick, folemn, and in all its Circumſtances moft evi-
dently meant to be perpetual, that has ever been made between
two Nations, was really no Peace at all, but only a Truce for four
Years. To confute all theſe Authors, I need but to relate the Mat-
ter of Fact, and I ſhall do it from Engliſh Hiſtorians and Engliſh
Records. 'Before the End of the preceeding Year 1327, (d) King
Edivard nam'd Plenipotentiaries to treat about a Peace with the Scots,
and gavę ſafe Conduct (e)to 100 Scotſmen and their Servants to com
into England for the ſame Purpoſe. Accordingly the Commiſſioners
of both Parties met at Newcaſtle, (f) where certain Articles being
propos’d, a Parliament was ſummon’d to meet at York, on the Sun-
day after Candlemas Day, to canvaſs and examine them; but (becauſe
the Aſſembly was not ſo frequent as was to be deſir’d, confidering
the Importance of the Affe irs to be laid before them) another was
appointed to meet three weeks after Eafter at Northampton, and in
this Parliament the following Charter of Renunciation was drawn
The K. of and aſſented to (8).
“ To all the Faithful in Chrift, Edward, by the Grace of God
King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitain.---Whereas
our felves and ſome of our Predecefforskings of England, have en-
cc deavourd to obtain the Rights of the Dominion and Superiority
“ of the Kingdom of Scotland, and have thereby occafion'd moſt grie-
ty over Scot- 66 vous, dangerous and long Wars between the two Kingdoms of
“ England and Scotland. We therefore, conſidering the Slaughters,
“ Butcheries, Crimes, Ruine of Churches, and innumerable Mil-
chiefs thoſe Wars have brought upon the Inhabitants of both
Kingdoms, as alſo the good and mutual Advantages that muft
“ needs accrue to both Kingdoms, when faftned together by the So-
lidity of a perpetual Peace, and thereby more firmly ſecur'd both
66 within and without againſt all Rebels or Rebellious Deſigns, by
" the common Council, Afſent and Conſent of the Prelates, Earls,
1
« Barons and Commonsof our Kingdom aſſembld in Parliament, Will
up
England
with Advice
CC
andConſent
of his Parli-
S6
ament gives
up all his
Pretenfions
to Superiori-
land,
CC
(C
1
CC and
(a) P. 128. (b) Anderſon's Ellay, p. 249 (c) P. 29. and frequently elſewhere. (d; Fæder. Angl. Tom. 4.pl
314. (e) Ibid. p. 325. (f) Ibid. p. 328. Tyrrrel, Vol. 3. p. 350.18) Foeder. Angl. Tom: 4. p. 337. Append.
to Mr. Tyrrels Hift. and Mr. Anderſ. Eſſay Extract, Chron. Scor. & Tractatus Scot.in Biblioth. Jurid. Edinb,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 625
LC
(C
C
" and Grant for our felves, our Heirs and Succeſſors, that the King-
“ dom of Scotland remain for ever, to the moſt magnificent Prince
« Robert,by the Grace of God King of the Scots, our illuſtrious Ally
66 and moft dear Friend, his Heirs and Succeſſors divided from the
46 Kingdom of England by its own Marches as in the Time of Alex-
" ander King of Scotland, of good Memory,laſt deceas'd, entire, free,
" and quiet, without any Subjection, Servitude, Claim or Demand
co whatever : And whatever Right we or our Predeceſſors did in
“ bypaſt Times ask or pretend to in the Kingdom of Scotland, we
" hereby renounce and give up for Us, our Heirs and Succeſſors, to
“ the ſaid King of Scotland: 'As alſo, all Obligations, Agreements
or Compacts, made by or with any of our Predeceſſors, at any
« Time, concerning the Subjection of the Kingdom of Scotland, or
6 its People, both of the Clergy and Laity : And, if any
Letters
or Charters, Inſtruments or Documents concerning theſe Obliga-
gations, Agreements and Compacts ſhall be found, We will
, that
" for the future they be accounted as null, void and of no Value --,
« In Teſtimony whereof, &c.
Who ever but peruſes this Charter, will, I hope, be ſatisfied, that
the Peace at this Time concluded, was publick and not private;pere
petual and not quadriennial ; Parliamentary, and by Conſequence
not to be revok'd upon the Account of the Minority of the Sove-
reign, altho it were true, that he was then under Age. I
to the additional Articles: For,'twas alſo agreed that Prince David, Articles of
(a) only Son and Heir to Robert King of Scots, ſhould marry the
Lady Jean, King Edward's eldeft Sifter ; and
on the 22d of July, the
Marriage was folemniz'd accordingly at the Town of Berwick : That
no Engliſhmen ſhould henceforth poſſeſs any Lands in Scotland, but
ſuch as would reſide in that Kingdom, and renounce their Allegiance
to the Crown of England. A mortifying Condition, by which alſ
the Scots Rebels (I mean thoſe who had been obſtinately ſuch, and
a great many Engliſh, Edward I. had given great Eſtates to in Scotland)
were for ever exild : That the Regalia , the Jewels belonging
to the Crown, the Black Croſs of Scotland, the Ragman Roll
, and ge-
nerally all the ancient Monuments of the Liberty and Independency
of the Kingdom, together with all the Charters and Remembrances
of its late Subjećtion ſhould be given up. A material Article indeed,
yet ſuch as was never entirely perform'd; witneſs the fatal Marble
Chair,ſtill to be ſeen at Weſtminſter; and to the great Loſsof Hiſtory and
Truth, all the Scots Records,anterior to the Reign of King Robert
with the Publication of which,Mr. Rymer has ſo generouſly and inge-
nuoully complimented the Publick. But tho theſe ineſtimable Evidences
were not actually reſtordjyet they were virtually, finceſuch of them
as were prejudicial tothe Nation are by an expreſs Claufe declar’d
to be void and null; and thoſe employ'd by the King (having ſecur’d
Ttttttt
the
I proceed
the Peace,
ز
1 d yrred, loc. cic. Echard, p. 342, 343. Barnes, p. 29.
620 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
--
the eſſential Point, to his and their own indeleble Honour and Glo-
ry, againſt all after-Objections and Pretenſions whatever ) thought
they had done enough at that Time, and probably had not Leiſure
to cauſe all the Regiſters of England to be ſearch’d,in order to the full
Execution of the reſt:That was a Work of Time,and upon the Main
not neceſſary. They were ſo well pleas’d with what they had done,
that as an Equivalent for the Grants they had obtain'd, and in Or-
der to cut off all Occaſions of after-Claims, they were willing, that
the Kings of Scotland ſhould for ever renounce their Rights to the
Northern Counties and Feudatary Lands,their Anceſtors had enjoyd
in England ; nay, that King Robert ſhould pay to King Edward, the
Sum of 20000 Merks, in Conſideration of the Dammages his Army
had done the laſt Year in England. So fay all Engliſh Writers ; but
I find that they ſay not enough ; for tho Engliſh-men were not to be
repoſſeſs’d of thoſe Eſtates Edward I. had given them in Scot-
land, yet Scotren were repon’d to thoſe he had taken from them
in England. For which Reaſon the Lands of Fawdon in Northumber-
land, (a) that had belong’d to Sir William Douglas, before the War
firſt broke out, were now reſtor’d to Sir James Douglas his Son :
And becauſe the Pope had, ever ſince the pretended Diſobedience of
the King and Kingdom of Scotland to the Apoftolick See, continu'd
partial in Favour of thoſe of England; whoſe Rights, while under
Debate, he pretended he could not (by a contraditory Acknow-
ledgement of thoſe of King Robert) prejudge ; King Edward was ob-
lig'd to write diſtinct Letters, both to him and to the Cardinals, (b)
to let them know, that the Debate was ended, and to intreat that
the magnificent Prince Robert King of Scotland and his Subjects,might
ly no longer under the Diſpleaſure of his Holineſs. To conclude,
This is, ſays Mr. Barnes, (c) that famous, or rather infamous Peace,
juſtly accounted ſo diſhonourable to England, that the Scots themſelves
,
afterward by Way of Triumph, Nick-nam'd their Queen, Joan Make-Peace,
as if the Realm of England had made that Match out of Fear, to rid their
Hands of the War.--- They alſo made many Inſulting Rhymes in Derifon of
our Nation, one whereof is chiefly remembred, viz.
و
Long Beards heartleſs,
Painted Hoods witleſs,
Gray Coats graceleſs,
Make England thriftleſs.
i
In this glorious Manner did the immortal King Robert Bruce,after a
long Series of ſurpriſing Succeſſes and an almoſt un-ineterrupted War
of about thirty two Years Continuance, deliver his Country and
Crown, not only from Subjection and Conqueſt, but alſo from the
leaſt Shadow or Ground of ſo much as a Claim or after-Pretenſion
to
(a, Foder, Angl. Tom. IV. p. 384.(b. Ibid.p.350, 351. P. 30.
3
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 627
The filte
Debates it-
Dependen-
to Superiority over it : So that tho King Edward III. of England, who
himſelf gave up the Claim, did afterwards moſt unfairly reſume it;
and in all Sentes re-act the Part of his aſpiring Grand-father; yet
no Man, in his right Wits, had ever ſince the Confidence to affert,
or that Homage was demanded by any of his Succeſſors (except
King Henry VIII. who would fain have trump'd up thoſe old Fables,
upon which the airy Structure had been built) or paid by the Suc-
ceffors of King Robert.
This is unqueſtionably true, and Mr. Tyrrel(a) has been ſo juſt as
to own it, and ſo generous as to confute the Impudence of John Har:
ding and others, who, by the groffeſt Forgeries that are any where
to be ſeen, would have cheated their Countrymen into a Belief of
the contrary, and conſequently into all the Calamities that at-
tend all Wars, eſpecially unjuſt ones. If ſo, (and as I have ſaid, no
Man of Senſe will deny it) in the Name of Goodneſs, why is all bout the
this Struggle and Contention rais'd of late about thoſe Matters? And pretended
what would theſe Men have made of it, if they had been able to cy of Scct-
prove, what, (God knows)! they never could, that the Kings of fond ble end
Scotland had ſometimes paid Homage even for Scotland, to thoſe of grounleſs
.
England ? If they had done ſo, to be ſure they had done it for no
other Reaſon, but becauſe compelld to it by Force; and by Force
they regain'd their Right. I ſay their Right : For I hope it will be
acknowledg’d, that both the Saxons
and Normans had no other Title,
but what the Superiority of their Power might have given them, to
ſo much as an Acre of Land in the INand, much leſs to the So-
vereignty of that Part of it, even the Romans did not ſubject. As
for the Britains, they were rather ſubject to the Scots, at leaſt at the
firſt Entrance of the Engliſh into the iſland, than the Scots to them:
And were it otherwiſe, I mean were it true, that the Scots ow'd
Homage to the Britains, What theri? I'm ſure neither the Saxons
nor the Normans could derive any Title from them, ſave what they
forc'd by Dint of Sword : And ſince by the ſame Means they could
not force, or could not keep the Title, I ſuppoſe the Britains had
to Scotland, it follows that in their Right they have no Title at all.
