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SOME ACCOUNT
OF THE
STATE OF SLAVERY
AT
MAURITIUS.
—sº-
S 5: G O N ID | D: D O Na
SOME ACCOUNT
OF THE STATE OF
SLAVERY AT MAURITIUS,
THE BRITISH OCCUPATION,
IN 1810;
IN REFUTATION
OF
ANONY MOUS CHARGES
PROMUL.GATED AGAINST
GOVERNMENT AND THAT COLONY.
BY
CHARLES TELFAIR, ESQ.
—w-
LONDON :
J AM E S R IDG WAY, 169, PI C C A DILL Y.
MDCCCXXX,
/.4
LONDON :
PRINTED BY T. BRETTELL, RUPERT STREET, HAY MARKET.
s
{
ſ
To HIs Excel, LENCY,
LIEUTENANT - G E N E R A L,
T H E H O N O U R A B L E
SIR CHARLES COLVILLE, G.C.B.
GOVERNOR,
AND
COMMANDER-IN_CHIEF,
OF
MAURITIUS AND DEPENDENCIES,
CAPTAIN-GENERAL, WICE-ADMIRAL,
&c. &c. &c.
SIR,
I beg leave to inscribe to Your Excellency
the following sheets, exposing the errors, anony-
mously promulgated, regarding the Slaves of Mau-
ritius; and showing the various measures long since
vi
adopted for bettering their condition, which are pro-
ceeding in an accelerated rate, by the consistent
series of wise and unremitting efforts in progress for
their improvement and that of the colony, now under
your Excellency’s Governmen.
I have the honour to be, with the greatest
respect,
SIR,
Your Excellency's
Most humble and obedient Servant,
CHARLES TELFAIR.
Port-Louis, Mauritius,
January 15, 1830.
CONTENTS.
—º-
PREFACE.
TH E Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter . .
Charges against the Mauritius . . . . . . .
Their Improbability . . . . . . . . . .
Wide dissemination of the said Periodical .
Attacks upon the Author . . . . . . .
Injurious effects of these Attacks . . . . . . . .
The Author's efforts to improve the Gondition of the Slave
Dénunciation of him as a Monster of Cruelty
He is forced upon Self-Defence
Attestations respecting his Character
Sketch of his public Life
Extraordinary discrepancy between the Opinions of the
Colonists and the Charges of the Anti-Slavery Reporter
The Reporter's Object unveiled
Justice of the British Government to Mauritius.
The Author's practical Plan . . . . . .
Its advantageous Results
Appendix contains important Matter
Relative Duties of Master and servant . .
Views regarding Colonial Policy tº e º 'º º- © c.
Obligations of the Colony to its regularly-appointed Go-
Vel'Ilol'S - - - - - - - - - - - - - " " -
Efforts of the Ladies of these Governors for the Improve-
ment of the Lower Classes . . . . . .
Page
iii
iv.
ib.
ib.
vi
ib.
viii
ib.
ib.
x
ib.
xi
xii
ib.
XV
ib,
ANONYMOUS CHARGES.
Page
The Anonymous Charges of the Reporter, arranged in a
Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I
Charge 1. Huts . . . . . . . . . . . . . ib.
2. Clothing . . . . . . . . . . . . ib.
3. Beds . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
4. Food . . . . . . . . . . . . . ib.
5. Labour . . . . . . . . . . . . . ib.
6. Punishments . . . . . . . . . . . 3
7. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
8. General Education, Morality, and Religion . ib.
Alleged Cases of Cruelty . . . . . . . . . . ib.
Awful general Charges against Mauritius . . . . . 8.
Supposed progress of Population in Mauritius . . . . ib.
Imaginary dreadful Mortality in Mauritius . . . . . 9.
at Belombre . . . . . 10
Unwarranted comparison of the Author with the most
depraved Murderers . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Importation of Blacks at Mauritius . . . . . . . 12
Population of Mauritius . . . . . . . . . . . 13
REFUTATION OF ANONYMOUS CHARGES.
Allegations of the Anti-Slavery Reporter . . . . . . 15
State of the Mauritius at the Conquest . . . . . . 16
Aspersions against the Author . . . . . . . . . ib.
Mauritius protected by Government . . . . . . . 17
Defeats of the Author's Assailants before the Select Com-
mittee of the House of Commons . . . . . . . 18
Institution of two separate Inquiries in Mauritius . . . 19
Flagitious Perjuries
Investigation at Mauritius by His Majesty's Commissioners
of Inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Unjust estimation of the Planter's Character
Appeal to Facts and Records . . . . . . . .
Mass of Evidence in possession of the Author
Progress of Mauritius since 1810
Author's Object in purchasing Belombre .
Planting and Management of Sugar Cane . . . . .
Detail of a Planter's Life in Mauritius
Task-Work .
. Negro Juries tº
Rewards and Punishments
Charge 1. Huts . . . . .
2. Clothing
3. Beds
4. Food . . .
5. Labour
6. Punishments .
7. Marriage G - © tº e º 'º
8. General Education, Morality, and Religion
Refutation of supposed Cases of Cruelty at Belombre
False Data, adopted by the Reporter, regarding the Pro-
gress of Population in Mauritius e
APPENDIX.
Q .
1. Proclamation in the name of His Majesty
2. Letter from Colonel Drummond, acting Lieutenant-
Governor of Bourbon, to Mr. Telfair . . . .
3. Extract from “Book of Government Orders”
Page
20
ib.
22
23
ib.
ib.
24
26
28
29
30
ib.
ib.
32
33
36
40
45
54
58
66
73
84
85
ib.
10
No. Page
4. Instruction from His Excellency Governor Farquhar
to Colonel John Picton, commanding the Forces
at Bourbon . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
5. Letter from Mr. Telfair to the Rev. G. Burder, -
one of the Secretaries to the Missionary Society,
London . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
5* Extract of an Address to His Royal Highness, the -
Prince Regent . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
6. Extract of a Dispatch addressed to Earl Bathurst -
by Lieut. Gen. Sir G. L. Cole . 90
7. Extract of a Letter to Mr. Stephen, from Judge Smith,
in reply to Mr. Stephen's Letter . . . . . . 91
. Letter to T. F. Buxton, M. P.; from C. Telfair, Esq. ib.
. Extracts from the “Instructions and Notes for the
Management of Belombre” . . . . . . . . 92
;
10. Notes extracted from the “Belombre Instructions
Book,” on the Treatment of Blacks, 1817 . . . 94
11. Statement of the Mapagement at Belombre, in 1819,
contained in a Letter to Dr. James M*Donnell,
Belfast; from Mr. Telfair . . . . . . . .
12. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to His Majesty's
Commissioners of Inquiry . . . . . . . . 101
13. Extract of a Letter to His Honour, George Smith,
Esq., Grand Judge, and Commissary of Justice, from
Charles Telfair, Esq. . * * * * * * *
14. Accounts for Bedding, Clothes, &c. &c., for the Blacks
of Belombre, in June, July, and August, 1819 . . 104
15. Directions for the Preparation of Food, for the Blacks
at Belombre, 1817 . . . . . . . . . . 111
16. Extract from the “Instruction Book for Belombre,”
1817; or, a List of Messes for the Blacks . , 113
17. Directions respecting Food . . . . . . . . . 114
18. Extract from the “Instruction' Book of Belombre,” -
1817; or, a List of Articles to be cultivated, and
used in the Kitchen of the Slaves . . . . . . . . 115
98
103
n \\
No.
19.
20.
21.
22.
30.
31.
32.
33.
* 34.
35.
Articles bought for Belombre . . . . .
Extract from the Book of Disbursements on account
of the Estate of Belombre . . . . . . .
Directions regarding the Duties of the Surgeon
attached to Belombre . . . . . . . .
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair, on the History
and Progress of the Epidemic Cholera that prevailed
in Mauritius in the years 1819 and 1820
. On the Management of Cattle .
. On feeding of Stock . © &
. On Drill Husbandry . . . . . . .
. Utility of the Plough on a Sugar Plantation
. Belombre Cane Plantation, by the Plough
. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to Doctor
Wallick, Director of the Botanic Garden, Calcutta
. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to Gerard
Wellesley, Esq., British Resident at the Court of
Holcar . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to Mr. Lemar-
chand, at Tycandé, Island of Java . e e e
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to Mr.
M’Carthy, Paymaster-General, Cape of Good Hope
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to Messrs.
Mathison, Johnston, and Co. Merchants, London .
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to William
Pitt, Esq., Master-Attendant of His Majesty's
Dock Yard, Trincomalee . . . .
Extract of a Letter relative to the Blacks captured in
the Succes, to H. Davis, Esq., Collector of Customs
Petition of Charles Telfair, Esq., Joint Proprietor of
Belombre Estate, at Mauritius, to Major-General
Darling, administering the Government of Mauri-
tius and Dependencies
35* Extract of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to His Ma-
jesty's Commissioners of Inquiry .
133
I 34.
135
ib.
I 37
138.
I 2
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
Letter from Mr. Telfair to His Majesty's Commis-
sioners of Inquiry . . . . . . . . . . .
Extracts of a Letter from Mr. Telfair to His Ma-
jesty's Commissioners of Inquiry . . . . . .
Letter from Mrs. A. Berry to Mrs. Admiral Cham-
berlayne . . . . is tº
Extract from the Report of the Directors to the
Twenty-Sixth General Meeting of the Missionary
Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Extract from the Quarterly Chronicle of the Mis-
sionary Society . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Extracts from the Report of the Directors to the
Twenty-Seventh General Meeting of the Missionary
Society . . . . . . & -
. Extracts from the Report of the Directors of the Mis-
sionary Society . . . . . . . . . . .
Extract from the Thirtieth Report of the Direc-
tors to the General Meeting of the Missionary
Society . -
Extract from an Official Report of the Rev. R. E.
Jones, Chief Military Chaplain of Mauritius,
and Second Civil Chaplain of Port-Louis, ad-
dressed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and
York . e tº e º 'º e º º ºs e a
Extract of a Letter from the Missionary Society to
Mr. Telfair . e
Extract of a Letter from the Missionary Society to
Mr. Telfair . • * * * * * * e s s
Certificate of Mr. Warwick, formerly Civil Engineer
at Belombre tº º º e e * *
Extract of a Letter from Colonel Draper, Collector
of Customs, to Mr. Telfair . . . . . . . .
Copy of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Capt. Mackay,
of His Majesty's 82nd Regiment . . . .
Declaration of Mr. Forster, Manager of Beau Manguier
163
ib.
166
ib.
168
169
. . 170
171
173
174
I3
No.
51.
53.
Copy of a Letter addressed to Mr. Telfair by Colonel
Staveley, Deputy Quarter-Master General
. Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair from the Rev. A.
Denny, First Civil Chaplain, Mauritius, accompanied
by some Documents . . . . . . . . . .
Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Colonel Cun-
ningham, Commander of the Royal Engineers
53*. Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Quarter-
54.
56.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
-66.
Master Kyle, of His Majesty's 82nd Regiment .
Extracts from a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Mr. Le
Brun, Missionary .
º
5. Extract of a Letter from Captain Mackay, to Mr.
Telfair tº e o e º sº e º 'º º
Extract from a Declaration of M. Boutin, formerly
employed at Belombre . . . . -
. Extracts from the Declaration of William Wilberforce t
Hulm, Superintendent of the Boat Establishment at
Port-Louis tº e º e º e e a e e
Extract from a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from J. Laing,
Esq., Collector of Internal Revenues .
Declaration of Henry Chaloupe & Cº e
Declaration of Richard Lambert, Catechist and Chief
Gardener, at Reduit & © tº e º e Q
Declaration of N. J. Kelsey, Esq., Auditor-General
Certificate from A. Ambrose, Esq., respecting the
Tonnage of the Sainte Ampoule e Q & e
Extract of a Letter from T. S. Kelsey, Esq., ad-
dressed to a Friend . . . . . .
Extracts from a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from B. Lesage,
Esq. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Extraits d'une Notice Historique et Statistique sur
l’Etablissement de Belombre, tirés d'un Travail
ébauché sur l'Ile Maurice, par M. le Docteur
Desnoyers & 0 & © tº tº e o 'º e - ©
Letter to Mr. Telfair from M. W. Clark, late Colour-
Serjeant .
Page
178
179
I 82
ib.
184
186
187
I 90
194
195
198
20I
203
ib.
208.
I4.
No.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
so
81.
Extract of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from ——- Remono,
Esq., Solicitor . . . . . . . . . . . .
Extracts of a Letter from Captain Davis, of His
Majesty's 82nd Regiment, to Mr. Telfair
Extract from a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Mr.
Pugin .
Extracts from a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from J. H.
Vaughan, Esq., Secretary to the Chief Judge
Extracts of a Letter from J. Alexander, Esq., Chief
of the Ordnance Department . . . . . .
Extracts of a Letter from Patrick Salter, Esq.,
Acting Registrar of Slaves º º tº º e
Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from G. A.
Wantzloeben . • * *, * * * * * *
Extract of a Letter from Lieutenant Martindale to
Mr. Telfair . . . . . . .
Extract of a Letter from Robert Mac Farlane, Esq.,
to Mr.Telfair . e tº e º e º 'º e
Declaration of Jean Louis Tutour, Commander of the
Belombre Boats
Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from Lieutenant
B. Stehelin . . . . . . . . . tº º º
Declaration of Virieux, Esq., Vice-President of
the Court of Appeal, and Ancien Procureur-du-Roi
Extracts of a Letter from Hyacinthe Portalis, Esq.,
Substitut du Procureur-du-Roi . . . . . . .
Extracts of a Letter from J. Coudray, Esq., Rector of
the Royal College . . . . . . . - -
Extract of a Declaration made by Mr. Vincent
Geoffroy, lately Commandant of the Savanne, Civil
Commissary, Commissary of Police, Deputy Re-
gistrar, Deputy Guardian and Deputy Protector of
Slaves . . . . . . .
82. Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from H. Adam,
Esq., formerly Head Manager of Belombre, and
now Merchant .
228
229
230
231
233
ib.
I5
No. Page
83. Extracts of a Letter to Mr. Telfair, from W. J.
Saunders, Esq., of the Firm Saunders and Wiehe 237
84. Extracts from a Statement of M. G. Déroullède,
Proctor in the Court of Admiralty º gº º
85. Certificate from A. Shanks, M.D., Acting Chief of
the Civil Medical Department . . . . . . . 239
86. Extract from the Statistical Account of Mauritius,
by the Baron D'Umienville, Colonial Archivist;
containing the numerical Amount of Slaves, from
1767 till 1825 . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
87. Return of Sugar, the product of Mauritius, ex-
238
ported each Year, since the Capture of this Island
by the British Government . . . . . . . . 243
ADDENDA TO SECOND EDITION,
Containing additional proof of the judicious and kind treatment
nihich the Slaves on Mr. Charles Telfair's Estate have inva-
riably experienced.
Extracts of Letters from the late A. Dick, Esq. to a
Friend in Scotland . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Copy of a Letter to Capt. J. Chamberlayne, R. N., from
Capt. Begbie, of His Majesty's 82nd Regiment . . . 246
Copy of a Letter to Capt. J. Chamberlayne, R. N., from
Capt. Foreman of His Majesty's 56th Regiment . . . .247
PREFA C E.
About three months ago a few numbers of a periodical,
called the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, reached Mau-
ritius, which were put into my hands because they con-
tained severe reflections on my conduct and character. I
glanced only at a part of these animadversions, because it
appeared to me, that the charges adduced by the anony-
mous writer bore on their front the strongest internal evi-
dence, not only of their improbability, but of their utter
impossibility; and, because it struck me that no person,
who did not receive the tales of Baron Munchausen as incon-
trovertible truths, could give the least faith to what the Anti-
Slavery Monthly Reporter calls “irrefragable proofs” of
deeds infinitely more wonderful than those of that distin-
guished personage. The readers of the said publication
are called on to believe, that, in the presence of British
Governors—of numerous officers of the civil administra-
tion—of the judicial authorities—of the commanders of
the forces and of regiments—of a body of merchants—
of a British naval squadron—of the captains of hundreds
of ships from all nations—and, in an island not larger
than the Isle of Wight—that sixty-five thousand black
human beings have been put to death by a hundred holders
of sugar estates” in six years; not by the comparatively
lenient processes of shooting, hanging, and beheading, but
by the lingering tortures of flogging, peppering and pickling
* This was about the number of Sugar Planters who possessed estates
of moderate value, in Mauritius, at the time.
B
o
ii
the wounds of the whip, &c. Nay, the Reporter seriously
states, that these various modes of punishment and death
formed the regular rural occupation of the Planters, on the
morning of every successive Sunday. The above account
gives, on an average, 250 executions per day, or above one
death every minute, from eight o'clock in the morning till
noon. This is awful work; and, if the reader inquires its
cause, the answer is ready, viz.: “ for repressing the crimes
which resulted from the starvation system” of the above-
mentioned hundred proprietors; who, being the owners of
the victims, of course paid, at the average price of those
victims, about 25,000l. a-week for glutting their new-
fangled and horrid passions, and for the purpose of putting
a much larger sum into their pockets. But it is not stated
from what source this sum is to be drawn.
To refute such extraordinary assertions is almost an affront
to the understanding. Even another word respecting them,
under this general form, would give them unmerited im-
portance. In another part of this exposure, however, where
they assume a more tangible form, by references to alleged
documents, they are refuted one by one, and, I trust, in the
clearest manner. . . .
After demonstrating, in his peculiar manner, the diminu-
tion of 65,000 of the population of Mauritius, the Reporter
finds it necessary to account for the same number actually
being in existence. To him, this is an easy task—Importa-
tion ſ—That ominous word Importation smoothes every
difficulty. In no other way, he asserts, is it possible to
explain the above phenomenon; therefore, by his logic we
must conclude that nothing short of immense importations
can solve the question. -
Now, it is not more difficult to believe in the perfect
quiescence of all ranks, who form the governing portion of
a Colonial population—executive, legislative, judicial,
civil, and military—witnessing the introduction of 65,000
slaves, than it was to take for granted the massacre of the
same number in cold blood. Such importations would show
much disinterestedness on the part of the naval squadrons
iii
on the station, as well as of the administrators; for, had
these slaves been seized, the reward, at an average of 15l.
per head, would have amounted to nearly one million ster-
ling, for the benefit of the captors; who, doing no more
than their duty—which, if neglected, would subject them
to being broke and disgraced—must have gained a high
reputation, and, in a short time, have become as rich as
even avarice could desire: for the seas must have been
covered with slave ships, many of which might have been
captured. -
The Governors, during these six years, might also have
shared between them half of the bounties, which would
have amounted to several millions sterling, besides the
penalties. The Court of Admiralty, its Registrar, Deputy-
Registrar, and Marshal; the Attorney General; the Advo-
cate General; the King's Proctor, and other Proctors; Criers
and Gaolers, &c.; without reckoning the suite of my Lords
Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, must have wil-
lingly united, for six years, in renouncing their legal fees,
amounting to several millions of dollars ; but whence comes
the money to pay for the 65,000 negroes, supposed to have
been imported. It could hardly be required from the far-
mers, who, in their singular Sunday occupation had already
expended a sum of about six millions sterling; it could
not be advanced by the merchants, who lost two millions
sterling in the fire of Port Louis, and were reduced to
poverty; and it could not be expected that, like the treasury
of Rome, which paid for those destined to become the victims
of the gladiators, the colonial Government of Mauritius
would furnish millions for the purchase of negroes, who
were to be exhibited weekly to their companions, writhing
under torture and in the agonies of death. Besides, a few
minor points might appear obstacles in the way of common
commercial reasoners. . An average voyage for negroes,
when the slave trade was legal, and encouraged with all
facilities, appliances and means, to boot, could not be made
in less than four months; whence comes the shipping, then,
for the transport of these 65,000 men from Africa and
iv. W
Madagascar to Mauritius. This shipping,” according to
the Reporter's party, was composed of small schooners.
Higginson and Kendrick, two of the select witnesses of the
member for Weymouth, swore to the identity of a schooner
belonging to me of 14 tons burthen : now, granting two
men for each ton, with the five sailors who formed her crew,
such a vessel would have required to have made six or seven
voyages a-day without interruption, during six years, and
each voyage of several thousand miles, to have imported
the above number of slaves. However, the Reporter and
his party may reconcile this difficulty in the way Higginson
did, in his testimony against me before the “Select Com-
mittee” of the House of Commons when he stated, that
225 tons was the cargo he had seen landed from the said
vessel of 14 tons burthen. . . . -
I learned, with pleasure, that the pages of the Reporter
had been industriously circulated, by some of the society of
which he is the organ; and that copies were sent, gratui-
tously, to every member of the Legislature; because I knew,
that the House of Commons—not less enlightened than in
1826, when the “Select Committee” had to listen to dis-
gusting details of subornation and perjury, offered as
evidence on similar subjects, against innocent individuals—
would render me justice: therefore, I resolved to await
in silence the decision of time. I perceived, however,
that not only my position but that my accuser was changed.
He was no longer known; nor was the matter to be
discussed by my equals in fortune, rank, and character;
before whom my name had already been traduced, and my
conduct absolved, in the records of Parliament. By other
forms, or rather in the absence of all forms—as at the bar
of a revolutionary tribunal—my name was again brought
before the public by a concealed accuser, at the distance
of 12,000 miles—my crimes were described to be of a
nature unknown before, and, without date or proof, my
character was consigned to infamy, at least until my justi-
fication could appear. The Reporter's lucubrations were
not, like the reports of the Legislature, destined to limited
w
circulation among the highest class of society, who were
capable of judging; but they were issued from the press, in
a form, and at a price, not dissimilar to dying Speeches
and penny Ballads; and as likely to be hawked about
the streets, to impress the lower orders (to whose meridian
of intellect alone they appear adapted) with the conviction,
that I was a murderer of no common stamp. I saw after-
wards, and very unexpectedly, that even periodicals of
estimation, in England, quoted and reasoned on the pages
of the Reporter as solemn truths; and that their statements
were re-published in the Journals of India. I also observed
them favourably noticed, even by the Editor of The New
Monthly Magazine; a man of distinguished intellect, of
excellent character, and of high rank in society; the pro-
ductions of whose pen, both in poetry and prose, I have
always admired. Hence I was forced to conclude, that,
however drivelling were the charges of the Reporter, yet,
upon those, to whom I was totally unknown, they were
calculated to produce the worst effects. In a word, by his
mischievous exertions, I saw my character spreading over
the world with stains of the deepest degradation. I could
no longer look on, in contemptuous silence, without injury
to my name, which has never until now been obtruded by
myself on the public. I then, for the first time, seriously
looked into the sheets of the Reporter, containing accusations
against Mauritius and myself. Had the author given one
redeeming fact, one observation, one argument, calculated
to benefit the Slave, or to accelerate his physical, moral, or
religious improvement, I should have been disposed patiently
to meet the obloquy lavished on me; because something
would have been done towards the completion of my favourite
object, through a long period of life—the bettering of the
condition of the Slave. . . .
Had I been actuated by the love of fame, and had called
the attention of the public to my actions, my name and
my measures would then have been fair objects of criticism;
and I should have had no reason to complain of the greatest
severity, not even of persecution; because, at all times,
vi
and in all places, it has been excited against those who
have been seduced, by the dangerous ambition of being
inscribed among the benefactors of the human race, Nor
should I have repined at being pursued by envy, ignorance,
fanaticism, and falsehood, for the ad valorem duty, levied
on the characters of public men ; but I had carefully
abstained from so incautious a step ; I had bounded my
measures to my own narrow circle—my efforts were made
in the privacy of domestic life—my grand object was to
make one practical step in a boundless career of improve-
ment:—I neither preached, nor published my doings—
indeed, far from inviting publicity, I have shunned it; as
my letters to the Missionary Society in London will prove.
-I have, therefore, been unfairly attacked in my dwelling—
dragged before the public—denounced as a monster of
cruelty—and put upon my defence for crimes the most
abhorrent to my nature. In my case every feeling has
been outraged, in the House of Commons by the Member
for Weymouth, in 1825; and now by the anonymous
Anti-Slavery Reporter. In justice to myself, my family,
and friends—to the British Government, whose servant I
am—to the different Governors of this Colony who have
honoured me with their friendship—and more especially to
the British Public, I cannot longer remain in obscurity and
silence. I am already at the bar of the public; and from
them I expect a verdict that will cover my accusers with
shame; and, perhaps, will hasten the annihilation of that
fraternity of which they appear to be convenient members.
Lucky would be such a result for the cause they ostensibly
advocate—happy for the Slave, who would thus be relieved
from one great obstacle to his moral and religious melioration,
which must precede his right to freedom—happy for the
Master, who would feel security among men instructed in
the truths of morality and religion, instead of beings immersed
in brutal ignorance. Then, I should scarcely regret being
exposed to the attack; because I should have a return for
my labours. It would highly gratify me, to see that the
sphere of mutual toleration, affection, and attachment—
vii
the only effectual means of obtaining these ends—continue
to enlarge, and to embrace the bond and the free, until they
were accomplished: for nothing desirable is to be achieved
by the efforts of those who preach up hatred, suspicion, and
distrust, in order violently to break the chain that binds,
for common good, the highest to the lowest. -
I am compelled, in this appeal to the British Public, to
give some account of my life, and of many private affairs
and domestic arrangements, as the best refutation of the
unprovoked calumnies with which my character has been
anonymously assailed.
. I have served His Majesty, without interruption, in
Europe, Asia, and Africa, for the last thirty-two years;
under my friend Captain Duff, who was killed at Trafalgar,
in 1808. I accompanied the late Admiral Bertie, the naval
commander-in-chief, to the Cape of Good Hope, where
I lived with his family, and in charge of the naval hospital
on that station. While thus situated, the frequently-inter-
cepted correspondence between the French Establishments
to the Eastward of the Cape, were, from time to time,
communicated to me by the Admiral.
In 1809, I embarked from the Cape with Sir Josias
Rowley for the blockade of the French islands; and I sent
the information collected on the spot regarding Mauritius,
Bourbon, and their dependencies, to the naval commander-
in-chief; by whom it was forwarded, by every opportunity,
to the Lords of the Admiralty in England, and to the
Governor General of India. The consequence was, that
two expeditions, for the conquest of the French islands,
were fitted out simultaneously, by the Indian Government
and by order of His Majesty's Ministers ; and my memoirs
and correspondence formed part of the instructions sent by
those supreme authorities to the military and naval Com-
manders of the expeditions.
... Bourbon was taken in July 1810, and, immediately, I
was appointed, under the title of Civil Assistant at St.
Paul's, by Governor Farquhar, to execute the adminis-
viii
trative duties of one-half of that Island; and particularly to
enter into the practical details of every measure which had a
reference to the army and navy. Under this department,
measures were matured, and forces arranged, for the capture
of Mauritius. Sir Josias Rowley, who is at present in
England, and who then commanded the naval forces, can
attest the nature of my duties in the situation I held in 1810
and 1811; duties to which the Commander of the Forces,
at the time, was pleased to allude in the following terms,
in 1814. m x . • ‘.
“Ever since my knowledge of you, your conduct at
St. Paul's was the pride and admiration of Rowley,
Bertie, and myself, and every naval and military officer at .
that time employed on the busy scene.” 's
Similar unsolicited attestations, from all the superiors with
whom I had the honour to act, are in my possession; but it
is unnecessary to intrude them upon the public. They may
be considered superfluous, for the Government appointments
which I have uninterruptedly held since the same period are
the best vouchers of my public services. - * . . .
In the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter my private life
and character are chiefly attacked; and, therefore, I am
called on to say a few words on these heads. . . . . . . .
My early education, under the immediate eye of Dr.
Bruce”, and the completion of my studies, under the late
Professor Dugald Stewart, were not calculated to produce a
partiality for Slavery, nor a delightin cruelty. I have been,
and still am, a colonial proprietor to a considerable extent;
and it will be seen that my colonial life has not been useless
to the Slave. - . . . . . . . . . . .
My situation, indeed, is singular. The only reproach I
have experienced in this Colony, was—That the measures I
put in practice, for the improvement of my Slaves, were
calculated to produce a rapid, hazardous, and fearful revo-
lution. Some of the Planters complained that I was adding
the irresistible power of intellect to the preponderating phy-
* Author of Treatise on the Being and Attributes of God, and other
works. - . -
ix
sical force of the Negroes, and sad consequences were pre-
dicted; while, on the contrary, my anonymous assailant in
London, contends, that my efforts have tended to brutalize
and to destroy the slave population.
If the measures lately adopted by His Majesty's Govern-
ment, and now in progress in the Colonies, for bettering the
state of the slave population, are meritorious, is it just that
the person who singly adopted, if he did not plan, those
measures, and who has been diligently putting them in prac-
tice at Mauritius during a long series of years, before they
were attempted elsewhere, and using his influence to spread
them in all directions, should become the prominent object
of the censure of a party who profess similar aims, and to
pursue them under the banners of religion ?
But, after the Reporter has exhausted his invectives against
Mauritius, and paraded his sensibility and concern for the
fate of the Slave, he has evinced much want of tact and
prudence, by an open declaration of the grand object in view,
from the beginning to the end of his labours. A short ex-
planation may show what appears to have put his pen in
motion. Let facts alone speak, and we shall detect the self-
ishness which alloys the philanthropy of the Reporter and
his party, in assailing this Colony. --
... The sugars of Mauritius, long unheard of in Europe,
have, for some years past, been advancing rapidly in amount,
and entering into rivalry in the London market. The Re-
porter's lament appears to be the prosperity to which Mau-
ritius has attained, by the act of justice rendered by His
Majesty's Government, in admitting it to the same rights
that are enjoyed by other sugar colonies*. He says, in al-
luding to statements falsely called facts: “And it was in the
face of many of these facts, then accumulated at the Colonial
office—and in despite of the loudest protestations and re-
monstrances on the part of those who believed, but were not
then in a capacity absolutely to prove, the enormities since
brought to light—that Government proposed, and Parliament
* Vide pp. 386, 394, No. 44, Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter.
X
consented, to give, by fiscal encouragement and protection,
an increased impulse to the cruel and sanguinary cupidity of
the planters, or rather pirates of the Mauritius. Is not this
a national crime of the very deepest dye Under all the
circumstances of the case, are not their crimes ours ? Are
we not partakers in their guilt f" He again observes*,
“ and yet it was to this Colony, this Mauritius, this human
slaughter-house, that in the very year of 1825, the Govern-
ment and Parliament of England persisted, in spite of every
remonstrance, by relieving the sugar of the Mauritius from
the protecting duty, which they continued to levy on the free-
grown sugar of India, to give a new stimulus to the growth
of sugar in that Colony, and to that multiplication of mur-
ders in which it could not fail to issue; the case must be
searched into, it is a case of Blood.” Translate all this into
the “business-like every-day language” of common life, divest
it of declamation, and take the gist of the statement. It is
simply this;––The British Government was not prevented,
by pretended facts of unspeakable atrocities falsely attributed
to a few inhabitants of this island (and unproved, because
incapable of proof, never having existed), from doing an
act of justice to the whole population, bond and free, by
giving unfettered scope to industry, and by removing a blot
in the Colonial system. A contrary conduct would have
been unworthy of an enlightened nation; would have per-
petuated misery and penury among innocent men, who had
been adopted as subjects of British sovereignty, not to ruin,
but to raise them in the scale of freedom and prosperity;
and would, in degrading the master, have injured, in equal
ratio, the Slave; for they must rise or fall together:-the
links that bind them together admit of no other alternative,
whatever value the Reporter may put on his efforts to snap
them asunder. - .* . -
Satisfied with the practical plan which suits my capacity,
in studying and essaying the analysis and the combination of
such fractional portions of human happiness as fall within
* Page 480, Oriental Herald, March 1829.
xi
my sphere, I should be glad to have done with the disgust-
ing pages of the Reporter, and his wholesale new-fangled
philanthropy. That such elementary attempts at moral im-
provement may—like experiments on minute grains of matter
in chemical science—produce unexpected results, is to be in-
ferred from the extensive effects of the circumscribed system
which I have endeavoured to develope during the last twenty
years, effects which may be shortly enumerated. Within
that period the yearly exportable produce of Mauritius,
from being null, has gradually approached to 30,000 tons of
sugar; the annual revenue of the colony, from this sugar,
has increased from 484]. to 30,000l. ; the surplus wealth
added to the island from its soil exceeds three millions ster-
ling; the quantity of British manufacture imported in ex-
change is still greater than that amount; and His Majes-
ty's revenue in England, from the customs on our produce,
has risen from 18,000l. to 800,000l. This prosperity is
to be attributed solely to our having called into action the
intelligence of man, in preference to his merely physical
powers. Thus the Slave has been raised, in many respects,
to the rank of a European labourer; and he often possesses
greater comforts, while his irksome toil has been changed
into an easy task; indeed, nine-tenths of human labour
have been replaced by eighty steam engines and sugar mills,
by implements of agriculture of all kinds, and by beasts of
burden, of which not less than 30,000 have been imported
within five years, and nearly 11,000 since January 1829.
The religious, moral, and physical condition of the Slave
has also advanced more rapidly, and already has attained a
greater elevation than in any other colony during an equal
time, or among any people emerging from the same level in
the scale of civilization; and, it is cheering to add, that this
rapid career of improvement continues uninterrupted. The
impulse originally given by Sir Robert Farquhar, and con-
tinued by the worthy Governors who have succeeded him,
could only be repressed by the prevalence (which may God
forbid) of the demoralizing plans of party, who, ignorantly
or knowingly, “do evil that good may come;” and under
xii
whose banners nameless assassins of character—prostituting
the press to defamation and indecency—preach anarchy,
robbery of colonial property, and the proscription of its
owners. *
The Appendix contains matter more interesting to the
public than any defence of myself, or even of this Colony.
I allude to the experimental researches, made with a view
to the solution of the great problem of ultimate and general
Negro Emancipation. This task could only have been
undertaken by a person holding extensive property, and an
influential station in colonial society. The principles in
which it should be attempted were thus: laid down by my
earliest master. “We should study to imitate that rule of
Providence which combines pleasure with duty, and which
renders the services we require from others, as easy and
pleasant as possible. We should avail ourselves of every
natural propensity and artificial advantage, to allure men
to their duty, before we resort to privation or coercion.
We should make men comfortable and happy preparatory
to rendering them virtuous, instead of compelling them to act
virtuously, that they may, by the practice of their duty,
become happy; and while the performance of the latter is
made easy and agreeable, to let suffering come of itself, as
the consequence of neglect or transgression*.” . . .
In regard to punishments, it will be seen that the Negroes,
judged by their Peers, were on a better footing than the
labouring classes at home; where a man may be committed
to prison for an offence six months before he can be brought
to trial at the assizes, and thus, however innocent, be ex-
posed to the vicious contagion and misery of a gaol. Fol-
lowing the precepts of the Gospel, which requires masters to
treat their servants and slaves with kindness—to provide
for the speedy termination of disputes—to inculcate the
forgiveness of enemies, and the reparation of injuries—while,
on the other hand, the duties of submission, diligence, and
fidelity are imposed upon servants and slaves to their
* * Wide Treatise on the Being and Attributes of God, by W. BRUCE, D.D.
.* xiii
masters, a more humane and equitable plan for the adminis-
tration of justice was established at Belombre. The pro-
prietor, or the manager, was the Magistrate, ever ready on
the spot immediately to discharge the innocent, moderately
to correct the delinquent, and to prevent imprisonment,
except as a punishment of convicted and recorded guilt.
It will be seen that my Slaves had, and have, better food
and more abundantly supplied, better clothing and less oc-
casion for it, better cottages, better bedding, better furni-
ture, more recreations, and more money, than the home
labourer, and not one-third of his work; that they are not,
like the latter class, oppressed by starving families, but that
the benevolent Monarch's wish, of “a fowl for every peasant's
Sunday pot,” was, and is, more than realized in their favour,
as well as that still higher aspiration of our late beloved
King, that each cottage might have a bible, and an inmate
who could read it to the family. -
If poverty, misery, and crime be the necessary conse-
quences of each other, there must be less of this interwoven
mass, where physical want is unknown. But if the efforts
of the anti-colonial party continue zealously to multiply
prohibitions and restrictions on the industry of the Planters
and their people, pauperism may be the result of that per-
verted philanthropy, which seeks to better the condition of
the Slave, by means which diminish the general wealth on
which he depends for subsistence. -
One of the most profound thinkers of our days", and one
of the most enlightened advocates of Negro Emancipation,
shows that numberless advantages, to the Negroes as well as
to the State, arise by allowing Planters the same liberty in
the cultivation and sale of their sugar as the landed interest
enjoy in the cultivation and sale of their corn; that there is
no reason why one body should not have the same privileges
* John Wheatley, Esq., whose works on Political Economy have thrown
“ a flash of light” over the real sources of national greatness, and deve-
loped the means of attaining it. To this unquestionable witness, and to
those of his rank and intellect who have visited my estates, I might, with
pride, appeal for evidence of what they have seen of the treatment and
condition of my Slaves. - -
xiv.
as the other; and that what their own interest does not
prompt them to do, they ought no more to be compelled to
do, than the country gentlemen should be compelled to do
what their own interest does not prompt them to. He
adds, “ They ought not to be subjected to the existing re-
strictions, even if it could be proved that the public were
benefited by them, as the public have no right to injure any
set of men, or any individual, for their own good; but when
it is evident that the public suffer precisely in the same pro-
portion in which the planter suffers, it is not only unjust to
impoverish the planter, but it is as impolitic as it is unjust,
and as illiberal as it is impolitic. Almost every planter is
more or less indebted to his merchant, and as the consign-
ments now sell, from the diminution of the currency, for
little more than enough to pay the island charges and the
interest of their debts, the planters have scarcely sufficient
for the ordinary expenses of life. But it is as incumbent on
Government to see them righted, as to see the farmers and
manufacturers righted.” This may be effected, in a great
degree, by putting down that unconstitutional combination
which raises a rent, even from the lowest classes of society,
for the purpose of applying the aggregate amount to the
ruin of the Colonists; and by removing that restriction on
the consumption of sugar, as a necessary of life, which re-
sults from the heavy war-duty continued during a time of
peace. Such an act of justice would add greatly to the
comforts of the lower classes at home, as well as, from in-
creased importation, give employment to more shipping, and
in all probability increase the gross amount of the imperial
revenue, as it certainly would that of the Colonies.
It has been very painful for me to speak so much of myself,
and nothing but the necessity in which I am placed, by my
nameless slanderer, could justify to my own feelings the
breach of taste which I commit, in referring to the unsought
and respectable testimonials in the Appendix. They are
selected from a mass of a similar description. I have some-
times curtailed them of what would have been mere repe-
tition, as well as of much that is laudatory of myself, or
XV
vituperative of my assailant; but I am not the less sensible
of the warmth of feeling which dictated the expression of the
sentiments of the writers.
It would be ungrateful on this occasion not to notice, that
to every successive Governor, appointed by His Majesty,
this Colony has been indebted for obtaining some signal act
of justice, besides many other favours.
To Sir Robert FARQUHAR, Bart. its obligations are
innumerable; but the chief of them are the suppression of
the Slave Trade, and the facilitating of Emancipation.
During the year 1810, the number of Slaves enfranchised
was fourteen, whereas, in the first year of his Government,
His Excellency emancipated Sia, Hundred and Eighty-four
Blacks, and gave liberty to Eight Hundred more, by en-
rolling them in the Bourbon Regiment. These facts speak
volumes.
To General JoHN DALRYMPLE Mauritius owes much,
for the zeal and promptitude he displayed in restoring the
institutions on which its security had been grounded.
To General DARLING the Colony is obliged for the in-
troduction of machinery free of duty, in order to supersede
manual labour; and also the removal of many restrictions.
To Sir G. LowRy Col.F. is due the completion of a per-
fect Census of the Slave Population of this island, rendering
Slave Dealing in it impossible ; the removal of the ruinous
restrictions on the introduction of its produce into England;
and the establishment of a legislative Council. .
To the Ladies of the above-named Governors respectively,
Mauritius lies under deep obligations, for attending to the
religious education of the lower classes ever since the year
1811; when the distribution of the Bible was first begun by
Mrs. KEATING, the Lady of the Lieut. Governor of Bourbon.
ANONYMOUS CHARGES.
From the materials contained in No 44 of the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter, I have drawn up, in their natural order,
the charges adduced by the anonymous writer, ostensibly
against the Planters of Mauritius in general; but, by insi-
nuations and implications, evidently addressed to me in par-
ticular. For the sake of perspicuity, and the facility of re-
ference, in answering these charges, I have also, oftener than
once, brought together scattered paragraphs and sentences
bearing upon the same points; but I have religiously copied
the above-named periodical verbatim et literatim, and even
followed its system of punctuation. With the above views,
the charges are also numbered, as well as the cases of cruelty
cited as having occurred at Belombre.
“GENERAL TREATMENT OF SLAVES IN THE
MAURITIUS.”
1. HUTs.—“Their (the Blacks) huts were usually of the
meanest and most miserable description, pervious to the wea-
ther, and so small as scarcely to afford space for the seven or
eight human beings, who were frequently crowded into each,
to extend themselves at full length on the floor.”—pp. 379,
380. ** -
2. CLoTHING.—“As to clothing, the field Slaves in gene-
ral had very little”, the men none beyond a band round the
* “The most we hear of (says the Editor) was two yards of very coarse
calico in the year.” *
C
2
waist, and the women very little more, except what they
sometimes obtained by prostitution; the drivers and headmen
alone formed an exception.”—p. 379.
3, BEDs.-* They (the Blacks) had no bedding, not even
a mat given them, much less a rug or a blanket, to repose
upon at night. They commonly lay down to sleep on the
bare and often wet ground.”—p. 379.
4. FooD.—“Over night his food was usually delivered
out to each Slave for the following day”. It commonly con-
sisted of three pieces of baked manioc (cassada) of the size
and appearance of muffins, and which in the Mauritius go
by the name of “manioc cakes.” This food is described not
only as unpalatable, and also unsatisfying in its nature, but
as extremely insufficient in quantity, more especially when
the continuity and intensity of the labour exacted from the
Slaves is considered; the day's allowance being often barely
enough for a single good meal. It was prepared before-
hand in order to save the time which it would require to pre-
pare it if it were given to the Slaves in its raw state, and be-
cause it became less necessary to allow them a cessation of
labour in order to their eating it. It might be eaten while
they continued at work. This wretched and scanty aliment
was eked out by drinking large quantities of water, which
distended their stomachs; and by eagerly devouring, at the
risk of punishment, every species of disgusting offal and car-
rion which came in their way; and it was considered as the
fruitful source, combined with their hard labour, of those
dysenteries which were constantly sweeping so many of them
into a premature grave.”—pp. 377, 378. -
5. LABour.—“ On most estates the Slaves were sum-
moned to their work in the morning by the cracking of the
drivers whips, but on some of the larger estates they were
previously roused by a great bell. On Belombre estate the
bell was generally rung at three in the morning, sometimes
earlier, but seldom later, and they continued to work, without
* “It was (adds the Editor) sometimes given out for several days; and
sometimes a few watery potatoes of the island were substituted, which
were still less mourishing.”
C.
3
any interval for breakfast, and with only the interval already
described for dinner, until so late in the evening as eight
o'clock, and, on light mights, even an hour or two later.
“The daily labour exacted from them (the Blacks) ex-
tended to from sixteen to nineteen hours in the day, even out
of crop. No time was allowed them for breakfast”, the eat-
ing of a manioc cake requiring no respite from work. For
dinner the Slaves had nominally two hours allowed them,
but in this time they had to cut a bundle of grass or wood
for the master, which, on leaving off work at night, they had
to deliver at his house. . This wood or grass was frequently
difficult to be obtained, and a large proportion of the two
hours was, therefore, often spent in obtaining it, so that the
period of repose was liable to be abridged by half an hour,
or even an hour or more. - . . . . . .
“In the time of crop the Slaves retired from the field
somewhat earlier than at other times, in order to take their
turn of labour during the night in the manufacture of sugar.
If they fell asleep during their spell of night labour, they
were liable to be severely flogged; but sometimes, so irre-
sistible was their drowsiness, that their hands were apt to be
drawn into the mill along with the canes, and completely
crushed and mangled-f.”—pp. 378, 379, and 380.
6., PUNISHMENTS.–“While the Slaves were at work, they
were followed by drivers, and were continually receiving
blows and lashes, and were even occasionally taken out from
the line and punished with twenty or thirty lashes, and then
sent back to work. But these occasional inflictions were
scarcely regarded in the light of punishment, but merely of
discipline. The regular pumishments were reserved, on Be-
lombre (a practice, however, differing from that of many
other estates), for Sunday, a day which, there, never failed
* The Editor states in a note, that, “On some estates the practice dif.
fered on this point.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
+ Note by the Editor.—“It is a curious confirmation of this statement,
that in the list of the Slaves at Belombre, for the year 1819, printed by the
House of Commons, on the 1st of May 1827, No. 285, we find three of the
Slaves described as ‘estropiés des deux mains'—‘mutilated in both hands.’”
4.
to be ushered in with severe floggings. The offenders of the
week were reserved in chains (in which they were made to
work) for that day; and they were often numerous, gene-
rally about thirty, and amounting, on one occasion, to about
fifty.