From all this I conclude, that King Robert, by his immortal At-
chievements, effectually remov’d, not only all Pretenſions, but all
the Grounds and Occaſions of thoſe Pretenſions fome Kings of Eng-
land had made to the Sovereignty of Scotland. Let us now, in as
few Words as poſſible, examine what Right he himſelf had to it. The Title
I ſay, a better one than even John Baliol had before he attain’d to Bruce to the
the Throne, and, after his Abdication, another, in all imaginable Crown of
Reſpects, unqueſtionable. To evince this, I need but to acquaint ved to have
my Reader, with what his Grand-father the Competitor pleaded than that of
for himſelf in Preſence of King Edward I. and in Face of all the Fohn Baliok.
Prelates, Earls and Barons of both Kingdoms aſſembld at Berwick
in Auguſt 1291. A memorable and juſt Plea, yet hitherto unknown
Ttttttt 2
or
(a) See his Introduction to the III. Vol. of the Hik. of England. p. 9, 10,
628 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
or not taken Notice of by any Author that I know in Being: It was
in ſhort this, (a) or to this purpoſe.
David Earl of Huntington was the Brother of William King of
Scotland, and he and his Pofterity were, while King William the
eldeſt Brother and his Pofterity exiſted, by Law and Juſtice exclu-
ded from the Succeſſion ; but theſe laſt being extinguiſh'd, the Po-
ſterity of Earl David came to take Place. That Earl had three
Daughters, Margaret, Iſabel and Ada ; Dervegild was the Daughter
of Margaret the eldeſt, and Robert Bruce the Son of Iſabel the ſecond,
who by Conſequence were equally related both to their Grand-fa-
ther Earl David, and to their Grand-uncle King William. But Ro-
bert Bruce was a Male, and therefore fit and capable to govern;
Dervegild was a Woman, and Women had not hitherto (I mean
when the Debate was firſt movd) had the Exerciſe of the Royal
Authority in Scotland, tho in their Rights their Male Children had
often had it. Had Iſabel the ſecond Sifter been a Man, ſhe had as
ſuch ſucceeded preferably to Margaret, becauſe a Woman tho the
firſt born : Nor had this laſt or any Body elſe grudg:d at the Injury
done her. Now, whatever Right to the Succeſſion Iſabel the ſe-
cond Siſter, if a Man, would have had, her Son Robert Bruce by
Conſequence has, (ſaid he ;) and Dervegild has no more Reaſon tó
grudge his being prefer'd to her, than her Mother Margaret would
have had in the
Caſe I mention'd but juſt now. But ſtill Dervegild,
tho but a Woman, was the Daughter of the eldeſt Siſter, and
therefore pleaded, that the ought to be prefer'd to Robert Bruce
becaufe but the Son of a younger Siſter. The Diſpute was in Alex-
ander ll's Time 'entirely new, and could not be determin’d by any
Law for Cuſtom, or ſo much as a Precedent known to Scotſmen :
That Prince (I ſpeak of Alexander II.) had but one Son alive at the
Time, in caſe of whoſe Death he knew that ſuch a Competition
would occaſion innumerable Mischiefs : To prevent which he calld
a Council ; and, by the Advice and Conſent of the wiſeft Men in
the Kingdom, did determine and declare, that, failing Heirs of
his own Body, Robert Bruce ought to ſucceed preferably to Dervegild.
This is ſo true, continud be, that there are many ſtill alive who will
atteſt it ; nay, the laſt King Alexander III. did, as his Father, con-
ſider the fame Robert Bruce, as, next to his own Children, Heir to
the Crown; and he frequently told ſo much to thoſe he convers’d
with moſt familiarly : But the Suddenneſs of his Death prevented
his ratifying the Determination of his Father by a publick Deed.
Nor was that neceſſary, ſince what his Father á lawful King had
legally done by Advice of the beſt Men of the Kingdom, (and this
was in thoſe Days all that was requir’d to make a Law, or to de-
termine any Controverſy whatever, eſpecially if new and unprece-
dented) was not; one ſhould have thought, to be call'd in Queſtion.
Now fince by the legal Determination of a lawful King and his
lawful Council, (which, by the by, was then what a Parliament is
now
(*) Pryn's Collections Tom. III. p. 516, 517. and p. 520, 521,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 629
.
.
16
at
now) Robert Bruce was preferable to Dervegild, it follows, that he
ought ſtill to be prefer'd to John Baliol Dervegild's Son : And the
rather, added he, becauſe 'tis evident, that. Robert Bruce is by one
Degree nearer in Blood even to the laſt deceaſt King Alexander III.
than John Baliol ; and all the good Men in Scotland, he means no
doubt, the Prelates, Earls and Barons, are ſworn to acknowledge
and receive as King the neareſt in Blood to him, in caſe of the Death
of her Daughter. An excellent Plea, in my Opinion, and ſuch as
John Baliol made no Reply to, as may be ſeen by his Anſwers; (a.)
yet John Baliol, by the Sentence of a foreign Invader, who had no
Regard to that legal one formerly pronounc'd by the moſt compe-
tent Judge that could be, a lawful King and a lawful Council or
Parliament, was prefer'd after the Manner I have already related;
but, in the Sentiment of moſt People then living, unjuſtly. Wit-
neſs what the Earl of Gloceſter, a Man of great Prudence and Autho-
rity in England, is reported to have ſaid at the Time to King Ed-
mard 1. His Words were (b) theſe, "O King remember, what is
co done by thee this Day ; thy Sentence is unrighteous, and tho it
« be now hid and cover'd with ſpecious Pretences, and a Colour of
Law; yet it will be reveald, when the great Judge that ſearches
" the Confciences and Hearts of Men, ſhall call thee to an Account
the dreadful Day of univerſal Judgment. Thou haſt now gi-
ven Sentence on a King, but then ſhall Judgment be given on
66 thee.
From what I have ſaid (and I could, both from the Pleadings of
the then Parties, and the Reaſonings of Lawyers, particularly Sir
Thomas Craig and Sir James Dalrymple, ſay a great deal more to the
Purpoſe) I hope it appears, that the Title of King Robert Bruce was
(what I call’d it) really better and more legal, than that of the
Baliol. Both had Reaſon to contend; but the Baliol was caſt by the
Judgment of thoſe whom all the World muſt allow not only to have
been competent Judges, but alſo to have known the then Conſtitu-
tion of the Kingdom, better than we cañ at this Diſtance of Time.
And if by ſubſequent Laws the Conſtitution was alter'd, as indeed
it was (for now a-days the Baliol's Right would be, in all Here-
ditary Monarchies, but France alone, where the Salique Law ob-
tains, unqueſtionable;) yet it does not from thence follow, that it
was ſuch in his own Time: But I ſhall ſuppoſe that it was even
then as good or better than that of the Bruce ; nay, I ſhall allow
King John Baliol to have been the undoubted lawful and hereditary
King of Scotland ; yet I ſay, and all the higheſt Flyers and greateſt
Abettors of Monarchical Principles in the World will own it, that
he ceas’d to be ſuch by that which alone can dethrone a ſovereign
Prince, the Surrender of his own Sovereignty. He was not depos’d
by his Subjects, nor was he compeld by them, or to abdicate, or
to fly for Sanctuary to a foreign Soil. He was vanquiſh'd by a
Foreigner, and to a Foreigner he baſely reſign'd his Perſon, his
u u uu u uu
Kinga
(a) Pryn ibid. (b) Holinſhed Hift, Scot, P. 299.
A
:)
630 The Life of Robert Bruce,
Book III.
Kingdom and Crown; yet was, tho in Chains, adher'd to, ac-
knowledg’d and fought for by his brave Subjects, who, being erro-
neoully Loyal, were willing to palliate his Weakneſs; and tho he
diſown'd them, yet would never abandon him, while they could
flatter themſelves, that he acted by Compulſion and Fear : But at
length, when they and their Allies had forc'd his Deliverance, when
they knew him to be at Liberty, and found, to their irretrievable.
Ruine, that he continu'd unwilling to reſume his Authority, 'twas
then evident that he would not be their King: And had there been
none of the Blood Royal extant, they might have fram’d themſelves
into any Form of Government, Monarchical, Hereditary, Elective,
or even Republican, they had a Mind to; for ſince in that Caſe none
could have pretended, they had thereby done Injuſtice to no Body.
But 'twas God's Will that there was a Pretender, and one who in
their Judgment had been wrong’d and illegally excluded from his
Right. He fet himfelf up, aflum'd the Royal Authority, and,
without ſo much as calling a Parliament, or asking the Conſent of
either People or Peers, by cauſing the Crown to be ſet upon his
Head, declar'd himſelf to be, what by his Birth-right and the Judge
ment given in Favour of his Grand-father he really was, King of
Scotland. 'Tis true, that two Years after the Ceremony of his co-
ronation was perform’d, viz. in Anno 1208, he held a Parliament
at St. Andrew's (a), in which his Title was recogniz'd by the Com-
munity, as it was the next Year 1309 by the Clergy in a National
Council at Dundee. And the Declaration of both is a full Proof of
what I have aſſerted; particularly, (6), “ That when the Con-
troverſy was firſt mov'd between the Lord John Baliol, ſometime
King of Scotland, de facto, and the Lord Robert Bruce Grand-fa-
“ther to King Robert, the faithful People of Scotland did firmly be-
“ lieve, as they had learn'd from their Anceſtors, that after the
« Deceaſe of King Alexander and his Grand-child the Daughter of
" the King of Norway, the Lord Robert Bruce had an undoubted
" Right to the Succeſſion ; but that Juſtice was then, at the Inſtiga-
« tion of the Devil, by various Means perverted, and the King-
" domn of Scotland betray'd by John Baliol, and enſlav'd by the King
" of England. Wherefore they, being unable to bear any longer the
« continual Calamities, which, by Reaſon of their Want of a Cap-
“ tain and faithful Leader, attended their Perſons and Goods, did,
to uſe their own Words, by the Favour of Heaven, agree and con-
"deſcend upon Robert Bru:e the preſent King, in whoſe Perſon the
« Rights of his Father and Grand-father, in the Judgment of the
" People, remain'd entire; and he was, by Reaſon of their being
contcious, (c) or aſcertain'd of his Right, with their Conſent de-
" clar'd, and by their Authority folemnly made King of the Scots :
"With whom all loyal People, add they, will live and die, as with
one who by the Right of Blood and his other eminent Vertues is
6 fit to Reign.
Theſe
(a) Anderſon's Effay p. 253, 254, & the Appendix to his Book N, 12. (b) See the Declaration it ſelf ibid,
66
(C
CC
66
(c) Ibid. de conſciencia & conſenſu.
1
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 631
ditary.
Theſe are, as Mr. Anderſon obſerves;very important and comprehen:
five Sentences, and evidently ſhew, what he takes 110 Notice of ;
That King Robert was made, that is, I take it, Acknowledgºd King by
the People, becauſe they were conſcious of his Birth-right; and of the
undoubted Hereditary Title he deriv'd from his Father and Grand-
father, the laſt of whom, in their Judgment,bught of Right to have
been prefer'd to John Baliol, who was King ſay they, but de facto ;
and who doubts, but in Caſes like this, the Community of the King-
doń, when deftitute of a lawful King, is the proper and only Judge ?
As for the Latin Words, Aſſumptus eſt in Regem, Regno præfectus,and
Rex effectus eſt, made uſe of in the Record they do not at all import
what Mr. Atwood (a) confidently aſſerts,and others inſinuate, That
King Robert was by the Authority of the People made or aſſum'd to be
Ring; conſequently, that the Scots Monarchy is not ſucceffive in the In vihar
Right of Proximity of Blood, but meerly ele&tive by the States; and Securs Monat
that by this Precedent any Perſon of the Royal Blood, tho in a re- chy was be
moter Degree, may be by them preferr'd to the Throne. Sir James ter K. Rebere
Dalryniple (b) has ſufficiently confuted that wilful Miſtake. I have Bruce Herė-
but juft now done the fame, only by tranſcribing what is exprelly
fet down in the Record, and joining together fome Expreffionis on
thers have on Purpofe divided ; tho,lhould I own that the People
of Scotland, when deſtitute of a King, (as they certainly were upon
the Baliot's Surrender of his own Rights and the Nation's Liberties)
did meerly upon the Score of Merit, by their own Authority elect
King Robert Brace; it would not from thence follow, either that
the Monarchy is elective, or that the States may by their own Au-
thortity prefer any of his Poſterity, tho in a remoter Degree to the
Throne, both by him and them entail'd upon the neareſt and imme-
diate Heir, but only, that, in caſe he or any of his Succeffors, Kings
of Scotland, ſhould, not only, as the Baliol did, Un-king themſelves
by refuſing to reign, but alſo by giving away the very Kingdom it
ſelf to an uſurping Foreigner, they may again ſet up whoever ſhall
be able and willing to make them, what they were before, indepen-
dent and free from all Bonds, but their Allegiance to himſelf and
the Heirs of his Entail. But this was not the Caſe of Robert Bruce :
He deſerv'd indeed to be King, tho he had not been born, what he
was by the Determination of his Predeceflors, lawful Kings of Scot-
land, and in the Judgment of his Subjects, the legal Heir. But not
to derogate from his Deſervings, all Man-kind as well as his own
Clergy and Nobility will ever extol, 'twas chiefly for this laſt Reaſon,
and becauſe Juſtice had been, at the Inſtigation of the Devil
, by various
Means perverted, and his father and Grand-father wrongfully depriv'd of
their Right , that he was acknowledg’d, or, if you will, folemnly
made King. So indeed does the Latin Record exprefs it. Perhaps
the then Clergy, unacquainted with the purer Latinity, could
not fall upon fitter Expreſfions : Perhaps they meant thereby to let
King Robert and his Pofterity know, what they afterwards in more
uuuuuuu 2
expreſs
(a) Preface to Sir Ja. Dalrymp. Collections, p. 29, 30, (€) Ibid,
T
632 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
expreſs Terms wrote to the Pope, That ſhould even King Robert him-
ſelf go about to ſubjeɛt them and the Kingdom, to the King and Kingdom of
England, they would expell him, as one who had ſubverted his own and
their Rights and in his Room ſet up another. But that they did not really
inean, that he was in a proper Senſe made or affum’d to be King by
their ſole Authority, but that by it he was (and very good Reaſon)
folemnly declar'd and own'd to be ſuch, is evident from the whole
Scope and Deſign, nay, from the plain and often repeated Words
of the ſame Record. Beſides, as I have already obſerv’d, had they
ſaid otherwiſe, they had been guilty of a notorious Lie : For, ſince
there was no Aſſembly of the People or Parliamentcall'd before, nor,
for ought I can ſee, for two Years after he took the Adminiſtration
of Affairs upon him and caus’d himſelf to be crown'd ; 'tis certain
that they neither did nor could make him King, in the Senſe of
theſe Authors; but that on the contrary, he made, or rather de-
clar'd himſelf to be, what he conceiv'd he was before, their lawful
Hereditary Sovereign; and then proceeded to make them, what they
then were not, a free and independent Nation. So that it cannot
poſſibly be ſuppos’d, that they did more than what was requir’d of
them, viz. That they would gratefully recognize his Title, and de-
clare to the World, that in their Judgment he had done nothing,
but what was in it ſelf, and by the Laws of the Land as underſtood
by them, legal, juſt and great, and that he reign'd by the prior
Right of his Father and Grand-father. This, tho it did not give, yet
confirm’d and ratified his Title; and both he and they acted conſe-
quentially, and upon the very fame Lay did the like Juſtice to his
Brother the Lord Edward.
That Prince, ſince the lawful Son of his Father, had, but for his
EdwardBruce being the ſecond Brother, as much Right to the Crown as King
Robert himſelf, nay, had he been a Woman, would have been pre-
prefer’d to fer'd to him : But King Robert was a Man, and the elder Brother,
before Mar. and reign’d accordingly. Upon his Deceaſe,who ought, conform tó
jer King the then Conſtitution, to ſucceed? No doubt the Children of the eldeſt
Daughter, Brother, it Males; if not, the ſecond Brother Prince Edward, be-
cauſe a Male, and as ſuch, preferable to any Woman whatever in
the ſame Degree and Relation to his Father. For this Reaſon 'twas,
that Robert Bruce the Competitor was, by King Alexander's Determi-
nation and the Peoples Judgment, preferable to Dervegild; and for
the ſame Reaſon did King Robert and the Parliament (a) he held at
Air, in the Year 1315, Declare, with expreſs Conſent of Marjory his
only Daughter, that if he ſhould have no Heirs Male of his own
Body, the Lord Edward Bruce his Brother-Germán, and the Heirs
Male of his Body, ſhould ſucceed him in the Throne. 'Tis true that
the Act it ſelf enlarges upon the great Worth and noble Atchiev-
ments perform'd in Defence of the Nation by the Lord Edward ;
and why ſhould not the Parliament put all the juft Value they could
upon the Succeſſor of their King : Indeed was at that Time
high-
(*) Estract. e Chien. Scot, Ford, H5, 12.42P. 24-
the Brother
of K. Robert
and for
whatReaſon
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 633
highly neceſſary, that a Man capable to perfect the great Work be-
gur by King Robert, ſhould in caſe of his Death, be ready to fup-
ply his Deficiency. Upon that Account, moſt Authors think, that,
contrary to the Rights of Hereditary Monarchy this Settlement was
made ; and that,for that Reaſon, the expreſs and willing Reſignation of
Princeſs Marjory was requir’d. It may be fo, for it cannot be doubted
but a Sovereign may reſign, if not for his Heirs at leaſt for himſelf :
Yet to me it ſeems probable, that in thoſe Days, the Uncle was
thought preferable to the Niece; the rather becauſe (if we may be-
lieve Boethius), (a) by the Law even of King Kenneth III. Females
ſeem to have been altogether excluded from the ſovereign Power,
tho their Male Children were not : And 'tis obſervable, that hitherto
none of the Female Sex but one, the late Queen Margaret, had ever
reign’d in Scotland ; and by ſeveral Records, I have elſewhere hinted
at, we find, that it was with no ſmall Difficulty, that her Title was
acquieſc'd in ; nor was it her Fate to get actual Poffefſion of the
Kingdom ; nay, upon her Arrival in Orkney, there were thoſe who
took up Arms,and 'twas fear’d with a Deſign to oppoſe her. From all
which 'tis plain, that the Scots a Martial and turbulent People, of
old accuſtom'd to poſtpone the immediate Heir of the Crown (tho
a Male, when by Reaſon of his Non-age incapable to govern them)
to his neareſt Kinſman, and who had never yet ſeen a Woman
fairly eſtabliſh'd upon the Throne, were ſtill of Opinion, and had
no expreſs Law to the contrary, That Men, if but nearly related to
the Royal Family, and of Age and Parts fit for Government, ought
to be prefer'd to Women, tho by one and perhaps ſeveral Degrees
But how ſoon the King, by the Death of the Lord Edward,
the only one in Being that could come in Competition with his
Daughter and her Heirs, acquir'd an uncontrovrted Power and
Freedom of ſettling a perpetual,and (as 'twas thought) immoveable
Standard or Rule for the Succeſſion; then it was that in a Parlia-
ment held at Scoon (b) in 1318 the Right of Succeſſion, failing Heirs
Male of his Body, was declar'd to be lodg’d in the Perſon of
Robert Stewart, his Grand-child, Son to his then deceas'd Daughter
Marjory Bruce, by her Husband Walter Lord Steward of Scotland. But
it pleas'd God, that the King had afterwards a Son by Elizabeth his
ſecond Wife, and therefore in 1328, another Parliament met at
Scoon (c) did Homage to the King's Son Prince David, whoſe unque-
ftionable Title to the Succeſſion they recogniz’d, and failing him,
that of Robert Stewart, who alſo failing, they enacted, that hence-
forth the Heirs Male, deſcending in a ſtraight Line from the King
laft deceas'd ſhould ſucceed ; or they failing the next Heirs Female
of the fame Line, who if they allp faild, the next Males of the Col-
lateral Line;and they failing, the next Females alſo of the Collateral
Line ; but always with Reſpect to the Propinquity of their Blood to
the King laſt deceas’d. By this Clauſe, I mean the Reſpect comman-
ded to be had to the King laſt deceas’d, the Law made by King
X X X X X X X
Kenneth
(1) Ia vit. Kenneth. III. lib. 11. (b) Extract. e Chron, Scor. ad Ann, 1318. (c) Ibid. ad Apn. 1328.
nearer.
634 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III
mon-wealth.