“There was no difference in the way of punishing male
and female Slaves; but there were two different modes re-
Sorted to of punishing both. One was by erecting a frame-
work of three poles in a triangular form with a bar across,
and fastening the hands of the sufferer, by a rope, to the
place where the three poles were united, his or her body
resting against the cross bar. The other was by placing the
sufferer prone on the face on the ground, or, on a ladder, his
or her hands, if on the ground, being held extended by four
other Slaves, or firmly fastened to the ladder, as the case
might be. Being thus placed, and the body being bared, the
sufferer was flogged on the posteriors, either by one driver,
or, in cases deemed more heinous, by two, one stationed on
each side. And if the driver failed in inflicting the punish-
ment to the satisfaction of the master, he was liable himself
to be made to change places with the offender. The instru-
ment with which the punishment of flogging was inflicted
consisted either of a whip, or of the split rattan; and opi-
nions greatly differ, as to which of these was the most cruel.
The whip varied in size. Its handle was of wood, from two
to three feet in length, and from an inch and a half to two
inches in diameter; and the thong was from six to eight feet
in length, and at the thickest part, from one and a half to
two and a half inches in diameter, tapering towards the lash
or cutting part. The rattan was a cane of about five feet
long, split into two or three parts from one extremity to
within a foot or eighteen inches of the other; the unsplit
part serving as a handle, and the rest forming a tremendous-
ly powerful cat of two or three tails. Either instrument
would make incisions into the flesh, and lacerate it at every
blow ; and the sharp edge of the split rattan would some-
times divide the flesh like a knife, Military floggings, num-
bers of soldiers testified, were nothing to these, The whip
5
was sometimes a very ponderous instrument; one was seen
on Belombre weighing upwards of seven pounds”.
“There appeared, in practice, to be no limit to the number
of lashes inflicted on offenders but the discretion of the
master or manager. Seldom less than fifty, and often a
hundred or many more lashes, were given in the way of
regular punishment; and by this extent of infliction, the
parts, generally the posteriors, were always reduced to one
bloody mass of lacerated flesh; and to this was often
added the further excruciating torture of the application of
lime juice, or salt and pepper, on the pretence of keeping
the wounds from festering. The punishment of a collar
and chain was often superadded, and also of confinement in
the stocks, for an indefinite period, during the intervals of
labour, as well as during the night. The collar was riveted
on, and with the chain often worn for months. The use
of the collar and chain was so common that it ceased to
excite observation, except when the collar was adorned, as
it often was, with three or four projecting prongs, the object
of which was to render it difficult for the bearer to make
his way, in case of absconding, either through the cane
pieces, or through the bushes or woods which cover the
uncultivated parts of the island. A further effect of these
prongs was to render it impossible for the wearer to extend
himself at full length, on the ground, for the purpose of
repose. The slaves so chained were for the most part con-
fined in the stocks at night. Sometimes a heavy weight
was attached to the chain, and sometimes they were chained
two and three together. - .
“All these various punishments might be inflicted, at the
sole will of the master or manager, on men, women, and
children alike, for any offence he might choose to deem
deserving of it. But the most usual occasions of the heavier
punishments were either the thefts, to which the slaves were
driven by hunger, or the flight into the woods, to which
they were driven by the excess of labour, or the dread of
anticipated punishment.”—pp. 378, 379.
* Note by the Editor.—“The model of a moderate Mauritius whi p may be
seen at the office.” . . . . . . . . * • ‘
6
7. MARRIAGE.-‘‘Marriage was unknown among the
Slaves; but the most open prostitution prevailed universally
among the females. Ladies, so called, often hired out their
negresses to the soldiers, by the month, for this purpose.”
8. MoRALITY AND RELIGION.—“The Slaves were ge-
nerally excluded from all moral or religious instruction;
and to teach plantation Slaves to read was almost unexampled.
Indeed, this might be said, of the whole Slave popu-
lation*.”—p. 380. . . . . . . . . .
| Besides the above charges adduced against me, with the
planters in general of this Colony, four instances of cruelty
are cited as having occurred at Belombre. . .
“CASES OF CRUELTY.”
CASE 1.-‘‘An eye witness, who resided on that estate
(Belombre) for six months, saw, in the month of July,
1821, a Mozambique negroe brought out and placed flat on
his face for punishment. The person continued to look on
the process until 150 lashes had been inflicted, and then,
unable any longer to endure the horrors of the seene, quitted
the place without having ascertained how much farther the
punishment was carried.”—p. 380. . . . . . . .
CASE 2–“The same person was also an eye witness
of the punishment on this estate of two young women for
the crime of running away. They were both advanced in
their pregnancy, and were both ordered to receive the
same punishment, although one of them had been a fugitive
* Note by the Editor—“And yet, will it be credited, that Sir Robert
Farquhar, in a letter to Earl Bathurst, dated the 12th October, 1813,
thus wrote: “Some paragraphs published in The Government Gazette,
without the sanction of Government, harmless as they may appear in
Europe, were the cause of infinite apprehension and alarm in this island.
They were considered by the Slaves (the better informed part of whom can
read, and eagerly devour every thing touching their own state and con-
dition) as a declaration of Government of their approaching liberation from
all duty to their masters. The paragraphs were indeed of the most
innoxious kind; and Sir Robert might therefore, without any risk to
the Colony, have spared the discredit of this further mis-statement.”
No. 296, of 826, p. 25. - - * -
7
only for one month, and the other had been two years in
the woods. The former intreated that her punishment
might be delayed, at least, till she was delivered, that her
child might not suffer as well as herself. The overseer said,
that as she was so knowing as to make such a request, she
should be made to suffer the more on that account. The
punishment of this unhappy girl then began, and our
informant was resolved to see the end of it; but after 160.
lashes had been inflicted, the shrieks of the sufferer became
so piercing, that it was impossible any longer to endure the
spectacle. On returning, however, some time after to the
spot, our informant learnt that both this and the other girl
had gone through the whole of the punishment assigned
them. They had afterwards collars with projecting spikes
fastened round their necks, these collars being attached to
each other by an iron chain.”—pp. 380, 381.
CASE 3.—“Another individual who resided at Belombre
for some time, during the years 1820 and 1821, confirms
most of the general statements made above, and particularly
the fact that the regular punishments were usually adminis-
tered at Belombre on Sundays. This informant often
counted the lashes, and never knew any of the offenders to
receive less than one hundred, excepting two youths, who
received about seventy each. It was common to rub salt
and pepper into the wounds, which it was alleged would
prevent them from festering, and enable the sufferers the
sooner both to return to labour, and to bear a repetition of
punishment, if it should be thought right to inflict it. The
pain of this application is described as excruciating.”—p. 381.
CASE 4.—“ The same person states that, in the month
of July, 1820, being on a plantation*, he saw two Slaves
brought out to be punished. They were placed flat on their
bellies, extended on a wooden beam, to which they were
fastened, while two men held their hands and two their legs,
and a driver, who struck alternately, was placed on each
side of the sufferer. The whips employed were unusually
• I shall even grant that the informant meant Belombre.—T.
8
heavy, and 120 lashes were inflicted on each. On the
following Wednesday, having occasion to go to the room
used as an hospital, he saw laid out the dead bodies of the
same two slaves. The wounds were putrid, and sent forth
a rank smell; and he afterwards saw them both carried out,
tied up in mats, to the burial ground.”—p. 381.
“Our informants in the above cases of cruelty have ex-
pressed their readiness to appear as witnesses of their truth,
either in a court of justice, or before a magistrate, or before
a Committee of the House of Commons, whenever they
shall be called upon to do so.
“But it will perhaps be said, that such atrocities as these
could never have been permitted, but must have met with
condign punishment, had they been made known to the local
authorities at the time. The statements we are now about
to submit to our readers will probably convince them that
such a course would have led to no beneficial results as re-
spected the Slaves, seeing how often it issued in impunity to
the guilty, in inconvenience to those who attempted to bring
them to punishment, and in aggravated misery to the sufferer.
The instances are drawn from the official records of the Co-
lony.”—p. 381. -
Besides the preceding particular charges and cases, Nos.
44 and 45 of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter contain
some general, vague, and awful charges, which are addressed
to me in common with the Planters of Mauritius, while nu-
merous cases of cruelty and murder are detailed as having
occurred on the estates of different proprietors. We shall
again allow the writer to make his own statements. .
“PROGRESS OF POPULATION IN THE
MAURITIUS.”
“WE shall begin with an attempt, though it must of ne-
cessity be an imperfect one, to ascertain the probable extent
of the destruction of human life which has been regularly
proceeding in this colony. We might here produce the tes-
timony of numerous living witnesses, but this, though strong
and decisive, would necessarily be too vague for our purpose.
9.
At present therefore, we shall confine ourselves to the hess
disputable evidence of statistical returns. — e.
“By a report from Sir Robert Barclay, the collector of
the internal taxes, dated November 29, 1823, it appears that
the slave population of the district of Port Louis amounted,
in 1822, to 7456 males and 3669 females; in all, 11,125*.
By a return of the interments of Slaves occurring in this
same district, during the years 1815 to 1820 inclusive, the
number of deaths amounted to 6565, being nearly at the rate
of one death yearly in every ten or eleven persons, or about
ten per cent. of deaths per annum ; the ordinary mortality
of Europe being not more than an average, on all ages, of
from two to three per cent. per annum. -
“Now it has never been asserted that there is any thing
unfavourable to negro life in the climate of the Mauritius
generally, or of the Port Louis district in particular. The
contrary indeed may be proved by the returns of the whole
free black and coloured population of the island during nearly
the same period, viz. from 1816 to 1821 inclusive. The
average of the population of this class for those years was
11,061+. The annual average mortality during the same
six years was 295, being one in 37 or 38, or about 23 per
Cent. - - -
“On nearly the same number of Slaves, however, in the
district of Port Louis, the annual rate of mortality was 1094,
being little less than four times that of the frce population of
the colony. And supposing the same rate of mortality to
extend over the whole Slave population of the island, we
shall have, as the result, not less than about 7000 deaths an–
nually, or about 126,000 deaths in the 18 years we have
possessed the island; a mortality nearly equal to killing off
the whole of the Slaves existing at any one time twice told;
a number equal to which must have been supplied by means
of importations, and by the consequent accumulation of the
well-known atrocities from which alone such importations
could be obtained. - . -
* Papers of May 30, 1825, No. 361.
# See Papers of March 4, 1823, No. 89, p. 127.
I0
“A further proof of the dreadful extent of the mortality
prevailing among the Slaves in this colony, may be drawn
from the case of the estate of Belombre, belonging to Mr.
Telfair, the private Secretary of Sir Robert Farquhar, and
the humane treatment of the Slaves on which estate Sir
Robert, who was himself a constant visitor upon it, highly
extolled in the House of Commons, representing it as a pat-
tern for good management, and one of the best regulated in
the island. Now, even on this well-regulated estate, the de-
crease appears, from authentic documents, to have amounted
annually to about 12 per cent. The return for 1819 gives
64 deaths and 12 births on a population of 378, being an
actual decrease of 52, or 13% per cent. ; and the return of
1825 gives 55 deaths and 16 births on a population of 372,
being an actual decrease of 39, or, 10% per cent. ; or, on an
average of the two periods, a decrease of 12 per cent.*
The mortality in the first year was as high as 17 per cent.,
and in the second as high as 15 per cent, being an average
of 16 per cent. . . . - - - -
“Now if this was the mortality on one of the best regulated
estates, what must it have been throughout the whole island?
:And what must have been the continued extent of importa-
tions indispensably required to maintain, as has been done
in the face of this decrease, a population numerically almost
undiminished P - But even if we were to deduct from this
fair but frightful estimate a fourth, or a third, or even a half,
enough will remain to prove the terrible effects of that system
of coercion and privation, by which the Slaves are in this co-
lony worked and starved to death ; and the unspeakable atro-
city of those wholesale murders which this country continues
to tolerate, but which no man, who has not the heart of a
demon, can even think of without emotions of indignation
and horror. -
“And it was in the face of many of these facts, then ac-
cumulated at the Colonial office; and in despite of the loudest
protestations and remonstrances, on the part of those who
* Papers of May 1, 1827, No. 285, pp. 34 to 39.
11
believed but were not then in a capacity absolutely to prove
the enormities since brought to light, that Government pro-
posed, and Parliament consented, to give, by fiscal encourage-
ment and protection, an increased impulse to the cruel and
sanguinary cupidity of the Planters, or rather pirates of the
Mauritius. Is not this a national crime of the very deepest
dye 2 . . . .
“The whole community have of late had their feelings
violently and universally excited by a series of acts of cold,
calculating, deliberate, bloody-minded ferocity, which have
been judicially brought to light at Edinburgh; and no man,
who has a single spark of humanity in his frame, can view
them in all their dimensions of iniquity without a thrill of
horror. But if, even to these appalling discoveries, we were
to add the deeds of Corder and Thurtell, and of the mur-
derers of Marr and Williamson, combining with them all the
murders which, during the last twenty years, have called
down the vengeance of British law on their perpetrators; we
doubt whether this collective mass of crime would be found
greater than the regular, business-like, daily march, for a like
period, of that system, which on many estates as well-ordered
as Belombre”, steadily proceeds, for ends equally sordid, in
so torturing and murdering, inch by inch, the cultivators of
their soil, as that one in ten shall be regularly slaughtered,
every year, to glut the cupidity of their savage owners—
Wherein do the unflinching and resolute administrators of
such a system morally differ from the smooth-tongued and
remorseless villain who, in Edinburgh, is now about to suffer
the penalty of the law They differ only as it appears to
us in the deeper malignity, and more heartless barbarity of
their conduct. And yet under all the circumstances of the
case, are not their crimes ours. Are we not partakers in
their guilt+.” - -
• The estate of Charles Telfair, Esq.
# Wide Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, No. 44, pp. 375, 376, and 377.
I2.
“The number of Slaves imported into the Mauritius from
January 1821, to the end of 1826, is stated to have been
1851 males, and 516 females; in all, 1867. This, however,
is of course an account of those only who passed regularly
through the custom-house, and does not include the vast
numbers illicitly imported. The slaves exported in the same
period were 299 males, and 248 females; in all, 547.
“The number of manumissions, by marriage, from the
1st of January 1821, to the 30th of June, 1826, was 245;
by bequest or otherwise, 199; in all, 444. A tax, amount-
ing to about 25l. Sterling, appears to have been exacted on
most of these manumissions. - -
“By law, the marriage of whites with blacks is severely
punishable. If a free black marries a Slave she becomes
free. Curés are forbidden to unite Slaves in marriage with-
out the master's consent. The marriages of Slaves, from the
1st of January 1821, to September 1826, are stated as six
in number, which does not correspond with the return that
makes the manumissions by marriage amount to 245.
“The number of Slaves sold under execution is 1473;
but as they were almost all sold with the plantations to which
they were attached, it is impossible to ascertain the price of
Slaves, exclusive of land, buildings, &c. The price, there-
fore, is of a very varying and uncertain rate.
“The sums raised for the relief of the poor, from the 1st
of January 1821 to the 31st of March 1826, amounted to
8875l. 18s. 8d. The paupers relieved were eighty-seven
whites, and ninety coloured persons.
“The free black and coloured population is stated as fol-
lows:–1st of January 1821, 6121 males, 6939 females; in
all, 13,060: 1st of January 1826,7155 males, 7970 females;
in all, 15,125: showing an increase of 2065, from which, if
444, the number of manumissions in that time, be deducted,
it leaves an increase of 1621 by natural means, being at the
rate of upwards of two per cent. per annum. The births,
however, in those years are given as 3450, the deaths as only
1460, leaving an excess of births over deaths of 1990, which,
if correct, would exhibit a still higher rate of increase, amount-
ing to 2% per cent per annum.
.13
“There is also an enumeration of the Slave population for
.the six years in question, which betrays some very strange
facts. The total amounts of the successive years, beginning
with 1821, are as follows:–66,162; 63,099; 63,076; 65,037;
63,432; 62,588. If any dependence could be placed on
these returns, and if we could assume that there had been
no importations, the irregularities would still be very extra-
ordinary. On this point light may be thrown hereafter. In
the details of the above enumeration, however, we have, as
it appears to us, clear and irrefragable presumptions of a
frightful waste of human life, and of the continuance of large
importations. In 1821 the males amounted to 58,634, the
females only to 7528; in 1822 the males were 55,878, the
females 7221 ; in 1823 the males were 57,134, the females
7903; in 1825 the males were 50,788, the females 12,644;
in 1826 the males were 53,682, the females 8906.
“Now in 1815, by actual registry, the numbers were
56,684 males, and 30,668 females, being a little less than
two males to one female; but in 1821 the proportion was
eight males to one female, varying little in the following
years from this proportion, except in 1825, when, all at
once, we have an increase of 5249 females, which number is
as suddenly decreased in 1826 by 3738. In no possible
way we apprehend can these singular and anomalous appear-
ances be accounted for, but on the hypothesis of an immense
mortality and an immense importation. If the 30,668 fe-
males of 1815, were really reduced to 7528 in 1821, the
mortality, independent of births, and even supposing no
women to have been imported, must have amounted to
28,140 females in those six years; and supposing a propor-
tionate number of deaths to have taken place among the
56,684 males, it would have amounted to about 42,000,
making a total mortality of upwards of 65,000 human beings
in six years. We admit there may be some fallacy in these
returns, which we had not seen when the last Reporter was
published. Still it is for those who have furnished such ap-
palling data to give us the key to them, and to tell us how
the sudden increase of women in 1825, and the other phe-
momena are to be explained. We look with much anxiety
14
to the steps which Government shall take respecting the
Mauritius. We may regard it as certain that, under the
anomalies we have pointed out, a mass of horrors, of which
this country has, as yet, no conception, will be found hid-
den. And yet it was to this colony, this Mauritius, this
human slaughter-house, that in that very year of 1825,
the Government and Parliament of England persisted, in
spite of every remonstrance, by relieving the sugar of the
Mauritius from the protecting duty which they continued
to levy on the free-grown sugar of India, to give a new
stimulus to the growth of sugar in that colony, and to that
multiplication of murders in which it could not fail to issue.
The case must be searched into. It is a case of Blood”.
“But it is time to come to particulars. We have dwelt
hitherto in generals. Our first illustration shall be taken
from the estate already mentioned—Belombre. We have
now before us some lengthened details respecting Mauritius
slavery in general, and this plantation in particular, of which
we shall merely give the outline. The period to which they
refer is the years 1821 and 1822+.” -
* Vide Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, No. 45, pp. 430, 431, and 432.
+ Ibidem, No. 44, p. 377. Wide also the details given in this little
work, under the head Progress of Population in the Mauritius, commencing
in the 8th page. . .
—e-
I shall now proceed directly to the task which I have
undertaken, viz. the refutation of the foregoing assertions
and allegations, respecting the anonymous charges of hard-
heartedness, cruelty, and murder, brought against me; the
four cases of inhumanity and crime alleged to have been
perpetrated at Belombre; and, under the title of Progress
of Population in the Mauritius, the extraordinary accusa-
tions mixed up with the subject in question. * *
REFUTATION
A N O N Y M O U S C H A R. G. E. S.
HE must be a bold, if not a rash man, who undertakes
to assign actions to agents of whom he has no acquaintance;
and to describe, at the distance of 12,000 miles, what he never
beheld—a state of society to which he is an utter stranger.
But that man is entitled to another epithet, who engages,
from the vague reports of persons whose characters and
motives are concealed, to fabricate, out of the most dis-
cordant materials, criminal charges against individuals and
communities at the other extremity of the Globe. Besides
mistakes arising in such situations, from the imperfection
of intelligence, and mere glimpses of the subject, he must
receive such information as will generally be found the very
reverse of truth. He may be led to believe that his
informants are highly meritorious, while their only remark-
able quality is unbounded profligacy; and he may be led
to attack, as the pests of society, those very individuals
whose conduct and perseverance have made them remarkable
for conferring on those communities the greatest benefits
in their power. Such are the sources, and such is the
disreputable nature of the allegations made by the anony-
mous writer, in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, against
Sir Robert Farquhar, his friends, the Colony of Mauritius,
and, as I trust to prove more especially, of those against
me individually. - *
16
During the last twenty years, Mauritius has experienced
many vicissitudes in its Government and in its fortune.
Under France, this island was in a state of high prosperity,
and before its change of sovereignty, was favoured by the
Mother country in the remission of duties on its produce ;
as the Island of Bourbon, within sight of its shores, is at
present. After the capitulation of Mauritius in 1810, the
inhabitants were not only reconciled to their new govern-
ment by the benign administration of Governor Farquhar,
during thirteen years of unwearied attention to their interests,
but their preference and attachment were won to England,
notwithstanding their powerful ties of consanguinity with
France; and though the chief sources of industry, of com-
merce, and of riches, were closed in a day, by the capture
of all shipping, and by their transfer to a foreign dominion;
while nearly all the convertible capital of the Island was
reduced to ashes at Port-Louis.
In 1817, Governor Farquhar went to England for his
health. The printed papers of the House of Commons
contain the correspondence of the local Government of
Mauritius for 1818. With unfeigned regret, in self-defence,
I am compelled to refer to these documents after such a
lapse of years, when the remembrance of the events they
detail would willingly have been buried in oblivion; but it
is necessary to show the origin of the calumnies circulated in
that year; calumnies that were renewed in London, in
1819; again brought forward, in 1825; and since, in 1829;
notwithstanding their repeated disproval.
In the investigations which took place at that time, in
Downing Street, as to what was passing at Mauritius, it
could not escape the discernment of the minister, that, in
the reports, a distorted shape had been given to every event.
The judges and officers who had been suspended by the
local authority in 1818, were restored to their places; and
the Governor who succeeded repaired, to the utmost of his
power, the errors that had occurred.
Unprovoked aspersions being propagated against me in
London, by persons removed from hence; the council to
17
the Colonial Office sent a letter of inquiry, regarding the
facts, to the late Chief Judge Smith, dated 24th November,
1820. To this letter, the judge returned an answer, on
the 1st July, 1821. The extract from this reply, con-
tained in the Appendix”, shows what were the calumnies
then uttered in London, and the manner in which they
were refuted. His testimony was the more valuable, because
he passed most of his leisure hours at Belombre, from the
year 1818, till his death, in August 1823. That talented
and accomplished gentleman, after having been Chief
Judge in different Islands in the West Indies, was selected
for the exercise of the highest judicial functions at Mauritius,
on account of his zeal, ability, and moral courage in putting
into severe execution, the laws for the abolition of the Slave
Trade ; and, moreover, he was chosen at the express
instance of that party in Parliament which had triumphantl
accomplished the abolition of the Slave Trade. -
Tranquillity being restored, the internal prosperity of the
Island began to revive; and ministers did every thing in
their power, by successive orders in Council from year to
year, to promote its commerce and industry. In 1824, the
subject was brought before Parliament, with the view of
enabling the Colony to profit by its resources; and Mau-
ritius, on this account, became the object of renewed attack
on the part of its calumniators. The Legislature, in 1825,
finally developed a wider scope, of prosperity, by removing
commercial restrictions which had remained a badge of con-
quest on Mauritius; its produce was placed on the footing
of that of other British Colonies, and admitted to home
consumption. Since this act of justice was rendered, the
island has been the butt of unceasing persecution, both in
and out of Parliament. The member for Weymouth was
led in that year, without previous notice, to make a personal
attack, in the House of Commons, upon Sir Robert
Farquhar and some of his successors in the Government
of Mauritius, and also on myself. This attack was chiefly
* Wide extract in the Appendix.
- ID
I8
grounded upon testimony collected by a discarded officer of
police of Port-Louis, who had tampered with Higginson
and Kendrick; the one a sergeant, and the other a corporal,
broken to the ranks by Courts-martial: who, on their
discharge from the army, being employed as overseers of
convicts, were dismissed from this humble station by the
local Government, for incorrigible drunkenness, and cruelty
in flogging the convicts under their orders. These two
witnesses, on the point of departure to New South Wales,
were brought up to London on official application to the
Secretary of State, expressly for the purpose of giving
evidence before the “Select Committee of the House of
Commons.” This Committee had been appointed in 1825,
at the instance of the member for Weymouth ; its object
was to examine fully into his allegations, but it did not
meet till the ensuing session; so that ample time was given
to mature his plans and to marshal his witnesses.
Early in the year 1826, the same Committee investigated
our Colonial affairs, under the presidency of Mr. Buxton
himself; and after the examination of the evidence he
adduced, its report was ordered, by the House of Commons,
to be printed, on the 26th February, 1827. “The Com-
mittee, after having fully entered into the very important
and extensive inquiry confided to it; and after having
expressed their satisfaction that every facility of investigation
had been furnished it by Government, for effectually bring-
ing the affair to a close,” published such unquestionable
evidence of subornation, conspiracy, and perjury in the
witnesses brought forward (although no testimony was
sought for the purpose of invalidating or controverting the
evidence thus adduced) by the accuser, as affected even the
president himself, and, it is said, obliged him to retire for a
time from public life. - * -
But although the champion of the party was checked by
the said exposure in the Select Committee, and would no
longer be its organ, in pursuing, with such supporters as
Higginson and Kendrick, the people of Mauritius, its Go-
.19
vernors, and myself, yet those behind the scene have not
allowed the materials they had collected for proving the al-
leged charges quietly to sink into “the tomb of all the Ca-
pulets.” Having failed in finding, in high life, another
orator to advocate a cause so groundless, the anonymous or-
gan of the party has published the evidence, as he presumes
to call it, in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter. The
upper ranks having treated the first attack and its failure
with contempt, he has now tried the effect of excitement on
the rabble, to whom alone such a composition could be ad-
dressed, with the hope of being read or believed.
Two separate inquiries in Mauritius, on the same subject
with that pursued by the Committee of the House in 1826,
were ordered to be instituted, by His Majesty's ministers,
for ascertaining the truth. The first inquiry was conducted
by the local Government, without the knowledge of the per-
sons accused, and was held on the very spot where it was
alleged the crimes had been committed. Their Report was
given into Parliament in 1827, and thus again unequivocal
proofs were produced of the falsity of the depositions made
before the Lord Mayor, and afterwards detailed piecemeal
by Higginson and Kendrick before the Select Committee.
The minutes of this most conclusive evidence, and the cor-
respondence of the local Government with the Colonial Office
regarding it, were also printed, by order of the House, on
the 15th February, 1827. The depositions annexed to that
report establish the perjury on which the allegations against
me were founded, for they were the sworn evidence of the
very persons to whose authority Higginson and Kendrick
had appealed for corroboration. Were it necessary to pursue
this subject further, a third proof of their being forsworn
appears by reference to a separate source of evidence in the
authentic records of the public offices; it was shown, by the
Registers of the Police Magistrate and of the Prisons, that
one of the witnesses, Kendrick, was immured in gaol at Port-
Louis, for his crimes and cruelties, at the very moment when,
by his recorded oath, he was witnessing the most atrocious
infractions of the laws at Belombre, at a distance of thirty-six
miles from his prison.
20
It might reasonably have been expected, that when those
flagitious perjuries—attacking unawares the conduct of Go-
ºvernment and the reputations of individuals, dearer than life
—were a second and a third time officially and judicially ex-
posed, without the parties impugned having at any time been
called upon, publicly or privately, to say a word on the sub-
ject, that the refuted calumnies might have been fairly attri-
buted to their real authors by the gentleman who had unad-
visedly given them utterance in Parliament; and that in
his place he might have confessed the deception practised
upon him by men, with whose principles, I still believe, his
heart feels no sympathy. In this expectation, as my name
had been so wantonly, irregularly, and prominently brought
forward, in the debates in May 1825, I addressed a letter* to
him, requesting such an avowal as a candid man would not,
and a just man could not, refuse, when convinced of his
error. To this request no written reply has been received;
but the person who presented my letter was told by him,
that he was ready to comply with my demand when his
mind should be satisfied of my innocence, by the Report of
His Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, who were at that
time on their passage to Mauritius.
The third investigation was conducted by the Commis-
sioners of Inquiry, Major Colebrook and Mr. Blair, during
the years 1827 and 1828. They listened to the statements
and grievances of every man, bond or free; investigated all
kinds of information, and received it from all quarters, even
the most notoriously polluted. They made, in my absence,
and without my knowledge, a special visit to Belombre, and
it was the only estate in the island they did visit. They
instituted a correspondence with myself; the most minute
inquiry was made, not only regarding my public and my
private conduct, but likewise respecting the opinions I might
have held or expressed to the Governor, or to the public, at
home or abroad, for the eighteen preceding years. Every
transaction was sifted with the most sensitive vigilance. A
person who boasted of being accredited by them, and in their
* Wide copy of this letter in the Appendix.
21
pay, M. Marcenay—a discarded public servant, who expect.
ed to be reinstated for his services—furnished what he called
evidence, and, like his accomplice in England, endeavoured
to suborn witnesses against me. The evidence of this fact
was mentioned to the Commissioners of Inquiry at Mauri-
tius, and it exists in Europe. No doubt the Report of the
Commissioners will be published, so that the member for
Weymouth will have, I trust, no further excuse for defer-
ring the redemption of his pledge. Had it been sooner re-
deemed—as it ought, in fairness, to have been done—I should
have been left in tranquillity, and the anonymous attempt by
the Anti-Slavery Reporter to disgrace me before the British
public would never have been made, and we should never
have heard of his 350 witnesses. If the Reporter had fur-
nished the names of these persons, it is not improbable that
the records of the Police and of the regimental Courts-Mar-
tial might, as in the cases of Higginson and Kendrick, ex-
hibit a statement of their morality, and furnish a measure to
estimate the value of their testimony; as their names are
kept secret, we may judge of their credibility by the sample
already produced on the same side, where the proofs of per-
jury were published by order of Government.
The allegations of the Reporter, if seriously examined,
could lead astray none but persons of little discernment; yet
it is desirable that the party to which he appears to belong,
should themselves be undeceived as to the conduct of those
he has attacked. This party comprises many who would
spurn the jesuitical maxim “ of doing evil that good may
come,” and refuse the aid of falsehood in support of their
system, although they consider its stability and success con-
nected with the dearest interests of humanity. To undeceive
such persons by showing that he who is held forth so promi-
nently as a monster of cruelty, was, on the contrary, busily
and practically engaged, at the very time the accusation is
laid, in measures calculated to improve the state of Colonial
Society, is my object. In doing so, it becomes necessary,
however reluctant I feel, to speak on many points connected
with domestic life, as well as to mention circumstances and
22
facts, which, though well known in Mauritius, are misappre-
hended by many respectable individuals in Great Britain.
It is superfluous, in a matter of graver import, to notice
the opinion of the Reporter, that it is a stigma on a Colonial
Governor to have in his family an extensive holder of colo- \
nial property, because such a person must necessarily be
deeply interested in upholding the very worst evils of slavery :
yet so many of those, to whom such a tract is addressed, look
to the name, and so few to the meaning, that, by the appel-
lation of a colonial proprietor, though not inconsistent with
the most stainless rectitude of life, it is attempted to convey
an impression of something inimical to morals, and injurious
to society; and when such a meaning is, from illusory mo-
tives, given by those who, in the opinion of the multitude,
never act without exercising their judgment, it will go far to
blast the fortune and fair fame of the most innocent indivi-
dual, who may happen to become the subject of persecution.
Writings of this nature—when the inconsistencies are such
as not to be discovered without that fatigue of attention of
which most men are incapable—are calculated for wide cir-
culation; they are susceptible of all the colourings of fancy;
they gratify the prevalent taste for prodigies and chimeras;
and they satisfy the malignity, without disturbing the in-
dolence, of a portion of the reading public. The refuta-
tion of such inconsistencies, dressed in the homely garb of
truth, is apt to be proportionably tiresome ; only the real
friends of humanity can be expected to read it through :
yet the judgment of such will more than counterbalance the
thoughtless censure of the frivolous and of the unreflecting.
In cases of accusation, the burden of proof necessarily
lies with the person who makes it. To call upon the defend-
ant to prove a negative, is gratuitously to throw an unne-
cessary, and, in most cases, an insuperable difficulty in
the way of investigation. In the present question the
allegations are loose and declamatory; no precise case can
be made out. Indeed, to look to the accuser for proof,
would be to put off my refutation for ever. There is no
alternative, then, but for the person accused without proof,
23
to appeal to the facts and records of past events; and to
the principles which were indisputably acted on at the period
and place selected, and see how far they accord with the
fanciful pictures the accuser has exhibited.
The surest testimony that can be transmitted from distant
places of what has been done in times past, is that which
was written when the events occurred. Happily, I possess
a mass of such evidence as no perversity of mind can resist;
and so many independent testimonies, that the only dif-
ficulty is to select and condense them into bounds not too
diffuse for perusal. Their authenticity cannot be questioned;
some parts were, contrary to my wishes, printed in London
and Edinburgh, in the very years cited by the Reporter,
and are thus placed beyond the reach of variation; and
some consist of private correspondence. Where there is no
point of approximation or contact between the unknown
accuser and the person dragged unawares before the public,
there can be no effectual refutation without recurring to
such documents; and however unwillingly many things,
written in familiar and friendly intercourse, are thus exposed
for a foreign and unpremeditated purpose, their publication
will be pardoned from its necesity. To connect these testi-
monies, it will be necessary once more to look back, and to
take a cursory view of the state and progress of this colony
since it became a British possession.
On my first landing, in 1811, at Mauritius, I travelled
over the island, and was struck with the comparative neglect
in which its soil was left; while Bourbon, which I had just
quitted, was beautifully cultivated with the hoe as a spice
garden. In neither of these fertile colonies, had any
attention been paid to the improvements in manufactures,
mechanics, agriculture, or chemistry, which so strikingly
accelerate the progress of European industry. There were
not wanting many distinguished inhabitants whose talents and
acquirements might have been exerted to improve the pro-
ducts of the soil, and to abridge human labour, had their
attention been turned to these points. But, commerce was
till then almost the sole occupation for industry, enterprise,
24
and the employment of capital. The capture of all shipping,
naval and mercantile, the change of dominion, and the
continuance of war, threw the inhabitants out of occupation
for their means and industry; the moment was propitious
for turning their activity from the channel of commerce,
which was so suddenly and effectually closed, to the improve-
ment of the internal resources of the island.
The agricultural interests of Mauritius, and their connec-
tion with its moral condition, became the cbject of my
unwearied curiosity. I continually added to my store of
facts and observations. By constant attention, I hoped to
become thoroughly master of the subject of the internal
administration of the colonies—which I had never seen
satisfactorily treated—and to make a summary of their
local and domestic relations, containing all the knowledge
which the state of science and of the arts of the age might
furnish. I amassed notes respecting all that was known on
these topics; all that was conjectured as useful or hurtful;
indeed, all that might reasonably be anticipated in the
progress of colonial society. I found, on a near view of
the general aspect of the population at Mauritius, much to
encourage me; mildness of dominion in the highest class,
and slavery, losing its rigour and its indocility, becoming
gradually more tractable; the master, far from being a
tyrant, or the slave a rebel ; the former, though poor, from
not knowing the most profitable modes of husbandry, con-
tented with his lot; the latter, enduring no great hardships,
and being humanely treated, had few fears, and he occa-
sioned still fewer. -
As my knowledge of the colony became more mature and
practical, the desire grew to try how far my theories could
be realized ; and for this reason I became a colonial pro-
prietor. Belombre was chosen for making this experiment,
which promised to be equally beneficial to the Master and
to the Slave. I had some friends who were animated by
similar feelings; and, though warned by prudential motives,
I was encouraged to the trial, by all the highest and most
respectable persons in society. It was desirable to make
25
the trial on a fit scale, and a co-partnership offered the
union of intellect, and of consolidating capital, with the
employment of physical activity—the choice of my associates
appeared advantageous to such persons as were acquainted
with their characters—and the united efforts of four gen-
tlemen, instructed and zealous in their different lines,
augured more certain and extensive results than the individual
employment of proportional capital was likely to produce.
A co-operation was thus made upon a broad and firm
foundation. Major Waugh, of the Honourable Company's
service, who had held offices of the highest trust in India,
and in Mauritius, as Colonial Auditor and Paymaster
General and Treasurer, took charge of the accounts of the
estate : Captain Lesage, of the 22nd Regiment—who had
been remarked at the conquest of the island, and who dis-
tinguished himself under the deputation of Sir R. Farquhar,
by his intrepidity in seizing and capturing slave vessels,
under circumstances of great personal danger, and pursuing
the culprits, at much expense, to condemnation; and who
happily concluded the preliminary treaty with Madagascar,
for abolishing the slave trade—brought his capital and
industry into the common stock: Mr Blancard, the Chief
Magistrate of the district, who was acquainted with the
colonial laws, and with the manners, treatment, and lan-
guage of the Blacks, was the managing partner. The
whole establishment was under my controul, and the problem
I undertook experimentally to solve, for the general interest
of the population, bond and free, was, that the produce of
the estate would be augmented, and the state of both of
these classes meliorated, in proportion as the land was culti-
vated, to the best advantage, by machinery and agricultural
implements, with the greatest number of working cattle,
and the smallest number of Slaves. Thus, then, our chief
object was to adapt the most perfect system of European
husbandry to tropical cultivation; and, while multiplying
our produce, by these means, to raise the Slaves to the
physical and moral level of English farm servants—to
make them peaceful, laborious, paticnt, dutiful, intelligent,
26
and religious—and to fit them ultimately for freedom.
In the planning of all work, the first attention was given to
the nature of the primum mobile, the primary grand ageht;
an elementary one, such as water, wind, steam, or gun-
powder", being always preferred to animal labour; and
animal labour, in all possible cases, to that of man.
The cultivation of nutmegs, cloves, cotton, and coffee, on
a very limited scale, had been carried on with the hoe; for
the plough and the spade were unknown. In choosing the
staple produce for Belombre, the sugar-cane seemed best
adapted for giving full scope to the intelligence of the Slave,
and for enabling us to dispense with his physical force, except
in the application of mechanical power. The manufacture
of sugar, though rude in many countries, had in others at-
tained a certain perfection; but evenin its most perfect mani-
pulation far behind other chemical processes. By limiting
our efforts to this object of profitable culture, and admitting
no other except provisions for our own consumption, the plan
might be conducted on a large scale, and exhibit proportion-
ate results. The task of individuals could be simplified—
employment could be subdivided—work could be quickly
executed—and we could provide, on the spot, the various
and indispensable materials requisite for labour. -
In giving preference to sugar-planting, and in viewing its
probable results as to profit, I had left out of calculation the
possibility of the produce being shut out from consumption;
it did not enter into my contemplation that the markets of
Erance and England would not admit it for home use, or
that we could not export it directly to any foreign state.
There was no precedent of any conquered colony having been
so repressed in its industry. Unfortunately, Mauritius was
destined to exhibit the first example of the evils of this re-
strictive system. Sugar was produced in superabundance,
* Gunpowder was used for blowing up trees in the forest, by an ingenious
application of a short howitzer below the centre of the root, as well as in
blasting rocks, instead of removing them, in making roads; the use of Gun-
powder for the former purpose was superseded by the Eradicator of
Bramah.
27
and with unexampled rapidity; but no market with which
we had intercourse would receive it on a footing with that of
other colonies; our fertile lands, cultivated in the best man-
ner, yielded not returns enough to pay even the interest of
the money laid out; our sugars were at half the price of oats;
some Planters fed their cattle upon them ; several abandoned
their works in despair; and Mauritius, abounding with the
richest produce, was brought to the brink of ruin, by a sys-
tem which forbade us from our natural market. Unbound-
ed confidence in the wisdom and ultimate justice of His
Majesty's Government alone saved us. -
Belombre being cultivated by machinery, wherever the
work was susceptible of its application, an extraordinary eco-
nomy was made in labour; but as the system was new, a code
of instructions was required for the managers and the subor-
dinate persons employed on the estate. Such a code was
composed in 1817, and was rendered more perfect as im-
provements were occasionally suggested by experience. By
this code, it was laid down as the duty of the manager to be
thoroughly acquainted with the disposition and talents of each
Black, and the minute details of his character and capabili-
ties. These circumstances being registered in books for the
purpose, were abstracted into the book of general descrip-
tion*; so that, according to the qualifications of each indivi-
dual, a proper instrument might be selected for any depart-
ment of the service, and the employment of every person
precisely adapted to his force and faculties. The meanest
talents and the most feeble powers were, in this way, sure to
find their use, and an energy from every atom of the mass
was imparted to the operations of the whole; so that the
employment of the people resembled that of a machine of
the greatest powers, duly balanced, and distributed to the
best advantage.
* This book is chiefly in the hand-writing of Captain Begbie, of His
Majesty's 82nd Regiment, who commanded the detachment of the post at
Belombre, in 1820, and who for many months assisted me in examining
the Blacks in person, and in recording every circumstance that could be
interesting in their history, adventures, character, and connexions.
28.
Having given the above general view,' I shall now enter.
into the details of a Planter's life, at least as it was passed
during my fixed residence at Belombre, from August 1819.
till June 1820, as well as during my frequent visits to that
estate, of days and weeks at a time, both before and subse-
quent to the above dates. . .
In Mauritius, daybreak is announced by the morning guns
of the batteries and squadron, and, immediately afterwards,
by the ringing of the bells on the habitations of the Planters,
which is continued about a quarter of an hour. The Blacks
assemble, answer to their names as they fall into their respec-
tive bands, and after prayers (at least on my estates) march
off to their tasks, generally eating their luncheon by the way.
Their commanders—of whom there is one for every squad
of twenty Negroes—accompany the Slaves. A whip was
formerly carried by each of them, not for indiscriminate pu-
nishment, but as a symbol of authority, to be used like a con-
stable's staff in a riot, in cases where a show of discipline and
of power might be required on the spot, and under the eye
of the white overseer, who was always moving from band to
band. I may here remark, that in 1817, instead of the whip,
I substituted the short trumpet, used for flank company
movements of regiments, and the boatswain's pipe. At the
sound of those instruments, each band went to its appro-
priate workshop in the village, to the mill, to the forest, to
the garden, or to the field; and the work of each man being
suited to his strength and capacity, while all kinds of facili-
ties were yielded, the labour of Belombre became mere rou-
tine. The more aspiring, attentive, and intelligent workmen
acted as superintendents; while all manual operations Were
performed by the mass of the unambitious and unthinking
Slaves. But I must leave off this digression. -
At half-past seven o'clock, the Blacks were summoned to
breakfast by the great bells, as at break of day. At half-
past eight, their meal being finished, the ringing again com-
menced, the people returned to their respective duties, and
remained till mid-day. They were then recalled by the bells
to dine, and to repose until two o'clock, or even later. The
29
great bells, for the third time, summoned them to labour,
which was resumed, and continued by each man till his task
was performed, and by those not on task-work, whilst day-
light lasted. Before the evening gun had fired Retreat, or
Roll-Call, the bells again assembled the Negroes for devo-
tion, and thus the day terminated.
The history of one day is applicable to every day of the
year, except Sundays and holidays, and when rains or tem-
pestuous weather kept the people in their respective houses
or workshops. In the latter case, the men employed them-
selves profitably in light task-work—shingle making, the ma-
nufacture of sugar mats, and splitting the dried leaves of the
screw-pine (pandanus vakoa) and polishing them by fric-
tion with a smooth stone. Their wives and children worked
these prepared leaves into mats for drying sugar upon, or
manufactured them into sacks for the transport of sugar from
Mauritius; each furnishing a certain number daily. Night
labour was not known at Belombre. .
In 1818, we had 120 acres of sugar-cane planted by the
plough, or, as the Blacks call it, pioche de baeuſ, the hoe of
the ox: on which, contrary to former practice, there was
not one hour of manual labour bestowed by the Slave.
This crop was cut in 1819, and was more abundant than
what had been obtained during the old plan of cultivation
by the hoe. In 1821, there were 176 acres planted after
three ploughings of the land, in the mode pointed out by
General Bateson, with the exception of ten acres on the old
system, and our working oxen amounted to 184; so that
neither man nor beast was over-worked. -
The adoption of tasks, whenever practicable, augmented
the amount of work performed, and simplified the duties
of the overseer, who had only to see that the task was
done in a workman-like manner. Many of the more
handy Negroes could perform their portion before four
o'clock, and some even before two o'clock, p. m. Such
individuals never required corréction; their industry kept
them from rioting and quarrelling. Disorderly individuals
alone—who, from caprice, indulgence in strong liquors, or
30
jealousy, would neither work nor suffer their companions to
work, or who behaved with cruelty to the working cattle—
required, and that was but seldom, the intervention of justice
on the field. A jury, consisting of those Blacks who witnessed
the misconduct of the delinquent, was instantly empanneled;
and their verdict, generally given in a few minutes, put
an end to all disputes, and invariably required mitigation
on the part of the manager. Corporeal correction was
seldom inflicted; for the most effectual means of civilizing
these people was to deprive them of their amusements, and
not to allow them more leisure than was necessary for sleep,
taking food, and recovering from fatigue—fatigue which
could not be excessive, since it consisted in the performance
of a task suited to each person's strength.
The only certain means by which a master can influence
the conduct of his servants, are punishments and rewards.
Experience confirmed my anticipation of the superiority of
the latter; and, in this view, every thing we could imagine
was done to excite emulation among the Blacks, particularly
by public trials of skill in ploughing, reaping, mowing,
sowing, &c.; and we were satisfied that the greatest ardour
and energy were produced by the system of remuneration.
A man actuated by the hope of reward labours cheerfully,
and finds that he possesses powers of which he was not
before aware.