Kenneth Ill. was explain’d and enlarg’d ; confequently the Heredi-
tary Right of the Scots Monarchy, was, by a lawful King and a law-
ful Parliament, in order to prevent all after-Contentions of the like
Nature, and to the Prejudice of no Body then living, finally regula-
ted and ſetti'd on the fame Foundation with all other Hereditary
Monarchies in Europe. This was indeed a Piece of Innovation, in
Appearance contrary to thoſe Rights by which the Bruce was declar'd
preferable to the Baliol
, and the Lord Edward to Princeſs Marjory:
But it was an Innovation no antecedent Pretender could quarrel :
And, provided that the King and Parliament do not overturn or make
void Rights and Liberties previouſly acquir’d, and by their lawful
Predeceſſors ſuſtain'd, I do not ſee what 'tis they may not do: I
dare ſay, were all the Male Branches of the Houſe of Bourbon quite
extinguiſh'd, the French might lawfully either cancel their Salick
Law, and prefer a Female and her Heirs, whether Male or Female,
to the Throne,or if Monarchy were become diftaftful among them, (as
notwithſtanding the Weight of Arbitrary Power, under which they're
fuppos’d to groan, I believe it is not) turn themſelves into a Com-
King Robert did not only ſettle the Hereditary Rights of the Scots
Monarchy,after the ſame Manner that he found them eſtabliſh'd in
Firſt Inſti- England and elſewhere : He alſo in ſome Meaſure new-modeld the
Government after the Form of that not very long ago introduc'd a-
en frie et mong his Neighbours : For, as in France (á), Germany (b), England,
bc. To in Scotland, the People, properly ſo call’d, I mean, the Com-
mons or Burgeſſes had no Share in the Government or Adminiſtra-
tion of Affairs of State. This I have already taken Notice of more
than once, and 'tis evident from the numerous Records or Deeds
publiſh'd by Mr. Rymer, and frequently cited by me, in which we
frequently find the Subſcriptions of the Prelates, Earls, Officers of
State, and ſome few Barons, acting in Name of the whole Commu-
nity of the Kingdom, but never any mention of a Burgeſs or any o-
ther who was not unqueſtionably a Clergy-man or a Baron and Free-
holder; but much more from all the known Laws of all the Kings
of Scotlandfrom David I. down to David II.Theſe Laws,together with
thoſe of King Malcolm II, have been diligently collected and prin-
ted by the learn’d and accurate Sir John Skeen, (c) ; and tho we
ſometimes ſee, that the different Kings who made them, acted with
Advice and Conſent of their Nobles,as well Church-men as others,in
Name of the Community of the Kingdom ; yet, till the Competition
for the Crown, we no where find ſo much as the Word Parliament,nor
any
Mention made of the People but once ; and even there we ought
to read (d) Laici in ſtead of Populi
, which only in ſome Copies is
join'd to Cleri : But by what Means the Word Parliament was intro-
duc'd,during the Uſurpation of the Engliſh, as alſo for what Realon
ſome
tution of
Parliaments
ftatcsi
Ca L'Eſtat des Affaires de France par Bernard de Girard imprim. a Paris, ann. 1613. feuillet, 200, 201.
(b) Hern: an. Conring. Exercit.de Repub. Imper, German. p. 81,84. ubi probat ne urbem quidem ullam a Ger.
manis habitacim ante A. D.1000.(c) Edit, Edinb, 1609.(d) Reg. Majeſt, edit, ubi fup, fub initio,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 635
6
fome Burgeſſes were at the ſame Time brought into it, I have al-
ready related. King Robert found it his Intereit
, and perhaps
thought it that of the Kingdom, to follow the faſhionable Practice,
and therefore not only ſufferd the Barons and Clergy, when allem-
bled together, to call themſelves a Parliament, and
to act in Name
of the People, but alſo, as Philip the Fair had lately done in France,
(a) and the Kings of England ſometime before, (at what Time, and
on what Occaſion I have already told) he ſummon’d the People, pro-
perly ſo calld, I mean ſome Burgeſſes to the Parliament, and there-
fore was the firſt to whom we ow that ſo much admir'd Conftituti-
on of the Three Eſtates.
That this is true appears from an Indenture drawn up (1) be.
tween him and the Earls, Barons, Freeholders and Communities of
Burghs, Anno 1326, in a Parliament holden at Cambuſkenneth, by
which, upon ſeveral Confiderations therein narrated, the King ob-
tain'd a Grant, during his Life, of the tenth Penny of all the Farms
and Revenues belonging to the Laity of the Kingdom, both within
and without the Burghs. The Burgeſſes then ſat in this Parliament,
and ſince they parted with a Share of their Property, 'twas but rea-
ſonable they themſelves ſhould conſider how much they could
ſpare: But whether they came as yet to be a part of the Le-
giſlature of the Nation, and were permitted to Vote in any
thing elſe beſides their own private Concerns, I know not. All
the Laws of King Robert run in the ſame Strain with thoſe of his
Predeceffors, that is, they are ſaid to be made (c) with Common
Advice and Conſent of the Biſhops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and
other Noblemen, and baill Community of the Realm : But, as no menti-
on is made of any Burgeſs, or Burghs, either as Adviſing or Confen-
ting, ſo I do not find, in any Authentick Record or Law anterior to
his Son King David II. that there was ſuch a thing as the Three Eſtates
known or mention’d in Scotland. Till, about this Time, our Sove-
reigns, content with the ancient Demeſnes of the Crown, had e-
nough of their own to ſupport their Grandeur and Dignity in Time
of Peace; and when Wars broke out, the Subjects were by Law
oblig'd to ſerve at their own Charges, their Lands being by King
Malcolm II. given to them upon that expreſs Condition. But the
late Wars about the Competition of the Crown, had been more
than ordinary expenſive (d), and to reward the Loyal, and fix the
Indifferent in their Duty, the King had been oblig'd to alienate the
Royal Revenues, inſomuch that he was thereby impoveriſhd; yet
loath to burden the People, as he expreſſes himſelf, without their
own Confent, he choſe to do as his Neighbours, call them frequent-
ly together in Order to obtain Subfidies, and in Requital to
admit them into that Share of the Government the Britiſh
Parliaments have ſince ſo much improv'd. A happy Gonſe-
quence, when thoſe Aſſemblies (than which the Sun lees nothing
X X X X X X X 2
r
.
.
more
(a) Eſtat des Affaires de France, Feuillet. 206. (6) See the Original in Bibl. Jurid, Edinb: () Vid. Lrogen
Rob.l. (d) See the Indenture above cited.
036 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
more Auguſt or Wife) free from Factions, Ambition and Cove-
touſneſs, are only intent upon advancing the publick Welfare, lay
aſide their private Views, keep within Bounds, and take ſo much
Care of the Country as to give Caſar his Due: When, on the con-
trary, they ſplit in Parties, or unite, but in Order to incroach upon,
or depreſs (what they ought by all Means to ſupport,) the Preroga
tive Royal, nothing more pernicious to thoſe very Liberties and
Rights of the People they pretend to ſet up for, yet never fail when
prevalent to over-turn. But if theſe neceſſary Alienations of the
Crown Lands gave Riſe to an after-Advantage, 'tis certain that
they occafion’d a preſent Miſchief : It was this.
The King, fenfible of his own Poverty, and therefore deſirous to
re-annex to the Crown, ſuch Lands as were poſſeſs’d by Intruders,
at a Time when by. Means of a Truce he had Leiſure to advert to
the Management of Affairs within the Kingdom, appointed a Parli-
ment to meet at Perth (a), and requir’d the Barons to produce their
Charters. 'Twas more than moſt of them could do ; for which
Reaſon, after long Deliberation upon the Matter, they reſolv'd to
draw their Swords all at once, and did it accordingly, declaring that
theſe were their Evidences; and that they held in their Hands
what
gave them Right to their Eſtates. The King was ftruck with A-
mazement, but wiſely diſſembled his Anger, yet not ſo cloſely but
that the Authors of this raſh and illegal Action perceiv'd it ; and
to prevent Puniſhment, did yet worſe; they enter'd into a Conſpi-
racy againſt both King and Country, and took Meaſures for re-de-
livering Berwick, and ſuch other places as they had Command of,
A Confpi- to the common Enemy. But, by good Luck, a Villain in the Habit
of a Pilgrim was apprehended, and in his Staff ſuch Papers were found,
as made a compleat Diſcovery of the Plot. To be ſhort, the Con-
ſpirators were with great Diligence arreſted, and, in a Parliament
holden at Perth in the Year 1320, afterwards call’d the Black Parli-
Parliamentament, condemn’d to Death. A great many ſuffer’d; among whom
were eminent, David Brechin, ſo callid by Buchanan, by others, Aber-
nethy, tho a Sifter's Son of the King, and a Youth, for his admir'd
Gallantry, by every Body regrated"; the Counteſs of Strathern, Sir
William Soules, the Governor of Berwick, Gilbert Malyerd, Richard
Brown, John Logie, &c. had the fame Fate, or were confin'd to per-
petual Impriſonment. By this exemplary Execution of landed
Men, as alſo by the Forfeiture of the Cumines and others in the Ene-
my's Service, the Crown might have been enrich'd, and the Sub-
jets no ways impoveriſh'd: Had the King thought fit to make the
forefeited Lands a Part of his own Demeſnes, and by Act of Par-
liament to declare them, as in Juſtice he might have done, unalie- .
nable, he had kept in his own Hands a laſting Security againſt the
Deſigns of his Foes, and an inexhauſtible Fund for rewarding his
Friends. But he follow'd the Maximes of the Sovereigns his Pre-
deceffors and Neighbours, that is, he gave away and (which was
moſt
(«) Holinſhed p, 322. Buchan. Booth. in vit. Regis,
racy dete-
cted,
J
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 637
moſt plainly impolitick) in Perpetuity too, not only the Eſtates of
Rébels and Traitors, but alſo a great many of the Crown Lands, to
Men indeed very deſerving, but who could by no Means be Gura-
rantees for their Children, yet the Poſterity of moſt of his Favou,
rites have in all Ages fince evinc'd, that,
Fortes creantur fortibus,
Nec imbellem feroces
Progenerant aquila celuimbaire.
i
:
werc.
ر
The chief of them, next to Edward King of Ireland his Brother,
Walter Lord High Steward his Son-in-Law, Thomas Randolph Earl King Roa
of Murray, his Nephew, Sir Alexander Seton, alſo his Nephew and beris falter
principal Secretary, and the ever illuſtrious and renown'd Sir James who tkey.
Douglas, whoſe Lives; becauſe of the ſuperlative Heroicilín of
of their Minds and Actions, I ſhall write, God willing, at Length :
The next 1 lay to thefe, by Records as well as Hittory, ſeem to
have been, the Biſhops of St. Andrew's
, Glaſgow, and Dønkeld, Sir Neil
Campbel of Lochow, Sir Andrew Murray, Sir Alexander Fraſer; all
three Brothers-in-Law to the King, Sir Gilbert Hay, Sir Robert
Keith, Sir Robert Ogilvy, Sir William Erskine, Sir Andrew Gray, Sir
Adam Gordon, Neil Fleeming, William Sinclair, Robert Boyd, &c, all
great Perſonages, and the glorious Anceſtors of many, in all Re-
ſpects, as great as themſelves; but of theſe afterwards. Neverthe-
leſs
, by Reaſon of the Singularity of the Thing, and to thew the
Character of thatAge, I cannot forbear taking Notice in this place,
of an Agreement enter'd into by three of the above-mention’d Wor-
thies, Sir Alexander Seton, Sir Gilbert Hay and Sir Neil Campbe!