The only regular punishment I recollect to have seen at
Belombre was that of two Blacks, for repeated house-break-
ing and stealing, as is more particularly detailed under the
6th head, PUNISHMENTs. Let us now proceed to notice the
charges, one by one. - i.
1. HUTs.—That the houses of the Slaves at Belombre were
of the best description, will be proved by reference to the
documents in the Appendix. From its earliest establish-
ment, this estate had been in the hands of rich, and even
noble proprietors, who had indulged their taste in the
luxury of building, even to excess; so that its numerous
edifices, of all kinds, yield to none in solidity, extent, and
conveniences; and, in reference to Colonial life, in magnifi-
31
cence. The hospital for the Blacks, with its broad and airy
viranda, is a spacious building, and is situated at the mouth
of the river Citroniers, and on the sea side. It had been
the mansion of a recent respectable proprietor, and was
surrounded with offices, out-houses, kitchens, and every
requisite convenience. The house of the chief Black
commander had formerly been the residence of a wealthy
gentleman, the father-in-law to the present celebrated Count
Dupuy, who at one time was Governor of Mauritius. The
church, which also served as the school, had been a
magazine; it was arranged, painted, and furnished with a
pulpit, tables, benches, &c.; and its walls were decorated
with the progressive lessons used in the Lancasterian system.
I myself would not have built such expensive edifices for the
above-mentioned purposes; but I did rebuild the whole
village for the Blacks, or the Camp, in the years 1817,
1818, and 1819; not because the houses were bad, but
because, from its situation, the village was exposed to the
malaria of an adjoining marsh. Therefore, the site of the
village was changed—a more airy position was chosen—a re-
gular village with straight streets was laid out—houses were
gradually built—and, as soon as habitable, they were taken
possession of by the Slaves, as will be developed hereafter.
Agreeably to my plan, to the mother of each family was
given the right of occupancy and the exclusive property of
a house and its chattels.
No Black could at any time be without shelter at Belom-
bre; for even if he left his house, in consequence of a quarrel
with his family, from intoxication, or from a rambling dispo-
sition, he had always a ready and secure retreat in the vacant
open chambers of the hospital, in the hospital kitchen, or in
the viranda, which afforded spacious shelter against rain as
well as wind, from all quarters.
But without these adventitious accommodations, there was
always superabundance of room for the Blacks in their own
Camp. Many being employed, under the engineer, as saw-
yers and carpenters, at a distance in the forest, had there a
log house adjoining, besides houses in the village; and as
32
the building of the new village required some years, as the
old houses were not taken down till the new ones were inha-
bited, it often occurred that a family possessed a house in
each of the establishments, the old Camp and the new Camp,
at the same time, besides a hut at their cantonment in the
woods. . - *
In refutation, therefore, of the first charge of inadequate,
or rather miserable houses for the Blacks at Belombre, in the
years 1821 and 1822, or at any other period, I have only to
state one simple and irresistible truth, viz. that my Negroes,
on that estate, were always not only well lodged, but supe-
riorly accommodated—a truth which is supported by the
evidence and testimonies of many of the most respectable
civil and military officers and gentlemen in this colony, who
visited that establishment at different epochs; and also by the
testimonial of Captain Lesage, who superintended the re-
moval of the Camp, and of Mr. Warwick, the civil engineer,
who was attached to Belombre in the several years mentioned
by the Reporter. - : -
2. CLoTHING-The second charge is, that the Blacks at
Belombre were badly clothed.
The Slaves had their regular clothing twice a year, viz. on
New Year's-day and in the beginning of July. When whole
suits were given at a time, some were accustomed to sell to
the Blacks of neighbouring estates whatever they did not want
themselves for present use. Therefore, it was found neces-
sary to supply them piecemeal, as the articles were required.
The clothing was ample, and consisted chiefly of Indian
blue and white cloth for shirts, petticoats, and trowsers; of
Madras handkerchiefs, as articles of light wearing for the
heads of the women; and of woollen foraging caps for the
men. Besides, the Slaves who were exposed to the weather
had hats made of the cocoa-nut leaf, and jackets of the thick
woollen cloth of India called cumlies. . . The higher classes
were provided with great-coats, such as are used by English
soldiers, and the commanders were distinguished by uniforms
of English blue cloth—in fact, in 1819, by dragoon jackets,
with distinctive signs attached, like the fringes and chevrons
33
of serjeants and corporals; by cavalry caps, woollen caps,
and Scotch bonnets. There was a yearly distribution of
blankets, or cumlies, to each house, and a quantity of flannel
or guernsey knitted woollen frocks was given to the women,
and to delicate persons of either sex. White and checkered
shirts from England, duck trowsers, thin woollen kersey for
women's petticoats, and a variety of clothing for the use of
the Blacks were always abundantly kept in store. Even
now, not less than five hundred suits, entirely of English
manufacture, remain in the magazine since the last distribu-
tion of clothes to my Slaves. .
I may remark, that want of clothing for the Slaves can
rarely be a just cause of general reprehension in this mild
climate. Indeed, many of the Mozambique and Caffre
Slaves, would think it a punishment were they obliged to
wear more clothing than is necessary for the sake of decency.
At the same time, it must be allowed, that some among the
Creole castes, having a great fondness for finery, lavish their
earnings for the decoration of their persons.
For the verification of these statements the reader is refer-
red to the evidence, and to the accounts of goods paid for the
Belombre Blacks, contained in the Appendix.
3. BEDs.-Granting the charge were true, that the Slaves
had no beds at Belombre, I would not have the smallest un-
easiness of conscience—not one disagreeable reflection on
that score. In hot climates, it is notorious to every well-
informed person, that it is heat and not cold that requires to
be obviated; and that the beds and bedding of all ranks of
society are very simple. In many countries of Asia, and
especially in India, do not both natives and foreigners reckon
it a great luxury to lie down upon mats, placed upon the flat
roofs of their houses, and to sleep in the open air, under a
calm and cloudless sky P In the Mauritius during the
greater part of the year, had the houses flat roofs, the Slaves
would gladly profit by such a convenience. The inhabitants
follow it, at times, to a certain extent, by spreading mats
upon cane-bottomed sofas, placed in open virandas, and
in large airy rooms ? And are not free servants, as well as
E
34
domestic Slaves, delighted when they obtain their master's
permission to quit their lodgings, and to repose upon mats
spread upon the stone floors of the virandas? Would it not
be torture for the natives of a hot, or even of a moderately
hot climate, such as ours, to be obliged to sleep upon a down
bed, a feather bed, or even upon a cotton or a hair mattress,
and to be covered with blankets or heavy counterpanes P
Could it, therefore, be reckoned a hardship to the Slaves of
Belombre—or I may rather say, of Mauritius—if they had
been necessitated to pass the sultry nights of a tropical
climate upon mats spread upon the ground, where it is often
dry for weeks and months in succession ? The answer must
be in the negative, except during bad weather. Yet, in con-
sequence of sanitary regulations established on that estate, so
desirable a luxury was, at times, denied to the Slaves, who,
but for fear of being reported by the watchmen, for disobe-
dience in not having slept in their cottages, would assuredly
have often indulged their own propensity.
Besides, such families, or individuals, as chose to have a
soft couch for themselves, or for their children, during the cold
season, had only to collect the soft and elastic reed (arundo
palustris), which grows in profusion in the fields adjoining
to their habitations, as well as in the forests; the wild silky-
looking cotton of the ouatier (bombaa, pentandrium), or
the white and springy tops, which formed the receptacles for
the seeds of Indian corn, of which there was an abundance, at
all times, on the estate. Some who do not know the nature
of the latter kind of mattress, bed, or couch, may be surprised
at the above statement; and the best answer I can give them
is, that, in preference to horse-hair, Europeans not unfre-
quently order their mattresses to be made of the said seedless
tops of maize. -
The Reporter was not aware of some other most impor-
tant facts: viz., that His Majesty's soldiers—natives of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland—are not now allowed mattresses,
in this fine climate; that, at night each man places his boards
upon tressels, upon these boards spreads his mat, blanket, or
what he chooses, and then lies down to repose ; and, that
Jº
3:
|
a lot of mattresses, pillows, &c., which were sent here for the
use of the 22nd Regiment, were sold by public auction.
After so much negative though conclusive refutation, which
alone would have rendered null the third accusation, what will
myaccusers reply to the following positive facts. Who was the
purchaser of the above mattresses and pillows? Mr. Telfair.
Yes, at the period that the Reporter's witnesses dared, in
the presence of Almighty God, to fix upon that my Slaves
were inadequately supplied with beds and bed-clothes, it will
be proved by public vouchers, and by numerous testimo-
nials, contained in the Appendix, that all of them were
excellently covered and protected by night and by day, and
in the most comfortable possible manner for this climate.
Indeed, it will be seen by reference to one of these vouchers,
that, in the year 1819, not less than five hundred sets of mat-
tresses, pillows, &e., were purchased by me, the major part
of which were immediately distributed to my Slaves on the
Belombre estate, and that all were devoted to their use; for,
after each Slave had got his lot, there remained in the maga-
zine as many score of sets as supplied the hospital for years,
as well as served to replace those which met with accident,
or which, from improper conduct, were too early worn out,
improperly disposed of by their owners, or destroyed.
I may here remark, that the miseries of cold, hunger, and
want of beds and bed-clothes—though widely felt in Europe,
where the severity of the weather and an ungrateful soil
refuse many of the comforts gratuitously offered by nature
in profusion to the inhabitants of happier climates, such as
that of this delightful island—are scarely known here.
I shall conclude the refutation of the third charge, by the
old and trite remark, Facts are stubborn things; they are
the weapons which I shall always employ to combat those
who have wantonly circulated falsehoods intended to injure
my reputation.
The Reporter's aberration from truth, I suppose, must be
put down, either to bad intention, or among the inconsis-
tencies into which men are continually betrayed, who pretend
to give information respecting countries and climates, races
36
of people and states of society, which they have never seen,
and regarding which ignorance is the most conspicuous fea-
ture in their lucubrations. - - -
4. FooD.—The fourth charge, taken in connection with
the Reporter's remarks and insinuations, under other heads,
amounts to this simple statement: The supply of food issued
to the Belombre Blacks was inferior in quality, and inade-
quate to the wants of nature; or, in still plainer terms, the
Slaves were generally hungered, and often starved to death.
Numerous documents bearing upon the point in question,
which the reader will find in the Appendix, not only demon-
strate the untruth of the Reporter's statement, but prove
that no common attention was paid to the selection, and to
the preparation of the food of the Belombre Blacks; indeed,
it will be seen, that I assiduously studied the subject, as a
medical man, as a chemist, and as a colonial proprietor; and
that I ever bore in mind the comfort and the health of my
people, as well as of all who were attached to, or placed on
my establishment, and whether bond or free. I can there-
fore confidently assert, that the victualling of the Slaves was
sufficiently provided for—not only by the manioc, the Indian
corn, the wheat, the yams, &c., grown upon the estate, and
purchased from our neighbours; by the abundance of fish
found upon our shores; by our live stock; by the purchase
of salt beef, pork, and fish ; but also by regular supplies o
rice from Port-Louis. - *
The assertions, that manioc formed the principle article of
the diet of the Blacks, and that it is unpalatable food, and
unsatisfying in its nature, are not correct. On the contrary,
manioc cakes form a diet not less palatable, wholesome, and
nutritious, than the potatoes of Ireland, or the oatmeal of
Scotland. They are daily used at the tables of the richest
planters; and in England, under the name of tapioca, pre-
pared manioc is considered a delicacy.
On the Belombre estate, the manioc cakes were prepared
“ beforehand,” not for the sordid reasons assigned—“ to
save the time which it would require to prepare it, were it
given to the Slaves in its raw state, and because it became
37
less necessary to allow them a cessation of labour in order to
their eating it”— but for the same reasons that their rice,
their Indian corn, and their soup were prepared, by indivi-
duals appointed for the purpose; or, in other words, by the
cooks for the Slaves. Sometimes, however, the Blacks did
receive their rations, or at least a part of them, in raw
manioc, as it was taken from the earth, and, at Belombre,
not less than seven pounds were issued to each a-day. When
it was prepared, the cakes were not of the size of muffins,
but much larger, for each contained a pound weight; and
of these, three were served to each individual, besides his
allowance of soup, per diem.
I may here observe, that those Blacks who had raw manioc
rations increased their live stock, and from their surplus of
provisions, more rapidly than Slaves under any other system
of diet. .
Rice and Maize were the two principal articles of nourish-
ment—in a word, they formed the basis of the aliment—
of the Belombre Slaves, and an annual supply of 600 pounds
of the former, or of 1000 pounds of the latter, for each
Slave, was regularly insured. To these substantial provi-
sions must be added all the subsidiary supplies, as yams,
cambards, sweet potatoes, pistachios, omimes, and other
vegetables grown upon the estate; many of which are
luxuries, as will be seen by the table of them in the Ap-
pendix. - - .
The mode and the rate of the distribution of food, as well
as some notes on the subject of aliment, will be seen among
the extracts from the Instructions, written for Belombre in
1817, of which several copies have been taken. The copy
from which the documents, published in the Appendix, are
extracted, is in the hand-writing of Mr. Ingleton, of the
Commissariat Department of the Army”. By them it will
be found, that, for quantity and variety of nutriment, no
class of society could have adopted a system more conducive
* An excellent and pious man, who resided at Belombre for his health
in 1821, when he copied these papers; shortly after which period he left
this Colony.
38
to comfort and health. Yet, amidst the abundance and
comfort enjoyed by the Slaves, the most squalid forms of
human wretchedness were at times to be seen wandering over
the grounds of Belombre, in a state of apparent starvation.
They were Government Negro apprentices, who had been
captured, and who had been distributed, from time to time,
by the collector of the customs at Port-Louis. On such oc-
casions a portion of sickly and emaciated Blacks were gene-
rally left on hand, whose feeding, clothing, and general
treatment entailed a heavy expense on the captors, or on the
Government. To shut them up within the Government hos-
pital would have aggravated their misery, instead of contri-
buting to their cure. Belombre was a charitable refuge for
them; they were brought there by our boat from Port-
Louis, sometimes unable to walk, taken to our hospital, and
placed under the constant inspection of Doctor Desnoyers,
the resident surgeon. Soon as they were able to crawl, their
wish was to saunter about the grounds. This practice was,
in some cases, found prejudicial: many suddenly sickened,
without apparent cause; their diseased appetites led them,
during their wanderings, to eat indigenous wild fruits and
seeds, of which several are poisonous. In one day fifteen
were brought to the hospital, under the narcotic influence of
the Dolichos Amara, and of the Jatropha çurcas, the
fruit of which is tempting to the eye and pleasant to the
taste. Afterwards, these apprentices were accompanied in
their walks by a Slave, and thus were prevented from eating
any thing but what was prepared by the hospital cook.
Notwithstanding all our care and expense, numbers died;
and, as a compensation, after the lapse of ten years, our hu-
manity to free Blacks is miscontrued, by ignorant male-
volence, into barbarity to the Slave.
Famine and starvation are found in over-peopled coun-
tries, where the competition for employment is too great, and
the labourer is reduced to content himself with the most
stinted pittance for his maintenance. In the sugar colonies,
the reverse is the case; food is abundant and cheap, while
the price of labour is excessively high. -
39
Slavery has at least this advantage in sugar colonies;
those whose lot it is, are exempted from that misery to which
the poor, in many free countries, are exposed on the score
of maintenance. Neither the Slaves in the tropics, nor the
agricultural labourers in Europe, as such, possess property;
they draw their subsistence from the proprietors of the land;
who, in this mode, pay for the produce raised by their hands.
In every country this is the only birth-right of the labour-
ing poor, be they black or white. In the rich and teeming
soils of tropical colonies, the variety and abundance of agri-
cultural production exceed what can be raised in the less
fertile soils, and the less genial climate of Europe. The
constitution of the Black is adapted to labour with comfort
under a vertical sun; and his work produces a much greater
surplus revenue than that of the white labourer at home.
The labour of Slaves, being now at a monopoly price, pro-
duces to them the same increased comfort as high wages
among the poor in Europe. Their number cannot be in-
creased but by natural reproduction; a process less rapid in
savage than in civilized life, and which does not keep pace
with the augmenting demand for labour. The number of
Blacks cannot materially augment here, until the proportion
of the sexes is equalized. The articles of subsistence, there-
fore, of a Slave in a sugar colony, being drawn from a more
copious and increasing fund than that which supplies white
labourers in Europe, these articles can be dealt out, as is the
case, with a more liberal hand. In no country of Europe
could the proprietor afford, from the produce of the land, so
large a supply for the maintenance of the labourer. It is far
from my mind to speak in praise of Slavery, or of its advan-
tages; for my wish has always been to see its safe, advan-
tageous, and ultimate extinction ; but the name has re-
mained in many places, whilst the substance in great part
has vanished. Slavery is no longer what it was in ancient
times, or in the older days of modern colonization, when ex-
istence was held at the tenure of the arbitrary will of man
—the worst lot of human life. Master and Slave have now
well ascertained their reciprocal duties; the laws are their
40
social compact, and are equally the protectors of each. In-
dependent magistrates, and guardians of the highest and
most disinterested character, unconnected with the pro-
prietors, watch over and protect the interests of the colonial,
labourer—a more appropriate term than Slave, in the state.
to which the Negro has been raised. . .
Before concluding this division of my refutation, I cannot
but remark a most extraordinary inconsistency into which
my accusers, taken as a body, have fallen, in respect to the
feeding of, and the supplies of food for my Blacks on the
Belombre estate, which the curious inquirer may verify by
the documents in the Appendix. In the year immediately.
preceding the epoch fixed upon, during which these Slaves
are said to have been badly fed—eating every species of dis-
gusting offal and carrion which came in their way—drinking
large quantities of water to distend their stomachs, so as to
prevent the gnawings and agonies of hunger—and, finally,
dying of famine—the celebrated witness, Higginson, swore
to the importation, by Mr. Telfair's schooner, in one single.
trip, at Belombre, of 3000 bags of rice in the year 1820,
which he saw carted from the landing place, by means of
thirty waggons, each with six bullocks, to our magazines.
This supply alone was adequate to the consumption of all
the Blacks for two years; and, as there was no other mode of
disposing of it, scarcity and want must have been far dis-
tant. Yet, in 1821 and 1822, the following years, the
horrors of want and starvation are preached as part of my
crimes, to those who knew neither my principles, conduct,
nor character; and who had no means of coming at the sober
truth. - - - * * '.
The same witness also swore to repeated similar im-
portations of rice, which would have yielded a sufficient
supply for years, for all the Slaves in this island. But
enough of this perjured individual. Let us proceed to the
next allegation. b- - -
5. LABour.—The assertions—that “on Belombre estate
the bell was generally rung at three in the morning,” to
summon the Blacks to work—that “they continued to
41
work without any interval for breakfast, and with only the
interval already described (under FooD) for dinner, until so
late in the evening as eight o'clock, and, on light nights,
even an hour or two later”—that “the daily labour ex-
acted from the Blacks, extended to from sixteen to nineteen
hours in the day, even out of crop"—and that “no time.
was allowed them for breakfast”—are totally false. -
It has been already remarked, that the labour of the Slaves
in Mauritius, and I might have added of servants and even
of free people, commenced with the dawn of day, and that
they had a regular fixed hour—viz. from half-past seven
till half-past eight o'clock for breakfast, and as regularly
two hours allowed for dinner, repose, or amusement. It
has also been noticed, and it will be particularly pointed out
hereafter, that the greater part of the work, of all kinds,
at Belombre, was executed in daily tasks—an important
fact, of which the Reporter seems to have been in utter
ignorance. Now, fearless of contradiction, I assert that the
time of work never, in any case, exceeded eleven hours a-
day, and that many workmen, when they chose, could
easily perform their respective tasks in seven hours. For
instance, some of the Blacks could saw 140 feet of plank
per day, while, according to the kind of wood to be cut,
not more than from sixty to eighty feet were fixed upon
as daily tasks; so that, far from being over-worked, little
more than half a day's labour was required of my Slaves.
The same remark is equally applicable to ploughing, planting
of sugar-cane, sowing, reaping, &c., as to sawing of timber.
When their tasks were finished, unless they preferred to
receive pay for eatra labour, the workmen passed the
remainder of the day in various kinds of amusement. . These
truths demonstrate, beyond question, that there could be
no necessity for the Blacks to work in the night, on the
Belombre estate; and I again assert, that there night work
was entirely unknown. At the same time, it must be
allowed, that, from occasional necessity, might work is carried
on at some estates. But there is no more hardship in this
practice, than in that of the breweries and distilleries at
42
home, where a few of the workmen take a spell by night,
which is recompensed by repose during day. The general
work of a plantation cannot be carried on in the night:—
and, of course, never could have been carried on in Mauritius.
The making of sugar—if the Reporter understands plant-
ation affairs—must have been the night operation he
alluded to, though he talks of work in general. Now the
sugar-makers, at the mill and at the sugar-house, consist of
a few hale young men, who give a preference to this duty,
which consists in the easy processes of skimming and skipping
the evaporating juice of the cane; the performance of which
by night is always voluntary, and is rewarded by extra
payment. -
I know mothing of the practice of curtailing the two hours
allowed for dinner, by making the field Slaves “to cut a
bundle of grass or wood for the master.” The period
between noon and two o'clock p. m. is universally allowed to
be the right of the Black ; this interval of labour is called
his breloque, and, to my knowledge, is never encroached on.
During it the Slave may go a fishing, or taking any other
kind of amusement he likes, without being questioned; in-
deed, were he deprived of this right, he would appeal to a
magistrate. In the West Indies, where fire-wood is used
for the sugar-mills, and for the sugar-houses, and where
grass is often scorched up by excessive heat, and so rare
as to be an object of cultivation, it may be necessary to
collect these articles in the way described. But in Mauritius,
and especially at Belombre, the case is widely different.
Only a small supply of fire-wood for the kitchens was wanted
there, and that supply was daily brought by the carts as
they returned from the forest. The explanation of this
apparent anomaly is very simple. The evaporation of cane-
juice is effected by burning—not fire-wood—but trash here,
called bagasse; i. e., the refuse of the sugar-canes, con-
sisting of their cellular, fibrous, and woody parts—indeed
of all but the expressed juice, after they have been crushed to
dryness, in their passage between the cylinders of the sugar-
mill. This bagasse forms so abundant and so powerful a
43
fuel, that no other kind is required, either for the steam-
engines or for the boiling-houses. Hence our Slaves were
never employed, as described, in cutting wood for the
ImaSter.
In Mauritius, the culture of grass has not been generally
attended to, because Nature has thickly covered the island
with different species. At all times it is in luxuriance at
Belombre, where pasturage is singularly abundant, from the
humidity of the climate. Therefore, there was no necessity
to encroach upon the breloque of the Blacks, by making them
to cut grass. They never did so, at the hours assigned.
Our cattle, in crop-time, were fed on manioc root and cane
tops, prepared by the operation of the chaff-cutter, and also
by steaming, after the mode practised by Mr. Curwen. In
their way home from the fields in the evening, the Blacks
were accustomed to cut and carry with them, bundles of
“ songe” (arum esculentam), and of grass for their own
pigs, as well as for those of the master; but from the
abundance of the latter, and the small quantity required in
comparison of the number of hands employed, this work
demanded little time, and was reckoned part of their daily
tasks. Out of crop-time, our cattle were let loose in the
adjoining luxuriant pasturage, when, of course, the cutting
of grass was unnecessary.
In crop-time—which the Reporter characterizes as a
season of peculiarly hard labour, instead of what it really is,
“harvest home,” and a period of more than ordinary
festivity—the work of the day of all the Slaves on my estates
frequently terminated, and still terminates, by four o'clock
in the afternoon. The task of sugar-making—the only
process which then goes on—consists of from nine to twelve
boilings in the day, according to the quality of the cane-
juice, the temperature, and the dryness or humidity of the
atmosphere.
On condition that the Blacks completed their tasks, during
working hours, i. e., before assembling for evening devotion,
they were allowed to commence work when they pleased;
and not unfrequently their tasks were finished an hour, or
44
two hours before that period. The same indulgence is still
extended to my Slaves. The Reporter also remarks, that,
in the time of crop, the manufacture of sugar was carried
on by night as well as by day, and that if the Slaves “fell
asleep during their spell of night labour, they were liable to
be severely flogged; but sometimes so irresistible was their
drowsiness that their hands were liable to be drawn into the
mill along with the canes, and completely crushed and
mangled.” The writer does not directly say that this was
the practice of Belombre, but he does so by implication.
For this purpose he adds, in a note—“It is a curious con-
firmation of this statement, that in the list of Slaves at Be-
lombre for the year 1819, printed by the House of Com-
mons, on the 1st May, 1827, No. 285, we find three of the
Slaves described as estropiés des deux mains;”
the writer translates, not lame of both hands, but, with his
usual correctness, “ mutilated in both hands.” . *
As for the mutilation of limbs by machinery, the Reporter
need not have travelled farther than Manchester or Glasgow.
for daily examples; but the fact is, that the imputation is
groundless. The “curious confirmation” he speaks of, hap-
pens to be the phrase applied in this island to persons lame
from leprosy, or whose limbs are paralytic from the epide-
mic, berriberri. Had the writer been acquainted with the
French language, which he quotes, he would have known
that the word estropié has not such an exclusive meaning as
he attaches to it; in the dictionary he will find it illustrated
by the phrase of “Estropié de la cervelle,” which is not ap-
plied to decapitation, but to another defect, an example of
which his translation exhibits. . t
In reference to our mill-work, no such mutilations could
take place. In June 1819, our agents in London sent out
the great horizontal mill, and, in giving detailed directions
for its erection, the engineer shows the peculiar advantages
of this machine, which was the first erected at Mauritius.
The connection of the feeding rollers, and the guard of wood
placed across the feeding table, prevented accident to the
Slaves; even two canes could not enter, one above the other.
words which
45
The guard equally prevented the approach of the hand to
the cylinders. . . .
From the above details, the Reporter's fifth charge appears
to be destitute of all ground. . .
Should it be remarked, that, in combating my opponent,
frequently assertion is met by negation, I must request the
reader to peruse the various documents in the Appendix,
which will more than bear me out in the above plain state-
ment of naked truths. -
6. PUNISHMENTs.-The Reporter opens his sixth charge
against me by the following gratuitous assertions —“While
the Slaves were at work, they were followed by drivers, and
were continually receiving blows and lashes, and were even
occasionally taken out from the line and punished with twen-
ty or thirty lashes, and then sent back to work. . But these
occasional inflictions were scarcely regarded in the light of
punishment, but merely of discipline.” The total inconsis-
tency of this report with the system of task-work, which, it
will be indisputably proved, was adopted in every branch of
labour and industry at Belombre, might of itself demonstrate
the total inapplicability and inutility of such severity toward
the Slaves. But, forsooth, these “occasional inflictions” of
“twenty or thirty lashes”—the effects of which, in another
part of his rhapsody, are talked of as “lacerations and inci-
sions”—were not regarded “in the light of punishment, but
merely of discipline,” by the iron-hearted Planters of Mau-
ritius. To be short, I can bestow no other appellation on
the above allegations of the Reporter than the true one—
they are falsehoods; and I have no doubt that when the
reader has perused the whole of this refutation, he will be
convinced of the fact. --
The affirmations, “that the regular punishments were re-
served on Belombre for Sunday”—that Sunday" never failed
to be ushered in with severe floggings”—that “the offenders
of the week were reserved in chains (in which they were
made to work) for that day”—and that the number of these
offenders was generally about “thirty,” and amounted, “on
one occasion, to about fifty”—form another illustration of a
46
kind of climax to which the Reporter seems religiously at-
tached, that of rising from allegation by a regular series of
gradations, and finishing in undisguised falsehood. Under
the semblance of truth, he carries forward his reader a
certain way, and then, by some palpable extravagance, or
evident untruth, he excites suspicion, which is soon followed
by utter disbelief.
On an estate, where the service of the church was regu-
larly performed every Sunday, in the presence of the as-
sembled people, as clean in their persons as orderly in their
conduct, and as numerous as some village congregations in
|England, it exceeds the bounds of credulity, to believe that
the Sabbath was chosen for the exercise of severity toward
my Slaves. No ; it will be seen, that Sunday was reserved
for the service of Him to whom it especially belongs, and
jor the distribution of rewards, and not for the infliction
of punishments. - - - -
Besides, for other causes, Sunday was not anticipated by
the Blacks as a day of dread and horror, but of amusement
and joy. Early in the morning their accounts were settled,
and the sum which any one of them had gained by eatra
work was paid to him, either in ready money or in habita-
tion bons, or carried to his credit account in the Savings’
Bank, as hereafter fully explained. Those Blacks who
merited advancement were, with due solemnity, raised from
lower to higher ranks; the dresses and ornaments of which
were respectively given to them.
Hundreds of witnesses can testify to these truths, but I
have judged it sufficient for the refutation of the Reporter's
misrepresentations, to insert the testimonials of only a few
individuals of the highest character, who joined in the reli-
gious service, and who had seen the whole proceedings of many
Sundays at Belombre. It would be a very easy task, how-
ever, to multiply certificates of the same nature; for I may
say it without vanity—when so hardly pushed by my anta-
gonist's injustice—that Belombre was looked upon, not
merely as a model worthy of imitation, in regard to the de-
lightful, profitable, and rational manner in which Sunday
47
could be spent by a Planter—like the father of his flock in
the bosom of his Slaves and attachés; but also as a practical
proof that the Slave could be greatly, safely, and advantage-
ously raised in the scale of civilization. The character of
Belombre attracted the attention of strangers of respectabil-
ity, most of whom visited that estate—sometimes from curio-
sity, and, it is hoped, still oftener from higher motives.
If by the remark, that “there was no difference in the
way of punishing male and female slaves; but there were
two different modes resorted to, of punishing both,” it was
intended to insinuate, that female delinquents were stripped
and whipped in the same way as male delinquents, the an-
nexed documents will prove that the assertion is untrue.
Women were never allowed to be whipped, much less to
be stripped, at Belombre. The extracts of the Instruction
Book inserted in the Appendix, as well as other vouchers,
show that the gentlest and kindest treatment of the female
was practised, in every relative situation in which she could
be placed on the estate, and that the tenderness due to her
sex, whatever might be her conduct, was uniformly borne in
mind.
The two modes of punishment described at such length
by the Reporter, though they may be practised elsewhere
on white culprits, among European nations, were never
seen at Belombre. In many countries of the world, equally
if not more severe modes of punishment are had recourse to
by courts-martial and criminal jurisdictions. As for the tri-
angles, the word indicates the profession of the Reportcr's
informer, as the halberds are at times put into that form, and
used for the summary punishment of military marauders,
and the repression of their predatory excursions; but on the
estates of the Planters, when the crimes of the Slaves require
severity, they are sent to the police, who administer the por-
tion which the law directs. When required, the punishments
used at Belombre, it will be found, were very moderate, and
—as stated by the surgeon of that establishment, who unin-
terruptedly resided in the hospital during the whole period
48
animadverted upon by the Reporter—sclqom even raised the
skin, and never required medical attention.
The disquisition of the Reporter on the comparative cruel-
ty of punishment by ponderous whips and split rattans, and
his description of both instruments, are matters of imagina-
tion. Neither the whip, whose thong was from six to eight
feet in length, nor “the tremendously-powerful cat of two
or three tails,” was ever used at Belombre; nor had we any
experience that either instrument made incisions into the flesh,
“and lacerated” it at every blow; or that “the sharp edge
of the split rattan sometimes divided the flesh like a knife.”
But it may startle the Reporter, when I state, that there
was, and I believe there still is, at Belombre, an enormous-
sized whip, to which the whip described as “a very ponde-
rous instrument,” and as “weighing upwards of seven
pounds,” is a mere pigmy. It was not less than thirty or
forty feet long, and its smack could be heard at the distance
of two miles, when wielded by William Wilberforce Hulme,
at whose request it was expressly sent for to the Cape of
Good Hope. This whip was used, not for flogging Slaves,
but for conducting bullock teams by its sound, according to
the mode practised in that colony—for even the cattle were
not struck with this whip. The transport of produce, for-
merly done by personal labour, was superseded by the in-
troduction of waggons and timber carriages. It may not be
irrelevant to mention here, that, about the same time, I in-
troduced the first iron cranes seen in this island; imported
the powerful eradicators of Bramah, for the purpose of fel-
ling trees; and formed inclined planes and tram-roads in our
forests, at the suggestion of a friend, whose breast was warmed
by the most benevolent views of human happiness, Mr. Henry
Alexander, late Colonial Secretary at the Cape.
The writer next informs us, that “there appeared, in
practice, to be no limit to the number of lashes inflicted on
offenders but the discretion of the master or manager;” that
“seldom less than fifty, and often a hundred or many more
lashes were given in the way of regular punishment;” that,
49
“by this extent of infliction the parts, generally the posteriors,
were always reduced to one bloody mass of lacerated flesh;”
and, that “to this was often added the further excruciating
torture of the application of lime-juice, or salt and pepper, on
the pretence of keeping the wounds from festering.”
The falsehood of these disgusting accusations may be
ascertained by reference to the writings of Dr. Desnoyers,
extracted from his unpublished work on Mauritius, and
subjoined, authenticated by his own attestation, in the Ap-
pendix. Reward and not punishment was the primum
mobile of labour. r
Punishments were rare with us, although it cannot be said
that the people of Belombre were, at an early period of its
possession by the present proprietor, of different or better
classes than those of other estates. The dissolute were re-
formed by wholesome chastisement, and every encourage-
ment was given to the well-disposed—chiefly by kindness
and consideration, but, in decided preference, by rewards.
So far was this system carried, that it was a common saying
of the district, “Le fouet de Belombre c’est le marquée";”
hence Blacks found quite incorrigible on other estates, and
particularly some insubordinate and vicious Government ap-
prentices, were transferred to Belombre, at the request of
their masters, for the purpose of reformation. Persons who
have been born Slaves are natural enemies to all labour that
does not directly promote their present and personal interest;
but, to these motives they appear more sensible than freemen.
By making them taste the immediate reward of exertion and
of merit, their best energies are excited ; and rewards duly
applied, where they were before unknown, become the seeds
of sudden melioration.
By our system bad characters were kept apart under a
vigilant eye, and were not allowed to mix in the amusements
of the innocent. In the way of punishments, bodily pain
* “The whip of Belombre is the marquée,” a small piece of money
worth three sous, the coin in which extra labour was paid ; this was the
stimulus or incentive employed, instead of the whip, as will be seen in the
Appendix. -
F
*
*:: * , g * N
50
&
does evil; mental pain, arising from degradation and dis-
grace, produces good; hence the propriety of diminishing
the infliction of the former, and of augmenting the latter.
It is an exercise of humanity to deprive culprits of the en-
joyments of their comrades, and of the indulgences granted
to superior merit. When the latter went to the dance the
former were led off, with disgraceful ceremonies, to solitary
confinement; so that lookers on connected the idea of inno-
cence and enjoyment with the one set, of guilt and punish-
ment with the other. Such are the maxims which were, and
are, followed in the discipline of our Slaves. A correction
ôook was kept, in which every instance of chastisement, and
the cause of its administration, was entered. If any Slave
had been punished, and no record made, the act would have
been considered as a lawless injury, and would have been re-
sented as such by the proprietor, when present, and in his
absence by the manager and the overseer, who made them-
selves acquainted with the delinquencies of the offenders, and
with the verdicts of the Negro juries, and who also witnessed
the infliction of all punishments.
Of all the punishments on record at Belombre, as far as
I know, only one case occurred in which the offender re-
ceived above twenty-five lashes, and they were inflicted by
judicial order, and by the police officers.
Had the Reporter reflected, he might have convinced him-
self that punishments of such severity, complication, and
duration, as he has described, could not possibly have been
inflicted in the time specified. To assert that all the opera-
tions above noticed could have been performed, even on one
person, in the short space of one forenoon, might alone have
put the veracity of the witness in question; but when he der
clares, that “the same process took place every Sunday
morning, on fifty people and more;” besides “often super-
adding a collar and chain,” the former of which, “with three
or four projecting prongs,” was riveted on—an operation
not to be performed without the aid of a blacksmith and
forge—he really unveils the attempted deception. While he
shows his ignorance of the first rules of arithmetic, he seems
51
desirous of equalling—I can scarcely say of excelling—in
extravagance and fiction his brother witness Higginson, who
saw two hundred and twenty-five tons of rice discharged
from a boat which is regularly registered of only fourteen
tons burthen ; and who, though he could neither read nor
write, on a question being put to him in the Select Commit-
tee of the House of Commons, replied, more to their amuse-
ment than their edification, that on the stern of the boat was
printed “Charles Telfair, Esquire, his schooner, trading
between Mauritius and Madagascar.” On the following
day, however, this person, at the suggestion of the man by
whom he was suborned to perjury, wished to diminish the
grossness of the falsehood he had told, by expressing a desire
to withdraw that part of his evidence. We trust that the
day is also fast approaching when the Reporter and his party
will follow a similar ingenuous course.
It is superfluous to add, that the application “ of lime-
juice, salt, or pepper,” to the wounds said to have been made
by the whip, is utterly unknown in this colony. When
Slaves were guilty of crimes which called for serious inves-
tigation, and apparently for severe punishment, the culprits
were sent to the police to be treated according to their merits,
or subjected to the judgment of the regular courts of justice.
Shackles were sometimes, though rarely, used, as directed
by law, at Belombre, for preventing the escape of runaways,
here called marooms, and for repressing outrageous conduct.
But these shackles were not so heavy as those put upon cul-
prits in England; and they were so constructed that, while
they prevented violence, they did not materially impede some
kinds of work. Thus, the labour of the culprit was made
useful, and the injury of health prevented, which, in some
constitutions, might be the effect of solitary confinement under
a tropical sun.
The nature and extent of punishments deseribed by the
Reporter were not less visionary than the causes to which he
attributes them, when he states, that “the most usual occasions
of the heavier punishments were either the thefts, to which
59
the Slaves were driven by hunger, or the flight into the
woods, to which they were driven by the excess of labour, or
the dread of anticipated punishment.” - He was not aware
that, under the settled system of regular and moderate task-
work, excess of labour could neither be required nor per-
formed ; and that while there was abundance of excellent
'food at the discretion of the Slave, there could be no neces-
sity for theft to enable him to appease his hunger. In
fact, I have never seen any want of food among the Slaves
in this island, and the Planters can afford to feed them better
than the labouring poor are fed at home. But what
always struck me forcibly was, the same defect that I had
observed among the lower classes of labourers in England
—carelessness in the preparation of aliment. As is well
known, the expense of food is increased to an incredible
extent, by habitual inattention to economical cookery. By
an improved system, in this respect, the lower classes in
Scotland subsist at half the expense, and better than the
labourers in the south of England. This improved system,
as is shown by extracts in the Appendix from the Instruc-
tion Book, was put in practice at Belombre, and the people
were amply and satisfactorily fed, without incurring extra-
ordinary expense. *
The only regular punishment I recollect to have seen at
Belombre, was that of two Blacks for repeated house-break-
ing, and stealing some hundred pounds of salt fish from the
magazine. The delinquents were brought before a Jury of
seven Black commanders; their crimes were stated by the
manager, in the presence of the proprietor; the witnesses
for the charge were heard; and then the culprits were called
upon for their defence. They confessed their crimes, and
stated that they had been seduced to exchange the salt fish
for spirituous liquors, by a neighbouring petty shopkeeper.
Their first offence had been pardoned. Each of the culprits
was adjudged by the jury to receive thirty lashes; but, as
had been preconcerted, at the instance of the manager, the
number was reduced by the proprietor to twelve lashes.
53
As will be seen from the extracts in the Appendix, taken
from the Belombre Instruction Book, the plan of punish-
ment for the Slaves, by the intervention of their equals, was
instituted so as to take from the overseer the exercise of des-
potic authority, and to be a not less powerful controul upon
him, than a wholesome curb on the delinquency of the Slaves
—it was a shield to innocence and a scourge to guilt. Ano-
ther great advantage also accrued from it; the shoulders of
the master were relieved from a load of trouble, and from a
disagreeable though indispensable task for the well-being
of society, Black and White; which cannot be discharged
without repugnance and disgust.
The division of the Slaves into classes, proved to them
that they were liable to be advanced or to be degraded, and
was found an excellent expedient for strengthening the
influence of the authorities to which they were subject; it
produced emulation, by making a palpable distinction
betwixt good and ill behaviour; and it kept their hopes
and fears continually awake. Such were its effects, that
some of the more meritorious blacks were in the receipt
of annual salaries (and have been so for ten years), exceeding
thirty pounds sterling; while others married free women,
and brought up their families, at the cost of the proprietor,
on the Belombre estate.
The earnings of the Slaves were either spent at the time,
or received, at their option, by the book-keeper, at 12 per
cent. interest, for the purpose of purchasing their freedom.
With their usual improvidence, however, but few took a
lasting advantage of this system. For the most part, there
was no sufficient inducement to sacrifice the present to the
future; distant good had not sufficient influence to lead
them to lay by their savings; and no necessity existed to
provide for old age, or for a rising family. Some bought
their children from other estates; but a well furnished shop
contained all they could want, and the articles sold to them,
at wholesale cost, offered greater temptation. It would
have been contrary to my principle, to have placed any
restraints as to the voluntary expenditure of their earnings,
54
except the purchase of ardent spirits. They could buy
wine, callow and flangoreen (the fermented juice of the
coco-palm, and sugar-cane) ad libitum, provided they did
not pass the limits of sobriety; besides tea, coffee, and other
luxuries. §
I shall conclude the refutation of the sixth charge, by
requesting my readers to make a careful comparison, on
every point, between the Reporter's unsupported assertions,
and the evidence of the respectable witnesses on my part,
as well as the extracts from the Belombre Instruction Book.
7. MARRIAGE.-The seventh charge is, that “Marriage
is unknown among the Slaves; but the most open pros-
titution prevailed universally among the females. Ladies,
so called, often hired out their Negresses to the soldiers, by
the month, for this purpose.”
In all barbarous and demi-barbarous countries, and
wherever slavery exists, that crime which we call prostitution
in civilized society, and agreeably to the laws of God, has
been, and still is, found to prevail extensively; so that, in
admitting the Reporter's assertion, would it prove any thing
against the Planters of the Mauritius, or against the island
itself? Assuredly not.
Knowing the real state of affairs, it was my constant and
anxious desire, at Belombre, to encourage permanent family
connexions, in every way that morality, religion, and re-
flection could suggest. Independently of these higher
motives, as concubinage and promiscuous intercourse between
the sexes are seldom productive of children, and are always
less prolific than the offspring of regular and permanent
attachments, the master of the Slaves would, of course,
best consult his interest in establishing marriage, or, when
this was impracticable, a kind of mutual contract, between
every pair of adult males and females on his establishment.
In accordance with these views, such family connexions
were promoted, at Belombre, in several ways. On examining
into the causes of the general inconstancy of attachment,
I had very soon reason to know, that the fault of libertinism
was, almost invariably, on the part of the male, who had
55
no check upon his caprices, and who had little difficulty in
obtaining a new partner, while his discarded chère amie
was obliged to shift for herself. To remedy this evil, the
house of each Black on the estate was put into thorough
repair; having been white-washed, furnished, and made
comfortable, at my expense. The classification of the Blacks
already made, as stated in my notes in 1817, and contained
in the Appendix, rendered the appropriation of the houses
an easy matter; the higher families were regularly installed
as the houses were finished, and the exclusive right of the
building, of the whole of the furniture, of the cooking
utensils, of the plates and dishes, &c., was vested in the
mother of the family. …This arrangement was highly ap-
proved by all the Blacks of the first class, who, in their own
estimation, are the nobility of their race. Their domestic
habits prevented them from wishing to roam, and, appa-
rently, they had as little desire for separation from their
wives, as if they had been married according to the ceremo-
nies of the church.
This plan was intended more especially to produce good
effects upon the younger, the dissipated, and the dissolute
Negroes, who naturally conformed to the principles which
bound their superiors. The women being the sole proprietors
of the cottages and of their contents, a man, if inconstant,
could not turn his wife out of the house, and admit another
partner; on the contrary, he himself was obliged to lead
the vagabond life to which the woman had formerly been
exposed. This measure proved a strong restraint on liber-
timism; and attachments had become so permanent, that
very few examples of inconstancy were to be found at Be.
lombre; and when these did occur, the Blacks themselves
looked on the guilty parties with contempt.
Had my occupations allowed me to reside constantly at
Belombre, or had there been any clergyman in the district
of the Savanne to have continued the course of religious
instruction, so well founded by the Rev. David Jones of
Madagascar during his residence on that estate, it is pro-
56
bable that regular marrièges would have been celebrated
more frequently there. But, by the most intelligent and
respectable of the Blacks, hitherto, marriage had not been
considered as connected with religion; and, for the last
generation, that ceremony has been, even among their
masters of the white population, merely a civil contract, a
contract which no Slave can legally form. f
The religious instruction of my Blacks has, in general,
not extended beyond the reading of their bibles, the repe-
tition of prayers, the singing of psalms and hymns, and the
inculcation of the principles and doctrines contained in
Watts's Catechism. The majority of the old and of the
middle aged people, however, is not farther advanced than
the daily repetition of their devotional exercises and hymns;
so that among them marriage has, hitherto, been little
insisted upon by the master; mor, indeed, has it been
seriously thought of by the Blacks.
As marriage is considered a sacrament in the Church of
Rome, the priests, who form the body of the established
clergy in this island, have shown no disposition to encourage
this ceremony, unless preliminary instruction has been
disseminated, and until each candidate to the marriage state
has been examined in his belief, baptized, and confirmed;
so as to avoid profanation of this sacrament.
The Protestant Church, although it does not view the
marriage ceremony in the same light as the Church of
Rome—i.e., as a sacrament—has had but two pastors in
this island who were competent to the religious instruction
of the Blacks in their patois-tongue, and these gentlemen
had other duties to perform, for which they were specially
appointed—so that their personal attendance could not be
widely extended. Therefore, we had recourse to the assist-
ance of the Catechists brought up by the Rev. J. Le Brun,
in teaching our schools, and in preaching to the people; we
have also to thank the IRev. R. E. Jones, Chaplain to the
Forces, for his efforts in the cause of religion, during several
years. This gentleman, however, is averse to the celebra-
57
tion of the marriage ceremony among persons who, in his
opinion, are yet incapable of duly comprehending, or of
properly observing, so solemn an engagement.
We now come to a serious part of the charge—“ Ladies
often hired out their Negresses to the soldiers by the month,”
and for the purpose of prostitution. A man of common
sense and of honest feelings, before he advanced an accusa-
tion to which no lady could reply, would have asked his
informer the amount of a soldier's income, and the rate of a
Slave's hire. He would then have learnt, that even the pos-
sible hoarded amount of a soldier's savings would not have
paid one-sixteenth part of the monthly hire of a negress, and,
consequently, the tale would have been in toto discredited.
The daily pay of a soldier is twelve-pence, out of which
are retained sia-pence for rations, three-pence for vegetables,
and one penny for washing; making in all ten-pence. With
the remaining two-pence, which he receives daily, and not
monthly, he must pay his captain whatever may be due
to him, and keep up his necessaries, or kit, as it is tech-
nically called. Only the old and careful soldiers can keep
out of debt with this pittance, as will be seen in the
Appendix. Such gallants would probably expend a penny
for tobacco, and another for spirituous liquors—indispensable
comforts for a soldier between the tropics. Nothing remains,
and as ea nihilo nihil fit, from whence comes the money
for the monthly hire of the Negress. Ten or twelve dollars
is the rate of monthly wages paid at present, but say it was
only six dollars, or even one dollar, the soldier has neither
sum. Besides, where are the rations of the Negress to be
found, or the money with which she is to be dressed from
the wages of her prostitution.
The above is another exhibition of the moral qualities of
the Reporter, and of his numerous informers; such the
courtesy and courage of those aggressions on the most de-
fenceless of human beings—the Ladies.
An instance of more hazardous gallantry, and more
accordant than the above with the purse and the morality
of the Reporter's informer, occurred in this island. A soldier
58
was imprisoned in 1820, at Belombre, at the instance of his
corporal, to save him from the wild justice of the Slaves,
who sought revenge for his attempt to violate their wives
and daughters. He belonged to the same corps with another
soldier who was hanged, by the sentence of a court martial
held at Port-Louis, for having shot at one of the proprietors
of Belombre, with the intent of murdering him. Such
characters form the class of witnesses from which the Re-
porter derives his knowledge of Mauritius, and on which he
founds his unqualified and sweeping defamations.
I would observe, in conclusion of my refutation of the
seventh charge, that the first assertion of the Reporter
proves nothing against Mauritius—that what respects the
conduct of the ladies being an impossibility, by consequence,
must be a falsehood—and that my labours have been un-
ceasing, unwearied, and expensive, in the execution of plans
for raising the Slaves in their own estimation, and, of course,
in the scale of existence, and especially for overcoming the
effects of their mere animal passions, formerly gratified indis-
criminately, and of replacing these by ties of lasting affection
and of mutual attachments.
These statements will be fully supported by the documents
in the Appendix.
8. MoRALITY AND RELIGION.—The eighth charge of
the Reporter is, that “the Slaves were generally excluded
from all moral or religious instruction, and to teach plant-
ation Slaves to read was almost unexampled. Indeed this
might be said of the whole Slave population.” This charge
includes almost the total neglect of inculcating among the
Slaves the doctrines of morality and religion, and the princi-
ples of elementary education. - - . . .
The Missionary annual reports, printed in London, many
years ago, assuredly could not have escaped the knowledge
of the Reporter ; they, or the extracts from them in the
Appendix, will show how indifferent he is to truth, even
in a legible form. As we have seen, marriage, at Mauritius,
is by law a civil contract—the mere religious ceremony being
of no legal force—whilst in the Roman Catholic Church
59
marriage is a sacrament, and is not administered without due
previous preparation. No clergy could be obtained for
Belombre' from either church ; thus we were left to our
own internal resources. The practice adopted on that estate,
at the time the Reporter has spoken of, for the religious,
moral, and scholastic instruction—indeed for the cultivation of
the intellectual faculties of the Slaves, is of general notoriety.
In the school then established on my estate, the first cate-
chist, Richard Lambert, was formed, and he is a striking
example of the powers of education in elevating his class.
He is the author of the first Creole catechism ever pub-
lished, and is at present at the head of the Government
school for the Slaves at Reduit, the country residence of
His Excellency, the Governor. In an island peopled with
a Negro pagan race, and with but a small proportion of
Europeans, religious advances cannot be rapid ; even in
our own old colonies, settled for centuries, and where our
own language is spoken by the Slaves, much still remains
to be dome, though they have the advantage of a regular
ecclesiastical establishment devoted to the purpose.
The royal charter, granted, in 1794, to the society incor-
porated for the conversion and religious instruction of the
Negro Slaves in the British West India Islands, sets forth
the utter impossibility of accomplishing this purpose, by the
unaided labours of the West Indian clergy. Mauritius
never possessed even one episcopal clergyman until 1813;
and we have yet to learn that the Roman Catholic Church
had previously occupied itself with the conversion of the
Slaves. Nearly 80,000 Blacks were then without the means
of religious instruction, a state of things greatly to be
deplored, but which could not have been prevented, nor
is it now to be easily remedied. A number of qualified
religious instructors for a foreign people, speaking a strange
tongue, cannot start into existence at a call, nor are they to
be obtained, more than in other professions, without previous
study for years, at much expense, and without having a dis-
position to the vocation. There were neither clergy to be
found at Mauritius for that purpose, nor funds for educating
60
such persons, nor for paying their stipends, when they should
be prepared for the performance of their duties.
. In 1810, I commenced a course of instruction with the
Slaves in my own family, and employed a priest and a school-
master at my own expense. My wish always was to try the
practicability of improvement by my own means, as I did
not expect much from wholesale measures of mere speculation,
and never counted on any advantage from great and sudden
strides. Ever since that period I have carried on a cor-
respondence with many influential West India proprietors,
and with different Missionary Societies, as well as with
their ministers in this hemisphere, in the view of widening
the sphere of melioration as I got glimpses of success, and
of pointing their charitable designs to the Black population
of Mauritius and Bourbon, and also of extending them to
Madagascar.
The London Missionary Society is the only one which
has yet been able to do much for the Slaves here; but the
claims upon its attention, in every portion of the globe,
prevented the application of more than limited means in
comparison of the labour to be performed. Its faithful
minister, Mr. Le Brun, has done all that could be effected in
his situation—he has been indefatigable in his schools for the
education and the religious instruction of the lower classes.
The free people of colour have naturally engrossed the
greater part of his time—from them he formed catechists to
assist him in his work—and from them teachers have been
supplied to several estates, so that the light of religion is
slowly but gradually diffusing its influence among the
Slaves.
The writer might perhaps claim some degree of credit, even
for these puny efforts, if he had no better incentive or reward.
Their chief meritis, that their object has been effected, though
in a narrow circle—it was a grain of seed planted in a remote
corner of the globe—it was blessed, and it prospered, thir-
teen years before the great ecclesiastical body in London
made increased exertions in the West Indies for the same
objects, and long after my correspondence on the subject had
61
commenced with some gentlemen who became members of
that most respectable society.
The Reverend A. Denny, Chief Civil Chaplain of Mau-
ritius, and the Reverend R. E. Jones, Military Chaplain to
the Garrison and second Civil Chaplain, have paid the great-
est attention to the elementary, moral, and religious instruc-
tion of the Slaves, and their efforts will tend greatly to ad-
vance the spread of Christianity. The latter has been with
us above sixteen years, and has devoted the time he could
spare from his regular and arduous duties, most assiduously,
to the religious instruction of the Slaves, and particularly to
those on my estates. He is a proficient in their language,
and he possesses, in a peculiar manner, that species of elo-
quence and of illustration which is adapted to fix and capti-
vate their attention. His Creole sermons, could he be pre-
vailed on to publish them, would be considered as an extra-
ordinary curiosity, not only among the religious, but among
the literary portion of European society.
If great extension could be afforded to the regular eccle-
siastical establishment, and zealous coadjutors be obtained
from home, under the superintendence of the lawful autho-
rities, young enough to acquire the language of the Slaves,
religious instruction might be much forwarded; but I am
not aware of any other mode in which this grand object is
to be speedily or effectually attained. However great may
be the abilities and zeal of Mr. Denny and Mr. Jones—the
only two members of the regular establishment here—the
progress of religion in the minds of 80,000 Blacks, many of
them in a semi-barbarous state, must, for a long time, be
comparatively small. As miraculousinterposition is no longer
to be expected, the good to be done must be effected by
human means, appropriately applied. Our means were very
simple, and were not likely to meet the approbation of per-
sons unacquainted with the materials on which we had to
work. They consisted in the adoption of the Lancasterian
system.
Saturday evening, on every estate in this island, is invaria-
bly ushered in with the dances of the different castes of the
62
Black population, in national groups; men and women of all
ages, some even above one hundred years of age, join in the
dance, with their children and grand children, even to the
fourth and fifth generations.
At Belombre, on Sunday morning, the bell rung before
breakfast for “corvée,” which is roll-call; the court-yard
and tradesmen’s workshops were swept ; and all things were
made neat, and put in order. The Blacks then amused
themselves according to their taste. Some of the best be-
haved got leave for a day or two, or for a week, to visit their
friends and relations on other estates ; some received visitors,
or relations who resided at a distance; and others were busied
in dancing, fishing, snaring partridges, monkeys, and hares;
and running, wrestling, or playing music, until mid-day.
Among Slaves, every innocent amusement is useful, not only
from the pleasure which results, but by its tendency to weaken
those dangerous inclinations which uncivilized man inherits
from nature.
The bells were rung at twelve o'clock; divine service was
read to the Slaves by the Missionary who preached in Creole”,
or, when he was absent, by the schoolmaster; and psalms
and hymns were sung. After the conclusion of the service,
those who had received money for surplus work generally
went to the retail shop, which contained every comfort con-
sistent with sobriety ; here they completed their stock of
cooking utensils, fishing tackle, snares for animals, and had
it in their power to purchase all sorts of eatables not furnished
by the estate, besides light wines and liqueurs. To those who
chose to hoard their money, their respective accounts were
read, stating the amount in the hands of the master; and the
Negresses were assured of the disposal of their own earnings,
independently of their adopted husbands. By these means,
provident habits were introduced among the Slaves and their
children.
* The patois, or jargon of the Blacks, is simple in its construction, and
euphonical to the ear, though made up of the membra disjecta of several
languages.
cy
• 3.
In the evening the people were again assembled at roll-
call—said their usual prayers—sung their psalms and hymns,
and returned to the dance, which was kept up till midnight.
Such was the real account of Sunday at Belombre ; and, al-
though passed differently from what many might have wished,
it was, as has been shown, a day of pleasure, in which religion
was not forgotten”. .
At Belombre, and indeed on all my estates, the education
of the Slaves has been an object for which I willingly made
* I am aware that the above description of the Slaves’ mode of passing
Sundays at Belombre may alarm and displease many excellent people, who,
brought up, as I was myself, in the rigorous and solemn observance of that
day inculcated by the Church of Scotland, think that such sports and en-
joyments as the above mentioned are little short of profanation; and that
even the singing of psalms and hymns, when accompanied by the melody
of a band of instruments, though played by the Slaves themselves, amounts
to wickedness. But I am not telling what ought to be done, nor what
might be done under a more efficient management; I relate what actually
happened. I shall neither attempt to palliate nor to deprecate censure,
by changing the colour of the scene to suit the taste of any class of society,
however respectable. There is ample room for improvement, if we had
clergymen to labour, in so extensive a field.
Sunday, in this island, has always been, as in all Catholic countries, a day
of pastime. To make it otherwise, when it is the custom of the church,
would be to disgust the Slaves with the name of religion. The principles
that I have endeavoured to inculcate, are those that form the broad basis.
of Christianity, and in which all churches are agreed ; hence, I have, as
occasions presented, availed myself of the aid of the clergy of every church.
The prominent trait of the faith we taught was complete confidence in the
goodness of the Supreme Being, who delights in the happiness of his crea-
tures. Trivial faults were not threatened with etermal torments, nor was
the mind oppressed with a load of fear; we followed the humane and
Christian spirit of the just and virtuous Fenelon. A vicar having boasted
before him, that he had abolished dancing on Sundays in his parish—“Mr.
Vicar,” said the Archbishop, “let us be less severe towards others; let us
abstain from dancing ourselves, but let the peasants dance, if they like it;
why should we not let them, for a short time, forget their misery :" When
the Slaves can relish intellectual pleasures, the case may alter; but, in
their present state, “to withhold these pleasures is to deprive them of a
portion, of happiness. If happiness, in their minds, is not composed of
amusements, what is its composition ? Who can justify the severity which
unnecessarily takes from the labouring class those little enjoyments which
sweeten the bitter cup of their labours, and forces them to sadness and
ennui.” . *
64
every sacrifice of time, labour, and money. The Negro chil-
dren, and some of the more advanced, intelligent young
men, were daily taught to read, write, and cast accounts, and
were duly instructed in the principles of morality and the
practice of religious duties. Some were taught even higher
accomplishments. Believing in the influence of music in ci-
vilizing mankind, a vocal and instrumental band was formed
among the Slaves, who, for above three years, learned the
principles of this art from the best European masters. Dur-
ing this time I gave up their services, for they were thirty
miles distant from the estate. This band assisted in teaching
the musicians of Radama, king of Madagascar, under the
superintendance of Mr. Kyle, the respectable Quarter-
Master of His Majesty's 82nd regiment. Some of my head
carpenters and masons received lessons in mensuration and
geometry, which I translated from Colonel Paisley's treatise.
One hundred of our Blacks were instructed in the practical
application of the principles laid down in that work, by Mr.
Warwick, a gentleman of property in this colony, and who,
as an Engineer, has introduced numerous improvements.
He was employed, during two years, at Belombre, in the
conversion of timber, the formation of inclined planes, and
the construction of rail-roads. He was much pleased with
the docility and intelligence of the Slaves under his orders,
and by his care many were raised to the rank of artisans.
We had also an Architect of furnaces and fire-places, Mr.
Pownal, from England, at a salary of ten shillings a-day,
and all expenses defrayed. He instructed our masons in
the construction of boiling and curing houses; and in this
school some of the best builders of the Colony were formed.
The School opened regularly at mid-day, and the children,
who had been previously assembled, having bathed in the
adjoining sea, returned at the sound of the bell, and, after
a short prayer, began their studies. Their number varied
from forty to sixty, and they answered to their names in
the muster-book; the absent were noted, and the causes
inquired by the school-master. On alternate days, reading
and writing were taught, and arithmetical tables were
65
repeated by heart by the whole school. Each child had a
copy-book, a bible, a catechism, and a book of hymns and
canticles. The last were printed expressly at Calcutta, and
were sent as a present from a very pious lady, Mrs. Ballard,
who had witnessed with delight the progress of our scholars,
when on a visit to Belombre. School business was inva-
riably closed, by the whole of the scholars and auditors
joining in prayer, and, in singing hymns, &c. The time
was thus occupied till two, or half-past two o'clock; the
children then put on their working clothes, and went to the
public kitchen for their rations, which were already prepared.
Any scholar, whose conduct was remarkably good, accom-
panied the family of the master home, and was fed from his
table for the day.
Far from neglecting Education at Belombre, it was the
favourite employment of the family, who never missed the
school hours, and who were accompanied, in, this pleasing
avocation, by visitors, of whom some were always to be found
there, either of the most respectable inhabitants of Mauritius,
or of the constant stream of travellers, who consider this
island as a house of call in their voyages to and from India
and the Cape of Good Hope; and who, on account of its
beauty and the extreme salubrity of its climate, prolong their
residence for health or curiosity, and generally quit our
shores with regret. . w • * ,
The facts in the Appendix—containing the recorded
testimony of most unquestionable witnesses—may be opposed
to the anonymous aspersions of my secret accusers, and the
reader may be left to draw his own inferences. -
The same System of Education is continued on my other
estates, the Blacks are regular in their attendance at church,
and the scriptures are explained to them every Sunday.
The Rev. M. Tyerman, my late lamented friend, preached
to our people, at Bon Espoir, and at Beau Manguier,
before he went to Madagascar, where he was removed from
the labours of his extensive ministry, and from his collabo-
rator in the mighty work of spreading religion and civiliza-
tion. . . George Bennet, Esq., the worthy companion of his
G
66.
toils, assisted in our schools; and as he has returned to
London, he may be appealed to, by the curious, for satis-
factory information. M. Tyerman's extracts from my
Book of Instructions, were copious, and he intended to
publish them, as an example of what might be done for the
benefit of the Slave, because it had been done at Belombre.
The London Missionary Society are too just to withhold a
communication of those documents, if any further proof be
required of the unfounded nature of the charge that, “The
Slaves were generally excluded from all moral or religious
instruction; and to teach Plantation Slaves to read, was
almost unexampled.”
My life was passed at Belombre in diffusing education
among my people, by that mild discipline of the mind
which gradually confers lasting improvements—advancing
step by step from habit to nature—the only way, I know,
in which the progress of the Slave to freedom can be either
safe, solid, or permanent. -
In my intercourse and correspondence with the proprietors
of Bourbon and Mauritius, I tried to show that their in-
terests were identified with the above mode of dealing with
the Slave. Many, indeed most, of the respectable inhabitants
of these islands are more like fathers than masters on their
estates—their Negroes repay them with a just return of
fidelity and love—the habitation becomes, as I have often
seen, an immense family—and the owner resembles a
patriarch; practically proving, that, in the reciprocal duties
of Master and Slave, the bond of mutual good-will becomes
stronger, as the beings it connects are brought into nearer
contact, and that each is rendered more necessary to the
welfare of the other. - -
CASEs of CRUELTY.
I deem it necessary to quote the Reporter’s “introduction”
to the four cases of cruelty, which, are already copieds at
67
full length in the sixth, seventh, and eighth pages of the
“Anonymous Charges.” -
“The above account”—the account of the “General
Treatment of Slaves in the Mauritius”—which commences
in the first, and terminates in the sixth page of this work—
says the Reporter—would apply, with slight occasional
variations, to the estates in general throughout the island,
as well as to Belombre. On some, the Slaves might be
better off in one or more particulars, and on some they
might be worse off. But the sketch now given may be
considered as a fair representation of what was the ordinary,
every-day treatment of the Slaves, on those estates which
Sir Robert Farquhar might designate as well regulated.
This treatment, however, was wholly independent of those
more exemplary inflictions of punishment which occurred
from time to time, and which, though not productive of so
great an aggregate of misery as flowed from the calm, steady,
regular course of plantation discipline, yet concentrated into
a brief and narrow space a greater portion of the more
revolting horrors of the system.”
“We will here again take Belombre as our first, and one
of our most striking illustrations.”
I must now request the reader's particular attention to
the cases just referred to, so as to avoid repetition here. I
am confident that, on minutely perusing them, he will be far
from satisfied at the careless manner in which they are
detailed. - -
As men, and as soldiers, and therefore not wanting in
courage, were not the Reporter's witnesses, accessaries and
accomplices, since they did not at least prevent the repetition
of the above crimes, worse than murder, by giving immediate
information of their eommission to the constituted authorities
in the district 2 -
Their tender-heartedness, or rathar, as they pretend, the
excess of torture, rendered them totally incapable to hear
the sight of the termination of the punishments; yet, they
unaccountably concealed the whole of those atrocities, even
while surrounded by their countrymen, and by a detachment
68
of their fellow-soldiers, who were passing and repassing to
the military post on the estate, and within hail, every hour
of the day ; as if they wished to have other opportunities of
being present at fresh punishments, in order to indulge the
tender passions of pity and love, to excite the same feelings,
and to move the milk of human kindness in the breasts of
philanthropists. I should wish to know their reasons, why
at, or at least after, the first infliction of such inhuman tor-
ture, they took no means to put a stop to further atrocities.
Captain Mackay, Captain Bruce, and Captain Foreman,
were the officers stationed in succession, during the period
in question, at the regular military post, called Jacote; on
the boundary of the Belombre estate, while Dr. Cumming
was the attached surgeon, who through kindness visited our
hospital almost daily. Why, with such opportunities every
day of the year, did not the witnesses inform their officers
of the awful sights they had beheld—gentlemen whose
principles and duty would have led to research—why did
they not sound the alarm among the soldiers, who, we can
scarcely suppose, would have formed a confederacy for the
concealment of such barbarous deeds P Supposing that their
delicacy, or some equally worthy motive, dictated their
silence to the commanding officers, to the medical officer,
and to their companions in arms—or more probably their
associates in deception, falsehood, and perjury—why did
they not address themselves to the Commandant of the
Quarter, or to the Chief Magistrate, or Commissary of
Police for the district 2 Granting that they failed in
awakening the sympathies of the latter, why did not they
proceed to the Chief Commissary of Police at Port-Louis,
to the Courts, to the Attorney-General, to the Public 2 If
all proved unavailing—should they not have thrown them-
selves at the feet of the Governor, and implored, with that
earnestness which philanthropy inspires, the assistance of
His Excellency to bring the culprits to justice P Had any
man of proper feelings, though not so tender as those of the
informers, even witnessed a horse undergoing from the hands
of a servant such tortures as they profess to have seen
69
inflicted upon the Slaves of Belombre, would he not have
informed its owner, as a duty of humanity . . .
But enough of inconsistency. Had the cases been real, as
may be well inferred from the prevailing tenour of the Re-
porter's animadversions, and the tone of his informers, they
would have been circumstantially, nay, most minutely, de-
tailed. All the dates of the punishments, and the names of
the sufferers, of the torturers, of the proprietors, of the
managers, and of the overseers—indeed of all concerned—
would have been solemnly paraded in the pages of his con-
temptible periodical; or what would have been still better,
numerous procès verbals would have furnished him with
texts for the next twelve months, on which he might have
descanted to his disciples. • - 4. . . . .
I may well be permitted to ask, why such horrors as
roused the tenderest sympathies of the confederated witnesses,
were carefully concealed and kept in darkness for seven years,
and then brought forward mysteriously and anonymously,
in a country far distant from the residence of the supposed
delinquents, and the scene of their alleged crimes, in order
to found upon them infamous charges. Such clumsy and
gross fabrications, however, cannot long impose upon those
in search of truth. .
The only overseer at Belombre from January 1820, till
December 1821, was Mr. Henry Adam, a gentleman by
birth, education, and manners, and at present a merchant of
property at Port-Louis. He was strongly recommended to
the proprietors of Belombre, by the Attorney General, by
Mr. Rudelle, and by Mr. Suasse, the Commandant of the
adjoining district, in which he had managed an extensive
estate, as well as by many of the chief inhabitants of Mau-
ritius. His treatment of the Blacks was never known to be
otherwise than in conformity to the written instructions
given for his guidance, and for that of all others employed
on the estate, . . . . . *
The Slaves were generally sober and quiet, and offences
were rare and venial, so that severity was not required. In the
correction book, as has already been said, was entered each
70
instance of chastisement, its nature, and the cause for which
it was administered. The slightest punishment was noticed
in that book, not only as a check on the overseer, but as
forming a record of the character of those Blacks whose
conduct was faulty. No such punishments as those detailed,
appear in that book. Had such flagitious acts occurred
they could not have been concealed from me; conduct so
opposite to the quiet and ordinary course of events at
Belombre, would have been reported by my own personal
servants and Slaves in town, who were constantly receiving
letters from their families resident on that estate.
We had no female Slave Maroons for months nor years.
Maroon Negroes are not corporally punished when they re-
turn to their homes of their own accord; those seized by the
detachments are led directly to the civil magistrate of the
district, or to the police-office, where the captors receive a
reward on their delivery. All this is done without the least
participation of the owners, to whom the Blacks are returned,
after having been kept confined, or having served a period
in chains, by order of the magistrate, at the public works or
roads of the town. Even had they been Maroons, as stated
under the head of punishments, women were never allowed
to be whipped at Belombre. It might have struck the Re-
porter, when treating of the third case, that the application
of pepper and salt rubbed “into the wounds,” was a dress-
ing not of a healing quality, and that if it did not cause
mortification and death in a tropical climate, it could not have
had the very opposite effect of producing a prompt cure ;
for surely the Reporter believes that his own flesh and that
of the Blacks are of the same nature.
The Reporter next states, that the witnesses, as he calls
his informers, are ready to appear before a court of justice,
a magistrate, or a Committee of the House of Commons, to
swear to the truth, whenever they shall be called to do so.
This vaunting is one of the fruits of leaving perjury
unpunished. Had Kendrick and Higginson, two of the
strongest witnesses of the party, béen indicted for suborna-
tion, conspiracy, and perjury, when proofs of their guilt
71
eame out as clear as noon-day, we should have heard no
more of such combinations of paid calumniators, enrolled,
mustered, and drilled to uniform evolutions of lying. An
example of the vengeance of the law on these original per-
jurers, would have dispelled the cloud of above three
hundred other witnesses, almost all of whom, as the Re-
porter ingenuously adds, “are persons belonging to the lower
elasses, and therefore themselves accustomed to labour and
privation. Not only were their opportunities of observation
greater on this account, but their estimate of the parallel con-
dition to their own, which they were contemplating, likely
to be more just.” - . . .
The picture of the flock of witnesses might have been
more correctly drawn from their prototypes, who were pro-
duced as a chosen sample, and examined before the Select
Committe of the House of Commons, and who were shown
off with the advantage of having their apparent protector, as
President of the committee, putting the questions and dis-
playing the valuable qualities of his own supporters. The Re-
porter's estimate of their characters would then stand thus:—
“Almost all the witnesses we are about to cite are of the
same class as Higginson and Kendrick”, and possess the
attribute of ubiquity, an attribute highly useful to an in-
former, and very agreeable to the lovers of the marvellous.
They were recruited from the gaols of London—self-con-
victed of bribery and perjury—were broken from sergeants
and corporals, and permanently degraded to the ranks by
courts martial—were dismissed from the army, and expelled
even as servants from the department of convicts, for in-
* In consulting their evidence, and the report of the depositions taken
by Government at Mauritius upon it, as printed, by order of the House of
Commons, it will be seen that Higginson was often at two distant places at
the same time, residing uninterruptedly, were for months at two or three
situations apart from one-another, not less than from five to eight leagues;
and that the latter, Kendrick, at the same instant, was in body, expiating,
in the gaol of Port-Louis, the cruelties he had committed, in flogging the
convicts, whilst in spirit, he was residing at the Savanne, at 36 miles
distance, witnessing the events that were passing there, and which are de-
tailed in the printed evidence.
72
corrigible drunkenness and cruelty in flogging their victims—
they were witnesses of cruel murders which they had neither
the courage nor the principle to denounce—in order to rid.
Mauritius of such wretches, they were transported, against
their will, back to England; there they were suborned to
perjury by a discarded servant of Government—the agent of
the reputed editor of the Anti-Slavery Reporter; they formed
a host, led on with the hope of being promoted to the rank of
parish watchmen, or some equally important posts in case of
success—and, finally, they were stopped from commencing
their passage to Botany Bay, by order of Government, at
the instance of the Reporter's party, to bear witness against
the Government and inhabitants of Mauritius before the
Select Committee of the House of Commons, where their
villanies were laid bare to the core.”
This would have been a fair and candid character of the
most select portion of the Reporter's witnesses, as drawn
from their own mouths in the examinations to which they
were officially subjected, under the highest authorities of the
State, and as is illustrated by unquestionable depositions and
documents transmitted by this Government, and published
by authority in England.
Such atrocious instances of cruelty as the four cases com-
mented upon never could have occurred without having
been known to the world; and I trust that the evidence in
the Appendix will place affairs in their true light, and satis-
factorily demonstrate to every unbiassed and religious mind,
that the whole are wicked inventions.
Having finished the refutation of the special and individual
charges adduced against me, I shall next proceed to answer
the Reporter's reveries on population, and the vague, indis-
criminate, and sweeping allegations, which he has cruelly,
because falsely, mixed up with the subject. º
73
-
PROGRESS OF POPULATION IN THE
MAURITIUS.
In Nos. 44 and 45 of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter,
are contained two dissertations on the progress of population
in Mauritius, which form the most extraordinary mass of
erroneous statements and false deductions in the whole range
of political economy ever presented to the world in an equal
space, and which clearly demonstrate that the editor of this
contemptible performance and his coadjutors, far from search-
ing after immutable truth, in the mild spirit of Christianity,
with the view of benefitting the human race, and especially
the Slave, seem endowed with wicked passions, and are de-
termined to gratify them, so long as the liberty of the press—
which they have so wantonly and so often abused—and the
feelings of Britons shall tolerate. I have too high an opinion
of the talents and character of many of the members of the
Anti-Slavery Society to suppose that they are aware of the
real nature of the work of which they are said, in common
with others as members of that body, to be the publishers.
In all charity, I doubt not that some are ignorant of its pub-
lished proceedings, and that others are misled by false ap-
pearances of candour—benevolence and religion of wolves in
sheep's clothing, who are the leaders of the flock.
In the refutation of the random observations and wild
rhapsodies of the Reporter respecting the numerical state of
the inhabitants of Mauritius, the above remarks will be jus-
tified.
The diminution of the Slave population in Mauritius, and
consequently at Belombre, and the statements as to its causes,
in the years mentioned by the Reporter, are utterly erro-
neous. The rate of mortality was moderate, and agreeable to
the course of nature; and when it was higher, in some pe-
riods, its increase was the consequence of pestilential cholera,
and other epidemics, which ravaged all India, as well as this
island, in those same years.
74
The Reporter says, his “attempt must of necessity be an
imperfect one, to ascertain the probable extent of the destruc-
tion of human life which has been regularly proceeding in
this colony.” Yet he parades it with as much assurance as
if it were gospel truth, and appeals to what he calls “Statis-
tical Returns” as “the less disputable evidence.” The sta-
tistical evidence he quotes are the Returns of the Collector
of Internal Revenues of the Slave population at Port-Louis,
for 1822, and the Returns of interments of Slaves, which
occurred in the same district for the six years from 1815 till
1820 inclusive—a period during which the colony was visited
with epidemic measles, pestilential cholera, epidemic berri-
berri, and contagious dysentery. The Reporter was aware,
that in every country where a tax-roll of capitation exists,
the taxable amount must, from the nature of things, be less
than the truth; so far, therefore, his premises are erroneous.
To cull out years in which not only Mauritius, but all India
and the adjacent isles, suffered from a disease more promptly
fatal than the plague, and to apply the rate of mortality in
these years as the basis of ordinary times in this island, is
not fairer reasoning than it would be to take the year of the
great plague in London as the basis of calculation for the
bills of mortality at the present time. The Reporter has
left out of sight the circumstance, that the proprietors of es-
tates, who reside at Port-Louis, bring thither, for the benefit
of the best medical treatment, such of their Slaves as by dan-
gerous, lingering, and chronical complaints, are an incum-
brance on the plantation, and thus increase the apparent rate
of mortality at Port-Louis. He has made a still greater
omission, all notice of the Slave Hospital, to which cases of
serious disease are sent from every district, and which thus
becomes the portal to the cemetery of Port-Louis for a great
portion of the Slave population of this island.
The above fallacies are so clearly exposed, and so ably re-
futed, in a letter dedicated to Sir Thomas Dyke Ackland,
Bart., by an accurately-informed, impartial, and disinterested
observer, that I have obtained the writer's permission to
75
subjoin some extracts, which place the matter in its true
light.
“In the present case, if the plague of the cholera morbus,
which raged among the Slaves in 1819, did not disqualify
that period from being included in a statement of the ordi-
nary mortality, yet there is official authority for asserting
that both these Statistical Returns were notoriously incorrect,
and are utterly invalid, as the basis of that preposterous in-
duction of crime which the Anti-Slavery Reporter has so
cleverly detailed. During the time that the Income Tair
was levied, reasons might exist for a fallacious and excessive
return of property to the tax-gatherer; and the man who
one day ostensibly possessed thousands, might the next be
posted as an insolvent. Could the sagacity of the Anti-Sla-
very Reporter imagine no cause for any such fallacious re-
gistry of Slaves being given in to the Collector of Internal
Revenues P But, not to enlarge upon this topic, and leaving
to others who have access to proper documents to confute
more fully this heavy charge, allow me now to inform
you of circumstances which make the average mortality of
Port-Louis not a fair scale for calculating that of the other
districts.
“The confined and more unhealthy locality of Port-Louis
(of which the Anti-Slavery Reporter seems to know nothing),
and the habits of dissipation of the domestic Slaves, may be
supposed to balance the harder fare and more painful labour
of the plantation Negroes. But the deaths in the Govern-
ment Hospital, in the vicinity of Port-Louis, are included in
the Returns of the district. In this hospital nearly all the
Government Slaves and Apprentices in the colony are treated;
Maroons, the worst description of Negroes, many of whom
contract diseases when absent from their masters, and are
often admitted into hospital in a dying state—sick Prisoners
—and the Slaves of the Planters in the other eight districts of
the island (and particularly in the parts adjacent to Port-
I,ouis), when considered in a dangerous state, are removed
from the plantation to the Civil Hospital; and, of course, all
76
swell the amount of deaths. The Returns of interments,
therefore, of Port-Louis, if ever so correctly taken, cannot
be assumed as a general scale for estimating the mortality of
the island. Let these circumstances be fairly considered, and
then you will be able to appreciate the political acumen and
liberal candour of the Anti-Slavery Reporter, in calculating
the mortality of Port-Louis by the number of interments in
that district, and then astutely applying this scale to measure
the mortality of the other districts of the island | By this
line of argument, the parish in which Middlesex Hospital
stands might be proved more pestilential (if possible) than
Sierra Leone.” -
This testimony is the more valuable as it proceeds from
that conscientious Christian conviction, which the virtuous
alone can adequately feel and express. -
In his 45th No. the Reporter gives a summary for six
years, 1821 to 1826, “establishing clear and irrefragable
presumptions of a frightful waste of human life, and of the
continuance of large importations of Slaves into Mauritius.”
After citing, in proof, the official Returns of the Registrar
of Slaves at Mauritius, he says “in no possible way, we ap-
prehend, can these singular and anomalous appearances be
accounted for, but on the hypothesis of an immense mortality
and an immense importation ; in fine, that there was a mor-
tality of 23,1 40 females and 42,000 males in these six years.”
When he made this assertion the Reporter could not help
knowing, from the very documents he cites, that those Sta-
tistical Returns were worse than useless; that the error was
merely in figures; and that the census was null, from the
insufficiency of the law on which it was founded. From
those very papers he must also have known that this ordi-
nance was subsequently remedied by the law of 1826, and
that the whole matter was begun, de novo, in 1827. The
result of the last, and the only correct, registration was, that
the Reporter's dead men, women, and children—of whose
ages, sizes, marks, countries, and parentage, a description is
given—are again in life; the identical personages who were,
77
as he states, murdered in savage butchery, are still in exist-
ence, and on the official register. The “mass of horrors, of
which England has yet no conception,” is thus dispelled.
If the Reporter had said errors instead of horrors, he
would have been more correct; for the abrogated ordinance
which produced them added another proof to the experience
of ages, of the impossibility of framing laws for a people, and
for a state of society, unknown to the legislator. “The mass
of horrors,” which the Reporter knew had no existence, and
his subsequent remarks, merit no other notice than that con-
tumelious epithet with which Doctor Johnson honoured a
more harmless impostor*. -
It is stated by M. Amyot, Registrar of Colonial Slaves
in Great Britain, that, in the West India Colonies, taken to-
gether, the females exceed the males, there being on the total
4000 females in excess over the number of the males. On
the state of population in Mauritius, during the same period,
he says, the Returns at the Mauritius show that the popu-
lation in 1816 was 85,423, of which 55,717 were males, and
29,706 females, giving a surplus of 26,011 males. These
data prove that there must have been a natural and more
rapid decrease of population, from the disproportion of the
sexes, at Mauritius than in the West Indies, without taking
into consideration the relative visitations of diseases among
the population of the Eastern and Western sugar colonies
during that period.
In the subsequent triennial period, from 1819 to 1822,
M. Amyot shows that, in the first of the above years, the
census, from its imperfection, gave 20,943, and in the latter
7485, as the respective totals of the population. . .
The Reporter, instead of questioning the accuracy of the
Returns, has, against his better knowledge, regarded the
diminution of population as real, and asserted that the only
rational mode of accounting for it was by a wholesale system
of human butchery. *
* “Sir, he is a liar; and he knows it.”
78
It would have occurred to a judicious person, desirous of
truth, that it was absolutely necessary to know something of
the history of the registration ordinances, before founding
any reasonings upon them.
M. Amyot states in evidence, that among the seventeen
West India Colonies, of which he has the Returns in Lon-
don, not two of them have the same form of registry. The
unquestionable documents, published by order of the House
of Commons, show that the Reporter's Statistical Returns
were null; that their mischief was recognised by His Majes-
ty's Government; and that the only remedy of which the
case admitted, was a new Registry. 4. -
Governor Sir G. L. Cole, in these papers, observes, “I
can only repeat to your Lordship that every day serves to
convince me more and more of the absolute nullity of the
present Slave registration; nor do I conceive it possible to
remedy the evils complained of by any measure of the local
Government, until the whole system shall have been revised
and amended by the competent authorities at home.” And
afterwards, towards the end of 1826, when the order in
council arrived for the entire new registration of the Slaves
of Mauritius, he adds, “No exertion will be wanting, on the
part of the local Government, to render this measure as
effectual as possible; and I have every hope that it will meet
with a corresponding feeling on the part of the whole of the
inhabitants.” -
Such was the language of Sir G. L. Cole—an officer dis-
tinguished by those qualities from which esteem is insepara-
ble—a Governor as remarkable for the unaccommodating
sincerity and the uncompromising integrity of his nature as
for the unstained purity of his private and public life. Such
was the registry from 1821 till 1826, the years on which the
Reporter, knowing its nullity, founds his charges, dignifying
it with the title of the “less disputable evidence of statistical
returns.” -
Having thus destroyed the basis of the Reporter's “facts,
irrefragable proofs, and statistical returns,” I might leave his
79
superstructure—his unfounded, unphilosophical, and inco-
herent observations—to sink into obscurity. But I prefer
to illustrate the subject a little further, for the sake of my
readers, and the cause of truth, which affects the welfare of
this island.
In the years 1816 and 1817 the population of Mauritius
suffered severely from measles, which is here a dangerous
disease, and which had not appeared during the preceding
seventeen years; consequently, a great part of the population
was unprotected from its contagion. The consequences, or
dregs, as they are called, of the measles were also propor-
tionably severe, and laid the foundation of many other debi-
litating diseases, as consumption, marasmus, &c. In the
subsequent year, the population was visited by that anoma-
lous disease which attacks the extremities like the berriberri
of India, and which, when not fatal, generally leaves a per-
manent partial paralysis of one or more limbs. This malady
contributed again to exhaust the population in the years
1816 and 1820. In these same two years, the cholera mor-
bus raged over all this hemisphere, and it was succeeded by
epidemic dysentery in this island, in 1821. Yet, notwith-
standing these causes of diminution of the number of the
Blacks, it will be seen in the Appendix, that, when the Re-
porter alleged that the mortality was excessive and unprece-
dented, he was grievously in error; and still more so, when he
stated that the decrease of Blacks on the Belombre estate for
the year 1819, according to the recensement of that year,
was 52 persons, or 13% per cent. per annum on the popula-
tion; and that the decrease for 1825 was 39, or 10% per
cent. per annum. He has calculated on these, as if they
were annual Returns, whereas, both were triennial, compris-
ing the deaths that had occurred, not in one year, but in the
three years antecedent to their respective dates. Instead,
therefore, of a decrease of 134 per cent. for the year 1819,
as affirmed by the Reporter, the diminution is reduced to a
third of that per centage, or an average of 44 per cent.
per annum, for the three years ending in 1819. Again,
instead of 39 Blacks, or 10% per cent, being the decrease in
8(3
the Belombre population for the year 1825, it is the decrease
that took place in three years, from 1822 to 1825, or about
34 per cent. per annum. -
The mortality which prevailed in Mauritius, therefore,
was not the consequence of any peculiar management or
treatment of the Slaves, “ such as no man, who has not the
heart of a demon, can think of without emotions of indig-
nation and horror.” Ten years hence, an equally sagacious
Reporter, on examining the Returns, and finding that the
numerical deaths greatly exceed the births, as they in-
fallibly must do, may state, with equal truth, that no other
causes of such a disproportion or excess of mortality could
exist, except starvation, ill treatment, and over labour, which
led to massacre and to murder. But, if he does not let the
fervour of his zeal overleap the pause of reason, and if he
take the time and pains to ascertain the nature of his pre-
mises before he draws his deductions, he will discover, that
an importation of some thousand male convicts from India,
and free labourers from China and Madras, are not endowed
with facilities to multiply—that whilst the industry and the
produce of the island are increased by these people, and the
population is so, by their own number, that they are not pro-
lific—that their census is distinguished by no column of
births—that the only change in their number is under the
head of mortality from natural causes—and that on the re-
production of the species, the presence of this excess of adult
males, at Mauritius, diminishes its apparent rate as a neces-
sary consequence. - -
To leave out of sight the disproportion of the sexes, in
estimating the rate of increase among mankind, is just as
reasonable as to expect that ships crews are to keep up their
compliments at sea, or regiments in garrison to be com-
pleted from those born within the citadel; and to impute
the mortality caused by epidemics to the proprietors of
Mauritius, is as unreasonable as it would be to accuse the
Grand Seignor of the mortal effects of the plague at Con-
stantinople. . . . . . . . . . .
; : I may add, in reference to Belombre, that this estate could
81
no more be exempt from the influence of such causes than
any other; besides, the accidental upsetting of a boat in
1819, on the reef which surrounds its shores, deprived us of
a number of its most efficient people. r *
These natural and obvious causes account for the nume-
rical state of the population, without having recourse to
such savage reveries as the following:—“The regular,
business-like, daily march” of the Colonial system, which
“steadily proceeds in so torturing and murdering, inch by
inch, the cultivators of their soil, as that one in ten shall be
regularly slaughtered every year, to glut the cupidity of
their savage owners. Wherein do the unflinching and re-
solute administrators of such a system morally differ from
the smooth-tongued villain who, in Edinburgh, is now about
to suffer the penalty of the law They differ only, as it
appears to us, in the deeper malignity, and more heartless
barbarity of their conduct.” This is the language of the
Anti-Slavery Reporter, who is said to be the person who,
for many years, has been occupied in keeping up, at an ex-
traordinary expense of blood and treasure, that charnel-
house of Whites and Blacks—Sierra Leone. If so, deaths
by thousands, and tens of thousands, however startling to
others, must be familiar to his contemplation.
A reference to the Statistical Returns, made out by order
of Government, some extracts from which are contained in
the Appendix, will show what has been the real state of the
population in every district of this island at different epochs,
for a long series of years. They have been compiled from
the most authentic sources, by the indefatigable industry of
the Baron D'Unienville, the Archivist of the colony, whose
talents and integrity are unquestionable, and whose best
years have been employed in preparing a correct statistical ac-
count of Mauritius, for the use of His Majesty's Government.
The valuable facts contained in this document, afford a
ready refutation of every charge against the colony. It
results, from these official records, that, from 1804 till 1825,
the mean average number of the Slaves was 65,633 souls;
of births 41,758; of deaths 45,940; leaving a balance of
H
82
deaths over births of 4182, or about one-tenth per cent.
per annum. The reports of the Civil Commissaries of the
different districts, who keep the registers of the population,
show that, in the district of Pamplemousses, the mortality
was from three to four per cent. per annum, and the births
from one to two per cent. ; that in the district of Rivière du
Rempart, the births and deaths were nearly equal, each
being four or five per cent. per annum; that the district
of Rivière Noire gave three per cent. in births, and four per
cent. mortality; that the district of Plaine-Wilhems gave two
per cent. in births; and that the district of Moka gave the
births at from two to three per cent. and the mortality from
four to five per cent. per annum.
Having discussed, and, I hope, successfully refuted, the
various charges adduced against me by the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter, I beg leave to recommend the following
Appendix to the careful perusal of the reader.
APPENDIX.