• They met on the gth of September 1308, the 3d Year of King
66 Robert's Reign, when he was very far from being fix'd on the
66 Throne, at the Monaſtery of Cambuskennerh, and there, laying
" their Hands on the Altar, and touching the confecrated Sacra-
ment, in their Opinion the Body and Blood of Chriſt, folemnly
6. ſwore, that till the laſt Period of their Lives, they would defend
“ the Liberties of their Country, and the Right of Robert Bruce,
es lately crown'd King, againft all Mortals, French, Englijh and
" Scots.” This done, they drew up a Paper (a), to the ſame Pur-
poſe, which, together with their Seals appended to it, is yet to be
feen. - Another brave Man I ought not, ſince I have a very good
Voucher (b) omit to mention; was Sir William Sinclair of Hermon-
ſton, (whoſe Family, by the by; is upon Record (c) as old as the
Year 1162) he behav'd fo very well at the Battle of Benrocki
burn, that the King was afterwards pleas'd to Compliment him
with a Sword, on the broad Side of which theſe Words were
engravid Le Roy me donne, St. Clair me porte. 'Tis a pity
ſuch a noble Monument of Vertue ſhould have been loft, as
they ſay it was not above 60 Years ago. What likewiſe added
Y yyyyyy
(a) Penes Joan. Com. de Mar. (b) Matth. Sinclair de Hermöndlton M. D. () Penes eundem.
66
2
to
638 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III.
Lind,
to the Glories of this Reign, was, fay moſt Scots Authors, the Tranſ-
Hamiltons plantation of the Hamilions from England to Scotland. A young
their Trarl. Nobleman, ſay they, at the Court of King Edward II. chanc'd to talk
from Eng with Honour and Reſpect of the good Fortune and great Merit of the
Land to Scor. King of Scots. This one of the Spencers (as moſt Favourites of Prin-
ces) beyond Meaſure inſolent, could not bear: He drew his Dagger,
and with it gave a ſlight Wound to the braver Youth, who by the
Company and good Manners was oblig'd to put up the preſent
Affront; but the next Day kill'd him, and; to avoid Puniſhment,
fled to Scotland, where King Robert, fatisfied of his noble Birth and
great Worth, and therefore deſirous to make Amends for the Wealth,
he had upon his Account forfeited at Home, gave him the Lands of
Kadion, or Barony of Hamilton in Scotland: And from him are de-
ſcended that glorious Race of Patriots ſo nearly allied to the
Crown, and ſo deſervedly Honourd and Reſpected by the Country.
This may be true: For 'tis certain, that at that Time the Hamiltons
were great in England, one of the Name having in the laſt Reign
(a) been Lord High Chancellor of the Kingdom; but 'tis as
true, that there were of the fame Sirname in Scotland before ; Wit.
neſs the Ragman Roll (6), where Walter Fitz-Gilbert de Hamilton, is
found among the reſt of the Scots Barons who ſubmitted to King Ed-
ward I. in the Year 1296. and I am told by that worthy Gentle-
man and judicious Antiquary William Hamilton of Wiſhaw, that the
fame Name may be trac'd much farther back; ſo that it ſeems to
remain a Doubt, whether we ow the firſt Riſe of the Hamiltons to
England, or England to us. And,
Now'I have related the material Atchievements, politick Tran-
factions, and moſt remarkable Occurrences of this glorious Reign,
'tis Time to draw it to a Cloſe. King Robert was born (C) on the
i Ith of July 1274; by conſequence he was at the Concluſion of the
Peace 54 Years old, and had reign d 23: Worn out with con-
A. D. 1329. ftant Toil and great Infirmity, he could not expect to live long;
and therefore, turning over the Management of all Affairs to the
undoubted Fidelity, Vigilance and Wiſdom of the Earl of Murray
and Sir James Douglas, he made it his only Buſineſs to die well
.
The unjuft Sentence of Excommunication pronounc'd by the miſ-
inform’d and prejudic'd Pope, John XXII. againſt him, did not at
all trouble his Conſcience; yet to remove the Scandal, thereby accaſi-
ond, he renew'd his Applications to the See of Rome, and humbly
intreated that he might be reconcild to the holy Father, who,
now he ſaw that even England it ſelf had own'd his Title, and, in
the moſt authentick Manner imaginable, acknowledg’d the Injuries
done him, was ſenſible (tho, to ſay the Truth, too late) of his
own Obſtinacy, and did all he could to make Amends for it. Wit-
neſs his Bull ftill extant (d), which he ſent to him, allowing him-
felf and his lawful Succeffors Kings of Scotland, to be Anointed and
Crown'd, as the Faſhion then was, by the Biſhop of Glafgow, in
caſe
(u) fæder. Angl. & Pryn ad Aan. 1296. (6) Ibid. () Extract. e Chron. Scot. (d) In Biblioth. Jurid, Edinb,
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 639
caſe the Biſhop of St. Andrews (who, ſays the Bull, had till then a-
lone the Right of giving the Royal Enfigns, I think he means of
anointing ; for the Earls of Fife were wont to ſet the Crown on the
Heads of former Kings)could not,or would not perform that Ceremo-
ny:
.The devout Monarch (for he was now ſincerely fo)paſs’d the Time
in his ſolitary Retirement, the Caſtle of Cardroſs, while his Envoys
were compleating at Avignon, what alone ſeem'd wanting to
compleat his Defires. Another great Work he earneſtly deſir’d to
fet about; was the Reduction of the Holy Land from the Yoke of In-
fidels : a) He had long ago taken the Croſs upon him for that Pur-
poſe; and had the Kings of England,his Co-temporaries,who did the
fame, been as heartily earneſt upon the Matter as he, their uni-
ted Forces had probably effected the glorious Deſign. But what he
could not himſelf do, he recommended to Sir James Douglas, whom he
intruſted with his Heart, deſiring him to carry it to, and interr it
near the Sepulchre of our Lord and Saviour at Jeruſalem. A noble
Employment,that brave Commander thought himſelf very much
honour'd by, and by all Means oblig'd to diſcharge. To Thomas
Randolph Earl of Murray(than whom he could not pitch upon a fitter
Man) he left the Guardianſhip of his only Son and Heir Prince Da-
wid, who, tho married, as I have already related, was as yet but a
Child not fully eight Years of Age. He had had him by his fe-
cond Wife Elizabeth (b), the Daughter of Henry de Burgh Earl of Vl-
fter ſeven Years after the Releaſement of that vertuous Lady from
her long Captivity. As for his Daughter Marjory whom he had The Of
by his firſt Wife Iſabel the Siſter of Garthenay Earl of Mar; ſhe fporing of K.
died fome Years before, and had been follow'd hy her Husband
Walter Lord high Steward of Scotland; but in Favour of their Son
Robert, he confirm'd by his Will what he had before declar'd by
Act of Parliament ; I mean he appointed him, in caſe Prince Da-
vid fhould have no Heirs of his Body, to ſucceed, as he afterwards His laſt will
did, to the Crown. Then calling his faſteſt Friends and Miniſters and dying
of State together, he exhorted them to Unity among themſelves and
Loyalty towards their Sovereign, aſſuring them that
by theſe Means
they would be ever invincible. And, among many fage and politick
Inftructions touching the Government of the Kingdom, he recommen-
ded particularly, Firſt, that when they ſhould again chance to have
Wars with England, (for, it feems, he foreſaw what foon fell out that
King Edward III. would keep the late Peace no longer than he
ſhould have an Opportunity of breaking it) they would avoid ſet
Battles,and never hazard their All upon the Fortune of one Field, but
keep off the ſuperior Enemy by frequent Skirmiſhes, brisk On-ſets,
ſudden Incurſions, Gr. Next, that they would not henceforth
make any lafting Peace, nor any Truce longer than three or four
Years with England ; á Sign that he himſelfdid not make the late
perpetual Peace, but becauſe it was abſolutely neceſſary, in Order
to obtain a fair and authentick Acknowledgment of the Kingdom's
Y yy yyyy 2
Inde-
(A) Buchan, fub fin, vit. Reg. (6) Extract. e Chron. Scot,
+
640 The Life of Robert Bruce, Book III,
1
His Charan
Eter,
Independency, and his own Title to it; And alſo, That they would,
be always mindful when there appear’d the leaſt Shew of any War
intended from England, then to be moſt wary and circumſpect
, left
their 'Enemies ſhould find them unprepar’d for Refiftance. Laſtly,
That one Man ſhould never be intruſted with the Governinent of
all the Weſtern Illes. The Reaſons he gave for theſe wholſom Ad-
vices are obvious to every Body, and to be found in moft Author's
that have written upon the Subject. He ſurviv'd not long after he had
in this Manner prepard himſelf for Death, but was cut off by a Le-
His Death. proſy (in thoſe Days a very ordinary and ſtubborn Diſeaſe) on the
7th of June 1329, after an active and triumphant Reign of thirty
two Years, two Months and eleven Days.
Heroick Vertue is a fene ſcay quoy,ſo rare and ſo fine,that it cannot
be defin’d by Words, and but with Difficulty comprehended by
Thought : It may be ſaid to ariſe, ſays Sir William Temple, from
ſome great and native Excellency of Temper or Genius tranſcen-
ding the common Race of Mankind , in Wiſdom, Goodneſs and
Fortitude. Theſe Ingredients, adds he, advantag'd by Birth, im-
prov'd by Education, and affifted by Fortune, ſeem to make that
noble Compoſition, which gave ſuch a Luſtre to thoſe who have pof-
felt it, as made them appear to common Eyes, ſomething more than
Mortals,and to have been born of ſome Mixture betwixt Divine and
Humané Race. He afterwards gives us its diſtinguiſhing Chara,
éter, and ſays, that it ſeems to be in ſhort, the deſerving well of
Man-kind; adding, that where this is Chief in Deſign and great in
Succeſs, the Pretence to a Heroe lyes very fair. If fo, I dare ſay,
that none of theſe Worthies, whether Ancient or Modern, Sir Wil
liam has rank'd in the glorious Liſt
, deſerve that Appellation better
than King Robert Bruce. Had I a Pen like his,I would in this Place
take a Survey of all thoſe he has mention’d in his excellent Eſſay u-
pon Heroick Vertue ; and, after having compar'd all the Circum-
Itances of Time, Place, and Action, leave it to the Reader to judge,
whether any, even of the fabulous Ages, can in Reaſon be thought to
have out-ſhin'd King Robert by any one Ray of real Excellency.
That that of his Genius or Temper was native, and therefore grew
up to ſuch a Height; that it was ennobl’d by Birth, (He was born to
a Throne)cultivated by Education, (he witneſs’d the moſt memorable
Actions of the greateſt King and the greateſt Chiftain in the World,
Edward I. of England, and Sir William Wallace) and by Fortune af-
fifted and preſery'd to Maturity, muſt be own'd by every Body.