IT was at first my intention to have arranged the numerous
documents contained in this Appendix, either chronologically,
or under heads corresponding to the charges: but neither
method was free from great inconveniences, especially as
allusions are frequently made to posterior events in an
early part of the work, and as the same testimonial often
treats of a variety of subjects. Therefore, while as much as
possible combining both plans, I have not rarely intro-
duced documents, which, apparently, may seem not exactly
bearing on the subjects in question, but the propriety of
which will afterwards become evident. -
The Appendix consists of two chief divisions:—the first
class includes letters, extracts, regulations, &c., partly
printed, and others written by myself, previous to my know-
ledge of the attack made upon me in the Monthly Anti-
Slavery Reporter:—the second class is composed of letters
and testimonials sent to me by my numerous friends, after
they heard of my intention to publish the present “Re-
futation.” -
In so miscellaneous an Appendix, the impossibility of
avoiding repetition, without injury to the subjects discussed,
must strike every one.
84
No. 1.
Proclamation in the name of His Majesty, &c. &c. &c.
To all and singular the Inhabitants of the districts of St.
Paul, St. Leu, St. Louis, St. Pierre, and St. Joseph, within
this isländ and colony of Bourbon —
Whereas Henry S. Keating, Esq. Lieutenant Colonel in
the Military Service of His Britannic Majesty, and Com-
mandant of all the military forces within this colony and its
dependencies, has been appointed also Lieutenant Governor
of this colony, and has been nominated by the Governor
thereof to take upon himself the civil administration of the
said districts of St. Paul, St. Leu, St. Pierre, and St. Joseph
within this island.
And whereas, Charles Telfair, Esq. has been nominated
and appointed Civil Assistant to the said Lieutenant
Governor, notice is hereby given, that for the convenience of
the inhabitants of the said five districts of St. Paul, St. Leu,
St. Pierre, and St. Joseph, herein particularly enumerated,
and to ease the said inhabitants from the trouble and delay
of laying their complaints, not of a military nature, against
British subjects of this island and its dependencies, seas, and
harbours, and who may be found therein, and not subject to
the French laws of this colony, before the judicial assessor
and magistrate of and for this colony, at St. Denis, in order
to be adjudged by the Governor there, all complaints against
such British subjects, not subject to the French laws of this
colony, shall, whenever, and as often as any cause of com-
plaint against such British subject shall arise or happen,
and the same British subject be found within any, or
either, of the said five districts of St. Paul, St. Leu, St.
Louis, St. Pierre, and St. Joseph, in the first instance, be
laid before the Civil Assistant of the said Lieutenant
Governor at St. Paul, aforesaid, and be inquired and
examined into, by the said Civil Assistant, and by him be
reported to the said Lieutenant Governor of this island and
its dependencies, for his decision.
Which all persons concerned are desired to take due notice.
(Signed) R. T. FARQUHAR.
85
No. 2.
To CHARLEs TELFAIR, Esq., Civil Assistant.
St. Paul, November 9, 1810.
SIR,-As I am about to make the tour of the south-west
district, and must, on that account, be necessarily absent
from this place for some time, and as it is necessary that the
government of this district, which is confided to my charge,
should be carried on by one who is perfectly possessed of
all my wishes, sentiments, and views, concerning it:
This is to authorise you to continue the said Government,
by my authority, making use of my name in the same
manner as if I were present, for the benefit of his Majesty
and the colony; and I, by this instrument, legalize, as far
as in me lies, whatever acts you may adopt for that purpose.
It likewise is my intention, that this letter shall be a
sufficient authority for you, in all future cases of temporary
absence.
In all matters involving military arrangements or dis-
positions, you will be guided by the advice of the senior offi-
cer of the troops, who will also support you in the execution
of your duties.
(Signed) EDWARD DRUMMOND,
Lt. Col. H. M. 86th Regt.,
t Acting Lieutenant Governor.
—“Q--
No. 3.
Extract from “Book of Government Orders;”
from December 6, 1810, to April 9, 1811.
G. O. By Government.
The chief seat of these colonies having been transferred
from Bourbon to the Isle of France, and the Right Honour-
86
able the Governor-General having been pleased to appoint
Major A. Barry, to be Chief Secretary to the government
so constituted, the appointment of Chief Secretary of Bourbon,
formerly conferred on that officer by his Excellency, the
Governor-General in Council, virtually ceases to exist. The
Honourable the Governor of the Isle of France, is pleased,
therefore, to direct, that the duties of the Public Govern-
ment Office, at Bourbon, may in future be carried on by an
officer under the designation of Secretary to the Govern-
ment of Bourbon; to which situation a salary will be
attached, proportionable to its relative rank and importance.
The Honourable, the Governor of the Isle of France,
Bourbon, and dependencies, is pleased to appoint Charles
Telfair, Esq., to be Secretary to the Government of Bourbon,
until the pleasure of the Right Honourable the Governor
General shall be known. . :
In nominating Mr. Telfair to the above confidential
situation, under the Lieutenant Governor of Bourbon, the
Honourable the Governor is happy to avail himself of the
opportunity it affords him, of doing justice to the merits and
exertions of that gentleman, during the period he filled the
situation of Civil Assistant at St. Paul. -
(Signed) A. BARRY,
Chief Secretary to Government.
—e-
No. 4.
Instruction from His Eacellency, Governor FARQU-
HAR, dated August 24, 1811, to Colonel JoHN
Picton, commanding the Forces at Bourbon.
SIR,-His Excellency , Major General. Warde, COm-
manding the Forces on these Islands, having appointed you
to command at Bourbon, I have to request, that you will
take upon you the provisional superintendence of the civil
duties on that island, in my name, and on my behalf. It is
87
impossible for me to give you any specific instructions until
further orders may arrive from England.
I can, therefore, only recommend you to continue, in every
respect, to carry on the duties on the present plan, as esta-
blished by me, for the government of that island.
You will find the Secretary to the colony of Bourbon
a most intelligent, able, and honourable man, and perfectly
conversant with the nature of the service. I beg leave, in
consequence, to recommend Mr. Telfair, to your particular
consideration. -
Mr. Telfair will give you the outlines of all that has been
done, and is doing, for the benefit and improvement of that
island.
—“C-
No. 5.
To the Rev. GEORGE BURDER, London.
* Belombre, Mauritius, May 15, 1820.
SIR,-When I had last the pleasure of addressing you,
about eight months since, on the subject of the Madagascar
Mission, I mentioned the establishment of a school for the
Slaves on this estate. It is the first institution in this hemi-
sphere for diffusing the principles of religious education
among that class of people; and therefore it may be inte-
resting to you, from the nature of your pursuits, to be
made acquainted with the result. I am likewise anxious to
do justice to your Missionary, Mr. David Jones, who has
resided with me since the date of my last letter to you,
gradually recovering his health, and chiefly occupied in
such studies as might prepare him for fulfilling the views of
the Society, in propagating the Gospel at Madagascar.
The voluminous mass of manuscripts, on the customs,
manners, rites, languages, opinions, history, &c. &c., of the
natives of that island, composed by the Catholic Missionaries
of former times, and by the Government Agents of these
‘88
islands, has been deeply studied by Mr. Jones, and should
his health be sufficiently re-established to admit of his under-
taking the task, he will be so far advanced by the above
course of study, by his knowledge of the feelings and pre-
judices of the natives, and of the errors and mistakes which
led to the failure of his predecessors, that his renewed efforts
will be sure of success. .
It was as a relaxation from these severer studies that
Mr. Jones undertook the superintendence of our school, and
in this he has been eminently successful. I put forty
children under his care, they are now increased to sixty,
several can read, a few can write, and they are all learning
arithmetic; but their progress in religious knowledge is the
most striking. I have never met, even in Europe, with an
instance of such rapid progress. Their answers to the
Catechism, show that they understand what they learn ;
it is not a mere effect of memory, but an exercise of the
understanding, to which Mr. Jones has accustomed them ;
so that they do not repeat by rote, but give their ideas in
their own words. Neither compulsion nor severity is used
in this school, yet the children prefer it to play. Such has
been the nature of the plan by which Mr. Jones has won
the scholar's affections, that the greatest punishment which
has ever been threatened was, to turn the offender out of
school, and this has never yet been found necessary.
The interest which I felt in the diffusion of the Gospel in
Madagascar, induced me, in my former letter to you, to
suggest the propriety and expediency of forming a central
institution, or seminary, here, for the purpose of enabling the
Missionaries whom you send out to obtain all the previous
knowledge which this island can afford, preparatory to their
actual establishment at Madagascar. By these means
they may avoid those misfortunes which crushed their
predecessors,
89
No. 5.
Eatract of an Address to His Royal Highness,
the PRINCE REGENT, dated Port-Louis, Isle
Maurice, October 23, 1816.
“A conflagration, the account of which, transmitted to
Your Royal Highness, will be conspicuous amongst the
most horrible disasters of the kind, devoured, in a few hours,
the half of the city of Port-Louis, and left thousands of the
Colonists, who, the evening before, were blessed with the
gifts of fortune, without bread, without clothes, and without
an asylum.
“More than seven hundred houses, all our rich magazines,
an amount of eight millions of dollars, became a prey to
the flames; the rich and the indigent, creditors and debtors,
victims alike of this fearful visitation, partake the same lot,
and solicit with one acclaim the favour and generosity of
Your Royal Highness.
“Foreign nations, in their misfortunes, have invoked
Great Britain, and their cries have been listened to. Dwell-
ings burnt down have arisen again at the voice of that
powerful nation, and ravaged fields become once more
fertile; and shall we, whom it has annexed to its vast
empire, be the only people to implore its aid in vain f
“Our fortune was occasioned by a free commerce—we
have lost it—but the same commerce can still contribute
mainly to restore prosperity to us again—it can sustain our
energies and animate our industry, and in time save a dense
population from all the horrors of misery.”
(Signed) CHARLES PITOT.
G. NOUVEL.
&c. &c. &c. *
* One thousand names follow the above.
90
No. 6.
Extract of a Dispatch addressed to Earl
BATHURST, by Lieut. Gen. Sir G. L. Cole,
dated Mauritius, May 25, 1824.
“It is not unknown to your Lordship, that the Mauritius
was peculiarly favoured by the old French Government;
and the intimate connection which exists between this island
and that of Bourbon, arising from their former union, and
the numerous alliances in the families of the two colonies,
naturally induce the inhabitants here to draw comparisons
between their present and their former situation, as well as
their position, when contrasted with that of the inhabitants
of Bourbon. It cannot be disguised, that these comparisons
are not likely to wean their affections from their former
Government, nor calculated to secure their attachment to
that of His Majesty. - *
“The sugars of Bourbon, avowedly of an inferior quality
to those of the Mauritius, are now selling for seven dollars
in specie, whilst those of this island have not exceeded from
three to four and a half dollars of the paper currency per
hundred weight. . - - *
“The spices and coffee at Bourbon are kept at a fixed
high price, by the French Government; and that colony
has been happily exempted from the effects of the several
epidemics, which have been so fatal to the Slave population
here, and has suffered in a very trifling degree, for many
years past, from the hurricanes which have destroyed the
crops and plantations of this island.”
(Signed) G. LOWRY COLE.
—“C-
91
No. 7.
Eatract of a Letter to Mr. STEPHEN, from Judge
SMITH, dated July 1, 1821, in reply to Mr.
STEPHEN's Letter of the 24th November, 1820.
“With respect to my intimacy with persons, suspected to
be Slave Dealers, I am not conscious of being intimate any
where, but in the families of the Governor, General
Darling, and Mr. Telfair. I long since gave General
Hall my answer as to the latter, and as to any others
do, for God's sake, let me know with whom I am thus
associated. As for "Telfair, I should think the Missionary
Society could vouch in his favour, and I can only further
say, that I have made both open and secret inquiries, as to
his Slave property, which I would not have made as to that
of any other person, because, generally speaking, such
inquiries are not the province of my situation; and I solemnly
declare, as a christian, and a gentleman, that I firmly
believe him to have been most infamously and wickedly
slandered, by those who have accused him.”
No. 8.
To THOMAS Fow ELL BUxTON, M. P.
&c. &c. &c. -
Port-Louis, Mauritius, October 25, 1826.
SIR,--I have learned, with much concern, that you have
been pleased to hold me forth to my country and the world,
by name, as guilty of a crime which has long and justly
been stigmatised as infamous. Such a charge could only
have been advanced by a person utterly unacquainted with
92
my principles and actions. It has led to official investigations
on the part of Government, and the result will satisfy you,
that the witnesses you produced were perjured. An accu-
sation of so dark a dye, made by the least important member
of an assembly, the proceedings of which are read in every
tongue of the civilized world, and in every rank of life in
the British empire, would be, of itself, a dreadful infliction;
but when the denunciation of my name is advanced with that
intrepid and resolute assurance, which should arise only
from the incontrovertible truth of the charge, and the
assertion pledged to be proved by a person of such intellectual
character, the impression it spreads so widely through the
world can be but partially effaced, even by the punishment
of the perjury on which it was grounded, and by the formal
avowal of the falsehood of the accusation, in the face of the
same august assembly where it was advanced. This solemn
act, inadequate as a reparation, is all that is in your power
to perform, and if I have not over-rated the moral courage
of your character, I shall receive it at your hands.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, - -
Your humble Servant,
(Signed) . CHARLES TELFAIR.
—sº-
No. 9.
Eatracts from the Instructions and Notes, for the
Management of Belombre, 1817.
No. 3. Character Book—Red.
No. 4, IDITTo. DITTo.—Black.
These books are for the purpose of containing the character
of every servant on the establishment at Belombre, white
and black. The list is alphabetically arranged, for the sake
93
of easy reference. After each name, must be noted, with
as much impartiality and truth as possible, all that can be
learned of individual characters. To these characters must
be occasionally added, such remarks as daily experience may
enable the master to collect. As it is intended that these
books should have a powerful influence on the formation of
characters, the servants are to be inspired with as great
veneration for them as possible; by being made to observe,
that every instance of extraordinary industry, care, diligence,
fidelity, watchfulness, and attention to the interest of the
estate, is faithfully recorded in the Red Book ; while all
cases of sloth, vice, and the exhibition of bad qualities,
together with the punishments annexed to them, are minuted
in the Black Book. It should also be explained to them,
that indulgences and degradations are regulated by the
records of these books.
Books, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8, are allotted to Classification.
The names of the Blacks of each class are to be written
on the first leaf of each of these books, and are to be read
to the whole community. Every case of promotion or
degradation is to be rendered as solemn as possible, so as
to leave a lasting impression on the minds of the spectators.
No. 9, is the Hospital Book. Independently of the
regular and detailed journal of each hospital case, to be
kept by the Surgeon, as stated in his instructions, he is to
bring to the proprietor, or the manager of the estate, every
morning, at breakfast, his hospital book, containing the
following particulars—the name, the age, and the sex of the
patient, the name and progress of the disease, and the
period the patient has been in the hospital, with any remarks.
An account must also be kept of convalescents, of their
entry and their discharge from the Hospital Book, containing
also details of the wants of the hospital, and a list of con-
valescents capable of working.
No. 10, forms the Nursery Book, which is to be delivered
by the overseer, every morning at breakfast time, with the
report of the Surgeon. It must contain the date of the
birth, the name, and the sex of the child; the mother's
94
mame; and, in a space, divided into two columns, one of
which should be headed, “With the mother,” the other,
“In the Nursery,” the child's locality will be shown. The
state of the health of the mother, and of the child, should be
also noted, as well as their diseases; under which head
come worms, cold, griping, purging, costiveness, &c. The
date of taking last worm medicine, the diet, the date of
receiving clothing, whether the clothing be complete or
incomplete, the number of nurses, the immediate wants of
individuals, a list of those capable and incapable to go to
work, must likewise be regularly inserted.
No. 11, is the Trade Book. This Book must contain an
alphabetical list of trades, and, underneath each head or
trade, the names of all the individuals on the estate capable
of working at the said trade. Opposite the name of each
individual is to be entered an estimate of the quantity of
work which he can perform, as a moderate task, in the day.
To the heading of each trade, an estimate of the average
quantity of work, which a full grown, able bodied, and
well instructed tradesman can perform, should be annexed.
—“C-
No. 10.
Notes ea tracted from the Belombre Instructions
Book, on the Treatment of Blacks, 1817.
The punishment of Blacks, for inattention, laziness, or
delinquency, is the most disagreable part of a Planter's duty;
but it may be so managed, as, in a great measure, to remove
the odium arising from exercise ºf authority, by the adop-
tion of juries, chosen from among themselves. By this plan,
the master is preserved, in a considerable degree, if not
entirely, from the suspicion of tyranny and partiality, which
naturally are attributed to him by the sufferers.
A jury is to be formed of the best behaved and most
95
intelligent Blacks; and its foreman should always be one of
the oldest Commanders, or chief workmen of the various
trades on the habitation.
Punishment is not to be adjudged till after due investi-
gation; nor, in any case, is it to be inflicted until the
sentence has been sanctioned by the master. Several juries
may be regularly empannelled, so as to prevent the necessity
of removing culprits from the scene of their work, and that
justice may be rendered on the spot for petty crimes; but
the master is, in all cases, to be the supreme judge. This
measure becomes the more necessary, because such juries
are apt to sin on the part of severity, rather than on that of
clemency. In serious cases, examination should take place
on the establishment, and in presence of all the Blacks, so
as to render it the more impressive; and, to fix the attention
of the Blacks more firmly, public punishment should be
accompanied by due solemnities. This mode of conducting
trials will have the effect of making the master beloved, as a
source of mercy, instead of being dreaded; and its effect will
be to destroy, in a great measure, that tendency so natural
among persons subject to coercion—to unite, in a sort of
standing conspiracy, against those by whom they suppose
themselves kept under pressure. It is easy to perceive, that
the fear of chastisement—hitherto considered almost the only
motive of a Black's exertion—is little calculated to call forth
all the industry he is capable of exerting. Fear engages
him rather to conceal than to show the extent of his cor-
poreal powers, and all the labour he can elude is by him
considered positive gain. Therefore, a master, who well,
understands his own interest, will encourage a spirit of
industry among his Blacks, guaranteeing to them the little
profits which their own labour can produce, and allowing
them to hope that their daily savings may form the basis
of their own future happiness. With this view, the master
will always be ready to receive such small sums as any one
of the industrious Blacks may be at any time disposed to
place in his hands, and to become accountable for them,
with interest, at 12 per cent. To give the Blacks confidence
96
in the master, their accounts are to be read over to them in
public, after corvée, every Sunday morning. This plan
will have the same effect as the Saving Banks for the poor
in England. -
It is to be fully explained to all the Blacks, that it is in
their own power, by industry and economy, to obtain for
themselves a portion of freedom proportioned to their exer-
tions. -
For instance, let the valuation of a whole year's work, for
the master, be fixed at 600 dollars. A man who could
raise this sum, by his own industry, would be allowed to
work for himself all the year. When a Black shall have
deposited 50 dollars in the hands of his master, he shall have
a legal claim to Saturdays ; on depositing 70 dollars more,
he shall have Fridays ; on advancing other 90 dollars he
shall have Thursdays ; 110 dollars will purchase Wednes-
days ; 120 dollars Tuesdays; and 160 dollars will secure
the Mondays. To facilitate the acquisition of individual
liberty, the master will grant, for the six days that are to
be bought, a certain hire or wages, for each day; or, in
preference, a certain sum is to be paid off by task-work.
The consideration of this plan will show the reason of the
successive augmentations of the price of each successive day.
Such an arrangement will enable the master to demand so
low a price for the first day, as to put it within the power of
every Black's emulation. It will also have the important
effect of presenting a more powerful motive than the fear of
punishment, to call forth the labour of the Blacks. Affran-
chisement would follow the march of that moral melioration
which is produced among Blacks, by their having learned
the difficult lessons of industry. Their hands would be set
free, in proportion as they afforded sufficient and solid
assurances that they should be employed for the advantage
of society, and when the safety of those who are to live in
the midst of them should no longer be in danger.
Every encouragement should be given to mutual attach-
ments between the sexes, in the view of rendering them as
permanent as the nature of things will admit. Promiscuous
97
intercourse is seldom productive of children, and should,
therefore, independently of a moral or a religious point of
view, be repressed. With this view, a register of families
must be kept, and each family must have a separate cottage,
into which no stranger shall be allowed to intrude; and any
preference or comfort that can be given to them, in the rear-
ing of pigs, fowls, and other stock, or in the distribution of
fish or other sorts of provisions, should be afforded. Preg-
mant women should have sedentary employments, from the
fourth month until the child is weaned. All of them are to
be informed that the rearing of one child to ten years of age
gives them liberty for one day in the week, and so on, toties
quoties; and that the rearing of six children to that age shall
exempt the mother from work during the remainder of her
life. Besides, females are to have the same facilities as males
of buying their freedom by their work.
In many manufactories in England, children, even at four
years of age, earn something, and children a few years older
gain a subsistence, and that a comfortable one, by their own
hands. For the abridgement of labour in the nursery, an
expedient has been used, viz. large cradles, consisting of four-
teen or sixteen divisions, each of which admits a child, so that
rocking the whole can be performed by one mother, while an
opportunity of industry is thus afforded to many others.
Slavery has existed in all countries. It still exists in many
European nations; but it is gradually superseded by freedom
in the progress of civilization ; because hired work has been
found more profitable to the employer than the labour of
Slaves. Another beneficial distinction has arisen from the
progress of modern observation and activity. What was
once universally prevalent, viz. labour by the day, as far as
the nature of the employment admits, is now done by task-
work. Even in agriculture—in which, in many respects,
task-work is generally accompanied with difficulty—every
favourable occasion is to be taken for introducing task-work,
which is, when applicable, productive of benefit to the Planter
and comfort to the labourer, who executes his share with
alacrity and pleasure. = . . .
98
No. 11.
Statement of the Management at Belombre, in 1819,
contained in a Letter to Dr. JAMES MºDONNELL,
Belfast; extracted from Mr. TELFAIR's Private
Correspondence. -
Even essential and important improvements in the primary
arts of life, such as agriculture, gain their way with difficulty
in new countries. It is long before the labour of animals
is substituted for that of man, and you will be surprised to
learn that I am the first person that introduced a European
plough into Mauritius and Bourbon, although these, espe-
cially the latter, like all colonies, depend almost entirely upon
agriculture. Several Planters have already followed my ex-
ample, and I am pleased with the progress which has been
made in my absence. From London I brought with me
many new ploughs, of the best construction, horse-hoes,
chaff-cutters, root-cutters, drill-planters, &c.; and I have
already got them into activity, with a great saving of labour,
which is better done than by the hand. I have no doubt
that my example will be speedily and extensively followed.
It will appear extraordinary to you, that, although many of
the estates in this island have water-mills for the extraction
of the juice of sugar-canes and the making of sugar, yet
that the greatest part of the Indian corn and grain for gene-
ral consumption is ground by manual labour, in the way I
have seen practised in the Hebrides”; whilst a slight addi-
tional mechanism joined to the water-mill would effect the
same purpose without expense of labour; yet labour is d earer
here than in Europe. In the management of my estate, I
lay down as principles, that all work capable of being per-
* A woman sits on the ground, and turns, with the right hand, one small
stone (called the quearn, if I recollect) upon another; the left hand feeds
the mill, and the flour is collected upon a mat. -
99 |
formed by the power of machinery should not be done by
animal power; that work which can be done by cattle, such
as the transport of wood, of sugar-canes, of sugar, &c., turn-
ing and manuring the ground, and cultivation in general,
shall not be performed by manual labour; and that man
shall only be employed when his intelligence is as necessary
as his muscular force. The very reverse of this practice pre-
vailed in this island ; where the hoe could work no other
instrument nor power was used in culture ; not a Planter, ex-
cept myself, has got a scythe ; carts are never used but when
the articles to be carried are too weighty for the head of a
man; and a mill is only kept in activity because no less a
power will bruise the sugar-canes.
Mrs. Telfair has her enjoyments in improvement, as
well as myself. She is introducing the Lancasterian System
for the instruction of the young Blacks on our estate, and is
delighted with their quickness and intelligence. We lead a
patriarchal life at Belombre, with this advantage, that we
have not to wait for a patriarchal age; we have around us
a population looking up with reverence and devotion to their
master, and exhibiting an example of obedience and of sub-
mission, to which the independence of European servants.
forms a great contrast. If the greatest earthly pleasure be
that of doing good, and of promoting the comfort and hap-
piness of our fellow creatures, these luxuries a Planter may
enjoy, and with the additional satisfaction of knowing that
the means which he employs for the happiness of others are,
at the same time, the best for improving his own fortune.
More work is got by voluntary labour, and the excitement
of a spirit of industry, than by the effects of fear, Allowing
the Blacks a portion of time for themselves, giving them
extra work, if they choose, and paying them for it the mo-
ment it is performed, are measures equally profitable to the
Master and to the Slave. This method also insures the
punctual performance of their own task, as the Slaves do
not begin to work for themselves till they have finished their
duties for their master. For instance, two Slaves, in my
wood, cut a certain quantity of planks with a saw, and their
I00
task is such, that with infinitely less labour than that of a
sawyer at home, it is accomplished by two o'clock, P. M. ; if
they continue from that hour to work for themselves, I pay
them so much a foot for the surplus work they have done
during the day; and I can afford to do so at a larger rate
than that of labour in England, because I can sell my
timber at a greater profit, and the ground which is cleared
is more valuable for cultivation, while the virgin soil exhibits
a luxuriance of vegetation of which no idea can be formed
but by an eye-witness. - -
But it is not enough that the Slave should be able to gain
money on his own account; the employment of this money
to his own advantage, and consequently to that of his master,
is important; unless this be attended to, it might be inju-
rious instead of beneficial, by putting the Slave in possession
of the means of dissipation and debauchery. To obviate
this, payments are made in paper money, payable on the
estate itself, in an equivalent value of useful commodities, for
which there is a shop kept by one of my Slaves. The Blacks
are thus enabled to increase their comforts, and even to enjoy
harmless luxuries, by their own efforts. The paper money
not being current except on the estate of Belombre, they are
prevented from spending it elsewhere on rum or other spiri-
tuous liquors. The commodities being provided at whole-
sale price, and no profit being taken on the retail, the Slaves
get better bargains at the home store than they could any
where else for the same nominal value of paper currency.
This circumstance makes them prefer my paper to metallic
currency. - -
There is another extension of the same principle in the
establishment of a Saving Bank, the proprietor being the
Banker; so that any Slave, who wishes to lay by his cash,
is enabled to do so with safety and with profit, being
allowed the legal interest of 12 per cent. per annum. Be-
sides, the money is always ready, and at the disposal of the
Slave, whose property it is. The chief intention of this
Saving Bank is to enable the Slave to purchase his own
freedom, and that of his children, by his own industrious
101
earnings; thus rendering him fit for the enjoyment of
liberty by habits of voluntary labour, acquired in working
for the same freedom. The mode of management is this:—
suppose a Slave has, by his earnings, deposited in the
Saving Bank the amount of £, 10, he shall have Mondays
to himself; days which he should employ in task-work for
regular payment. Having these at his own disposal, he is
thus enabled rapidly to acquire, by his labour, 49. 15, with
which sum he purchases Tuesdays; with the wages of these
two days of payable labour he soon acquires Wednesdays :
and so on, in an accelerating ratio, until the whole six days
of the week are his own. Consequently, by his own labour
and industry, he works out his own freedom—enjoys its
sweets, and gradually becomes civilized. Thus, these
highly important ends are accomplished in the most easy and
efficient manner. When a Black thus affranchises himself,
his labour is proportionably advantageous to his master ;
besides, his conduct is by necessity exemplary; for the com-
mission of any crime would not only retard his progress, but
throw him back in his career; and he may greatly influence his
companions, and excite their emulation to follow his example,
and thus be of unseen utility.
No. 12.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to His
Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, in answer
to their Letter, of December 26, 1827.
The kind of agricultural labour which appears to me best
calculated, in this island, to benefit the Master and the
Slave, whose interests I consider identified and inseparable,
is the cultivation of the sugar-cane, joined with the pro-
duction, on the spot, of the most plentiful, prolific, and
i ()2
nutritious articles of subsistence. On this subject I speak
from experience, dearly bought; and the result is, that I
should not be seduced by the high prices of any kind of
produce that might be raised for exportation, to depend in
the smallest degree on imported food for the use of my
people. - -
Sugar is produced more abundantly in this island than
in the West Indies, from the same extent of land and from
the same quantity of labour, owing, in a great measure,
to the superior quality of our sugar-canes. The difference
of freight and insurance is trifling. Indigoes, cloves, nut-
megs, coffee, and cotton, are subject to fluctuations in price,
from which sugar, become a staple necessary of life, is
comparatively exempted. My neighbour in the Savanne,
M. Etienne Bolgerd, went over his grounds with me, in
November 1817; at a moderate calculation, his crop of
cloves, then about to be collected, was expected to exceed
70,000lbs., and their price was thrice what it is at present.
The hurricane of March 1818, not only destroyed nearly
the whole crop, but did such injury to the trees that they
never recovered; and thus fifteen years of life, in which
M. Bolgerd had been forming his plantations, were lost.
The culture of the other articles enumerated above is, per-
haps, not less objectionable than that of cloves.
I do not approve of the assignment of ground for the
Blacks to enable them to raise their own provisions; the
Colony is not yet old enough for such a plan ; but, where
land is of little value, as at Belombre, they might be allowed
garden-grounds for the cultivation of luxuries, in addition to
their rations. -
The rations of the Blacks might, I think, in general, be
much improved by varying the species of food, and by
paying more attention to the modes of cooking them; on
which subject I subjoin some notes, in relation to the practice
at Belombre. *
Governor Farquhar made every effort to encourage the
cultivation of the silk-worm, and also that of the poppy, in
the view of furnishing a light occupation to women and
103
children. For accomplishing these ends, M. Chazal was
sent expressly to India, to bring down the best kinds of
silk-worms. The silk produced here was found excellent,
by judges in London, and I believe superior to that of
India. The opium was sold, even on the spot where it was
grown, at sixteen, and even twenty dollars the pound; and
at a time when the best Turkey opium could be had at five
or six. Yet the poppies did not pay the price of cultivation.
These branches of industry, as well as the production of
tea, cannot, perhaps, be pursued with advantage in any
country where the price of labour is more than three or four
pence per day; and, in this view, for several years past, I
have been endeavouring to encourage an extensive cultiva-
tion of those articles in Madagascar, where in silk they
already rival this island. The silk-worms and poppy-seeds
were first sent there by Governor Farquhar, about twelve
years ago, together with some Indian artisans, for the pur-
pose of instructing the natives in the process of making silk;
and British workmen, to teach them the construction of
looms, and improved modes of weaving, after the European
IIläI] Il CI’, -
No. 13.
JEattract of a Letter to His Honour, GEORGE
SMITH, Esq., Grand Judge, and Commissary of
Justice, Mauritius, from CHARLEs TELFAIR,
Esq., dated Belombre, October 10, 1819.
I wish it were the fashion to follow our friend R. 's
mode of making an annual eagosé of our affairs and pro-
perty, under the pretence of going to France; for although
I am not one of those who like to put the public in my con-
fidence, or to make myself the subject of town talk, I have
104
not the slightest objection that the whole world should pos.
sess every information regarding me and my property.
We are this morning paying a large sum to our Blacks
for what they have done, during the week, above their task.
This plan opens the road to prosperity, and the people are
happy. Our woods alone, as now managed, will give us
above 30,000 dollars per annum, instead of 24,000, a sum
which you thought exaggerated, but there is no illusion.
We are making more wood than our boat can transport,
although she now goes with unusual quickness, and it is
sold at Port-Louis before being landed. -
We have a hundred men at work in the wood, yet our
other operations, sugar-making, and planting sugar-canes,
do not suffer. We are now well provided with tools, and
our expenses on this score are closed. There is not a single
sawyer, shingle-maker, or squarer of wood, that does not
receive a weekly sum, varying from a rupee to a dollar, for
extra work. Every one not only does his task, at present,
but many much above it, and there is a spirit of emulation
and enjoyment amongst the Blacks which promises well.
No. 14.
Accounts for Bedding, Clothes, &c. &c., for the Blacks
of Belombre, in June, July, and August, 1819.
June 8, 1819.
Received from Serjeant James Beck, of the Store-keeper
General department, the undermentioned articles—
1 Tent.
1 Fly.
4 Marlings.
4 Doors.
105
7 Door Poles. *
2 Centre Do.
1 Rigy Pole.
10 Flanders Kettles, with fryingpan lids.
500 Beds.
600 Pillows. -
(Signed) RICHARD LAMBERT+.
- June 23, 1819.
Two Hundred and Fifty Shirts for Belombre,
- Dollars. Cents.
20 dozen and 10 Shirts, at 7 Dollars per dozen, 145 80
(Signed) WILLIAM MANSFIELD,
Quart.-Mast. 22nd Regt.
To be paid by Messrs. Berry and Co., for Belombre.
(Signed) W.M. GEO. WAUGH,
one of the Proprietors.
June 23, 1819.
Major WAUGH for Belombre,
Dr. to Quart-Mast. MANs FIELD, 22nd Regt.
To 20 Undress Jackets, each 10s. - gº.10 0 0
Received the above sum.
(Signed) WILLIAM MANSFIELD,
- Quart.-Mast. 22nd Regt.
* This is the same Richard Lambert spoken of in the 59th page of
the “Refutation.” The nature of his duties is detailed by himself in the
document to which his name is subscribed, among the testimonials in thi
Appendix. -
106
July 16 and 20, 1819.
Mr. Waugh owes for the Establishment at Belombre.
1500 Needles. .
200 Thimbles.
4 Gross of Pipes.
150 Batavia Bowls.
12 Dozen Knives, for Blacks.
2 Dozen Scissars. • '
2 Dozen Locks, for the cottages of the Blacks,
16 lbs. of Pins. *
I Dozen Trowels.
1 Dozen Hoes.
July 20th. .
60 Slates for the School.
Port-Louis, le 3 Août, 1819.
Doit M. TELFAIR a Couroubadon, Marchand, pour quatre
cents cocos de mer”, fournis a son établissement de Belombre,
savoir, à raison de 36 sols 4d. la pièce, font 72 pias. 72c.
.* Pour acquit, .
(Signé) COURBADON.
The clothing of my Blacks may be judged of by the in-
voices of the supplies received last year. Not a single article
has been applied for any other purpose than their use. These
invoices are selected in preference to those of supplies from
India, because they can be verified by the parties in London,
who furnished the several articles. The clothing was chosen,
in conformity to my orders given in 1827, by Captain David
* Of these four hundred Cocos de Mer were made eight hundred dishes
of the most favourite description, for their lightness, beauty, and durability.
When polished they have a metallic lustre, and are sometimes set in gold,
for the dessert services of the tasteful and opulent.
107
Thomson, now in London, first in the firm of Messrs.
Thomson, Passmore, and Thompson, of Port-Louis.
London, March 14, 1828.
Bought of ALEXANDER BALMANo and Co.
No. 78, Queen-St., Cheapside.
Shipped on board the Ceylon, Francis Davison, for Mauritius.
TP and T
- BM.
in Bales marked Nos. 1 and 2.
C. TELFAIR, Esq. (for his Blacks).
Dr. to THOMson, PAssMoRE, and THoMPson.
1828.
}400 Highland Bonnets, at 13%d. 49.22 10 0
For Goods imported to his order from London, by ship Ceylon.
To Brooke, Webb, and Co.
TPT. - Bill of Parcels, dated 28th
- ) Jan. last,.....................
BM. l. To Hilton, Darly & Knolt,
l a 4 || 11th March, ................
4. To Alex. Balmano and Co.
bales f 14th March.................. --
To Press Packing, Outside Sheets,
and Cartage on two Bales, ......
To Port Entry, Lighterage, Wharf.
age and Shipping on four ditto,..
To Bills of Lading, Freight, and
Primage on ditto..................
To Commission, 24 per cent.......
To Insuring £280,... g6.6 6 0
Policy, ............ 0 15 9
S.
41 8
186 1
22 10
d. £, s. d.
— 249 19 1
1 6
0 19
5 2
6 8
7 I
.
9
20 17 9
ºmmºn
£.270 16 10
*
108
- Or Dollars, 1354 21
CHARGES. -
Tonnage and Quay Dues, P................ 90
Custom-House Duty,..................... 82 91
Cartage, Lighterage, &c. ......... * @ e g º & G & º. 2 0
85 81
Commission on Dollars 1354, 21, 5 p. c. 67 73 -
153 52
Valeur dudit Août Dollars, 1507 73
Pour acquit des mains de M. JAMEs LEMAIRE du
10 Août.
Pour Thomson, Passmore, et Thompson,
(Signed) L. A. GOUREGE.
C. TELFAIR, Esq. (for his Blacks).
DR. to THOMson, PAssMoRE, and THOMPson.
1828. For Goods imported to his order from London by
ship Ceylon.
... s. d. £. s. d,
BE Co., Bill of Parcels dated
o 28th Jan, last,............ 21 9 3
To Hilton, Darby, and
TP & T {: Brooke, Webbs, and
1 E 2 Enolt, ditto 14th March 93 0 6
2 Bales To Alexander Balmano
& Co. 14 ditto, ......... 1.1 5 0 w
-- 125 14 - 9
To Press Packing, Outside sheet, - - -
and Cartage on one Bale, ......... 0 13 . ()
To Port Entry, Lighterage, Wharf-
age, and Shipping, on two, ...... 0 9 9
To Bills of Lading, Freight, and ºf
Primage, ........................... 2 15 0
3 17 9 125 A 9
109
— 10 15
e.136 To
or Dollars, 682
CHAR G ES.
| Tonnage and Quay Dues, Pd. ......... 0 61
Custom-House Duty, .................. 41 , 67
Cartage, Lighterage, &c. ............... 1 50
- 43 78
Commission D 682 62, 5 per cent., 34 13-
9
| 77 91
Valeur du 10 Août. "760 53
Pour acquit des mains de M. JAMEs LEMAIRE,
Pour Thomson, Passmore, et Thompson,
(Signed) L. A. GOUR EG E.
· London, January 23, 1828.
Messrs. ALExANDER BALMANo and Co.
Bought of BRooKE, WEBBs, and Co. .
| Sambrook Court, Basinghall-St. and l7, Coleman-St.
*. #É. s. .
TP & T à 17 pieces fine blue Long Ells,at 30s. 6d. 25 18
BM. ; 6 Negro Blankets (15 each) 46s. 3d. 13 17
, In Bales
| marked }-10 Ditto ditto, loose, ......... 3s. 2# d. 1 12
NO.182.
110
London, March 14, 1828.
Messrs THOMSON, PAssMoRE, and Thompson,
Bought of ALEXANDER BALMANo and Co.
No. 78, Queen Street, Cheapside.
Shipped on board the Ceylon, Francis Davison, per Mau-
Titlus.
T;" }200 Highland Bonnets, at 134d....... 39.11 5 0
London, March 11, 1828.
Bought of ALEXANDER BALMANo, Esq.
- £. s.
v. 200 pair strono duck trowsers. 2s. 10d. 28 6
T;# * 200 º cotton Shirts, º 2s. 8d. 26 13
tº 25 doz. worsted Guernsey Frocks, 30s. 37 10
No. 2 Canvas, rope, &c. for a Bale, ............... 0 16
i
£93 6 o
*ntºmºmºmº
London, March 11, 1828.
ALEXANDER BALMANo, Esq. *.
Bought of HILTON, DARBY, and KNoLT.
TP & T } In Bales, marked Nos. 3 and 4.
BM.
- - £ s.
400 pair strong Duck Trowsers, ...... 2s. 10d. 56 13
400 stripe cotton Shirts, ......... ... º. º e º 'º º e º 'º 2s. 8d. 53 6
50 dozen worsted Guernsey Frocks,...30s. 0d. 75 0
No. 3 and 4 Canvas, rope, &c. for? Bales, 10s. 6d. 1 1
*-* *-es
:
39.186 1 0
*mºnº
III
No. 15.
Directions for the Preparation of Food for the
Blacks at Belombre, 1817.
The due preparation of aliment, in order to render it as
nutritive as possible, consists in the proper application of
heat, the admixture of water, and the addition of condiments.
By these means, all the nutritious parts of bodies are ex-
tracted and improved ; while the food being rendered more
savoury and stimulating, whets the appetite and promotes
digestion. Every particle of it is duly applied for the nou-
rishment of the consumer, the stomach is strengthened, and
flatulency, worms, and other diseases, are prevented
In most parts of this Island the system of preparing the
Blacks' food is neglected, so that they do not receive half
the benefit which might be derived from the quantity of ma-
terials consumed. Great attention is to be paid to this sub-
ject at Belombre. In order to extract as much nutriment as
possible, and to render soluble such parts of animals as resist
the action of boiling water, it is sometimes necessary to in-
crease the heat greatly above 212° of Fahrenheit. This may
be effected by the Digester, in which water has been heated
two hundred degrees beyond its usual boiling point. It then
acquires the power of dissolving into jelly, bones and other
hard substances, over which it has little action at the tempe-
rature of 212° Fahr. For instance, the Bambara, or Bèche
de Mer (Holothurion esculentum) may be quickly reduced
to a jelly by a digester; while, for its usual preparation, two
days’ continual boiling in water are required.
In the preparation of Manioc several things are to be
observed. The root is to be taken up before it becomes
fibrous or woody. The period when this commences is
variable, according to the species of manioc, and to the
nature of the soil in which it is raised. The Black manioc,
or Camanioc, as it is called, is by far the most hardy, and the
most productive kind.
I 12
Generally speaking, in this island manioc should not be
allowed to remain longer in the ground than eighteen months.
It is then to be taken up, and passed through the washing-
mill, so as to clean it from all earthy impurities; and im-
mediately afterwards through the sugar-cane mill, in the
same manner as the sugar-canes. The juice of the roots
should be received into tubs, and allowed to remain at rest,
till it deposit an amylaceous substance in considerable
quantity, which is here sold as starch. The clear fluid
should then be carefully decantered, when it forms Cas-
seripe", so universally used in West Indian cookery, and
which is the basis of the never failing dish of the pepper-
pot. In this state it may be transferred to the kitchen.
The starch should be dried with attention, in the sugar-
house, and kept free from dust and stains, so as to preserve
its shining white colour. * d
Manioc which has passed through the sugar-cane mill,
should likewise be sent to the drying house, and allowed to
remain there till it becomes dry, and even crisp. The heat
employed should not be so great as to discolour it; and
from twenty-four to forty-eight hours may suffice for this
process. It must then be taken out, and passed through
the flour-mill, in the same manner as Indian corn and
wheat. The flour, if not wanted immediately, is to be
firmly packed in barrels, and preserved for future use. In
this state, it will keep any length of time.
It is desirable that there should always be in readiness a
portion of food in a prepared state, as it can be easily trans-
ported; so that upon any emergency, the Blacks, might
carry with them a day's provisions. For such a purpose,
nothing is more convenient than cakes, or biscuits, formed
of manioc. -
Manioc is a very wholesome, nourishing, and, generally
speaking, cheap food. Therefore, it should probably form
a supplemental portion of the Negroes' daily rations, and
* A kind of universal sauce, chiefly made at Martinique and Demerara.
II.3
should be served out to them before starting in the morning
to begin their labour; especially as it has been found by ex-
perience, among all nations, and among all classes of men,
that it is most essential to health, permanency of labour, and
activity, that work, and more particularly field-work, should
not be attempted by fasting persons. The distribution of
such cakes can be made with great facility at the mess-room,
from which each Commander leads off his band to its desti-
nation. The quantity of manioc cake should not exceed
six ounces for each man; and, as it does not form a regular
meal, it should be eaten while the Negroes are walking to
their work.
It is not intended to confine the above process to Manioc.
Other roots and grains which posses farinaceous qualities,
as potatoes, yams, cambars, sweet potatoes, &c., should be
given to the Blacks, while warm, either from the oven, or
from the boiler. Breakfast should consist of a full meal of
messes, from No. 1 to No. 8. (Wide subsequent Table of
Messes.) Dinner of messes in addition, from No. 8 to No.
15, with soup; and supper should be the same as dinner,
with a glass of rum. On Sundays, the dinner should con-
sist, in part, of messes from No. 16 to No. 27. But these,
as a general diet, should be reserved for the first class of
Blacks, whose good conduct should be distinguished on all
occasions. -
—sº-
No. 16.
Eatract from the Instruction Book for Belombre,
I817.
LIST OF MESSES FOR THE BLACKS.
No. 1. Boiled Rice–Oryza sativa.
2. Indian Corn—Zea mays.
3. Wheaten bread–Makactha,
K
I 14
9
10.
T1.
l2.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
i
. Manioc cakes—Jatropha manihot.
. Roasted Yams—Dioscorea alata.
. Ditto Sweet Potatoes—Convolvulus batatas.
Ditto Cambar of Java—Dioscorea aculcata.
. Ditto Potatoes—Solanum Tuberosum. ;
. Boiled Harricots—Phaseolus vulgaris. With oil,
ghee, pepper, or onions.
Ditto Lentils—Ervum lens.
Ditto Pois du Cap.–Dolichos Capensis.
Ditto Beet Root—Beta vulgaris.
Ditto Parsnips—Pastinaca sativa.
Ditto Beringelle—Solanum melongena.
Ditto Dhall—Cicer erictium. -
Ditto Dried Beef or Salt Beef.
Ditto Salt Fish.
Fresh Beef.
Salt Pork.
Fresh Pork, or some other kind.
Dried Dates.