And if to free one's native Country from Uſurpation, Slavery and
Perjury, be to deſerve well of Mankind, ſure he had alſo that di-
ftinguiſhing Character of a Heroe, which, in Sir William Temple's
Opinion, was wanting both to Alexander and Céſar. His Atchieve-
ments, if rightly confider’d, were in the Deſign, Execution and Event
as great as theirs, or as any the Sun did ever behold ; but, ſays Bu-
chanan, altho he was, after Fortune had been ſatiated or rather wea-
tied with the Miſchiefs ſhe did him, by a perpetual Courſe of Vi-
Stories
Book III. The Ninty Eight King of Scotland. 042
Etories (He was worſted thirteen Times, and fifty ſeven Times
came off with Conqueſt) extremely ennobl’d; yet he was by far more
wonderful in Adverſity. Whoſe Spirit liad not been broken by ſuch and
ſo many Calamities as at once aſſaulted him? Whoſe Con-
ſtancy had not been ſhaken by the very Thoughts of thoſe real Evils
he overcame? His Wife, his only Daughter and two of his Siſters
were captivated ; three of his Brothers, all young Men of admirable
Beauty and moſt ſhining Valour, were executed upon a Scaffold ;
the only one remaining, when aſſur’d of a Throne, was kill'd in Bat-
tle : His Faſteſt Friends and deareſt Kinſmen were all put to cruel
Deaths or baniſh’d, and forfeited: He himſelf, was not only depriv'd
of hisown Paternal Eſtate, but alſo of his Hereditary Crown;and in-
ftead of living in the Splendor ofa Campor Court,conftraind to lerk in
dark Caves and hidden Recelles, where even the Means of Subliſterice
and Neceſſaries of Life were wanting : Yet all this while he never
ceasd to hope, never entertain'd ſo much as a doubtful Thought,
or of his own Reſtoration, or of that of the Liberties of his King
dom; neither did he ever do or ſay ought unbecoming the Soul
ofa King. In this more Heroick by far than thoſe celebrated
Romans, who, as Cato and Brutus, unable to bear the Weight of lef-
fer Misfortunes than his, cut themſelves off ; or, as Marius, exar-
perated by Ami&tion,grew favage and fierce. King Robert Bruce on the
contrary, was generous even to his Enemies and when a Conqueror
merciful. To be ſhort (for I haſten to an End, and am ſatisfied
that I have not a Genius capable to ſet that of this Monarchin its true
Light: He was in an eminent Degree;)Maſter of all the Qualities botń
native and acquired,that enter into the Compoſition of a Heroe; and
had few or none of theſe Blemiſhes that have made others, like him,
Prodigies of Valoùr and Fortune, to fail of the Attribute or Ho
nour. 'Tis true, he has been blam’d by the S:085, for changing Sides,
while yet in a private State, and fometimes fighting againft them
in Conjunction with the King of England; and by the Engliſh, for break
ing of Truces and killing the Cumine : Nay,there have been fome ló
unjuſt as to ſuſpect, that
by him Sir John Menteith was ſet on to be-
tray Sir William Wallace. I do not indeed think, that all the Actions
of his Life were ſquar'd by the Goſpel Rule , but as I have alrea-
dy ſhew'd, if not the Legality and Juſtice, at leaſt the Neceſſity he
lay under of ſhifting Sides, and making away with his perfidious
Rival ; ſó I am not bound to believe, upon the bậre Aſſertion of his
Enemies, that he incroach'd upon the Faith of Treaties, much leſs
that he was inſtrumental in the Death of Sir William Wallace. If
Hiſtóry may be credited, Sir William Wallace was no Enemy to his
Title, at leaſt he expreſs'd himſelf otherwiſe after the Battle of Fal.
kirk; and 'tis certain that his own Brother, and moſt if not all those
Loyaliſts who fought under his Conduct for the Baliol, very readily
join’d the Bruce,how ſoon he aſſerted his own Right and their Libera
ties : But the Bruce when King, receiv'd Sir John Menteith into Fa-
vour : 'Tis true, for I find, that he or one of his Name, afiliſted at
ZZ ZZZZZ
his
i
1
1
THE
...
masowe
IN DE X!
...
1
A
613.
St. Andrew, his Relicks brought to Scotland, p. 84
A.
Patron of Scotland, p. 85. Commencement of
the Order of St. Andrew, ibid,
Anguſianus King of Scots, p. 26.
Bernethies, p. 479, 583, 591, Arthur King of
Britain vanquiſhech the Saxons, po
Acbaius, p. 107. Comes to the Crown,
P. 109.* Settles Peace among his Athelftane King of England, p. 139. Deſtroys the
74. Is kill'd, P: 75:
Subjects, ibid. Is threatn’d with a Danes, p. 142. Defeats the Scots, P. 147
War from Ireland, Ibid. Grants Peace Auchenleck (Alexander) p. 529,
to the Iriſh, p. 110. Enters into a perpetual
League with France, Ibid. His Death, p. 121.
Adam Biſhop of Caithneſs murder'd, p. 436.
B.
Agricola invades Scotland, p.21,-47. Defeats the
Scots and Pids, p. 53: His Speech, p. 51. Re-
Aliol. V.
B В
Zobn.
Aidan King of Scotland, p. 98. convey'd to Ire-
Bancho Thane kill
land in his Infancy, p. 100. Made Co-partner
by Mackbeth, p. 345.
in the Government by Kinnatellus, Ibid. Suc- Barclay(Sir Fergus)p.529.Sir David, p. 571,576
ceeds bim, p. 101. Reforms Abuſes, p: 102: Battle of Loncarty, p. 179. Aberlimno, p. 208.
Makes War upon the Piats, p. 103. defcats Crudạne, p. 209. Largis, p. 316. 322. 450.
them, Ibid. Makes Peace Ibid. Makes War u.
Clitberton, p. 384. Standard, p. 387. Dunbar,
pon theSaxons and Piats,Ibid.Loſſes a Battle,p. p. 493. Stirling,p.530. Black Iron-ſide, p. 537
104. Invades Northumberland and gains a com Falkirk, p. 504, 539. Rollino, p. 553. Methwen,
pleat Victory, Ibid. Is again defeated, p. 105. p. 575. Inverury, p.585. Bannockburn, p. 595.
and dies, Ibid.
Dundalk, p. 608. Mitton, p. 609. Byland, p.
Alan Lord of Galloway makes War upon the
Kings of Man and the Iſles, p. 319.
Biffet (Fobn) ſuſpected of burning Patrick Earl of
Alexander I. King of Scotland, p. 237. his great Athole's Houſe, is obligd to fly with thoſe of
Courage, Ibid.
his Name to Ireland, p: 438.
Alexander II. King of Scotland, p. 305. His Life, Biffet (Arthur) p. 529.
P.407. He joins the Barons of England againſt Blair (Sir Brice) p. 325.
King Fobn, p. 408. Invades England, p.409. Bois (Alexander) Lord Urquhart, p.516:(Thomas),
Marches with his Army to London.p.411. Goes P. 553.
to France, p. 412. Excommunicated by the Boyd's, their Origine, p. 447.
Pope, p. 413.
Makes Peace with Henry III. Boyd (Robert) P: 526,571,637
p. 415. Marries, P. 416. Quarrels with Hen. Britain invaded by Cajar, p. 18. The South Part
ry, p. 417. Agrees with him, p. 419. Secures of it ſubdu'd, and made a Province by Claim
the Independency of the Church, p. 423. Al dius, p. 20: The Britains revolt, and are overa
Gfts St. Lepis in the Holy War, 440. Endea thrown by Suetonius, ibid.
vours the Recovery of the Weſtern Iſles, Ibid. Britains ſubdu'd by the Scots and Pias, p.66. Their
Alexander III. King of Scotland, p. 311. Makes King Conſtantine,p 68. Vortigern,p.7 1 Vortimer,
War upon the Norvegians, p. 320. Subdues the ibid. Aurelius, P.72. Uiher,p.7 3. Arthur, p. 74.
Kings of Man and the lifes, p. 324. Makes Bruce (Robert) Lord of Annandale his Competiti-
Peace with Magnus King of Norway, Ibid. on with Baljolap.47 3. His Genealogy, p.556.
Great Friendſhip between him and Henry III: Bruce (Robert) Earl of Carrick, P.563. His Death,
of England, p. 325. Aſſiſts him againſt the
Rebels, p. 330. Akits St. Lewis againſt the In- | Bruce (Robert) Son to the Earl of Carrick,King of
fidels, P, 332. and a ſecond Time, p. 335. Scotland. V. Robert:
Aflits Edward I. againſt the Welſh, p. 338. Bruce (Edward) Brother to King Robert, gains a
Alfred King of England, p. 138.
Victory, p. 586. Beſieges Stirling-Caſtle, p:
Alpine King of Scots claims the Kingdom of the 593. Is made King of Ireland, p. 691. Pré-
Picts, p. 85. Defeats them and kills their King, fer'd to the Crown before King Roberts Daugh-
p. 86. Is defeated and kill'd by them, p. 87, ter, p. 932, Killạ in the Battle of Dundalk, p.
Amberkeleth King of the Scots kill'd, p. 78.
Аааааааа
p. 566.
ord
608.,
ter
.-
The IN DE X.
King Gregory, p. 167. and Kenneth III. p. 180.
and Malcolm II. p. 204. By Bancho and Mac-
beth. p. 341.
C.
Dordanu's a Guardian King. p. 47.
David I. King of Scotland, p. 238. his Life p.
Æfar invades Britain, p. 18. His Succeſs
376. Owns Matilda the Empreſs againſt King
not ſo great, as was given out, ibid. The
Stephen, p. 380. Invades England, p. 382.
Scots and Piats join the South Britains to oppoſe Knights Henry II. p. 395. His Laws, p. 397.
him. ibid.
His great Juſtice and Charity, p. 398. His
Campbel (Sir Neil) p.571,576, 577,579,588, Liberality to the Church condemn'd' and vin-
601,631.
dicated, p. 399: His Progeny, p. 404. His
Camus, a Daniſh General kill'd by Keith. p. 207. pious Death and Character. p. 405.
Canute acknowledg’d King of England, p. 156, David Earl of Huntington goes to the holy Land,
did not conquer Scotland. p. 159.
p. 280. Ptolemais taken by his good Conduct,
Cara&tacus, prov'd to have been King of Scotland,
p. 285. Returns Home. p. 288.
p. 39. His Birth, p. 41. He ſuppreſſes a Re-David II. marries Jean the King of England's Si-
bellion, p. 42. Makes War upon the Romans,
ſter. p. 625.
ibid. Loſes the Battle, p. 43. Betray'd, ibid. Donald V. King of Scotland defcats the Pikts; p.
Led in triumph to Rome, p. 44. Freed from 130. Is made Priſoner by them and the Sat-
Captivity, and returns to Scotland, ibid. ons, ibid. His Death. p. 131.
The fatal Marble Chair brought from Argyle to Donald VI. King of Scotland. p. 140.
Scoon, p. 125. Carried to Weſtminſter p. 625. Donald Bane an Uſurper. p. 231.
Chariemaigr, p. 80. made Emperor, reduces the Douglas (Sir William) p. 465,564.
Saxons in Germany, p. 82. Makes a League Douglas (Sir James) takes Roxburgh, P. 592, Vid.
with the Scots p. II.
p.571,580, 495,598, 600, 608,612, 618,
Charters (Thomas) P: 569;
621.637. Defeats the Engliſh on the Borders
Cbeyne (Reginald) p. 583.
thrice. p. 603:
Claudiu the Emperor, and Plautius the Prætor, Drummond (Fobn) p. 498.
invade Britain, p. 19.
Duff King of Scotland, p. 147, 148.
Cleland (Fohn) P: 529.
Dunbar Earl of March, p. 46%, 484, 583, 593)
Columba brings Aidan out of Ireland, p. 100, Con-
598.
ſecrates him King. p. 101.
Duncan I. King of Scotland, p. 162. Murtherd by.
Competitors for the Crown of Scotland. p.463. Macbeth, ibid.
Congallus an excellent King p. 100.
Duncan II. an Uſurper. p. 232.
Conſtantine II. King of Scots, p. 136. Attack'd by Dundas (Hugh) p. 529.
the Danes, ibid. Defeats them, p. 137. Loſes
a Battle and flain. ibid.
Conſtantine III. King of Scots p. 141. Turns a
E.
Monk. p. 144.
Conſtantine IV. an Uſurper, p. 152, 197.
call'd or. Galga Dgar Etheling
the Iſle , ibid. In
lifted by .
danger of being murther'd by Dardanus, whom
protected by him, p: 355.
he puts to Death, p.47. Makes good Laws | Edgar King of Scotland reſtord, p. 234.
ibid. Oppoſes Agricola, p. 48. Defeates a Ro- Edward the Elder King of England, p. 139.
man Legion, ibid. His excellent Speech, ibid. Edward the Confeffor, p. 161.
Is defeated p.53. Retrieves his Loffes. p. 45. Edward I. how firk concern'd in the Affairs of
Crawford (Sir Raynold) 2.523,525.
Scotland, p. 458. Agreement betwixt him and
Cruſades or Holy War, a ſhort Account of it. p. the King of Norway, p.458.Made Arbitrator in
269.
the Competition about the Crown of Scotland,
Culen King of Scotland. p. 148.
p.464. Claims the Superiority of it, p. 465.
Cumberland the Title of the Prince of Scotland. p. Gets himſelf acknowledgʻd Superior, p. 469.
141.
Gets poffeffion, p. 470. Carries off the Scots
Cumines their Riſe, p. 3840
Records, p. 470. And old Monuments, p.
Cumine (Folin) Earl of Buchan, defeats Gillespy 496. Takes Berwick, p.492. and Dumbar, p.
a Rebel. p. 435
493. Conquers all Scotland, p. 496. Again
Cumine (Sir John) of Badenack Guardian of Scot invades it, p.507. and again, p. 512. and a-
land, p. 504, 537, 538. Sir John his Son be gain, p. 516. Makes great Preparations 2-
trays King Robert, P: 568. Is kill'd by him. p. gainit King Robert Bruce, p. 574. His Death
569.
Curry (Adam) p.529.
Edward II. of England invades Scotland, p. 582.
and again p. 589. and a 3d time, p. 590. and
2 4th, p. 593.Defeated at Bannockburn,p.598.
D.
Endeavours to gain over foreign Princes to his
Intereſt, p.607.Beſieges Berwick in vain,p.6087
Invades Scotland, p. 612: Is defeated at Byland,
D Ꭰ
Anes invade Britain, P. 133. Repuls’d by p. 613. His fatal End. p. 617.
Egbert, p. 134. Slay in Battle Kings of Edward III. raifes a great Army againſt the Scots,
brecht and Ella, p: 135: Attack Conſtantine p. 619. Is very near kill'd' or taken Priſoner
King of Scots, p. 136. Make great Devadati. by Sir James Douglas, p. 621. Concludes a
ons in Scotland, p. 136. Lors a Battle, p. Peace with King Robert, p. 623. Gives up all
137. Gain another, ibid. Worſted by Ethus Pretenſions to the Superiority over Scotland, P:
p. 138. Make a Deſcent on the North of 624.
Scotland, and are defeated by King Indulph, p. Ethus King of Scotland, p. 137. defeated and
147. and by Malcolm II. p. 152. They in killd by King Gregory. p. 138.
vade England and have Tribute paid them, p. Erskine (Sir William) p. 637.
153. Are maſſacred, p. 154. Arc defeated bylEvenus, a wicked King, p. 41. Murtherd, p. 42.
Eugens
p
1
P. 581.
Teen
The
I N D E X.
:
:
P. 78.
1
D
n
Eugene I. kill'd, p. 27.
Hardecanute King of England, p. 160.
Eugene II. makes War upon the Britains, p. 65: Halibarton (Sir William) p.571. Henry, p. 583.
Conquers and makesthem Tributaries, p. 66. Hay, his glorious Action, p. 180. Founder of
Eugene III. ſuſpected of the Murther of his Pre the Family of Errol, ibid.
deceffor, p. 99:
Hay (Sir William) P. 498. Sir Gilbert, p. 571
Eugenie V. defeats Egfrid Kirig of Northumberland, 577.637. Sir Hugh, ibid. p. 576.
Heth King of Scotland, p. 166.
Edgene VII. makes Peace with the Pitts, p. 79. Henry Prince of Scotland, his Death, p. 402.
Brought into Judgment by his Nobles,p. 79. Holy War. V. Cruſades.
Reſents the Indignity, p. 82. Is appeas’d by
Adamannus,ibid.
Eugene VIII a vitious King, murther'd by his
I.
Subjects. ibid.
I Ndulph King of Scotland, p. 146. Affifts the
F.
Engliſ, ibid. Defeats the Danes, but is kill'd
by them, p. 147.
Ireland never invaded by the Romans, p.gi.
Erchard II. a wicked King, p. 77. dies pe- Fohn Baliol nam'd King of Scotland, p. 465. Does
. , -do
Fergus I. p. 16. Heads the Scots , p. 29. By what gy, p. 477. Abus'd by King Edward, p. 478.
Means he came to be King, p. 30. How far lais Makes a League with Philip of France, p.486.
Prerogative did extend, p. 34. Overthrows Quarrels with Edward, p. 488. War between
the Britains, p. 29. Goes to Ireland, pi 38. Is them, p.489. Renounces his Fealtý, p. 492,
loſt at Sea, ibid.
Surrenders himſelf, p.495.
Fergus II. by the Invitation of a few Piets lands
in Scotland. p. 63. 93. Attacks the Britains,
p. 63. Goes with Alarick King of the Goths
K.
to Italy,p.92.Enters into a League with Diones
tbus King of the Britains, p. 93. Over-runs
Britain, P 94. His Piety, ibid. Is kill'd, p.97. ( K Eithkills
. Camus,p.207. Anceſtor to the Ear!
Wife, p. 108, who allo ſtabs herſelf, p. 109. Keith CRóbert) P:520.583.601.616.637.
Dr. Kennedy confuted, p. 3:91....
Fetbelmacbus murder'd, p. 26,
Kenneth II. King of Scots, his Life, p. 122. His
Fleeming (Robert) p. 569. Sir Netl, p. 637.
Victories and Conqueſts over the Piats, p.
Forbeles, their Origine, p. 516.
Frafer (Sir Simoni his Life, 552Sir Alexander, p.
123. His Laws, p. 124. His Piety, p. 126.
Kenneth III. King of Scotland, p. 150, 151, 1520
571.576,637.
The Beginning of the French Monarchy, p. 61.
His Life, P. 175. He compels the Nobles to
their Duty, p. 176. Is atrack d by the Danes,
p. 179. Regulates the Succèſtion, p. 191, Poi-
fons the Prince of Cumberland, p. 193. Is murs
der'd by Fenele, p. 194.
Kenneth, natural :
,
Defëárs and kills Conftantino II. p. 198.
, p267
Kinnatellus made King, p. 100. Makes Aidan his
Goranus King of Scotland, p. 73. Murther'd, p. Co-partner in the Government,
ibid.
98.
Gordon (Adam) p.520. 583. 591.593. 610.
637.
L.
Greme, Governor of Scotland, p. 65.
Graban Sir Fobn) of Abercorn, his Life, p. 65:
Grabam (Patrick) p. 484. David, p. 498.517: L Ander (Robert ) p. 529.
583.
League between Scotland and France, p. 84:
Grant (Fobn) p. 498.
ITO. Prov'd to have been made by Achaius
Gray (Sir Andrew) p. 637.
and Carlemaign, p. 111. Articles of it, p. 116.
Lollius Urbicus beats the Scots and Piets, p. 221
Gregory King of Scotland, p. 138. His Life, p.
Builds a Wall between Forth and Clyde, ibid.
165. Defeats the Pi&ts, p. 167. and Danes, ibid.
Conquers Northumberland, p. 168. Forces the Lindſay (Alexander)p 517. 565. (Sir James) pi
Britains to Peace, Pi 168. Kills their King in 569.
Battle, ibid. Subdues Cumberland and Weſtmor- Longeville ( Thomas de) p. 542.
land, ibid. Makes a League with Alfred King
of England, ibid. Makes War upon Ireland, p.
170. Takes Dublin, p. 171. Maſters the
M.
Kingdom, p. 172. Takes the Guardianſhip of
its King, ibid. Dies. 173.
Grim, King of Scotland an Ulurper, p. 152, 198. M 4ckbeth ufurps the Throne, p. 343. Kilis
Bancho, 350.
Macdougal (Lord Alexander) p.585.
Macduff Earl of Fife, a great loftrument of Mal:
H.
colm IH.'s Reſtoration, p. 346. Priviledges of
his Family, p. 363.
Aro King of Norway, his Expedition, p. Macduff Earl of Fife complains of King John to
,
320.
King Edward, p. 47.9.
Hadrian comes into Britain, p. 22. His Wall,ibid. Mackenzies, their Origine, p. 317.
Haliday (Thomas) p.529.
Malcolm I. Prince of Cumberland, p. 141. Invades
Hamiltons, their Tranſplantation from England to England,and defeated,p. 143,fucceeds Conſtan-
Scotland, p. 638.
Аааааааа2
tine
G.
S
>
}
2
The INDE X.
tine III. p. 144. Makes a League with the Eng 124. They endeavour a Reftoration, p. 129.
Obtain Adiſtance from the Saxons, p. 130. Are
lifh. p. 146.
defeated by King Donald V. ibid. Are ne-
Malcolm II. p. 1521 His Life, p. 196. War be-
twixt him and Conſtantine II. p. 197: then with glected by the Saxons, ibid. Male-treated by
them and the Britains, p. 133. Encourage the
Grim, p. 200. Makes Peace with him, ibid.
The War is rencw'd,p. 202. Malcolm crown'd, Danes and Norvegians to invade the Iland, p.
p. 203. Defeats the Danes, p. 204. Diſtributes 133.
his Lands to his Nobles, p. 217. Is murther'd.
p. 219.
R.
Malcolm III. p. 162. Aſſiſts Edgar Etheling, p.
228. His Life, p. 339. He retires to Eng-
R
land, p. 344. Is reſtord, p. 351. Offers to
Agmans Roll. p. 496,627.