Raw Fruits.
Baked Ditto.
Boiled Ditto.
Molasses.
Soup made of the digester contents of the Bride.
(Solanum nigrum), turnips, cabbage, carrots,
lettuces, beringelles, piment, tamato, leeks,
garlick, chives, spinage, parsley, hog's lard,
ghee, &c.
Salads for the first class:—radishes, onions, leeks,
lettuces, cucumbers, celery, water-cresses, sorrel,
endive, &c., prepared with vinegar and sugar.
—e—
No. 17.
A due mixture of animal and of vegetable food seems to
form the diet most conducive to health and strength. But
I 15
where animal food cannot be furnished in large quantity, the
best substitute is a due mixture of farinaceous and herbaceous
products, with the addition of proper condiments, to stimu-
late the stomach, and to secure general healthy action.
Therefore, a garden on the estate is indispensable to health ;
and, at Belombre, it is to be cultivated in a great measure, if
not totally, by the plough.
The articles raised in the garden must be of easy culture,
and of the sorts best calculated for the consumption of the
people, and, consequently, for the preservation of their health.
Different species of capsicum and aromatic herbs may form
the condiments, while culinary vegetables and roots should
be produced in such quantities as to afford a portion of
each day's dinner. Cabbage, turnips, French beans, garlick,
leeks, onions, balm, mint, parsley, thyme, sage, and camo-
mile are among the fittest articles of cultivation.
—sº-
No. 18.
Eatract from the Instruction Book for Belombre,
. 1817.
LIST of ARTICLEs To BE CULTIVATED AND USED IN THE
- KITCHEN OF THE SLAVEs.
No. 1. Rice, E. Ris, F. Oryza Sativa, B. *
2. Indian Corn, E. Mais, F. Zea Mays, B.
These are the chief articles of consumption, indeed the
base of the food of the Negroes; six hundred pounds of the
former, or one thousand pounds of the latter, are calculated
to be put annually in store for each Black. The Rice is
chiefly imported from India and Madagascar: the Indian
* The reader will at once remark that E. stands for English name, F. for
French name, and B, for Botanical name.
116
Corn is grown on the estates, bought from neighbours, or
imported from Bourbon or the Seychelles Archipelago.
3. Yams, E. Ignames, F. Dioscoridea alata, B.
4. Yams, E. Cambar, F. Dioscoridea aculeata, B.
5. Ditto blue, E. Cambar Violette, F. Dioscoridea
Violacea, B. -
Three excellent farinaceous roots, fitted to form a part of
daily rations. -
6. Cambar of Java, E. Cambar de Java, F. Arum
paniculatum, B.
Yields a most abundant crop, and can consequently be
given without stint to the people, and the surplus may be
used by their stock of animals. -
7. Sweet potatoes, E. Patates, F. Convolvulus ba-
tatas, B. - - -
The last kind produces, in new lands, sixty tons per acre,
is fit to gather in four months, and propagates itself by
runners without replanting, for years.
8. Turnips, E. Navet, F. Brasico rapa, B.
Used for the Blacks only in soups in the great boiler.
9. Beet Root, E. Betterave, F. Beta vulgaris, B.
Grows luxuriantly, and free from fibre; very sweet, used
in salads. - -
10. Mangel Wurzel, E. Betterave poirée, F. Beta
aurea, B.
Generally used for cattle; does not ripen its seeds at
Mauritius: seeds of Europe precarious as to vegetation.
11. Carrots, E. Carotte, F. Daucus carota, B.
12. Celery, E. Celeri, F. Apium graveolens, B.
13. Parsley, E. Persil, F. Apium Petroselinum, B.
These three are used for soups in great boiler. -
14. Arrow-root, E. Rouroute, F. Maranta arundi-
nacea, B. - -
This root was introduced by Colonel Nesbitt, and has
increased most rapidly; so that, in some of the districts, it
has often been given merely for the labour of digging it and
carrying it away. * . • * .
117
15. Ginger, E. Gingembre, F. Amomum officinale, B.
16. Saffron, E. Safran, F. Curcuma longa, B.
These two are used in soup and curries.
17. Radish, E. Radis, F. Raphanus sativus, B.
18. Winter Radish, E. Radis d'hiver, F. Raphanus
rusticus, B. -
19. Horse-radish, E. Raifort, F. Cochlearia aromatica.
. These three used in salads.
20. Onion, E. Oignon, F. Allium cepa, B.
Used in soups and salads.
21. Bread-Fruit, E. Arbre à pain, F. Artocarpus
incisa, B. -
An excellent farinaceous food, but has not been much
cultivated for subsistence, the brittleness of the wood render-
ing it liable to be destroyed by hurricanes.
22. Jack, E. Jaque, F. Artocarpus integrifolia, B.
A favourite fruit, and produced in abundance; some spe-
cimens are of 30lb. weight, in low lands. -
23. Bananas E. Bannanes, F. F. Musa paradisiaca, B.
The estates are covered with this plant, and the fruit is
taken at discretion by the Blacks. It is never issued as
rations, as in the West Indies. -
24. Cocoa-nuts, E. Cocos, F. Cocos nucifera, B.
Multiplies rapidly, but is not indigenous; not given as
TatlonS. - -
25. Date Palm, E. Datte F. Phoenix dactylifera, B.
This tree grows well, and in some places produces plen-
tifully ; when given as part of rations, it is what comes
from Persia, at six or seven shillings per cwt. : a very
wholesome and nourishing food.
26. Mangoe, E. Mangue, F. Mangifera Indica, B.
Grows by every road side, and on every estate, when the
heat will ripen the fruit; never given as rations.
27. Grape Mangoe, E. Mangue à grappe, F. Sorin-
deia pinnata, B. -
Less common than the former Mangoe, and less liked.
88. Guava, E. Goyaves, F. Psidium pommiferum, B.
118
Grows wild, and gives fruit in great abundance, in every
district; is propagated by the birds through all the forests.
29. Mallaca Rose-Apple, E. Jam-mallac, F. Jambosa
Malacensis, B. - 1.
30. Jam-Rose, E. Jam-Rosa, F. Jambosa vul-
garis, B. - - .
31. Brazilian Cherry, E. Roussaille F. Eugenia uni-
flora, B. - -
32. Jar-Plum, E. Jam-Longue, F. Syzygium jam-
bolana, B. - - -
These four fruits grow wild in all situations, and are never
served out as part of rations; they are cooling.
33. Bibas, E. Bibasse, F. Eriabotrya Japonica, B.
Grows abundantly on many estates, and the fruit is eaten
at the discretion of the Blacks. - - - -
34. Wóávang, E. Voivangue, F. Vangueira edulis, B.
Was introduced from Madagascar, and is not very com-
mon: very pleasant, acidulous, and cooling.
35. Jubeb, E. Mason, F. Zizyphus jujuba, B.
36. Custard-Apple, E. Atte, F. Anona squamosa, B.
37. Sugar-Apple, E. Coeur de boeuf, F. . Anona reti-
culata, B. - * - .
These three are cultivated, but they also grow wild, and
produce abundance of excellent and wholesome fruit, which
is taken at discretion by the Blacks.
38. Grapes, E. Raisins, F. Vitis vinifera, B.
Cultivated for the table. Some Blacks have them about
their cottages. * * -
39. Pine Apples, E. Ananas, F. Bromelia ananas, B.
In our forests pine apples come in great abundance,
wherever the trees are cut down. .
40. Hog-Plum, E. Fruit de Cythère, F. Spondias
cytherea, B. -
The Otaheite fruit, so much praised: it is abundant in
the Savanne district, where Belombre is situated.
41. Pomegranate, E. Pomme grenade, F. Punica
granatum, B. Common. . . . . .
Il Q
42. Cabbage, E. Choux, F. Brassica oleracea, B.
43. Nolkol, E. Choux-rave, F. Brassica napus, B.
44. Savoy, E. Choux-pommé, F. Brassica vulgaris, B.
45. Spinage, E. Epinard, F. Spinacia oleracea, B.
46. Tetragonia, E. Tetragone, F. Tetragonia ex-
pensa, B. -
47. Malabar Nightshade, E. Bréde d’Angole, F. Bas-
ella rubra et alba, B.
48. Lettuce, E. Laitue, F. Lactuca sativa, B.
49. Endive E. Endive F. Lactuca crispa, B.
50. Cucumber, E. Concombre, F. Cucumis vulga-
ris, B. - -
51. Snake-Gourd Cucumber, E. Patole, F. Cucumis
anguinus, B.
The ten vegetables, enumerated above, were cultivated in
the great garden of Belombre, and were ingredients of the
daily soups of the habitation Blacks. They came in great
abundance all the year round. The invalids, the conva-
lescents, the nurses, and the children, were the cultivators
under the direction of the gardener. -
52. Balsam-Apple, E. Margose, F. Momordica bal-
samina, B. - - *
53. Bottle-Gourd, E. Callebasse, F. Cucurbita lage-
naria, B. - - .
54. Pumpkin, E. Giromon, F. Cucurbita pepo, B.
55. Wild Melon, E. Citrouille, F. Cucurbita citrul-
lus, B. - -
56. Melon, E. Melon, F. Cucumis melo, B.
57. Angular Melon, E. Papangay, F. Luffa acu-
tangula, B. - -
58. Egg-Apple, E. Beringelle, F. Solanum melon-
gena, B. • - -
59. Love-Apple, E. Pomme d'amour, F. Solanum.
lycopersicum, B. -
60. Bréde, E. Bréde, F. Solanum nigrum, B.
61. Malabard Bréde, E. Bréde Malabare, F. Amar-
anthus loetus, B. -
*s
120
62. Sigisbeckea, E. Bréde (herbe de Flacq), F. Si-
gesbeckia orientalis, B. -
These three, and other species and varieties, form favourite
dishes, of which almost all the inhabitants of Mauritius are
very fond, and partake twice a-day. They are like the
Calalow of the West Indies. They grow on the estate,
without cultivation, in great abundance, and are taken with-
out stint. * :
63. Tamarind, E. Tamarin, F. Tamarindus Indicus, B.
Used in curries, and with molasses, to make an acid drink,
which is supplied to the Blacks when at work.
64. Cayenne pepper, E. Piment, F. Capsicum fruc-
tescens, B.
Grows wild on the estates, being propagated by the birds;
is a very wholesome condiment, and is used copiously in the
soups of the Blacks.
65. Sorrel, E. Oseille, F. Rumex hortensis (acetosa), B.
Used for salads, and also boiled in soups. -
66. Sugar-cane, E. Canne à Sucre, F. Sacharum
officinale, B. tº
Sucked during crop all day long by the Blacks.
67. Manioc, E. Manioc, F. Jatropha manihot, B.
This root forms a savoury and wholesome food. It is
made into cakes, of a pound weight. I introduced a new
species from Africa, which is now cultivated at Mauritius
and Bourbon, under the name of blue manioc ; it is more
productive than the old kinds, and comes to maturity in six
or eight months, instead of eighteen months; thus the
Hurricane season is avoided. .
68. Potatoe, E. Pomme de terre, F. Solanum tube-
rosum, B. - -
69. Millet, E. Millet de la Côte d'Afrique, F. Milium.
afrum B. - ... •
Guinea corn; so much used in the West Indies, but not
so great a favourite for cultivation at Mauritius, the climate
not being hot enough. ... -
70. Sago, E. Sagou, F. Sagus farinifera, B.
121.
A cheap and wholesome food, brought from Sincapore,
but passes too quickly to be the basis of diet. -
71. French Bean, E. Haricot, F. Phaseolus vul-
garis, B.
A great favourite with the Blacks, and enters their daily
Soup. . . . .
72. Earth-Nut, E. Pistachede terre, F. Arachis hypo-
gea, B. g
Abundantly produced, and never comprised in the rations.
73. Tare (lentil), E. Lentille, F. Ervum lens, B.
The last remark applies to this ; also used in soups.
74. Chick-Pea, E. Dahl, F. Cicer arietinum, B.
75. Common Pea, E. Petit Pois, F. Pisum sativum, B.
Cultivated, sometimes forms an ingredient of soups.
76. Chickling-Vetch, E. Gesses, F. Lathyrus sa-
tivus, B. - -
Grows wild, and is gathered by the Blacks for their
Iſles SeS. .
77. Bean, E. Fève, F. Wicia faba, B.
Cultivated: sometimes imported, at a very cheap rate,
and added to the soup of the Blacks.
78. Cape Pea, E. Pois du Cap, F. Dolichos Ca-
pensis, B. - -
Forms part of the rations at Bourbon, but not at Mau-
ritius: gives a very abundant crop. The peas, unless steeped
in water after boiling, are poisonous. &
—sº-
No. 19.
Articles Bought for Belombre.
RIS.
Sacs
1820. Il restait en magasin 30 Septembre 1820.......... 73
Novembre 7, Reçu de James Lemaire......... I00
20, ditto ............ ditto ............ I00
dº º 0 & 0 & ſº tº 4 & G G I00
Décembre 24, ditto...,........ ditto
192
{ º Sacs
1821. Janvier 12, Reçu de James Lemaire,......... 100
Février 1, ditto ............ ditto ...........·. 100
Mars 15, Reçu de Berry, Gordon, @ ſi • .. 100
- . & Co. - 4 ·
Avril 20, ditto ........ .... ditto ............ 100
Mai · 30, ditto-........ .... ditto ............ 80
Juin 30, ditto ........... , ditto ....... • © © © © © 77
Septembre 3, ditto ............ ditto ............ 106
• . 1038
Il restait en magasin le 30 Septembre 1821 ...... -80
| 1058
· Consommé du 1er oct. 1820 au 30 sept. 1821, Mille
cinquante-huit balles de ris, ou 165,048lbs.
MAIS.
- . lbs.
Il restait en magasin du 1er Octobre 1820 25,000
SOIlS . • • • • • • -- • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • -- ... .. .. - .. -- .. • 34,216
Reçu de Jean Barry ........................... 3,023
Reçu de Gustave d'Emmeres ............... 62,465
! 124,705
Consommé jusqu'au 30 7bre, 1821, depuis le 1er
8bre, 1820.—Cent vingt-quatre mille sept cent cinq livres
de Maïs.
SEL.
| Reçu 5000, gris, de M. Fortier, Rivière-Noire
(Signed) , E. E. HENRY ADAM.
123
No. 20.
Eatract from the Book of Disbursements on Ac-
count of the Estate of Belombre.
FROM JULY 15, 1817, TILL THE END OF 1821, FoR FooD,
t CLoTHING, AND CoMFORTs For THE BLACKs.
1817. July 15, Paid Sir Robert Barclay, for 500 bags of
66 Aug. 29,
1818. Nov. 30,
1819. May 1,
“ June 15,
66 23,
“ July 22,
“ Aug. 2,
& G & G. 66
<G 66 66
“ Sept. 3,
1820. J uly
Dec. 28,
1824. Jan.
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
Rice. *
Arnot and Fairly, for 400 bags of Rice.
J. Loudon, for 274 bags of Java Rice.
Bretonnache, for 140,000 pounds of
Java Rice. * -
Mr. Mansfield, Qr. Master to the 82nd
Regiment, for 20 Jackets.
Mr. Mansfield Ditto Ditto, for 250 Shirts.
Mr. Twynhar, for 35 Dragoon Jackets.
Mr. Antelme for 1 gross of pipes.
Ditto Ditto, 50 bolles de Batavia.
Mr. Lt. Barbé, for 12 dozen of snuff.
boxes for the Blacks.
Mr. Richard Lambert for 6 dozen of
shirts. -
M. Durocher, 95 iron pots.
M. Mongoust, auctioneer, for coverings.
The Music Master of the 82nd Regt.,
for feeding and instructing many
Blacks of the Establishment.
124
No. 21.
Directions regarding the Duties of the Surgeon
attached to Belombre.
The Surgeon must reside constantly in the Hospital, and
keep a regular and detailed journal, exhibiting the history
of the disease of each patient, from its commencement till
his or her admission into the hospital; afterwards, the daily
variation of symptoms and of treatment, until discharge or
death, is to be noted. -
In all cases of fatal termination, when possible, the body
is to be examined ; and the appearances remarked on dis-
section are to be minutely recorded. -
The superintendence of the health of the Negroes must
be entirely confided to the Surgeon, and it shall be stipulated
with him, if he will agree to it, that the amount of his annual
salary shall be augmented or diminished, by the exertion
of his talents, by his care and treatment of the patients,
and by their results. For this purpose, I should be dis-
posed to give the Surgeon 38.600 sterling, per annum, on
condition that for every Black belonging to the estate, who
dies in the course of a year, he should repay me £.20
sterling. With a view to secure his best efforts, and to
encourage him, he should be allowed £. 2 sterling for every
child that survives the first month; £. 2 sterling on the
child's attaining the age of one year; and £. 1 sterling more,
on its reaching two years of age. • - - - - - - - - - ?
By such a contract, the Surgeon will become, in a
certain degree, the insurer, and will get a handsome under-
writer's profit; with this advantage, that the amount of
profit may depend, to a considerable extent, upon him-
self.
The Surgeon shall give especial care to the food of the
Slaves, and examine the preparation, quantity, and quality
of rations, at distribution, as well as the contents of the
great soup-boiler in the hospital kitchen. He shall also
125
frequently visit the magazines, and examine all supplies of
salt provisions brought from Port-Louis, to ascertain that
they are good and wholesome.
Besides frequent personal inspections of the Slaves at
muster, he shall make a particular examination of each
individual, twice or thrice annually, to see if there is any
concealed malady.
The personal cleanliness of the Slaves must be carefully
attended to ; the school children are to be bathed in the sea
daily before mid-day, when they are to dress for school; all
the working Blacks are to bathein the sea twice a-week, and
children at nursing, with the exception of those that the
surgeon may otherwise direct, are likewise to be daily
bathed.
—º-
No. 22.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR, on the
History and Progress of the Epidemic Cholera
that prevailed in Mauritius, in the years 1819,
and 1820; which was published in the “Edin-
burgh Medical and Surgical Journal.”
It appeared to me, that this disease was peculiarly one of the
nature of Iliac Passion, but of greater violence than usually
occurs; and, therefore, depending very much on the state
of the abdominal viscera. The classes of people most liable
to its attacks were those much troubled with visceral com-
plaints, indigestion, worms, and all those disorders which
arise from food consisting of much vegetable aliment, with-
out much condiment, and insufficiently prepared for digestion
by the processes of cooking. The consequences are, that the
stomach and bowels are generally distended with indigested
matter, worms are generated in great quantities, diseases
occur from time to time—and marasmus is not unfrequent.
126.
Under these circumstances, a violent inflammatory attack
of the viscera is generally irresistible. There is a great
difficulty in overcoming the causes of inflammation, as
patients will hardly bear the lancet or great evacuations.
To these and similar causes I generally attributed the great
mortality that attended the disease. I had adopted a plan
of feeding my people, which tended to prevent diseases of
the stomach and intestines. The food was carefully pre-
pared, and nourishing soup, containing a considerable portion
of animal aliment, was always at the discretion of every
person on the estate of Belombre. By frequent examination
of the people, in all clearly marked cases, I had overcome
the prevalent tendency to worms, not only by the means
above mentioned, of strengthening the stomach, but by the
frequent administration of small doses of calomel at night,
succeeded by castor oil in the morning. My estate, from
these causes, was more healthy than it had previously been
for years. At the time the cholera appeared at Port-Louis,
and when it began to spread, I deemed it proper to take still
farther precautions. To keep the bowels soluble, every
Sunday morning I administered to each person on the
estate from one to two grains of calomel. It may remind
you of Doctor Last's prescription of “Jalapping the East-
ward, and bleeding the Westward,” in Foote's Farces; but
when you have to dose a population of several hundred
persons, it is very convenient to reside on the sea shore, and
to draw supplies of a mild purgative from that grand
reservoir. Whatever effect may be attributed to these causes,
it is certain that my people remained healthy at Belombre,
whilst all around us, even our nearest neighbours, were
suffering by the epidemic. So struck were the inhabitants
in general, at our exemption from disease, that many followed
my example, of instituting general evacuations, and con-
ceived that the best consequences resulted. But my own
opinion is, that the previously adopted system, of giving the
Blacks superior nourishment, is of indispensable importance
in making a fair trial.
127
No. 23.
Management of Cattle.
It is a rule, never to allow cattle or horses to fall off in
condition so much as to cause them to refuse their work
without pushing. Nothing more strongly marks the igno-
rance of a master, and the unprosperous condition of an es-
tate, than the leanness of the working cattle and their reluc-
tant movements under the lash. During times which require
unusual exertions the richest food and the most careful
treatment should be given, to prevent these animals from
losing flesh, vigour, and spirit. Besides, such exertions
should not be long continued, and they should be followed
by corresponding periods of indulgence. These animals can
not be made to perform their labour while feeding on carrots,
potatoes, manioc, or other roots alone; they will thrive much
better, and work as much more, with oats or Indian corn, in
addition, as fully to repay the difference of the price of food.
They should have three meals a-day—one of which is to
consist entirely of roots; but they must have an allowance
of at least an English peck of oats, or an equivalent in
Indian corn, daily, and rather more than this quantity when
they are very hard worked. -
All the corn should be bruised or broken down, the grass
should be cut by the chaff-cutter, and the roots and other
articles should be prepared by means of steam. The advan-
tages of these practices, both with regard to economy of food
and the health of the animals, are striking beyond expectation.
The liberal use of the currycomb and brush twice a-day,
frequent but moderate meals of succulent joined to solid
food, abundance of fresh litter, and great attention to clean-
liness, are indispensable in the stable of an economical farmer.
Well informed and attentive men consider good dressing no
less necessary to the thriving of horses than good feeding.
Their common expression is, that “good dressing is equal to
half their food.” - -
According to the present improved system of farming,
128
there is such a connection between the cultivation of the
ground, and the breeding, rearing, and fattening of domestic
animals, that the one cannot be neglected without the great-
est injury to the other. The young horses are to be sup-
ported entirely on green food.
An object deserving the utmost attention with regard to
every animal on a farm, is, that “flesh once gained, should
never be lost.” .
No. 24.
Feeding of Stock.
In England much benefit has been derived from the use
of a machine for slicing turnips and potatoes before they are
given to live stock. This process is equally applicable to
sweet potatoes, manioc, Swedish turnips, &c. The ma-
chine is also recommended for breaking grain, oats, and In-
dian corn, as making the grain much more nourishing. It
has been proved that five bushels of broken grain are equiva-
lent to eight bushels in its natural state.
The Indian corn on the cob must be subjected to the ope-
ration of the sugar cylinders, so as to reduce the whole head
to one mixed mass. There is both vegetable gluten and
amylaceous matter in this cob, which is now thrown away.
At all events, as the cattle eat it with avidity in this state, it
serves to give the nutritious matter of the Indian corn the
principle of distension, and therefore to render pasturage less
necessary. Boiling and steaming the food of cattle is highly
advantageous, and can be easily practised by us, our coppers
and furnaces being idle during the intervals between the
crops. During harvest these operations are less necessary,
as the cattle may be fed, in a great measure, on sugar-cane
tops, and skimmings of the sugar pans, and it is notorious,
that during the sugar-making season the cattle are always in
the best state. The cane tops should undergo the operation
of the chaff-cutter. - ---
129
No. 25.
Drill Husbandry.
The utility of the drill at Belombre must strike the most
superficial observer. It is of the utmost importance, in
sowing Indian corn or other seed, to take advantage of every
hour of rain; for it must have been remarked, that the
Planter has been obliged to sow hundreds of acres over again,
from inability, by the ordinary method, of putting the seed
into the earth, over a large space, during the few hours of
rain which generally fall at seed time in this climate.
The horse-hoe is invariably to be used in clearing away
the weeds from the rising corn. By this system astonishing
crops are produced, and the grain is of a superior quality.
No crop requires the horse-hoe more than Indian corn.
Horse-hoeing may be performed very often, without dan-
ger of damaging the crop by the trampling of the horses,
because the distance of the rows is so great that they can
work with perfect safety between them; besides, no opera-
tion is so effectual for cutting up and destroying weeds.
Earthing up of crops may be infinitely better performed
in the same manner than by the hand-hoe, and the economy
of labour is immense.
•-
No. 26.
Utility of the Plough on a Sugar Plantation.
A pair of horses can plough a statute acre per day in
two journeys, of nine hours in all, provided the soil is not
tenacious. There are 88 furrow slices, 9 inches wide, in 66
feet; so that horses that have ploughed a furrow slice of
that width have travelled 16 miles in working an acre, inclu-
sive of turnings. -
It is indispensable to try by every means to introduce a
spirit of emulation among the Black ploughmen, by the
L
H30
establishment of ploughing matches, by giving premiums, and
by making the trial days Jours de Féte, or festivals. In
the ordinary mode of planting sugar-canes, it is necessary to
dig, by manual labour, 13,000 holesin a square of three acres.
One man of ordinary strength cannot make more than 100
holes per day; our task varies, with the nature of the soil,
from 35 to 70. By this mode, putting it at the highest, 130
days work are required for each square of three acres. On
the contrary, a plough with two men and three or four
horses, will do the same quantity of work in six days. The
work is also better done by the plough than by manual
labour; for, in planting sugar-canes, the holes are ranged by
a line so as to be at two feet and a half distance from one
another; they are twelve inches in breadth, eighteen in
length, and six in depth, and are dug by the strong gang,
while the weaker gang follows and plants the canes; for
this purpose, the bottom of each hole must be covered with
a small layer, an inch in thickness, of friable earth, and, on
this bed, three or four plants of cane-tops should be laid, in
a parallel or a diagonal manner, and then covered an inch
thick with friable earth. This operation requires greater
attention than the Blacks in general are capable of giving.
Large unbroken lumps of soil are too apt to roll to the
bottom of the holes, to cover the canes, and to embarrass the
planter, so that the work is seldom well performed, and the
Blacks throw a little earth over the surface, in order to
conceal their bad workmanship. In consequence, the plant-
ation partially fails, planting must be commenced again,
time is lost, plants are wanting, and not to be got, to re-
place those that have failed, and the season is no longer
favourable for culture. On the other hand, if all the plants
should have succeeded, the number of stalks is often too
great, and they crowd and hurt one another. Lastly, if the
soil is stiff, and not friable, like our up-lands at Belombre,
the cane holes are filled by heavy rains, the water remains
in them, and rots the plants; therefore the ordinary method
of planting canes is extremely laborious, and its success
doubtful. Let us now observe the effects of the plough.
I31
The whole surface of a piece of land is not to be ploughed,
for when this has been done, experience has shown that
strong winds lay the canes flat on the ground. Therefore, a
portion of solid land must be left untouched by the plough,
to support the canes against the winds. The plough has but
to make parallel furrows, one foot broad, and six inches
deep. The furrows should cross one another at right angles,
and at the distance of three feet and a half from each other;
thus forming on each great square of three acres 10,000
little squares, of two feet and a half, exclusive of the breadth
of the furrows. The furrows will be two hundred in number,
and their mean length will be fifty-eight fathoms and one-
third. A plough may execute the whole task in three days,
attended by one man and a boy; and in six days a square of
three acres will be ploughed, which by the present mode
requires at least 130 days manual labour.
The plough should have two mould boards, so as to turn
the earth well back on each side; the Planter will then find
the soil much better prepared than by the hoe, for laying
down the plants. If there are lumps of hard soil, he easily
puts them aside with his feet, or with his implement, which
should be something like a tomahawk, one side being a
hammer, the other having a cutting edge. It will be found
very convenient for breaking lumps, levelling beds for the
plants, and laying on the friable earth, which should cover
them.
The plants, four in number, should be laid down, pre-
cisely where the furrows cross one another. The plantation
will thus be formed in quincunx most advantageously, for
free circulation of air, for the facility of hoeing and weeding,
and for the cultivation of the land; the plants should not
be laid down in the form of a cross, but in the form of a
square, each side the length of a foot; the four plants
thus put into the earth, on growing, will form a kind of
funnel, which will collect rain, and that part of the furrows
between them will necessarily conduct the rain water to the
roots, which will thus receive humidity on four sides, and
132
also in the centre. This will contribute much to the growth
of the sugar-canes, which require a great deal of water.
assº —“Q-
- No. 27.
Belombre Cane Plantation, by the Plough.
1821. , x -
January, Planted No. 8, in Otaheité canes in -
- virgin soil. .............................. 14 85
February, Planted No. 12, in Otaheité Canes,
after General Beatson's method,
Acres. Faths.
three ploughings....................... 20 84
March, Manured and planted, in the same
Way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . No. 9 ...... 25 4.
23 ° e < * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 10 ....... 14 24
22 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Il ...... 19 30
April, ....................................... 15 ...... 14, 24
55 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 16 . 18 0
22 - - - - - - - - - - - ... e. e. e. e. e. e. e. e. e. e s e is a e s a e • - - - - - - -... 13 ...... 16 66
99 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - is a s is tº º O & e s e e s e o e e s s 14 ...... 22 44
May, Manured and planted by the hoe 17 ...... 3 69.
August, ........................ ............ 18 ...... 7 36
176 66
- No. 28.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to Doctor
WALLICK, Director of the Botanic Garden,
Calcutta, dated Port-Louis, Mauritius, March
30, 1819. . . . . . . .
My intention is to settle here permanently, or at least for
many years, if years are in store for me. As much of my
I33
time as possible shall be dedicated to agricultural pursuits,
and to the improvement of this colony. In England I
obtained all possible information on the best modes of agri-
culture at home, and in the West Indies; I have brought
out ploughmen, ploughs, and machinery of all kinds, so as
to take advantage of this naturally highly fertile island.
—sº-
No. 29.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR, addressed
to GERARD WELLESLEY, Esq., British Resident
at the Court of Holcar. Dated Bois Chéri,
Moka, March 30, 1819.
My intention is to go to Belombre. I have already sent
there many new seeds received from Europe, and not
hitherto introduced into this Island. I wish you would send
me from Nepaul, and the countries you pass through, such
seeds as produce the useful food of the natives; especially
various kinds of peas, beans, pulse, grains, roots, and indeed
of all leguminous plants, the culture of which constitutes an
extensive portion of Indian agriculture. I earnestly desire
to enrich this little paradise with the products of every soil,
our climate being capable of bringing to maturity the greater
portion of the plants of all countries. I brought with me,
from the metropolis, seven large cart mares of the great
London breed, and I hope to improve our race of working
cattle by a cross breed, and then gradually to substitute the
labour of animals for that of men. The plough is beginning
to force its way through the impediments which prejudice
threw in its way. A Scotchman, whom I sent here last
year, having afforded the means of its introduction, many of
my Blacks are now tolerably good ploughmen. The inha-
bitants of the colony have at present before their eyes, at
Belombre, 120 acres of land covered by sugar-cane, which
I34
was planted with the plough, and on which not one hour of
manual labour has been bestowed by a Slave. This sugar-
cane is superior to that on 200 acres of land alongside of
it, which was planted in the mode usually practised here;
viz. by the pioche, or hoe. One plough, with eight oxen,
working by spells, does the work of 100 Blacks. -
Any communications, or hints, on farming improvements
will be very useful. We have a good field for experiment,
and I have all the zeal of an improver in agriculture.
—sº-
No. 30.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to Mr. LE-
MARCHAND at Tycandé, Island of Java, dated
Port-Louis, Mauritius, May 10, 1819.
I regret that your plantation of cotton trees has failed;
and I think that your climate would agree much better with
sugar-cane. It yields the surest crop, being less subject to
diseases, to destruction by insects, and to devastation by
winds, than other plants. I have procured the most im-
proved sugar-mills made in Europe, and I have already put
them into motion at Belombre. Besides, several ploughs are
at work there; and, please God, this year I shall cut 300
acres of new sugar-cane, 120 of which have been cultivated
entirely by the plough.
N.B.-As the system of feeding the Blacks engages
much of my attention, I beg you will send me all kinds of
nutritious seeds and roots which are used by the natives of
Java.
135
No. 31.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to Mr.
M“CARTHY, Paymaster-General, Cape of Good
Hope, dated Belombre, August 16, 1819.
As I am substituting animal labour for that of men, where-
ever it is possible, and as William Wilberforce Hulme un-
derstands the driving a team of oxen by the bullock whip,
I wish you would send me one of the longest, and of the
loudest sound.
We are forming here a complete stud for the breeding of
horses for agricultural purposes; I brought seven of the
largest sized cart mares from London, and we had eight or
ten mares before, which are in high condition. We lately
bought the famous stallion Play or Pay for seven hundred
Spanish dollars, on account of his blood, which is the purest
Arabian. When you find an opportunity of purchasing
well-conditioned fillies, from one to two years old (as that is
the age when they best bear transport), and at the same time
a good occasion of forwarding them to us by careful hands,
and at low freight, I wish that you would send us, at diffe-
rent times, five or six in the year, so as gradually and cheaply
to augment our stud.
—“C-
No. 32.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to Messrs.
MATHISON, JOHNSTON, & Co., Merchants, Lon-
don, dated Port-Louis, Mauritius, September 23,
1819.
GENTLEMEN,-You are aware that we are desirous of
introducing, as much as we can with prudence, the use of
136
machinery in order to supersede manual labour in the cultiva-
tion of our property here, in clearing our forests, and in the
conversion of timber. Hitherto, we have been very well
pleased with our success in substituting the plough for the
hoe, which encourages us to extend our plans still farther.
Our wish is now to work our forests by the aid of a saw-
mill. There are nearly 4000 acres of forest, which yield a
variety of woods, of which we forward you a box of speci-
mens, marked and numbered “ B. O. Wood Specimens.”
We subjoin a list (C) of the number of men we employ in our
forests, and a statement of the average produce of their la-
bour, that you may estimate how far this branch of industry
has been pushed, and suggest what melioration it is suscep-
tible of by the substitution of saw-mills and machinery. It
is proper to observe, at the same time, that Colonel Hazard,
the commanding officer of the Engineer corps of this Island,
who passed a few days with us at Belombre, informs us that
planks made by a saw-mill are so much more truly cut than
those cut by Sawyers that they would command a much higher
price. The present manner, in this Island, of cutting planks,
is so rude and so imperfect, that two-fifths, sometimes one-
half, of the timber is wasted in sawing down, trimming, and
planing, before they are fit for use. Besides the saving of
manual labour, the substitution of a saw-mill would be so
great a source of profit on the large quantities of wood which
we make, that it would shortly pay the expense of the ma-
chinery which it might be necessary to bring from England
for that purpose.
The large saws and the files which you sent us in the year
1818 have answered well. We found some difficulty at first
in prevailing on the people to use them ; but since their ac-
tual adoption the work is more quickly done, and much to
the satisfaction of the workmen themselves; we are so well
pleased with this improvement that we wish you to send us
a quantity of hatchets of such temper as will best act upon
the woods forwarded to you.
As much depends upon facility of transport, in order to
ease our cattle with timber carriages going from the forest to
I37
the sea side with wood for embarkation, and as our land is
on a gentle descent, generally speaking, from the extremity
of the said forest to the beach, we think that it might be ad-
visable to lay down wooden rail-roads, made from timber of
our own produce, from that part of the forest which is now
being felled, to the sea side. No person here understands
how to make such a rail-road, and we have no books nor
instructions sufficiently detailed and explanatory to enable us
to undertake it ourselves; therefore we wish for the best
books on rail-roads, and for the first advice you can procure
llS. -
We also request, that you will be pleased to send us the
volumes published on education by Colonel. Paisley of the
Royal Engineers. We design them for the use of our schools
of Black mechanics.
—sº-
No. 33.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to WILLIAM
PITT, Esq., Master-Attendant of His Majesty's
Dock Yard, Trincomalee, dated Belombre, Mau-
ritius, October 25, 1819.
Some years ago Mr. Kidd, from Calcutta, was here, and he
advised me to import elephants for the transport of our timber
from the forest to the sea shore. At present we effect this
by bullocks, and the operation is attended with no trifling
labour nor expense. We daily bring down about six tons
of timber, a distance of five miles, on a gradual descent.
The feeding of elephants would not cost us much, as we
have three hundred acres of sugar-cane, and they are fond of
the pressed canes, which we call bagasse. We make our own
rum and arrack, and we import rice, which would complete
their rations, whilst the additional work they would perform
would amply compensate for the expense and care attending
such animals,
138
No. 34.
Eatract of a Letter relative to the Blacks captured
in the Succès, to HART DAvis, Esq., Collector of
the Customs, Port-Louis.
Bois Chéri, May 4, 1820.
SIR,-No personal interest would induce me to make this
offer (to receive the Blacks at Belombre), were I aware that
any establishment in this Island, public or private, held out
fairer prospects to the Blacks—regarding their comforts,
facilities of acquiring trade, religion, moral education, and
attention to health. A Surgeon, a Schoolmaster, and Eng-
lish tradesmen, for the instruction of the people, are kept
exclusively on this estate. Several of my apprentices can
read and write, and one keeps the journal of the establish-
ment; and for several years has had a regular salary, on
account of his trustworthy conduct.
The duties of religion are daily performed by every indi-
vidual on my property, and the effect has been a great
melioration of the conduct of the Blacks; indeed, many now
on the Belombre estate came into my possession, because
their former masters found them incorrigible, and were glad
to get rid of them. Only one Slave has run away (marooned)
for the last twelve months, and, during the same period, not
a single individual has suffered punishment. I state these
facts merely to show, that any of the people whom you
might entrust to my care would be, in all probability, as
happy at Belombre, and pass their “seasoning” as well
there as at any other situation in the colony.
139
No. 35.
To Major-General DARLING, administering the
Government of Mauritius and Dependencies.
The Petition of CHARLEs TELFAIR, Esq., joint Proprietor
of Belombre Estate, at Mauritius, and representing the
persons interested in that property.
Hereby Showeth,-That your Petitioner and his co-
partners have, for several years past, employed an extensive
capital in cultivating a sugar estate, called Belombre, in this
Colony;-That their constant efforts have been exercised to
superspede, as much as possible, the manual labour of Slaves,
by the introduction of agricultural implements and machinery
from Great Britain, and, by practical example, to spread
among the Planters of the colony the same spirit of improve-
ment; by which means, a larger exportable produce would
be raised, and, consequently, the revenues of the island and
of the mother country would be proportionably benefitted ;
—That your Petitioner was the first person who introduced
an English plough into this colony, and employed it on his
landed property, in consequence of which that implement
has been extensively adopted, and its use progressively aug-
mented in this island every year;--That your Petitioner has
lately been at an expense of £.1006 sterling, imported an
improved British horizontal sugar-mill, which will contribute
much to the diminution of Slave labour, while its construction
exempts the attendants from risks, to which they are exposed
by the mills in common use :-That a duty of six per cent.,
ad valorem, has been claimed on this mill, at the Custom
House of Mauritius, from the agents of the Belombre estate;
—That the levying of such a duty would be a peculiar
hardship, not only upon the Planter intent on the improve-
ment of the lot of his Slaves, but also upon the British
manufacturer, and must operate as a great discouragement
to the extension of cultivation, and, conscquently, contribute
140
to prevent the increase of exportable and taxable produce;—
That no such tax, nor Custom-House duty, exists in any
of His Majesty's colonies; but, on the contrary, that boun-
ties are held out in many for the encouragement of such
processes, and the introduction of machinery adapted to
abridge Slave labour, and to improve and augment the
produce of the earth:-That your Petitioner being extensively
engaged in plans of general melioration, and under the confi-
dent persuasion that the protection of a paternal Government
would be extended to such practical improvements as are
evidently calculated to augment the prosperity of the colony,
has ordered from England a large quantity of machinery of
British manufacture, to be employed on the estate of Be-
lombre, such as saw-mills, steam-engines, and tools of the
most improved construction;—That under the most favour-
able circumstances, in all cases, persons who introduce
improvements in agricultural processes benefit least by them;
the cost and trouble of forming new habits among the people,
teaching them trades and new modes of working, and neces-
sary frequent failures in early attempts, all continue to render
innovations of this nature burdensome and expensive to the
first who attempts them, however extensively and generally
beneficial to the condition of the Slave population, and ulti-
mately to the whole community they may afterwards be-
come;—That your Petitioner humbly submits that the claim
of the Custom-House for such duties is a grievous obstacle
to the execution of such plans, is unauthorised, as being
out of the contemplation of any law, and is injurious to the
rights of humanity, and inconsistent with the principles of
financial legislation, both as regarding the British manufac-
turer and the British Planter. -
That, therefore, your Petitioner humbly prays to be
exempted from paying Custom-House duties on the ma-
chinery in question, and your Petitioner, as in duty bound,
shall ever pray, &c, &c. - -
141
No. 35°.
Eatract of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to
His Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, dated
Port-Louis, March 24, 1827.
When apprentices are sent to the Civil Hospital, it is a
considerable expense to the master, so as, in a few months,
to absorb their estimated value, as labouring men; and when
their diseases do not require hospital treatment, being obsti-
nate or chronic in their nature, the support of the Blacks is
an expense and constant burden that the master would
gladly get rid of. The same feeling arises when the Black
is found to be incorrigible, as a thief or a maroon, subjecting
the master to continually recurring expenses, for charges of
capture, or for reimbursing the losses of those persons who
may have been robbed by him.
Under one or other of these heads may be comprised the
great majority of the names composing the list of prize Ne-
groes apprenticed to me. These Negroes were not sought
for, but offered to and accepted by the proprietors of Be-
lombre. The healthy climate of that estate, the facility
of support from the rivers and sea coast, the productive-
mess of its soil, its capacious and airy hospital, and the
advantage of a surgeon attached to the estate, who con-
stantly lived in that building, as well as the establishment of
a system of discipline which has been found to succeed when
severity failed, enabled the proprietors, at little risk of ex-
pense, to receive such prize Negroes as were, on their
landing, rejected at the Custom-House by applicants for
apprentices, or such as were afterwards found to be a heavy
burden upon their masters.
There are now, and always have been, on Belombre,
several Apprentices and Slaves, who were sent there by their
masters, because they were found vicious and incorrigible
by ordinary means at home.
142
In reference to the mortality, the Blacks were so debili-
tated by their voyage that some died on landing, some a few
days after their indentures were signed, and the rest could
not resist an attack of disease or accidents that stronger con-
stitutions would have overcome.
When immediate views of profit are not considered the
sole motives of action, it will be understood why Belombre
readily and indiscriminately received those unfortunate
beings, the refuse of the Slave-ships, who had been rejected
by the very numerous suitors on the list of the Collector of
Customs.
—cº--
No. 36.
Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to His Majesty's
Commissioners of Inquiry.
Port-Louis, June 21, 1828.
GENTLEMEN,+In answer to the several questions you
have done me the honour of referring to me, on the
subject of improving the condition of the Slaves of this
colony, I take the liberty of subjoining some further ex-
tracts from my “ Instruction Book” for Belombre, and of
adding such observations as experience has enabled me to
make generally on the management of the Blacks.
On my estate, for petty offences, the trial of Slaves by
juries chosen among themselves was perfectly successful;
and, conjointly with the system of ranks, rewards, and re-
compences for voluntary industry, adverted to in my former
communication, in a very short time rendered any recur-
rence to corporeal correction almost unnecessary ; so that for
many years past the “Punishment Book” was a perfect
blank, and the “Weekly Reports” were discontinued.
Afterwards the same system was partially followed, at my
suggestion, by Mr. Piston, in his very extensive ship-
143
building establishment at Port-Louis; and so confident was
he of its complete efficacy, that it was his practice to pur-
chase incorrigible Blacks from the inhabitants, and, by the
plan mentioned, they were reformed.
Trial by jury is also now in full vigour at Bourbon, on
the extensive estates of Mr. Charles Desbassayns, from
whom I had a most interesting detail of his success, a few
months ago. His experience has been, I believe, of three
years’ duration.
Since the date of the instructions for Belombre, already
forwarded to you, I have made another improvement with
advantage; viz. the payment of a salary to the different
commanders of the various bands of Blacks working on the
estate, at a rate varying from two to four dollars per month;
by which arrangement, persons chosen from the first class
of Blacks have an additional motive for good conduct, while
they enjoy the means of amassing a certain peculium, an
advantage they did not formerly possess. As the com-
manders themselves do not perform any manual labour or
task-work, before this new regulation they had no claim for
eatra labour voluntarily performed, and, in this respect,
they were worse off than those whom they commanded.
The adoption of the principle of a Saving Bank was not
limited as to its ultimate purpose, viz. the redemption of
the personal freedom of my own Slaves, the money being
unreservedly at the disposal of the owner for any other
purpose, as luxury in dress, in furniture, in food, &c. In
fact, none of my Slaves but one, who died after a few years
of disorderly freedom, has ever shown a desire for his per-
sonal enfranchisement; but several instances have occurred
of their purchasing their children, and relations, when the
latter belonged to other masters.
One of my Blacks, by his savings, purchased from me his
wife, by whom he had a child; and after her death he pur-
chased from me another Negress as his wife, who continues
to live with him in a state of freedom. Besides, he has now
three hundred dollars in the hands of my cashier.
144
Another of my Blacks purchased his wife and two of his
children, and still he has money enough, if he wished, to
purchase his own freedom. - -
Two of my Negresses obtained their personal freedom, or
exemption from work, as a reward to each for having
brought up seven children. The one has preserved her
habits of industry, and is considered rich; the other, from
the want of obligatory work, having the right to be idle, got
into intemperate habits, and, although a vigorous young
woman, she fell their victim. - -
The greatest proportion of money paid to my Blacks,
amounting on an average to thirty dollars a-week, has been
applied by the owners, from time to time, as it accumulated,
to the purchase of pigs, fowls, fishing-nets, musical instru-
ments, dresses for their wives, &c.—has often been expended
in little festivals, at their funerals, for masses and other
ceremonies in commemoration of the dead, and very often
has either been given or lent to their less fortunate comrades,
friends, and relations, on other estates.
Since its benefits have been practically demonstrated,
task-work has become almost universal in this island,
although thirteen years ago, it was nearly, if not altogether,
unknown. It was first practised in such departments of
husbandry as appeared most susceptible of a fair estimation;
as ploughing, felling of timber, conversion” of timber, road-
making, and, among tradesmen, as coopers, masons, nailers,
and carpenters; it was then adapted to the making of
trenches for sugar-canes; to the planting of canes on land
where the plough could not be worked; to the cutting of
, canes, and their transport to the mill; and to the making of
sugar. - - . •, , ,
Among the women, net-making, mat-making, the collect-
ing and splitting of the leaves of the screw pine (pandanus
vacoa), the bruising of sugar lumps with small mallets, &c.;
* Conversion is a technical term in wood-cutting, which includes the
various processes by which trees are fashioned for the use of carpenters
and builders.
145
an operation for which I have now substituted a machine
from England—were all executed by task-work.
Much labour, formerly done by Slaves, has for a long
period been done by cattle, especially since the proprietors
of estates have formed roads for carts, instead of pathways.
Formerly, timber, even of the very largest kind, was con-
veyed from the forests by mere manual labour, planks being
placed on the heads of the Blacks. Sugar-canes were for-
warded to the mill in the same way; but the practice for
some years has been obsolete. -
The male Slaves of the first class furnish all the chief
artisans, as well as their fellow-workmen of the second class,
and they bring up to their several trades individuals of the
third class; and, in many instances, such as the conversion
of timber, sawing, shingle-making, &c., where a certain
degree of skill is required, the master artisan is paid for the
work of the apprentices, which is accounted for to him as
extra labour.
When the different workshops, or bands of artisans, have
been supplied, the labouring class is divided into two bands,
the great band, formed of the most able-bodied men, and
the little band, consisting of young persons of both sexes,
who are only capable of light work, to which their labours
are consequently confined. The remaining persons on the
estate consist of children, who do light work, as weeding the
garden, &c., in the intervals of their school hours, and of
nurses and convalescents, who make sacks for containing
sugar, and clothing for the Blacks, and who, besides, have
other trifling employments.
M
146
No. 37.
Eatracts of a Letter from Mr. TELFAIR to His
Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, dated Port-
Louis, July 17, 1828. -
GENTLEMEN,+I have the honour to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter, containing the interrogatories relative
to the improvement of the condition of the Slave population,
which I shall have great pleasure in answering, according to
my experience. -
It may be necessary to remark, that, in carrying my plans
into effect, more difficulties presented themselves than I
had anticipated. Until I became a practical Planter, I was
comparatively unacquainted with the precise point of civiliza-
tion to which the Blacks of habitations had attained; my
opinions had been formed from the study of the tempers, dis.
positions, and acquirements of domestic or personal Slaves;
and I had too highly estimated the intellectual and moral
state of the majority of the agricultural population, whom I
found on nearer acquaintance to be, for the most part, little
removed from a state of contented barbarism; their happi-
ness consisting in the mere indulgence of animal propensities,
without any religious feeling or instruction, and without the
hope or desire of stepping out of their sphere. The concep-
tion of gaining their freedom was as strange to them as it
would have been to wish to be white. -
Civilization is much farther advanced in the West Indies;
but their population was accustomed to the wants and sup-
plies of civilized life, above two hundred years before this
island was first colonized. Intelligence, in long settled
islands, during that period, has been constantly descending
from the highest to the lowest classes, and the wish for
freedom is, perhaps, universal among the latter. The great
problem of enfranchisement there is consequently of less
difficult solution, and, in all probability, more immediately
practicable. But the want of desire for liberty among the
147
Slave population of this island is not the sole difficulty to
contend with. The person who, unsupported, attempts
innovations tending to that purpose, will find it very difficult
to ensure the full execution of any plan which he does not
personally superintend, and will have to form the instrument
by which he is to operate on the mass of the said population.
In examining the prominent traits of the character of the
agricultural Slaves, I found that the most striking was ān
intense sensibility to any act of injustice. Severity of punish-
ment was never complained of unless it was unjust ; but, in
this case there was a deep fellow feeling and sympathy with
the sufferer among all the individuals of his class. This
observation led me to think of the institution of trial by jury
among the Slaves themselves. Its commencement was rude
and inartificial; it was of a summary nature, and not subject
to any precise technical forms, nor confined to any exact
number of persons selected for composing the jury, the
object being chiefly to prevent the exercise of arbitrary power
in the hands of the commanders or overseers—the sudden
and angry infliction of punishment upon the impulse of the
moment—and, at the same time, to have on the spot, as
members of the jury, witnesses authorised to report to the
proprietor, or to his representative, any injustice that might
be attempted.
The different bands of Blacks had at all times in their
field-work, and when at a distance in the forests, making
shingles, planks, or timber, an overseer, who was a free man,
and generally a white man. The subjects of trial were
generally for quarrelling or striking one another, drunken-
mess, stealing each other's tools, or a part of the produce of
another's task-work, not fulfilling their tasks from idleness,
thefts of poultry, pigs, clothing, tobacco, and cooking uten-
sils, and alleged marooning; that is, being found on the
estates of neighbouring proprietors without written per-
mission, or apparent excuse.
In all cases it was found advisable that the examination
and judgment of the faults, or delinquencies, should be as
prompt as is compatible with a due check against injustice.
I48
Suspense under accusation is to the Blacks insufferable, and
induces them to maroon, so as to avoid the unknown result
of a deferred investigation. Therefore, in all cases, the
moment a fault was discovered, six or seven of the most
steady men present were called together, by the overseer, on
the spot; he stated the case to them, and the culprit made
his defence. I never heard of any difference of opinion,
the cases were generally clear, and easily decided. If there
was no proof, or if the defendant could give a satisfactory
explanation of his conduct, he went immediately to work.
If the case was made out, the jury recommended the quantum
of punishment (I never heard of their retiring to consult, or
keeping their opinions secret), and the overseer sent the
culprit, in charge of a commander, to the master, who, if the
case did not admit of pardon, ordered the man to be con-
fined till the next morning, when punishment was inflicted,
before the whole of the people at the appel, or roll-call.
The gravity of crimes and offences, committed by Blacks, is
estimated at a low rate: larcenies, and some other of their
offences, are within the bounds of slight trespasses, although
the perpetrators of such deeds in countries of higher civiliza-
tion would be considered as felons. -
Penal inflictions on habitations are comparatively light, so
far as I have seen, and their application is subject to several
modifications. The Slaves are descended from different
stocks, and the mode of punishment adapted to act on one
race is not applicable to all the castes. The Creoles of the
first rank have a pride in never having received a stroke of
the whip or rattan, this sense of honour prevails especially
in those of Indian origin, degradation from the rank of
Commander is their punishment.
The Madagascar Negro may also, to a certain extent, be
actuated by similar motives; they are not so humiliated by
personal correction, but they fear it; and this, as well as
coercion by solitude, and confinement from amusement, are
severe punishments. But the Mozambique Negro has no
dread of shame ; solitary confinement, which enables him
to sleep undisturbed, is his enjoyment, and bodily punish-
149
ment he endures like a stoic, but without the mental efforts
this apparent indifference to pain requires. They, however,
can be acted on by short diet and loss of the daily dram, or
allowance of spirits, of which they dislike to be deprived.
The punishment for idleness generally consisted in obliging
the defaulter to make up his task in the hours of breloque,
or repose, and in depriving him of his customary dram in
the evening. Drunkenness was frequently cured in the
young, by a process which produced a disgust to spirituous
liquors; in some the cure was permanent, in others it
required a repetition of the process, after a certain lapse of
time. Marooning was punished by putting the culprit in
confinement, after his task was done, and making him sleep
in the block for a certain number of nights. Fighting and
quarrelling were punished by the application of the whip,
according to the gravity of the case, varying from half a
dozen to twenty-five lashes. Thieving was punished by
restoring the property, or its value in stock, when the thief
had any thing valuable, and by confining him at the block
in the interval of labour. In cases where there was no pro-
perty, the loss was made up in task-work to the profit of the
person robbed. The punishments of females consisted in
confining them from Saturday evening to Monday morning;
thus depriving them of the Saturday's dance and holy-day
amusements. Slighter punishments consisted in refusing
tickets of leave (billets de passe) to visit their friends or
relations on neighbouring estates, or in different distant parts
of the island.
Punishments were inflicted in presence of the assembled
people before they proceeded to work. There never was
much corporeal punishment on Belombre, and latterly none.
Since the departure of Mr. Wm. Telfair and Mr. Foster,
and the removal of a great part of the Belombre Blacks to
Beau Manguier, none is allowed to be inflicted without
previously having my orders, if not on the spot; and there
has never been any whilst I resided there. Indeed, I am
not aware of any of my people having been flogged for many
years past.
I50
The Missionary who resided with me at Belombre was
accustomed to attend whenever there was an opportunity of
giving good advice, and particularly at burials, and on
occasions of corporeal punishment he seized the occasion of
inculcating moral and religious duties. His exhortations
and remonstrances were strong and affectionate, and con-
duced essentially to the improvement of our people; the
children who were his scholars were devoted to him; and
their parents, who learnt from them to sing hymns, partook
of the same sentiments. He showed them the consequences
of vice as to their future state, and the necessity, for their
own sakes, of punishment, which was inflicted with repug-
nance by the master, but which was indispensable to keep
them in the path of duty that would lead to their endless
welfare. -
The records of these trials and punishments, on convic-
tion, were kept for some years; but no record of acquittal
was ever registered, and the infrequency of offences after-
wards led to the gradual neglect of the register.
The character and abilities of each individual were known
to the manager, from constant intercourse and a study of
their dispositions, and the moral reformation had been in a
a great degree produced for which the said trials were
originally intended.
I have always regarded the state of Slavery as one that
must pass away, sooner or later, in the progress from savage
to civilized life, towards which, in advancing from the
natural state of barbarous nations, it is a great and important
step. The next step depends on the progress of civilization
arising from the diffusion and prevalence of religious and
moral feeling actuating the conduct of men, and which is
the result of education, not speculative or merely scholastic,
but which arises from practical improvements in the arts and
institutions of life. This principle of advancement is always
in activity, always in progress; and when ignorance is thus
dispelled, the other grand step is gained with the progress
of society, and Slavery dies a natural death. As a general
state of society, and by a measure co-extensive with the
L51
evil, it is perhaps the only mode by which Slavery can be
finally and entirely abolished, without struggle or convul-
sion. Education appears, therefore, an indispensable preli-
minary, and with this view the instruction of the people
might be generally established by superior authority; the
prejudices against it in this colony are wearing quietly away.
If it were deemed proper to invest the master with power
as magistrate over the lower classes, in proportion as he
divested himself of his powers as a proprietor, and if, as
was the Roman practice, an enfranchised Slave who dis-
graced himself by crimes against his former owner, were
liable to be reduced to slavery again, some further difficul-
ties to the individual enfranchisement of Slaves might be
overcome. This is perhaps all that would be necessary,
when the proportion of Slaves composing a community is
much inferior to the white or free population, as at the
Cape of Good Hope, and in the continental states of
America, where climate is less an obstacle to cultivation by
free labour. But, in the sugar islands, where all these cir-
cumstances are reversed, the progress to final enfranchise-
ment would be slower. The class of Slaves, when the males
and females are equal in number, would probably augment
as rapidly by natural progression as it would be diminished
by individual enfranchisement; and means might, therefore,
be devised for the gradual liberation of the whole mass, as a
class of men, so as to modify their state and that of their
proprietors, as a great body, without at the same time im-
peding the established practice of individual enfranchise-
ment. This step is only to be gained, however, by the
voluntary act of the proprietors, who, as an inducement,
should be enabled to feel that they do not sink but rise in
society by the change.
When it is considered, that, by withdrawing the power of
arbitrary punishment from the owner, which would be the
inevitable consequence of the universal legal establishment of
trial by jury on the great sugar estates, and by the monthly
reports of punishments to the superior civil magistrate, the
I52
state of Slavery would be so, essentially changed as not to
merit that appellation. -
The next step towards freedom would thus in reality be
given, and this advance in the progress to liberty might be
distinguished by an appropriate denomination, which, although
in some degree it appeared merely nominal, would probably
lead to important consequences: I mean that state of vassal-
age which has existed in all ages, as an intermediate step in
the progress of society from barbarism through Slavery, to
freedom, and which still exists, to a certain extent, among
the northern nations of Europe. This step would not dis-
solve, being the pure and voluntary gift of the proprietor,
nor injure the connection which, at present, unites by the
strongest bonds the lowest to the highest class of society.
The great proprietor, as magistrate, lord of the soil, and
master of the vassal, would hold all the powers which could
be really valuable to himself or his people. The delegation
of the sovereign power, thus modified, and extending over the
population of the district, taking cognizance of all offences
like the country magistrates in England, would make him
more respectable in his own eyes, and in those of his infe-
riors; his rights, thus become manorial or baronial, would
be equally transferable as at present, and the Planter's con-
dition being thus elevated, persons possessing capital, and
worthy of participating in the magistracy by which the
community would be municipally governed, might be willing
to invest their property in a mode at once safe, honourable,
and productive, leaving mere speculators for cupidity and
gain, and petty proprietors, who are the hardest masters,
and the most obstinate in resisting improvements, to with-
draw their funds from such property, for pursuits of a more
purely commercial and lucrative nature. -
In those islands, where property of this nature has de-
scended in families for some generations—and where the
Creole population form the fixed aristocracy, as inheritors
and owners of the Slaves and the soil, and attached to their
birthplace, this change, equally advantageous to the Slave
153
and honourable to the master, might most easily be effected.
An example set by a proprietor of consequence, by his pos-
sessions and character, would gradually be followed, either
by the present proprietors, or, where they are too old to
change rooted opinions and the prejudices of a life-time, by
their successors.
It would be superfluous to pursue further the successive
steps leading to the final extinction of vassalage, which
would arise from the progressive extension of education,
religious instruction, and social institutions, leading in their
consequences to feodal allotments of land for agricultural
or other bodily corvées, to copyhold tenures for personal
services, and finally to freehold for rent.
It may be remarked, that it is not a new idea to admit
Colonial proprietors to a participation in the honours and
favours flowing from the Sovereign. In France, before the
revolutionary war, Creole proprietors were entitled to many
of the privileges of nobility, and were eligible to hold com-
missions in the army at home, and other posts, from which
the roturiers were debarred. In our own country, the
baronetage of Nova Scotia had not a more honourable
purpose for its creation, than that which would have for its
principle the admission to an equal rank of such Colonial
proprietors as showed themselves animated by sentiments
not less noble, in elevating their fellow-creatures in the scale
of humanity; nor would the recognition, or creation, of such
an aristocracy, redound less to the honour of the Sovereign,
or the character of his reign, with future ages. If to this
were added, the admission into Parliament of such repre-
sentatives of the property and mind of the highest class, as
would watch and defend the interests of the Colonies; being
chosen by the proprietors themselves, and possessing that
local knowledge requisite in legislating for distant territories,
it would be a pledge to those possessions of the Crown, that,
in changing the interior constitution on which the structure
of society at present reposes, it is not less the intention of
the Legislature to promote their permanent internal peace and
security, and even their advancement and splendor.
154
Upon some such basis as that suggested, the voluntary
act of the proprietors might probably be obtained in the
sugar islands, by which the odious term of Slavery would
be entirely and for ever abolished, and a modified freedom,
little inferior to that of some of the northern nations, ob-
tained, leading at no very distant date to that equality of
condition which is consistent with the unequal distribution
of property.
Upon the adoption of those principles I do not see any
hinderance to legalizing the universal practice of trial by
jury among the Blacks, for such domestic offences on the
estate of the proprietor as are not necessarily brought before
the ordinary courts of justice, either as breaches of the peace
or invasions of the rights of others than the master. The
voice of humanity and of interest would in this coincide—
the Slaves would be governed by the rules of reason and
natural equity, agreeably to their own conception, and in
support of the right and dignity of the master. He consults
his own interest by his clemency, and an efficient curb is
placed on the passions of his subordinates, whose severities it
is not his interest, and cannot be his disposition, to encou-
rage; for, whatever pleasure it may be supposed a man
may take in the indulgence of his own anger, it will not be
contended that he participates in that of his servant, when
the vengeance is to be exercised at his own expense; and it
would be so when inflicted on his Slave. It is my own
feeling, from experience, I express, when I say that a quar-
terly or monthly account of all punishment should be made
out on every estate, and forwarded to the magistrate of the
district, and that this return should comprise the name
of the individual and of the overseer, the judgment, the
punishment awarded by the jury, the sentence and infliction, ,
and the name of the surgeon present, when the number of
lashes exceeds twenty. These reports should include, not
only corporeal punishment, but that of the block or solitary
confinement, and should be extracted from the punishment
book of the estate, and signed by the manager and the next
person under him, and by the surgeon attending the estate,
155
when present. And in periods where no punishment occurs,
a certificate to that effect, signed in the same manner, should
be forwarded by the manager and subordinate to the civil
magistrate. False returns might be punished by banishment
from the island, without prejudice to the other legal remedies
already provided by law.
The elevation to, and degradation from, higher ranks
among our people were originally frequent. After the first
year, or two years, those changes lessened, degradations be-
came temporary; and after a certain time allowed for repen-
tance and amendment, the persons were restored. The first
class became commanders of their different bands. I know
but of three who have permanently lost rank—two for forgery
and one for immorality. The last is a Creole, too old to be
imbued with religious instruction, but with many talents;
the others were young lads taught at our own school, and
probably seduced to the criminal act by their relations, who
lived with other masters; indeed I know this to have been
the case with one of them.
The houses on Belombre were about two hundred, and
were given in preference, as they were rebuilt, to women
with families. This rebuilding took place in consequence of
shifting the Camp to a more elevated, dryer, and salubrious
situation. The value of a house might be estimated at
fifteen dollars, furnished with its bedstead, and the cooking
utensils, &c. at three or four dollars; the purchase of those
things would have cost more to persons otherwise situated.
But having all the materials in our own possession, and
workmen being on the spot, the outlay of money was trifling,
although the timber and labour might have been turned to
more immediate profit.
Every Black who was desirous of cultivating a garden had
a piece of ground marked out for that purpose, and there he
might spend his vacant time; the system of gardening did
not extend far; it was chiefly confined to the commanders
and the chief Blacks, who were allowed to profit by the la-
bour of those who, for punishment, were confined; few of
the others after task preferred this employment to a continu-
156.
ance of that appropriate labour for which they were paid,
and the profit was more immediate.
The property in these houses and gardens was not of a na-
ture to be sold or transferred by the possessors. It insured
them exclusive and undisputed enjoyment, but the land, or
house, was not conferred as an exchangeable value. The
property that they did possess without control on their dis-
posal of it, consisted of supernumerary furniture, clothing,
and domestic utensils bought by their own industry, the pro-
duce of their gardens, pigs, poultry, and their savings. This
mode of conducting habitations is, I believe, becoming nearly
universal. The only thing thát was novel, as far as I know,
was vesting the immoveable property in the female, as well
as all utensils furnished by the estate.
The extent of the disposable property is not in any instance.
very considerable; the produce of their pigs and poultry,
served to purchase luxuries from time to time, additional
clothing of a finer texture for holidays, and, with some of
the higher class, in having masses for the dead, for which,
in some instances, they substitute anniversary fetes. Almost
all the Slaves possess some property, however, of this kind.
It attaches them to the soil, and it is a very general custom
when, by accident or otherwise, they lose their pigs and
poultry, and have not the means of purchasing others, for
the manager to give a pig and a few hens in joint property
to the Black, the manager furnishing the food and dividing
the profit on the sale of the animals at maturity, or on taking
them for the use of the table of the proprietor.
The amount of sums in deposit is not at present great.
The removal of the Blacks from Belombre to my other
properties, and under other management, naturally led to
settlements with them for the sums, generally small, which
were due to them. *.
One of my people has three hundred dollars in the hands.
of my clerk, with which he intends to purchase a slave to
attend his child that is free; another has two hundred, and
another a hundred and fifty ; and others who have earned.
and saved money, have them in the hands of some of their
157
relations, who are already free, and they are left to accumulate
with them till they reach amounts sufficient to purchase
their liberty.
So far as my experience goes, the general persuasion is,
that a Slave enfranchised, after he comes to manhoodd, is
apt to indulge in excesses, from which disposition children
and free persons are exempted ; being no longer obliged to
work, idleness is apt to render them turbulent and vicious,
and once having cast off the sober habits of daily labour, its
tranquillizing effects, on which so much of the peace and
good order of society depend, are lost. Freeborn Blacks are
on a similar footing to ordinary labourers in free countries:
they are obliged to work for their subsistence, they are not
subject to that perpetual pupillage which devolves on the
master—all care for their welfare; and they learn, from their
earliest days, the necessity of labour and industry.
Freeborn Blacks are not so subject to intemperate habits
as the lower classes of free people in colder climates, and I
do not think the enfranchised Slave would be more so if the
enfranchisement was the gradual work of time and of his
own industry; and if religious sentiments were duly instilled
during its progress.
The free classes are not prone to intemperance, but are
generally industrious; with many, however, their industry
is not of the most beneficial nature to society. Those who
have learned trades are generally quiet, orderly, respectful,
and honest; but there are individuals in many of their
families, without visible means of honest existence, and who
will not labour, but live by enticing the Slaves to steal from
their masters; an abuse against which there is great
difficulty in obtaining legal redress. They beset the
habitations, and are ready at hand on the adjoining roads,
to receive whatever may be stolen by the Slaves, for which
a very inadequate value is returned, and are thus the
primary authors of most crimes and offences among the
Slaves. A roll of those people made by the magistrates of
districts, and a frequent call of their names, obliging them
to report on their occupations, might tend to diminish
158
this evil, or perhaps it might be rooted out by obliging
persons who lead an indolent and vagabond life, to work
on the roads in the same manner, and at the same rate of
retribution granted to the military of the garrison, who
have been thus employed so beneficially for years, to the
improvement of the colony. On the subject of grounds for .
the Blacks to raise their own subsistence, and to supply the
public markets with provisions, I would remark that the
agricultural Slaves of this island, generally speaking, are
not sufficiently advanced in civilization to enable the master
to depend upon their voluntary industry for this purpose;
and, if the labour is to be performed by compulsion, their
gardens will have little of attraction but the name; the work
will not be better done than at present, when the united
labour of all tends equally to produce the subsistence of
the old and the young, the weak and the strong. The
parishes of this island are not like those of Jamaica, where
each affords a market. Port-Louis has the only one on this
island, and the habitations, most thickly inhabited by the
Slave population, are at such distances from Port-Louis as
to prevent the transporting of their produce thither for
profitable sale. -
No. 38.
To Mrs. Admiral CHAMBERLAYNE.
Newton, near Warrington, April 2, 1827.
MY DEAR MADAM, I hope my addressing you may be
allowed, from my long acquaintance with your amiable
daughter, Mrs. Telfair, for whom my esteem daily increased,
as I became better acquainted with the virtues and the
integrity of her character. - - *
In a late letter from Mrs. Telfair, she mentions the ac-
cusation brought forward in the House of Commons, against
*
159
Sir R. Farquhar and Mr. Telfair, of which (however ex-
traordinary it may appear) I had not heard before. I am
living in complete retirement, and during the last three
years I have seldom seen a London Newspaper.
Had I been asked to point out two men in the colony of
Mauritius, against whom such an accusation would have
been brought, by any person bearing a character of respecta-
bility, Mr. Farquhar and Mr. Telfair would have been the
last in my mind: they would have been the most remote
from any suspicion. -
Mrs. Telfair begs me to give my candid opinion of Mr.
Telfair, of his conduct to his Slaves, &c., &c., in a letter
addressed to Mr. Buxton; and candid shall my opinion be,
and true to the best of my finite understanding. No friend-
ship should induce me to write what I did not believe to be
true, and of this Mrs. Telfair is well aware. But being
unaccustomed to write on subjects of this nature, and my
mind being weakened by sickness and sorrows, I shrink from
addressing myself to a gentleman, a stranger, who, never
having heard of my name, would probably pay little attention
to my letter. I prefer, therefore, addressing you, Madam,
on the subject, regretting only that my feeble pen cannot
speak more energetically in the cause of truth, and in
defence of the calumniated:
I resided in the Isle of France, from June 1814, to the
end of December 1820. During that period, the characters
of most individuals in that small island must have become
known to me, and more particularly those of persons high in
office or in influence. Mr. Telfair stood among the highest—
not only for science, abilities, and general knowledge, but
still more so as a man of integrity and philanthropy—
exhibiting, in no common degree, the milk of human kind-
ness to all around him, or under his influence. I have
frequently heard him blamed, I might say reviled, for his
indulgence to his Slaves—but never did I hear him accused
of severity towards them; never in one single instance. I
was a visitor in his house a period of time in which deception
could not have been kept up, if deception had been intended.
160
On the 26th of April, 1820, I reached Belombre, on a visit
to Mrs. Telfair, and I remained her guest till the 7th of
July following. During that time I never saw, nor heard
of, any act of cruelty, nor even severity, towards his Slaves;
on the contrary, I witnessed many instances of his fatherly
care, and kindness towards them. Doctor Desnoyers was
maintained to attend the sick on his estate, as much wine
was sent to the hospital as the Doctor chose to order, and
sometimes I thought profusely ; and if ever I saw Mr.
Telfair out of temper, it was once when the Doctor, engaged
at a game of chess with me, suffered himself to be sent for
the second time to the hospital, before he attended to the
summons. All the duties of family prayer were performed
in Mr. Telfair's house in a pious and regular manner;
prayers, and sometimes a sermon, were read by the master of
the mansion in the presence of his family, his guests, and
those of his household who understood English; and a
school for the Black children was established on the estate
by Mr. Telfair, aided by Mr. David Jones, a missionary
from the London Society.
Mr. Jones having buried his wife, child, and all those who
accompanied him to Madagascar, returned alone to Mauri-
tius to recruit his health and spirits; and was humanely in-
vited to Belombre, as a more salubrious part of the island
than Port-Louis, where he became very useful to Mr. Tel-
fair in establishing a school, which gave great annoyance to
the French in general, and which many of the English
derided, because they thought the plan absurd, and that
Mr. Telfair was carrying kindness and equality too far.
On my return to Port-Louis I was attacked on all sides
about the Belombre school, and every thing was said that
could be thought of to convince me of its impolicy, and of
the danger of teaching Slaves to read and write. Instances
of forgery were brought in aid, and there was much sneering
at Mrs. Telfair “for spending her time” in teaching the
Black children. But this was not true; Mrs. Telfair gave
a rational time to all her duties; she visited the school daily,
and was generally present from twelve till two o'clock,
161
assisting in hearing the children's lessons, correcting their
errors, and performing all the necessary duties of a school-
master. This school cost Mr. Telfair much money, in books,
tracts, catechisms, &c., besides the loss of time for the culture
of his lands, for his instructions were not confined alone to
children. All his neighbours exclaimed loudly about his
measures, from, I suppose, the fear of example.
Perhaps you may not think it inapplicable if I give an
extract of my Journal, showing my sentiments on my first
visit to Mrs. Telfair's school.
“May 2—Went at twelve to the school; heard the chil-
dren (about fifty) spell, read, sing, and pray ; the two last
exercises were very affecting and gratifying; some of them
begin to read, and all seem to have made a wonderful pro-
gress, particularly in their prayers and recitations. To hear
so many little voices lifted up in praise of their Maker and
Redeemer affected me even to tears. I have determined to
send my little Black boy to school while I remain here.
Whatever such education may be in a political view, I am
sure it must be right in a religious sense, and therefore a
duty to follow the example.” - - -
Mrs. Telfair was so much afraid of the Slaves being over-
worked, that I frequently thought—I trust I am not wanting
in humanity—that she sometimes ran a little into the oppo-
site extreme. -
I never saw a Black household servant in the Isle of
France do a tithe of the work done by many female servants
in England. How they work on the plantations I am not
so competent to speak, having had no opportunity of judging;
but there is no starving population in the country—no beg-
gars. Would I could say so here. - .
Every Sunday morning the little girls came into the vi-
randa to make their curtseys to Madame (Mrs. Telfair), who
saw that their clothes and persons were kept clean ; if it
were otherwise, she blamed where blame was due. Each
brought a calabash for a portion of sugar, which I generally
assisted in distributing to them ; and happier faces than
N
162
were under their little white caps, I have seldom seen. On
Sunday evenings they were catechised, sung hymns, &c. &c.
There was a military station on the coast, Jacoté, about
three miles from the house of Mr. Telfair, and there was a
detachment from that station directly opposite to the man-
sion, on the near margin of the sea. I walked with my
daughter every morning from half-past five till seven o'clock
on the beach, and never without seeing soldiers passing from
one station to the other. I conceive it impossible for any
Slaves to have been landed there unseen by the military
appointed to watch the coast; and they have too strong an
interest in fulfilling such a duty to be negligent in their
office. I think, also, that Mr. Telfair has too just a sense of
religion to break through the laws of his country, or to act
in opposition to them. I have every reason to think that he
would not, as well as that he could not, do it, and that he
never thought of such a thing as the importation of Slaves.
Of Mr. Farquhar I am not called upon to speak, or I should
say that he had done more towards annihilating the Slave
Trade than any other person whatever; he struck at the
root of the evil, by negotiating a treaty with the chiefs in
Madagascar to prevent the sale of Slaves for exportation;
and while his measures were pursued, I believe, he succeeded.
He was much beloved in the island, by all ranks and colours;
few men so situated could, I think, have had fewer enemies.
I am, -
My Dear Madam,
With much respect,
Yours very truly,
(Signed) ANN MARY BERRY.
I63
No. 39.
Extract from the Report of the Directors to the
Twenty-Sixth General Meeting of the Missionary
Society, May 11, 1820. -
. The health of Mr. Jones experienced a speedy restoration
on his arrival at the Mauritius, where he was received into
the house of Mr. Telfair of Belombre, distant about forty
miles from Port-Louis. This gentleman is very desirous of
promoting a Mission in Madagascar, and had kindly permit-
ted Mr. Jones to transcribe some vocabularies of the Mada-
gascar language, which he himself had compiled, as well as
several journals of his own travels in that island.
Mr. Jones has commenced a religious service in English,
for the benefit of the servants on Mr. Telfair's establishment;
it was in contemplation to have also a regular service for the
benefit of the Slaves at Belombre, and of the French people
in the neighbourhood, as well as their Slaves, should they be
inclined to attend. A Sabbath school had been established,
in which there were nearly fifty children; also a Day school
for the instruction of the children of Slaves, on the British
system, in which there was about the same number of scholars,
who learned rapidly. This school is superintended by Mr.
Telfair, and two other gentlemen; the female branch of it
is under the superintendence of Mrs. Telfair.
—sº-
No. 40.
Eatract from the Quarterly Chronicle of the
Missionary Society, No. 19, page 92.
October 14, 1820.
. I take my pen in hand to write to you in a place as yet
but little known to me, feeling the same regard and affection
I64
for you as I felt when you faithfully attended me at the time
I was apparently on the verge of death, and despaired of
recovery. You have, indeed, acted towards me as the good
Samaritan did towards the man that fell among thieves when
going down to Jericho”.—Wide Letter of Mr. David Jones,
Missionary, to Charles Telfair, Esq.
P.S.—In another letter to Mrs. Telfair, also contained
in the 19th Number of the Quarterly Chronicle, page 94,
Mr. Jones, after addressing the same grateful acknowledg-
ments as to Mr. T., concludes in these words; “He who is
infinitely rich in all blessings reward you both for your kind-
ness and attention.” -
—“C-
No. 41. ł
Eatracts from the Report of the Directors to the
Twenty-Seventh General Meeting of the Mis-
sionary Society, May 10, 1821.
Mr. David Jones, whose health is now re-established,
continued, during the former part of last year, to labour at
Belombre, under the patronage of Charles Telfair, Esq.
He had been chiefly occupied, while there, in studying the
Madécasse language, reading a voluminous mass of docu-
ments relating to Madagascar, instructing the Slaves, and
superintending the school. Mr. Telfair, in a letter to the
Directors, speaks in highly favourable terms of the method
pursued by Mr. Jones in the school, as well as of the pro-
gress of the children.
* The Editor of the Quarterly Chronicle adds the following note:—“Mr.
Jones returned to the Mauritius after the failure of the Society's first at-
tempt to establish a Mission in Madagascar ; he settled at Belombre, about
forty miles from Port-Louis, under the immediate patronage of Mr. Telfair,
who not only furnished him with books calculated to facilitate his studies,
in reference to the Madagascar Mission, but also treated him with great
hospitality and kindness, exerting himself to the utmost, and with full suc-
cess, to promote his perfect restoration to health.” -
/ 165
Alluding, in another letter, to the general effects of Mr.
Jones's tuition, Mr. Telfair observes. -
The example has extended from the children to their
parents and older relations; so that a general spirit of
religious feeling pervades all classes of the numerous
population employed on my habitations; and the improve-
ment of their conduct and industry has been in proportion.
Some of my Slaves who had absconded during my absence
in England, and had been away for three years, have
returned to their duty, and become quiet and well behaved.
I trust these palpable good consequences will have their
effect, in inducing others to follow the example of educating
their Slaves.
No. 42.
Eatracts from the Report of the Directors of the
Missionary Society, printed May 9, 1822.
Mr. Telfair's school at Belombre, formerly under the
care of Mr. David Jones, Missionary in Madagascar, con-
tinues in a prosperous state. A great number of the Slaves
on his estate continue to be instructed, of whom many are
able to read well.
Mr. Le Brun acknowledges, with warm sentiments of
gratitude, the kind aid and friendly attentions which he is
constantly receiving from various respectable individuals at
Port-Louis, among whom he particularises General Darling
and his Lady, Mr. and Mrs. Telfair, Hart Davis, Esq.,
Collector of His Majesty's Customs, and Mr. White, Director
of the King's Garden; who have manifested a uniform and
liberal zeal in behalf of the mission.
Mr. Jones likewise received much personal kindness from
Mr. and Mrs. Telfair, with whom he had formerly resided
I66
at Belombre, and who have constantly evinced a lively
interest in the success of the Society's efforts, particularly in
relation to the island of Madagascar. -
—º-
No. 43.
Eatract from the Thirtieth Report of the Direc-
tors to the General Meeting of the Missionary
Society, published in May 1824.
A highly respectable individual * resident at Port-Louis,
who has for several years taken a lively interest in the Mau-
ritius and Madagascar Missions, and rendered them valuable
services, has favoured the Directors with the account of the
Mission at Port-Louis, in a letter recently received.
—C-— - -
No. 44.
Eatract from an official Report of the Rev. R. E.
Jon ES, Chief Military Chaplain of Mauritius,
and second Civil Chaplain of Port-Louis, ad-
dressed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, June 27, 1827. - - -
Mr. Telfair's school at Belombre, in the district of Savanne,
is arranged on a different system. There about sixty boys
and girls are taught to read, write, and cast accounts; and
there the religious instruction of all the Slaves meets with
due attention. . .
• Charles Telfair, Esq.
167
Mr. Telfair is a learned and wise man, he has a capacious
mind, and extensive views; yet, I presume to differ from
him in opinion, as to the prematurity of teaching children
the use of letters, though he assures me that his plan has
been attended with advantageous results. He says, that
drunkenness has disappeared, that crimes have become more
rare than formerly, and that desertion has ceased at Be-
lombre ; and he believes that those meliorations have been
caused by the children reading to, and teaching their
parents; but I attribute them to his kind treatment, and
the attention paid to their religious instruction. The same
plan is adopted at Captain Dick's estate, and at other
places.
Each morning, before work is begun, all the Slaves being
assembled, they join in prayer and sing hymns. The
labours of the day being over, they wash and clean them-
selves, and repeat the same devotional exercises. Their
comforts and their happiness are in every way consulted;
and none but the evil disposed become defaulters. But
Belombre possesses a peculiar and a very great advantage;
as it is separated from every other plantation, it may be
said to be isolated ; consequently, the resident or attached
Blacks have no communication with other Blacks; bad
association, bad example, bad advice, and seduction are
avoided. I confess, that in the instance now before us, I
think fewer objections exist against teaching of letters than
might be looked for elsewhere, especially as the Blacks
at Belombre form a little society of themselves, and are
shut out, as it were, from the wicked and profane; which
peculiar circumstances have greatly facilitated the rapid
progress of knowledge among them.
I doubt not that Mr. Telfair will make all artisans of
different descriptions, who are distinguished for their
attainments; but even on this point our views differ, and
very widely. I consider that the prosperity of this settle-
ment depends upon agriculture, and I think that the Slaves
should exclusively cultivate the ground, while the free
people of colour should be the artisans. By this plan the
168
means of labour would be augmented, and employment.
would be given to a numerous class of individuals, whose
welfare should be consulted. #
Mr. Telfair is a considerable proprietor in this island.
At one of his estates, Belombre, on the other side of the
island, to which belong several hundred Blacks, he has an
excellent school for their instruction; and on his plantation
at Piton, where the number of Slaves may be upwards of two
hundred, the school-master for the chapel instructs them.
——
No. 45.
Eatract of a Letter from the Missionary Society
to Mr. TELFAIR, dated July 30, 1824.
The very kind and friendly attention which you have
paid to Mr. Jones during his long indisposition, of which
he makes the most grateful mention, the interest you have
taken in promoting education around you, and the bene-
volent assistance you have given to the commencement of a
Mission in Madagascar, have given you a very large share
in the esteem of this society. To you, Sir, we feel that we
owe more than we can repay, or even express, but we trust,
that even now, you enjoy the inward reward that always
crowns virtuous and useful actions, and that you will here-
after possess a still higher degree of delight in witnessing
the prosperity and success of the Madagascar Mission, which
strikes the Society, Sir, as it does you, as “an object of
immense importance.” . - *.
We are delighted, Sir, to hear of the prosperity of the
schools under your patronage; it exceeds every thing that
could be expected, under existing circumstances, and affords
you abundant encouragement to proceed in the good and
great work. If possible, some books (in French), such as
you want, shall be sent by the present conveyances, if not,
as soon afterwards as possible.
169
Most sincerely thanking you, Dear Sir, for your friendly,
able, and long-continued support given to our Missionaries,
and their cause, and most ardently praying for your-health,
prosperity, and success in every benevolent pursuit.
We are, &c.
No. 46.
Eatract of a Letter from the Missionary Society
to MR. TELFAIR, dated September 26, 1821.
We avail ourselves of the opportunity to thank you for
your kind countenance and aid to the Mission at Port-Louis,
under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Le Brun, as well as that
in Madagascar under Messrs. Jones, Griffiths, and Jeffreys,
and to assure you that we entertain a grateful sense of the
services and attentions which both yourself and Mrs. Telfair
have, from time to time, rendered to the Society's Mis-
sionaries.
We have great pleasure in hearing of the prosperity which
continues to attend your laudable efforts to impart religious
instructions, as well as the advantages of common learning,
to the people on your estate at Belombre, and we sincerely
hope that, in future, success will still continue to crown
those and all your other efforts for the benefit of your fellow-
creatures, whether among the heathen or others.
With our cordial wishes and sincere prayers for the health
and happiness of yourself and Mrs. Telfair, and that to the
blessings of this life may be added the higher and better
blessings of futurity. -
170
No. 47.
Certificate of Mr. WARwick, formerly Civil Engi-
neer at Belombre, to Mr. TELFAIR.
Port-Louis, Mauritius, Sept. 2, 1829.
I hereby certify, that I resided on the estate of Belombre,
during the years 1821 and 1822, and was in habits of con-
stant intercourse with its proprietors and managers:—
That from the nature of my profession, as a Civil Engineer,
a large proportion of the Blacks of Belombre were under
my immediate orders, and that I had the best possible
opportunities of knowing the events of every passing day,
respecting the whole of the Negroes:— -
That the instances of cruelty enumerated as having oc-
curred at Belombre, during the years 1821 and 1822, the
instruments of cruelty mentioned, and the details relative to
the housing, bedding, clothing, over-working, half-starving,
and general punishment of the Blacks, all so ingeniously
published for the information of the world, in the 44th
Number of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, are a tissue
of falsehoods:—
That the general comfort of the people, and the moral
and religious instruction of all classes, were chief objects
with the proprietors, who issued the most positive rules of
guidance to every subordinate agent on these points:—
That schools were expressly established at Belombre, upon
the Lancasterian system, for the education of the Blacks,
which were daily attended, on an average, by sixty indivi-
duals, who were likewise taught morality and religion:—
That, owing to the excellent regulations established and
enforced at Belombre, punishments were very rare; and,when
absolutely necessary, to my knowledge, were never inflicted
with cruelty, nor even with severity:— -
That the Houses of the Blacks at Belombre were excellent
for peasants:—
That the bedding, which in this, as in all hot climates,
consists merely of a mat; pillow, and blanket, were good
171
of their kind, and regularly possessed by the Negroes at
Belombre:—
That the clothing of the Blacks at Belombre was comfort-
able, and, among the higher classes, of a superior quality,
and well adapted to the climate:—
That the food of the Blacks at Belombre was wholesome
and nourishing in quality, and sufficient and even abundant
in quantity:— -
That, in conclusion, the Negro population at Belombre
enjoyed a degree of comfort and happiness, which I have
never any where seen exceeded in the same rank of life;
because they were exempted from those wants, cares, and
anxieties, which generally and unavoidably fall to the lot of
the labouring classes in civilized nations.
(Signed) JAMES WARWICK.
—e—
No. 48.
Extract of a Letter from Colonel DRAPER, Col.
lector of Customs, to Mr. TELFAIR, dated Champ
de Mars, Port-Louis, September 1, 1829.
Having, a very few days ago, perused a publication,
called the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, for the month
of January 1829, No. 44, in which appear strong and vio-
lent animadversions on the state of Slavery in this island,
and particularly at your estate at Belombre, I should not
only be wanting as a friend, but as an honest man, if I did
not immediately give them my unqualified contradiction.
The writer, in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, makes
specific charges of cruelty against the Belombre establish-
ment, from the testimonies, as he says, of eye-witnesses. It
is not difficult to trace these engines of a malignant activity,
nor to call up the informers, pernicious enemies to all
good mem. Suffice it, in this letter, however, to say, that
the lower class of informers consists of drunken and dis-
carded convict overseers, one of whom, by name Kendrick,
deposed in England that he witnessed an importation of
172
Slaves at Belombre on the very day when he was in prison
at Port-Louis, as a gendarme, for bad conduct.
From a residence of upwards of fifteen years in the colony,
during a great part of which period, as Civil Engineer and
Surveyor-General, it was my duty to make frequent inspec-
tions of the roads in the different districts of the island, I
have often visited the estate of Belombre, and seen the cot-
tages of the Blacks, the hospital, the school-room, and the
pavilion, set apart for religious instruction; they all conveyed
to my mind every appearance of comfort, and of no ordinary
regularity; indeed, they bespoke a kind master and a good
christian.
Although I may date our acquaintance from the memo-
rable expedition to Egypt, in 1801, it is more to the purpose
to pass directly to this country, in which you are held up
in execration, by a writer at a distance of 12,000 miles, as a
cruel and bloody tyrant, and whose establishment at Belom-
bre presents a scene of human slaughter or charnel house.
A long, uninterrupted, I will add, too, a most disinterested
friendship with you, gives me the right to affirm that these
assertions in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter are gross
violations of truth; indeed, were I called upon to delineate
a character whose clemency would bear the strictest ordeal,
the true likeness would be found in the proprietor of Be-
lombre, whom I could present even to the members of the
Anti-Slavery Institution, and particularly to the speakers at
its anniversary in 1828, as a philanthropist in whom nature
had implanted the best affections of the heart.
I have much pleasure in bearing this simple testimony, in
refutation of the poisonous and inflammatory slander con-
veyed in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, whose inform-
ation, being derived from polluted sources, is totally un-
worthy of credit. Allow me to add, I shall ever be at my
post in upholding private honour and public worth, in vin-
dicating the injured against felonious robbers of reputation,
whether supported by charitable or uncharitable societies,
and in discharging the offices of a friend of the “valued
file.”
173
No. 49.
Copy of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from Captain
MACKAY, of His Majesty's 82nd Regiment,
dated Port-Louis, October 4, 1829. -
MY DEAR SIR,-As I am told that you are preparing a
refutation of the libellous slanders against you in the 44th
No. of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, and as my
testimony may be of some importance, as an eye-witness, at
Belombre, of what was passing during a part of the period
in which the ill treatment and cruelties are said to have been
practised, I beg to offer you an account of what I observed,
that you may use as evidence in favour of the truth.