Ramſay (Sir Edmund) p. 498.
fight a Traitor, p. 352. Invades Northumber-
land, p. 354. Protects Edgar Etheling, p. 356. Randolph (Thomas), Earl of Murray takes the Ca-
Atle of Edinburgh, 593, Vid. p. 571, 584,
Marries his Siſter, ibid. Welcomes the English
595, 596, 597, 016, 620, 637. His Con-
Refugees, p. 357. Oppoſes William the Con.
ference with the Pope. p.615.
queror, p: 358. Makes Peace with him, P. Regiam Majeftatem, the old Laws of Scotland ſo
359. Reforms Manners, p. 366. Makes War
Calld, not borrow'd from the Engliſh. p. 397.
upon William Rufus, p. 368. Is kill'd, p. 370: Robert Bruce King of Scotland, p. 521. His Life,
His Character. p. 371.
p.558. His Genealogy, p. 559. Joins Sir Wil.
Malcolm IV. King of Scotland, p. 247, Ill usd
liam Wallace, p. 563, Makes Peace with King
by Henry II. of England. p. 250.
Edward I. p. 565. Becomes jealous of the De-
Mar (Donald Earl of) p. 484.
ſigns of Wallace, ibid. Revolts from King Ed-
St. Margaret married to Malcolm Canmore, p. 355.
ward, and is made one of the Guardians, p.
Her Vertues, p. 367. and Death. p. 371.
566. Is again reconcild to King Edward, ibid.
Margaret Grand-child to Alexander III. Queen of
Énters into a ſecret Treaty with Sir John C4-
Scotland, p. 455. Guardians during her ab-
mine, p. 367. Is betray'd by him, p. 568. E-
fence and Minority, p. 456. Marriage agreed ſcapes and kills Sir John, p. 569. Is crown'd
on betwixt her and Edward of Caernarvon, p.
King, p. 573. Is oppos'd by a great Army of
459. Diſagrecable to a great Party in Scotland,
Scots, p. 574. Worſted at Methwen, p. 575.
p.461. Her Death, p. 463:
Flyes to the Highlands, p. 576. Beats the
Matilda Daughter to King Malcolm, p. 239. mar-
Lord Percy, p. 577. Is oblig'd to abſcond, ibid.
ried to Henry I. of England. p. 374.
His Relations imprison's or executed, p. 578.
Maul (Thomas) Governor of the Caſtle of Bre-
He ſurpriſes the Engliſh at Arran, p. 579. De-
chin, his brave Defence. p.516.
feats two Engliſh Generals, p.581. Subdues
Maximus Governor of South Britain, p. 26. Al-
Galloway, p. 582. And the North of Scotland,
fifts the Picts againſt the Scots. ibid.
p.584. Gains the Battle of Inverury, p. 585;
Menteith (Sir John) betray's Wallace. p. 5433
Makes an Expedition into England, p.590. And
Montgomery (Sir Neil) p. 525.
another, p.592: And a 3d, p. 593. Gains the.'
Mowbray (John) p.520, 583, 5857
Battle of Bannockburn, p. 599. Again invades.
Murray(Sir Andrew)p.526,527,513,532,533,637.
England, p. 601. Joins his Brother in Ireland, p.
Murray (William) of Tullibarden, p. 484, 498.
602. His Difcourſe to the Pope's Meſſengers,
(Adam) p. 616.
p. 605. Makes a Truce for two Years, p.609.
And another foc 13 Years, p. 614. Renews
the League with France, p. 616. Concludes a
final Peace with Edward III. p. 623. His Title
to the Crown better than that of John Baliol,
N
Ewbigging (Walter) p. 529.
p. 627. Detects a Conſpiracy againſt him, p.
Norvegians invade Scotland, p. 315.
636. Settles the Succeſſion, p. 633. His
Of-ſpring, P: 639. His laſt Will and dy
0.
ing Adyice, ibid. His Death and Character,
O
Gilvies their firſt Riſe, p. 266.
Romachus an Uſurper kill'd, p. 252
Ogilvy (Sir Robert) p. 637.
Roman Provinces over-run by Barbarous Na-
Oliphant (David) reſcues King David I. p. 394 tions, p. 56. A ſhort Account of the Wars
(Sir William) his great Bravery, p. 508, 518, and Revolutions thereby occaſion'd, p. 57,
498.
58, 59, 60. The Romans leave Britain. p. 64.
Oftorius fent into Britain, p. 20: His Succeſs and Ros (William de) à Competitor for the Crown of
Death. ibid.
Scotland, p. 463.
Rofs (William) p. 583. Sir Walter. p.598.
P.
S:
Arliaments, their firſt Inſtitution, p. 635.
P
The Black Parliament. p. 636.
Axons invited into Britain, p. 69. Repel the
Pials, their Origine uncertain, p. 14. Make War Scots, ibid. Turn their Arms againſt the.
upon the Scots, p. 25. Their King kill'd in Britains, p.71. are beaten by Aurelius, p. 72.
Battle, p. 26. Subdu'd by Stilicho, p. 63. Vanquiſh'd by Other Pendragon, p. 73. Again
Their King Lothus lays Claim to the Crown prevail, p.76. Introduce Barbarity into South
of Britain, p. 73. In conjunction with the Britain, ibid.
Scots defeat the Britains, p. 75. Divide from Scot (Sir Michael) p. 463.
the Scots, p. 76. Hungus their King defeats the Scotland, its Origine, p.2.Antiquity,p.3. ItsMonar-
King of the Web-saxons, p. 84. His Vifion, chy never elective,p. 17,184,455,631. Long.
ibid. His Death, p. 85. The Pictifs Kingdom Peace in it, P.77.Its Independency in Church,
claim'd by the King of Scots, ibid. Several p. 423. In State, p. 145, 149,234, 293, 313
Victories obtain'd over them, p. 89. Their 337, 360. Its Right of Succeflion, p. 183.
Kingdom conquer'd by the Scots, p. 89, 123, Its Kings of old Tole Proprietars of all the
Lands,
N.
, p
p. 640.
.
S
1
1
7.
The
I N D E X.
with Athelftane King of the Welt Saxons, and V ortigern King of South-Britain, worſted by
P. 69.
Lands, p. 211. The Church of Scotland never Bravely defends the Town of Berwick, p. 608.
without Biſhops, p. 429
Succeſſion irregular, the Cauſe of ſo many of the
Scots ſettled in Britain before the Year 340, p. ancient Kings of Scotland being cut off by cheir
25. Quarrels with the Pitts about a Hunting-
Subjects, p. 17.
Dog, ibid. Vanquilh'd and baniſh’d out of the Sueno King of Denmark invades England, p. 155.
Iland, p. 27. How long, uncertain, p. 90. Conquers it, p. 156. Invades Scotland, p. 349.
Their Manners before the Foundation of the
Monarchy, p. 29. The Cauſes of their being
reſtor'd,p. 55. Attempt their Reſtoration,p.62.
V.
91. Learning and Piery reſtor'd in South Bri-
tain by them, p.76. Scots and Picts make War
Ortigern -
defeat him, p. 84. Are defeated by the sa-
the Scots, invites the Saxons to his Aflistance,
xons, p. 130. Make Peace with them, ibid.
Not conquer'd by King Athelſtane, p. 140. Veſpaſian, his Succeſs in Britain, p. 20.
Are however defeated by him, p. 143. Lore
Cumberland and Weſtmorland, p. 144. Are re-
poſſeſs’d of them, ibid. Scots Guards, when firſt
W.
employ'd at the Court of France, p.334. Their
Conftitution and Priviledges, ibid. The Man-
Alace
.
his Life p. 522. He heads the Scots a.
365. Scots make great Havock in England, p.
gainſt King Edward 1.525. Is made Guardian,
602, 608, 609, 612, 618. Letter of the Scots
P: 528. His great Exploits, p. 529. Drives all
Barons to the Pope,p.610. ThəFrugality of the
the Engliſh out of Scotland, p. 531. Diſciplines
Scots in Time of War,p.622.
the whole Nation, p. 533. Invades England,
Scrimgeors, their Original, p. 238. Scrimgeor ( A-
ibid. Meets the Engliſh Army at Stanmore, P.
Lexander) p. 529.
535. Is envy'd by the Nobility, p. 536.
Seton (Sir Chriſtopher, p. 571, 578.Sir Alexander)
Gains the Battle of Stirling, p. 530. And Black
p. 602.637.
Iron fide, p.537. His Interview with King Ro-
Severus comes into Britain, p. 23. Repairs Hadri-
bert, p. 540. Lays down his Commiſſion of
ans Wall, p. 24.
Guardian, p. 541. Is betray'd, p. 543. and,
Sinclair (Sir William) p. 484.637.: Henry, p.583.
executed, p. 544.
Sinclair (Wil.) Biſhop of Dunkeld defeats the
Weems, their Origine,p.363.
Fngliſh, p. 603.
Weems Sir David) p. 463.
Sirnames firſt introduc'd into Scotland, p. 364.
William King of Scotland, p. 252. Enters into a
Solvathius a good King, p. 109.
League with the King of France, p. 254. In-
Somervail (Fohn) p.571,576.
vades England, p, 256. Is made Priſoners, pi
Stirling (John'p.484.
257. Subjects his Crown to that of Eng-
Stuarts, their Origine, p. 345. 363. 444.
and, p. 259. Freed from that Obligaci-
Stuart (Alexander his Life, p.443. His Conduct
on by Richard I. p. 267. Oppoſes Fobni of
at the Battle of Largis, 450.
England,p.285. Viſits King Richard, p. 290.
Stuart (Alexander) his Bravery, p. 316.
Deinands the Northern Counties, p. 291.And
Stuart(James) One of the Guardians of the King-
again, p. 295.Raiſes an Army againſtK.John,
dom p.456. ſent to France, p. 514. Excepted
p.296. Makes Peace,p.297. His Death, p.3043
from King Edward's Peace, p. 517. V. P: 565: William Duke of Normandy conquers England, p.
Stuart (Waltor) Steward of Scotland, P.596,606.
225. Invades Scotland, p. 357.
F I N I S.
E R R Α Τ Α.
HE Computacion of the Years in p. s. and 27. is quite wrong; for the Eclipſe of the Scottiſh
Monarchy under Eugene I. was effected ( according to Boethius, Lely, &c. whom I follow).
about the Year 378, and not in 359, as is expreſs’d, 6. 37. So that the Difference iş about 19.
Years.
P.7.1.7 After it, add partly.p. 17.1. 9. after and r. the next, p. 51,1. 3. dele fierce.p. 57. 1. 20
great r. greater. p.71.1. 24. Mirth r. Match. p. 76.1. 14. continu'd r. canton'd. p. 119.1.'8. Obli-
gation r. Obſervation.p. 118.1. 26, interrupted r, uninterrupted. p. 119.1.4.Univerſity Univerſe..
P.135.1.27. Chriſtianity r. Chaſtity. p. 261. l. 19. Value F, Maul. p. 288.6. 34. that r, it. p. 32.
1. 26. did r. offer'd co.p. 375.6. 24. with r. withour,
.
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