Being newly arrived in the colony, in 1819, at the time of
my taking command of the military post of Jacoté, adjoining
Belombre, I felt much curiosity in witnessing a mode of life
so novel, and it was a great amusement for me to examine
all I saw. I went over every part of the establishment of
Belombre, its hospital, school, mills, sugar-houses, gardens,
and forests, and saw what was the treatment of the Slaves
in all their employments. This was no cursory view ; I
walked alone among the people at all times; saw them at
their meals, at their work, at their dances, at their devotions,
and in their houses. These were not preconcerted visits; it
was the ordinary exercise of five days out of the week,
during my stay in the military command of the district. I
have never seen more hilarity and abundance in the same
number of the labouring class at home; they are well fed,
clothed, and sensible of their happiness; their children were
kept clean and neat in dress, and daily schooled, for two or
three hours, in reading, writing, and arithmetic ; and, on
my return to head quarters, I myself sent a large board with
the elementary part of school lessons painted on it, as a
present to the school, so much was I pleased with the
aptitude and diligence of the scholars. If there was any
punishment of the Blacks it must I think have been rare,
174
for I never saw it, nor heard the sound of the whip in
COrrectlon. " . . . . . .
Had such atrocities existed as are detailed by the Anti-
Slavery Reporter, I think they could not have been con-
cealed from me, nor from the military stationed on Belombre;
and certainly no honest man would have witnessed such
monstrous crimes without denouncing them on the spot; and
I would have felt it imperiously my duty to have reported
such murderous attempts. There can be no better proof
that they did not exist, nor did I ever hear of them until
some weeks ago, on the arrival of the Anti-Slavery Reporter.
I have heard the Slaves of other estates speak of the envi-
able lot of yours; and it has been observed to me by some
Planters, that the system of diminished labour, expensive
feeding, clothing, &c. you practised at Belombre would not
tend to enrich you. As for the occupation of Sunday, it
was dedicated to devotion in your family, when I often read
a sermon after you had read the prayers of the Church, sur-
rounded by all your overseers, servants, and house Slaves
who understood English ; and the whole of the estate had
orders to attend at the school-house every evening, to join in
prayers, &c. -
Such is the statement that I can with truth most solemnly
give, as a contradiction to the anonymous witnesses whom
the Anti-Slavery Reporter mentions, and no doubt these
persons will be found as little entitled to credit as those
already brought forward before the Select Committee of the
House of Commons, whose perjuries were rendered evident
by the oaths of those men of my own regiment whom they
appealed to for corroboration. -
——
No. 50.
Declaration of Mr. ForsTER.
I, William Forster, Manager of the Beau Manguier
estate, declare— - - -
I75
That I went to reside at Belombre the latter end of
October 1821, and continued there until January 1828, a
period of six years and three months, during the latter three
years and a half of which time I had the chief management
of the estate.
That, during all the time I was on the said property,
the treatment of the Slaves was very humane, and every
attention was paid to their comfort. Their food was whole-
some and nourishing, consisting of rice and maize, mixed with
salt beef, or salt fish, and vegetables, besides an abundance
of fresh fish, with which the sea surrounding a considerable
part of the estate was largely supplied.
That the people were well clothed, and each individual
had an annual supply of blankets. Their cottages were pa-
Hisaded and thatched, and each was divided into two rooms,
one of which contained their beds. These cottages were
dry and comfortable; one and sometimes two old men were
constantly employed in repairing and thatching them, and it
was the sole occupation of a painter, called David, to white-
wash them. r -
That the bell which called the Blacks to their work in
the morning was rung at gun-fire; they had an hour for
breakfast and two hours for dinner, and they left off work
before gun-fire in the evening:— -
That, during my residence at Belombre, there was not a
single instance of making sugar in the night:—
That it was an invariable rule, and strictly adhered to,
never to flog the female slaves. The only punishment they
were subjected to was the block, or solitary confinement:-
That, with regard to the Blacks, or male Slaves, besides
the block, the application of the whip or rattan was resorted
to in serious offences, and the number of lashes varied from
six to twenty-five. Few instances occurred of punishment
exceeding the latter number, and it never was the practice
to inflict punishment on Sunday ; that lime-juice, or salt
and pepper were never used in punishment, nor for the
alleged purpose of preventing sores, occasioned by the whip,
176
from festering; no application of that kind could be needed,
as it seldom happened that the skin was even raised:—
That, for several years before my arrival, the Belombre
Slaves had been in the habit of receiving moral and religious
instruction; all the children were regularly baptized, and
young and old assembled every evening to say their
prayers and to sing hymns, previously to retiring to their
cottages:— • - *.
That there was a school on the estate to teach the children
to read and write; it was set on foot before I went to
Belombre, and continued without any interruption till the
time of my quitting the estate; the number of children who
attended varied from fifty to sixty:— $ .
That it has been stated by the Editor of the Anti-
Slavery Monthly Reporter, that the decrease of Blacks on
the Belombre estate, for the year 1819, according to the
re-censement of that year, was 52 persons, or 13% per cent.
per annum on the population; and that the decrease for
1825 was 39, or 10% per cent. per annum. Now, assuming
the correctness of this statement as far as regards the
diminution, it is to be observed that both those returns
were triennial, comprising the deaths that had occurred
in the three years antecedent to their respective dates.
Instead, therefore, of a decrease of 13% per cent. for
the year 1819, as affirmed by the Anti-Slavery Reporter,
the diminution is reduced to a third of that per centage, or
an average of 44 per cent. per annum, for the three years
ending in 1819. Again, instead of 39 Blacks, or 10% per
cent., being the decrease in the Belombre population for the
year 1825, it is the decrease that took place in three years,
viz. from 1822 to 1825, or about 3% per cent. per annum.
The circumstance of the cholera morbus having ravaged the
colony, during the period included in the re-censement of
1819, accounts for the mortality of that return being one per
cent. greater than in the return of 1825:—
That, from a residence of more than eight years in this
colony, I am enabled to state that I do not know a man
177
in it who has been so uniformly kind to his Slaves as
Mr. Telfair, and I cannot imagine any one less deserving of
the scandalous and libellous imputations which have been
brought forward against him in the Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter. Few people have had better opportunities than
myself of judging of this fact, as I was upwards of six years
on the estate where so many cruelties are said to have been
committed. Mr. Telfair always expressed to me, as well
as to others on the estate, the strongest desire to melio-
rate the condition of his Slaves, and recommended, as well
as put into practice, different plans for that purpose. Be-
sides increasing their bodily comforts in regard to food,
clothing, &c., he turned his attention more particularly to
their moral and religious education. The school established
on the estate was superintended by a free man, where all
the children, from three to twelve and thirteen years of age,
were taught to read, write, and say their catechism, as well
as to repeat the measures of time, the multiplication table,
the tables of weights and measures, &c., &c. Two hours
every day were spent in this manner in the school. The
whole of the Blacks were brought together every evening,
when their work was finished, to join in prayers and sing
two or three hymns, and this has been the constant practice,
as well at Belombre as on Mr. Telfair's other estates. Hav-
ing been so long an eye-witness to Mr. Telfair's plans for
rendering his Slaves comfortable and happy, I think it only
justice to his character thus to come forward and endeavour,
as far as my testimony will go, to refute the base and ma-
lignant calumnies that have been heaped upon him by the
Editor of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter.
(Signed) W. FORSTER,
Beau Manguier, Mapou, October 23, 1829.
I'78
No. 51.
Copy of a Letter addressed to Mr. TELFAIR by
Colonel STAVELEY, Deputy Quarter-Master
General, dated Bon Air, Mauritius, October 16,
1829. - -
In returning you No. 44 of the Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter, I take the opportunity of informing you that I
have some personal knowledge of two of the individuals on
whose evidence these calumnies are said to have been pub-
lished. The first is a man of the name of Higginson, whom
I discharged from the Department of Roads for gross mis-
conduct as an overseer. He then represented to me the
hardship of being obliged to quit the colony, and leave his
wife and six children, and I felt inclined to recommend his
being pardoned. On further inquiry, it appeared that he
had neither wife nor child here, but was living in a state of
concubinage with the mother of the children he had told me
were his own, and that he had been in the habit of employing
the convicts, placed under his charge for the public service,
in the cultivation of this woman's habitation. He was
accordingly dismissed.
The other man is named Kendrick. I met him at Grand
River in a state of nakedness, filth, and starvation; he
represented that he was a pensioner, but had lost his dis-
charge and could not draw his pension; and that he had
formerly been an overseer in the Convict Department, I
found his character in that department to be bad; that he
had been more than once discharged, and was finally dis-
missed for drunkenness. This man had subsequently en-
tered and been dismissed from the gensdarmerie, and, if he
had not been a most worthless vagabond, he could not have
been wandering about the island in the state I found him.
On my representation his pension was paid to him, and he
was sent to England.
179
We all know the disposition to invention and exaggera-
tion of vulgar men who have travelled, and can thus account
for the stories which have been circulated by such characters
as the above; and, when it became known amongst the
numerous discharged soldiers who had served in Maurºtius,
that the most infamous fabrications would be credited and
encouraged, it is not surprising, that, among their random
shots, some should fall on the proprietor of Belombre,
although to those who have the pleasure of your acquaintance
you are known and distinguished as a man of benevolence
and philanthropy, and devoted to the cultivation of science.
I have frequently visited Belombre, and have never seen
the least symptom of ill treatment of any living being;
but, on the contrary, have remarked the extreme attention
paid to the comfort, education, and religious instruction of
the Blacks. I sincerely hope you will lose no time in
refuting the infamous calumnies that have been circulated.”
No. 52.
Ea:tracts of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from the
Rev. A. DENNY, First Civil Chaplain, Mauritius,
accompanied by some documents, dated Port-
Louis, October 28, 1829.
Having read, in Nos. 42 and 44 of the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter, the severe attacks made against you, as
a Proprietor of Slaves, and understanding you are about to
publish a refutation of these reiterated calumnies, I beg leave
to enclose you extracts from public documents, addressed by
me to His Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, the Eccle-
siastical Board, the Society for promoting Christian Know-
ledge, and the Protector of Slaves.
180
The necessity imposed upon me, of making these official
communications, compelled me to acquaint myself with the
means afforded for the moral improvement of your Slaves.
If the barbarities stated by the Anti-Slavery Reporter to
have been perpetrated could co-exist with the creditable
efforts used for the moral welfare of your Slaves, and that
these efforts were used at the time specified by the editor
there is evidence to prove, it must be looked upon as one of
the most unaccountable anomalies of conduct of which I have
ever heard. As the subjoined documents were not got up for
the occasion, but merely called for in the course of official
duty, and written before I could have any knowledge of the
existence of such charges being preferred against you, in that
circumstance alone, perhaps rests their principal value.
Extract from a Communication, addressed to His Majesty's
Commissioners of Inquiry, Mauritius, in reply to a Query,
dated December 16, 1828.
The extent of means afforded for the religious instruc-
tion of the several classes of the inhabitants in the different
quarters of the island 2 – On the estates of Charles Tel-
fair, Esq., schools are established for the education of his
Slaves, where the children receive elementary instruction, so
as to enable them to read the Scriptures and write, and are
instructed, by the masters, in the principles of the Protestant
faith. The children on the two estates, about eighty in
number, are in school about two hours each day, and on the
Sabbath have prayers read to them by the masters, the
whole of the adult Slaves on the estates, amounting to some
hundreds, attending ! - -
\
I81
Eatract from Communications addressed to the Rev. A.
HAMILTON, Secretary to the Ecclesiastical Board, and
the Rev. A. M. CAMPBELL, Secretary to the Society for
promoting Christian Knowledge, dated Feb. 1, 1829.
On the estates of Charles Telfair, Esq., schools are
established for the education of his Slaves, who are taught
to read and write, and the adults orally instructed in the
principles of the Protestant faith by the masters. One of
those schools was established in 1816, and consists, at pre-
sent, of about sixty children. They leave school when they
can read their bible, and write; some are taught arithmetic.
The school on the other estate is neither so long established,
nor so numerous, and it is much to be regretted that the
distance is too great to permit them to be brought together
for public worship; and the distance from Port-Louis pre-
cludes them from the benefits of clerical administration,
except for baptism; as it is, part of the liturgy is read
every Sabbath. -
Extract of a Letter addressed to R. M. Thom As, Esq.,
Protector of Slaves, in reply to a Query, dated June 19,
1829.
It would be desirable to be informed, whether any
means have been adopted by Slave-owners for the instruc-
tion of their Slaves in the principles and observance of the
Christian religion ?
After some details of the same nature as the above, Mr.
Denny remarks, “As it is, every thing possible is done for
their moral improvement and personal comfort, and it doubly
enhances the nature of the instruction afforded, as Mr. Tels
fair is the only individual in the colony, lay or clerical, who
permits elementary instruction to be imparted to his Slaves.”
182
No. 53.
Eatracts of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from Colonel
CUNNINGHAM, Commander of the Royal Engi-
neers, dated Port-Louis, Mauritius, Oct. 26, 1829.
I can, from personal observation, state that the huts for
the Negroes were in as good condition, as comfortable, and
as large as any I have seen in the island, and particularly
noticed the Hospital and School-house, both of which ap-
peared to me well calculated for their purposes.
I have now been in this Colony above four years, and I
can with truth affirm, that I never heard the slightest hint of
there ever having been any severe punishments inflicted on
the Slaves belonging to the estate of Belombre; and I am
well satisfied, from what I know of you myself, and from all
I have heard of you, that you would never have sanctioned,
or allowed, such punishments to be inflicted on your Slaves
as are stated in one of the numbers of the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter.
No. 53.3%
Fatracts of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from Quarter-
Master KYLE, 82nd Regiment, dated Port-Louis,
September 27, 1826.
I have perused different numbers of the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter, and I assure you I read the 44th Number
with no small degree of astonishment, particularly that part
of it relative to the treatment of the Slaves on the Belombre
estate. In the years 1820 and 1821, when you and Mrs.
Telfair resided on that estate, I knew that both were
humane, kind, and indulgent, to your Slaves in general.
A striking proof of the justice of this statement, is the
183
expense you were at in paying for the instructions of four of
your household and two of your field Slaves, who were
under my care, when I was music-master of the 82nd re-
giment. They learned music, reading, and writing, for
upwards of three years, during which time I had many
opportunities of hearing them, in their private conversations,
hold forth in praise of the kindness of their master and
mistress, not only to themselves, but also to the Slaves in
general. These boys came from Belombre to me at Mahe-
bourg; and they were well clothed, looked to have been
well fed, and their general conduct, while under my charge,
convinced me that the principles of morality and religion
had been early instilled into their minds. In the year 1820,
I visited Belombre with the little band of music, and re-
mained some days, during which time I visited that esta-
blishment late and early, and often admired the regularity
with which every thing was conducted. I will now give
you a detailed account of the condition of the Slaves at that
period.
1. THE BLAcks’ HUTs.—I particularly remarked these,
for their cleanliness and uniformity; they formed streets;
one building was occupied as an Hospital, and another as a
school-house. -
2. CLOTHING.—I have no recollection of having seen any
Slave, male or female, but what was decently clothed; those
of the household were particularly well clothed.
3. BEDs.—I cannot say that the Slaves in general had
beds; but I firmly believe that each had a mat, a blanket,
or a cumley; each of the boys who came to me brought these
articles with him, and some also had pillows.
4. FooD.—I cannot be positive as to the kind of the gene-
ral food of the Blacks; but whatever it was, their appear-
ance bespoke that it was not scantily issued out to them. I
have often heard it remarked, that you fed your Slaves on
rice when it was at an enormous price, almost double what
it costs at this moment. -
5. LABour.—While at Belombre I generally rose at dawn
of day, and have seen the Slaves go out to the field at day-
IS'ſ
light, and return to breakfast, after which they went back to
work, and remained until about mid-day. They went again
to the field at two o'clock, and remained until a little after
sunset; as to the bell being rung at three o'clock, in the
morning, I never heard it. It was generally rung a quarter
of an hour before day-light. - - " . . . . .
6. PUNISRMENTs.—I have no recollection of any punish-
ment having been inflicted while I was at Belombre, and yet
one of the days was a Sunday. * - - - . . . . . . .
8. MoRALITY AND RELIGION–were strictly attended to.
When the six boys were sent to me, you particularly called
my attention to both ; no stronger proof of your ardour on
this head can be held forth, than the well regulated school
which was on the estate. I visited it every day while I was
at Belombre ; the neatness and attention of the children
excited my admiration. I have no doubt but that divine ser-
vice was performed, if not to the whole, at least to the greater
part of the Blacks every Sunday. On the Sunday I spent
there, the late Captain Field read the morning service, and
I acted as clerk. In singing the psalms I was joined by
many present, and was accompanied by the Slave band of
music. The Slaves were clean and decently clothed, and
during the service they were very attentive. •
Believe me that it is delightful to have such an opportu-
nity of giving my humble and faithful testimonial to an indi-
vidual whom I consider to be deeply injured, and whose
general good character is so firmly rooted in this colony.
Extracts from a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR from Mr.
LE BRUN, Missionary, dated Port-Louis, Octo-
ber 15, 1829. -
It does not enter into the mind of a Christian, and more
particularly into that of a minister of the Gospel, to flatter
185
any one, or, what is worse, to speak untruth ; and no inter-
ested motives could induce me to testify to any thing of.
which I had not a competent knowledge. Though I do not
altogether approve of the mode hitherto adopted in the
colony for the diffusion of Christian knowledge amongst the
Slave population, still I must say that many useful regula-
tions have been adopted by several Planters since my arrival
in this colony (in May 1814), for the melioration of that
class of the population, which, if not yet general, is daily in
progress.
What leads me to write to you on this subject, is an awful
accusation brought against you and your mode of treatment
of your Slaves at Belombre, in No. 44 of the Anti-Slavery
Reporter, which, if I can judge by your other estates where
I have been, is, I sincerely declare, unfounded ; for, without
exaggeration, there is not one to my knowledge who has
hitherto adopted such extensive plans, or gone to the expenses
you have, to improve their situation, to encourage voluntary
industry, and to excite religious feeling among them. You
are the first in this colony who attempted, and with success,
to establish a school, not only for the moral and religious
instruction of your Slaves, but to teach reading, writing, and
other accomplishments; of which school Mr. Jones, senior
Missionary of Madagascar, had the superintendence for a
long time. This school was the source of many serious
reflections by other Planters; many of them would not allow
their Slaves to go to your plantation, fearing their minds
would be poisoned by associating with yours, because, said
they, you spoiled yours, and made them unfit for their situ-
ation in life, which was to till the ground and not to sit in
the school-room—and all this on account of your fatherly
and humane disposition and treatment towards those whom
divine Providence had put under your kind protection; and
I have heard Planters say that they should be very sorry to
have any of your Slaves working with their own, and that
what you were doing for their instruction, far from doing
them good, would only tend, ultimately, to ruin and unfit
them for their work. Now, does this bear the mark of
186
cruelty P Is it a proof that they were ill treated 2 To me
it seems to speak highly in your favour. It is true I had
never the pleasure of seeing your estate at Belombre in the
time you occupied it, but if I can judge by what I saw in
my tour in the year 1828, when in company with my much
lamented friend the late Rev. Dr. Tyerman, there is enough,
I think, to lead one to believe that they were well taken care
of. The little villa we saw bore more resemblance to a
country village in England than huts for Slaves. I admired
it, and said to my late friend, how many country peasants in
Europe would feel happy if they had such comfortable dwel-
lings to put their families in, and every family with a bible,
and some among them capable of reading it to them. It is
raised on a little eminence, with a cooling stream, which plays
gently alongside of the dwellings. When compared with
others I had seen on other plantations, I could scarcely
believe those were dwellings for Slaves. At a little distance is
an extensive vegetable garden, and on asking for what use
it was, a gentleman present said it was for the use of the
Slaves. Mr. Tyerman made many notes of your meliorations
on the system of teaching the Slaves, with which he was de-
lighted, and you might appeal to them for an unquestionable
testimony in favour of the truth.
No. 55.
Eatract of a Letter from Captain MACKAY to Mr.
TELFAIR, dated Port-Louis, Mauritius, Septem-
ber 19, 1829.
A soldier, under seven years' service, receives 2d. per
day; above seven, 3d. ; and over fourteen, 4d. : this he gets
daily, provided that his kit, or necessaries are complete, and
he is not indebted to his Captain. Only the old and careful
soldier can keep out of debt with this pittance. There must
be 10d, laid out each day for his food and washing.
187
No. 56.
Extract from a Declaration of M. BoUTIN,
.formerly employed at Belombre, by Mr. TEL-
FAIR, dated Port-Louis, October 20, 1829.
Je déclare que pendant les huit années que j'ai passées
tant à Belombre que sur vos établissemens de Bon-Espoir
et Beau-Manguier, le régime des esclaves a été doux et
paternel. Je n'essayerai pas de réfuter article par article
les mensonges et absurdités que contient l'Anti-Slavery
Reporter. Un simple apperçu de l'ordre qui régnait sur
ces établissemens, des travaux imposés aux esclaves, de leur
nourriture, des soins qu'ils recevaient en maladie, et des
efforts faits pour l'amélioration de leur condition sera la
meilleure réponse à des calomnies évidemment produites par
la haine et la méchanceté.
A Belombre, particulièrement chargé de la distribution
des vivres et de celle des vêtemens, je donnais les vivres en
nature, et à raison de deux livres de riz, ou deux livres de
maïs, par tête d'esclave de tous âges et castes. Il était fait
toutes les semaines, des distributions de viande salée, sel, et
tabac ; presque tous les soirs il était donné aux noirs un
verre de rum ; deux fois l'an, il était distribué à chaque
esclave un rechange complet et une couverture ; à la mais-
sance de chaque Créole, il était donné à la mère une pièce
de toile bleue et une pièce de toile blanche, pour les langes
de son enfant ; mais la surabondance de nourriture que rece-
vaient les esclaves, et la facilité qu'ils avaient de l'augmenter
encore par la pêche sur les bords de mer, ou la chasse
dans les forêts, les mettait tous à même d'élever des ani-
maux, tels que cochons et volailles, ce qui leur procurait
un petit pécule. Il est même à ma connaissance que quel-
ques-uns des plus ordonnés avaient en maniement de 100
à 150 piastres.
La cloche était sonnée pour le lever, après le coup de
188
canon ; les esclaves avaient une demi-heure pour se réunir
où se fesait l'appel, et les divers ateliers partaient chacun
pour leur ouvrage ; il leur était donné une heure pour le
déjeuner, et deux heures pour le dîner. Ils faisaient leurs
repas dans le camp, le travail cessait au coucher du soleil.
Dans la forêt, les esclaves étaient assujettis à une tâche
déterminée ; ils n'avaient point d'heures de repas fixés; ils
terminaient ordinairement leur tâche à deux ou à trois heures
de l'après-midi, et ils étaient exempts de tous autres travaux
jusques au lendemain. Il leur était loisible de travailler
ensuite pour leur compte, et ils recevaient trois sous par pied
de bois, pour ce surcroît de travail. J'en ai vu finir leur
tâche tellement de bonne heure, qu'ils pouvaient faire de
60 à 80 pieds de plus ; mais ils n'y étaient pas contraints.
Les uns employaient ainsi le tems qui leur restait, d'autres
préféraient aller à la pêche, et enfin d'autres à la chasse.
La seule chose qui leur fut défendue était de s'éloigner de
l'habitation sans permission. Après le travail qui se finissait
à l'entrée de la nuit, la cloche était sonnée pour assembler
les esclaves pour la prière, qui se fesait toujours en présence
de M. William Telfair, ou de ses subordonnés. Les
dimanches, les esclaves n'étaient assujettis qu'au nettoyage
de la cour et des ateliers ; à huit heures, tout travail cessait,
et ils n'étaient plus réunis que pour la prière de midi et celle
du soir. - - · · · · · -
Les punitions les plus rigoureuses étaient la chaîne, elle
n'était employée que pour des esclaves insubordonnés, adon-
nés au vol et au marronage, et encore après plusieurs réci-
dives; les fautes légères étaient punies du bloc pendant
une ou plusieurs nuits, ou de la prison, suivant la gravité
du cas. Quelquefois, il était infligé des punitions corporelles
telles que celle du fouet, ou du rotin ; mais elles étaient
très-rares, et toujours au minimum de celles qui étaient
permises par les lois alors en vigueur. |
Il existait à Belombre un hôpital dirigé par un médecin
résidant sur les lieux (M. Caffarel), et visité souvent par le
médecin du poste militaire, qui était à une très-petite dis-
tance de là. Cet hôpital, pour la propreté, pour la pureté
189
de l'air, pour l'ordre qui y régnait, faisait l'admiration de
tous les voyageurs. Il est certain que les malades y re-
cevaient tous les soins que leur état exigeait. M. William
Telfair fesait aussi lui-même, tous les matins, la visite de
l'hôpital et s'enquérait du médecin, qui l'accompagnait dans
cette visite, de toutes les choses qui pouvaient être néces-
saires. Il y existait une pharmacie très-bien composée ;
enfin, sous tous les rapports, les malades ne pouvaient nulle
part recevoir des secours ni plus prompts ni mieux ad-
ministrés. Le camp des noirs était parfaitement bien situé,
bien aéré, et les cases aussi grandes et aussi solidement
construites que le comporte ce genre de construction, toutes
faites par des ouvriers, toutes entourées de petits jardins, de
parcs à cochons, et de poulaillers ; deux canaux creusés et
maçonnés exprès, conduisaient l'eau dans toute l'étendue du
camp. Les esclaves avaient aussi toute la facilité possible
pour élever des animaux. D'après le nombre de cases dont
se composait le camp, comparé à celui des esclaves, on peut
évaluer qu'il y avait au moins une case pour chaque famille
de deux ou trois personnes, et nécessairement deux et trois
pour des familles plus nombreuses. . - .
· Dans l'idée d'élever les jeunes Créoles dans des principes
religieux et leur donner une instruction qui pourrait plus
tard apporter quelqu'amélioration dans leur condition,
M. Telfair avoit institué une école, qui était tenue sous les
auspices de Madame C. Telfair pendant les séjours qu'elle
fesait à Belombre, et ceux de Madame William Telfair qui
y résidait habituellement ; cette école était dirigée par un
maître payé à cet effet ; cinquante à soixante jeunes Créoles
des deux sexes, tous proprement vêtus, s'y montraient réci-
proquement l'art de la lecture et de l'écriture, suivant la
méthode de Lancaster. Ils étaient instruits également dans
la religion Chrétienne ; leur émulation était stimulée par
des récompenses, et souvent il leur était donné de petites
fêtes, pour les encourager dans leurs études. -
· Voilà, ce que je déclare avoir toujours existé à Belombre .
pendant le long séjour que j'y ai fait, et je ne crois pas de me
voir démenti par personne, à moins que ce ne soit par le
i
190
rédacteur de l'article inséré dans l’Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter; qui au reste fait preuve d'autant d'ignorance en
ce qui concerne les colonies pour le régime des esclaves, que
de passion, d'injustice, et de méchanceté.
—sº-
No. 57.
Eatracts from the Declaration of WILLIAM WIL-
BERFORCE HULM, Superintendent of the Boat
Establishment at Port-Louis.
In his Declaration, the Deponent states, That he was
in the service of Mr. Telfair, as an overseer, from 1813 till
1820, first at Bois-Chéri, as head man until 1817, and the
remaining time at Belombre, as chief overseer, under the
manager of that estate;—that, during the whole of that
period, he never was absent a day from his duties;—that,
after quitting the service of Mr. Telfair, in 1820, he resided
upon a small adjoining property, which he had purchased
with his savings, while in the service of Mr. Telfair;-that,
afterwards, having sold his little property, which did not
turn out well, he was again taken in the service of Mr.
Telfair in 1825, where he remained till appointed assistant-
gardener, in 1827, to the King's Garden, from whence he
removed to the place he now occupies, which is one of
greater emolument;-that, from the above course of service,
he is well able to bear testimony to the events which took
place at Belombre, and the course of management adopted
on that estate, in the practical details of which he was
unremittingly engaged; — that the most remarkable and
singular measure at the time of his going there was the
education of the Blacks, established by Mr. C. Telfair,
bringing up the most intelligent to different handicraft trades,
such as masons, carpenters, shipwrights, boat-builders, shoe-
makers, tailors, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, coopers, &c., for
#
dº
•:
:
;
:
:
º
:
:
191
whose use large assortments of tools, of the best makers,
were brought out from England;—that the places of these
Blacks, in field work, was occupied by European plugh-
men with all the newly-invented utensils of agriculture
employed in England;—that new mills of greater power
were put up on Belombre, and employed, not only for the
crushing of the canes but for all work to which the moving
power of such machinery could be adapted, such as grinding
corn, cutting roots, and bruising maize and oats for the
cattle, making arrow root, separating tapioca from the roots
of the manioc, &c.;-that eradicators of Bramah's con-
struction, one of ninety tons power and one of fifteen, were
used for lifting up the trees by the roots;—that roads were
laid down on inclined planes to transport the timber from
the forest to the sea-side, and cranes employed for raising it
from the ravines, all quite new and unknown methods at the
time in Mauritius;–that Mr. Telfair had laid down full
instructions in writing, for the use of all persons employed
on Belombre, from the first manager to the youngest Slave;—
that he instituted ploughing matches, and employed, to in-
struct his Blacks, various soldiers of the different regiments,
allowed to him expressly for that purpose by the colonels of
regiments stationed in Mauritius ;-that he had ploughmen
from England, and one, by name Moffat, from Scotland, sent
out at the expense of the estate by the agents in England,
Messrs. Mathison and Co., and a mason called Powell, at
49.10 a-month, to teach the Negro masons their trade, be-
sides free carpenters and boat builders always employed to
teach their respective branches of industry;-that the school
on the estate was established by the Rev. Mr. Jones, on the
Lancasterian system, and daily attended by the younger
Slaves from twelve till two or three o'clock, and also by the
children of the numerous free people employed on the estate;
—that the village, or Camp, was newly built by Mr. Tel-
fair's orders in 1818 and the subsequent years, and the
houses were whitewashed, and made at least as comfortable
and as meat as cottages in England;—that tents were pro-
vided of the largest construction to shelter the people who
192
worked out of doors at any distance from the camp ;–that
lemonade, with a portion of spirits, was served out to them
during their work, the acid of tamarinds being often brought
from Black River for that purpose;—that, besides the
rations, which were always abundant, and chiefly of rice and
and Indian corn, there was constantly on the fire, night and
day, in the hospital kitchen, one of the larger sugar pans,
with boiling soup, of the most nourishing and substantial
kind, and so cleanly prepared that the owners of the estate
and their visitors, managers, and myself partook of it every
day at twelve o'clock, when a bowl of it was sent by the
cook and overseer of the hospital to the great house to be
tasted;—that another great advantage was enjoyed—the
Blacks could go any evening for about an hour, or a couple
of hours, and take fish enough for a man and his family for
two or three days, without expenses of lines or nets, only
taking what is called a flambeau, and a piece of iron hoop
made in the shape of a sword, with which he had nothing to
do but to strike the fish lying alongside the shore;—that
punishments were very moderate, and never equal to what
was allowed by law ; the manager or master always reducing
the number of stripes or extent of confinement awarded by
the jury of the first class men and commanders;–that
flogging of female Slaves was never permitted ;-that such
instruments of torture as the triangle and the ladder were
never known at Belombre 5–that task-work was almost
universally adopted in every kind of labour susceptible of
it ;—that the punishment of those that did not fulfil their
task was generally to put them under the superintendence
of the most industrious Blacks, who were besides entitled to
employ the lazy defaulters to cultivate their own private
garden after task was done;—that one of the first changes
made by Mr. Telfair at Belombre on his (Hulm's) going
there as chief overseer, was to substitute for the whip the
small bugle-horn of the regimental light companies, as a
mark of authority, and to direct the movements of the bands
of Blacks, and that Mr. Telfair gave him one for this pur-
pose, and also some boatswain's calls, made, on purpose at
193
Port-Louis for the overseers;–that it was his duty to see
the people called to work at daylight in the morning, to
muster them, and to superintend the distribution of their
rations every morning; their return to meals, their pré-
servation from exposure to rainy weather, and their evening
muster to prayers and devotions, all of which was as regu-
larly performed as the day came;—that he attended to the
settlement of work done over task, which was paid weekly,
by the manager, to the Slaves for their voluntary labour,
on his certificate, showing the amount of work performed by
each;-that the Belombre shop, kept by Richard Lambert,
supplied every luxury the Blacks could desire, either in
furniture, clothing, instruments for fishing, and for smaring
game, also wine, beer, liquors, &c., in exchange for the
habitation bons, at a cheaper rate than at Port-Louis;–
that he distributed rewards also for the killing of wild hogs,
monkeys, tendraks, destructive birds, rats, &c., for which
purpose there was a supply of snuff-boxes, tobacco pipes,
and other small articles at his disposal;-that the Blacks had
gardens of their own at the “Abbati Sipahi,” in the richest
ground of the estate;—that the people were the happiest set
he ever met with, singing at their work the beautiful hymns
taught them by Mr. Jones;–that the village at night re-
sounded with their voices, singing psalms;–that the only:
disturbances they were ever subject to were from the Indian
convicts and their licentious overseers, who were employed
by Government in making the King's high road over the
estate, and some disorderly soldiers, who endeavoured to
break into the camp at night, in search of the Negresses,
wives and daughters of the Slaves;–and, finally, that there
was seldom a night but some of them were making dis-
turbances at one place or other about the district. *
, 194
No. 58.
Eatract from a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR from
J. LAING, Esq., Collector of Internal Revenues,
Port-Louis, October 14, 1829.
I cannot help feeling, in common I believe with every indi-
vidual who has resided during any length of time in this
colony, extremely surprised at the publication of charges so
very contradictory to all the impressions which existed in
my mind respecting the mode of treatment which you had
uniformly pursued in regard of your Slaves. Although I
have never had the advantage of being an eye-witness of the
system followed on the Belombre estate, I have been, ever
since 1818, in the habit of meeting and conversing with per-
sons who have visited that estate, and, in the society in which
I have lived, the effects of the system of treatment and
instruction pursued by you have been, in consequence of its
novelty, a constant theme of conversation. The impression
which I have always entertained upon the subject is, that you
were persevering in a system of melioration calculated to
promote the welfare of your Slaves, and to raise them in the
scale of civilization; a system which was attended with a
sacrifice of profit and convenience on your part.
Under these circumstances, I naturally feel desirous of
expressing my regret that you should have been made the
object of such an attack as that which No. 44 of the Anti-
Slavery Monthly Reporter has given publicity to ; and I
beg you will allow me at the same time to mention a circum-
stance which cannot fail to be gratifying to you, as it shows
the effect which the treatment experienced by your Slaves
has had upon the minds of other Slaves who have been in
the habit of mixing with them.
I was appointed by the will of our late mutual friend,
Mr. Boldero, who died in the early part of the present year,
executor of his estate. That gentleman left a Slave, named
Hypolite, who became apprehensive of being sold to a less
4.
195
indulgent master, and who came to me, with tears in his eyes,
to entreat that I would first offer him to you, in case you
should feel disposed to purchase him ; saying that he would
be happier under your roof than he might be with any chance
purchaser. Most assuredly this would not have been the
case if the treatment of your Slaves approximated, in the
slightest degree, the picture presented in No. 44 of the Anti-
5lavery Monthly Reporter.
I am happy to hear that it is your intention to rebut these
charges in as public a manner as they have been made, in
order that those humane persons whose feelings have been
unduly excited by the assertions of the Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter may be more acquainted with the truth.
–s©--
No. 59.
Declaration of HENRY CHALoUPE.
Moi, Henry Chaloupe, employé sur l'établissement Beau
Manguier :-Je déclare que je suis venu dans le service de
M. Charles Telfair à Bourbon, en 1810, avant la prise de
l'île Maurice, et que je l'ai servi sans interruption depuis cette
époque jusqu'aujourd'hui : Qu'étant mis en apprentissage
avec Monsieur Telfair, par le Gouvernement Britannique, il
m'a placé avec M. l'Abbé Colin, prêtre en chef de Bourbon,
pour être instruit dans les principes de la religion, et qu'avec
ses autres domestiques, apprentis, et esclaves, j'étais mis sous
un maître d'école pour apprendre la lecture, l'écriture, et
l'arithmétique :- A"
Que, par le moyen de l'argent que j'ai acquis chez M. Tel-
fair, j'ai remis entre ses mains assez pour pouvoir acheter
ma femme, Françoise ; que M. Telfair l'a prise aussi à son
service où elle restait jusqu'à sa mort en 1818, me laissant
une fille qui est encore vivante, qui a appris la religion, et a
été instruite dans les autres branches d'éducation dans les,
écoes de M. Telfair ;-
W.
196
· Que, dans l'espace d'un an, après le décès de ma première
- • 2--
femme, j'ai ramassé assez d'argent pour acheter ma seconde
femme, Arsenne, qui est toujours avec moi dans les liens de
mariage :- - · · · · ·
" Qu'en l'année 1819, M. Telfair m'a transféré de son jardin
· de Bois-Chéri à Belombre, augmentant mes gages, en raison
que j'étais constitué un de ses économes sur ce dernier bien :
Que, dans tous les tems mon maître M. Telfair s'est dé-
claré contre la punition de ses esclaves, disant à moi et à ses
autres employés qu'il préférait que l'ouvrage fût fait par la
douceur ; qu'aucun sous-ordre n'était permis de punir un
esclave, et que la manière de conduire les noirs se trouve dans
le livre d'instructions par lequel nous étions tous guidés :-
Que les esclaves étaient toujours à la tâche quand il était
possible, qu'il n'y avait point de travail de nuit, et que je n'ai
jamais vu, ni entendu parler, d'aucun établissement où
l'ouvrage était moins difficile ; chaque esclave pouvant finir
sa tâche de bonne heure, et gagner de l'argent s'il voulait,
par son travail de surplus :- ·
Que tout le travail dur, autrefois fait par des noirs, était
fait sur les biens de M. Telfair par des méchaniques, par des
bœufs, des mulets, des chevaux, ou des ânes, dont il y avait
plus qu'il n'en fallait pour le travail, plusieurs étant gardés
pour souche :- - •
| Que les cases des esclaves étaient très propres, et qu'elles
étaient souvent blanchies par un noir peintre, nommé David,
dont toute l'occupation était de blanchir l'hôpital, les cases
aux noirs, les moulins, les écuries, &c., &c., et que cet emploi
le tenait toute l'année :- - ·
| Que ma maison était celle occupée par M. Etienne Bolgerd,
autrefois propriétaire de l'établissement, dans laquelle sa fille,
Madame la comtesse Dupuy naquit. «
Que chaque esclave sur l'établissement avait son lit, et qu'il
y avait toujours un surplus de lits, d'oreillers, de couver-
tures de laine, de shakos, de casaques, de jacquettes, et de
chemises en laines, pour les noirs ; et beaucoup de toile bleue
et blanche de l'Inde, et de mouchoirs de Madras, pour les
197
négresses, pour remplacer ce qui pourrait être usé ou gâté ;
de sorte que les esclaves étaient toujours bien vêtus.
· · Que la nourriture des noirs était toujours abondante ; qu'il
en avait beaucoup de variété ; que la distribution en était
faite dans la matinée, avant d'aller au travail, et que personne
ne pouvait se plaindre d'avoir faim, puisqu'il y avait une
grande marmite*, dans la cuisine de l'hôpital, toujours rem-
plie d'une soupe nourissante de bœuf ou d'autre viande, et
de légumes, où lés noirs pouvaient aller et manger à leur
gré. Chaque case avait des marmites, des bolles de Batavia
· et de Chine, des plats faits de cocos de mer, des cuillères, et
des gamelles+ :- •
Que le plus grand soin était toujours porté à l'éducation
des esclaves dans l'école, dont, parmi plusiers autres, je suis
moi-même un exemple :- |
Que, quand je suis entré dans le service de M. Telfair, je
ne pouvais parler que le langage de mon pays, Madagascar.
Jè n'avais jamais vu de l'écriture, et ne savais pas ce qu'elle
signifiait ; je n'avais pas la moindre idée de la religion, et
n'ajoutais croyance qu'en certains charmes et cérémonies, où
l'on plaçait des pailles, des crins, ou des os, dans de certaines
positions, pour faire éviter le malheur, ou pour conserver
l'amour ou l'amitié. Par la bonté de mon maître, je suis
maintenant Chrétien ; j'ai une famille et un esclave à moi,
et j'ai des appointements montant à soixante livres sterling
par an, comme chef-sucrier : ce que mon maître a fait pour
moi, il a voulu faire pour tous ses esclaves, selon leurs talens
et leurs dispositions, et il a toujours suivi la même manière
depuis l'année 1810, quand heureusement pour moi je suis
tombé entre ses mains, jusq'aujourd'hui.
Beau Manguier, le 16 Septembre, 1829.
* Boiler, or Iron Pot. - t Wooden Tubs.
=
Iº)8
No. 60. -
Declaration of Mr. Richard LAMBERT, Catechist
and Chief Gardener, at Reduit, the Country
Residence of His Eacellency, the Governor of
Mauritius.
I, Richard Lambert, residing at Reduit, do hereby
declare, that I was employed at Belombre, in 1819, 1820,
1821, 1822, and 1823, and that during that period my
duties were chiefly the care of, the feeding, and clothing of
the Slaves; the education of their children in school; the
superintendance of the nurses; and of the cleanliness, order,
and regularity of the hospital; the administration of the
medicines prescribed by the Surgeon, who resided in that
building, Dr. Desnoyers; and the religious instruction of
the people, daily, as a catechist; in short, my business was
to look after the comfort of the Slaves generally, and to
have their conduct under my eye during their hours of
recreation, and when in their cottages, or in the hospital:—
I declare that the houses of the Blacks were all newly
built, and regularly laid out in streets, on a better site than
the old village, by order of Mr. Telfair: these houses were
fitted out with standing bed-places or hammocks, under my
direction and inspection, in 1818, 1819, and 1820, and fur-
nished with all that could contribute to the comfort of the
people; that they were newly supplied with mats, beds,
blankets, and pillows, in 1819, purchased from the lot sent
out for the use of the 22nd Regiment, which were sold be-
cause that regiment had gone to England; that each family
had iron and copper pots, Flanders kettles, and fryingpans;
and each individual had spoons, with dishes made from the
shell of the great sea cocoa-nut ; and that the key of the
house and the right of the property was given to the wife:
that the field Slaves had shirts, straw hats, trowsers, and
great coats for wearing in showery weather, bought also at
the regimental sales; that the first class of Blacks and the
199
Commanders, had superior clothing and military caps, being
in 1819 the uniform of the 25th dragoons brought down
new from India, and bought by me at Port-Louis for
Belombre, and that Mr. Telfair bought military caps for
the other Blacks as well as for the Commanders and first
class of Blacks, besides straw hats;–that the women and
children were clothed in Indian long cloth, blue and white,
with Madras handkerchiefs for the head; that the children,
besides their ordinary working clothing, had school clothes,
which they put on every day at eleven o'clock, after bathing
in the sea, and went to school at mid-day, and stayed there
till the dinner-hour of the Proprietor, three o'clock, as some
of the individuals of the Proprietor's family invariably
attended the school; that this school was not only attended
by the Slaves of Belombre, but gratuitously also by the
children of the free people employed on that estate; and
also by the children of some of the white inhabitants in the
neighbourhood;—that the master had provided tents, pur-
chased by me at the military sales of stores at Port-Louis,
which were used for the purpose of enabling the Slaves in
the field to work under them, so as to be sheltered from the
sun and showers, and that the work was done by easy tasks,
so that every Slave might, by his voluntary industry, have
a daily payment, which I witnessed every week on settling,
either in money, or in the habitation notes of hand;—that
the Proprietor established a shop on the estate for the use of
his Slaves, which shop it was my duty to keep, for the
purpose of facilitating to the Blacks the acquirement of
such comforts as they desired in exchange for their earn-
ings, and that the shop was most plentifully supplied by
the Proprietor, and the articles sold at the wholesale price;
—that the great boiler, containing sixty gallons of soup,
consisting of animal and vegetable food, spices, garden-stuffs,
&c., was kept on the fire night and day, at the hospital,
under my inspection, and that at mid-day daily a bowl of
the soup was sent to the Proprietor to taste, or, in his ab-
sence, to the Manager; and that the Blacks, besides their
rations, were allowed to eat of this mourishing soup daily
200
any quantity they wished;—that I daily superintended the
distribution of the victuals to the Blacks every morning, and
that it consisted in the greatest proportion of rice, or of
Indian corn, besides an allowance of salt fish, salt beef,
sugar or molasses, and salt at discretion, tobacco, and a gill
of rum, together with different other articles produced on
the estate, such as cambards, yams, manioc, arrow-root,
plantains, and fruit of many descriptions, so that the rations
were wholesome and abundant;-that every new-year's day,
while I resided at Belombre (and I understood that from
the time Mr. Telfair purchased this estate till I went there,
as well as after I quitted it, the same custom prevailed),
eight oxen were given to the Blacks, as a present from Mr.
Telfair, killed by themselves, and that on the roasted oxen
they made merry ; besides the bullocks, extra rations of
rice, vegetables, and even refreshments, as wine, syrup, rum,
&c., were liberally furnished by their kind master;—that
regularly every day I myself sent to the hospital what
remained from Mr. Telfair's very abundant table, so that
the convalescents had dainty dishes every afternoon.
That I had also the superintendence of the great garden
of vegetables for the habitation, as well as the gardens for
the Blacks, individually, which were situated in a different
part of the estate, for cultivating tobacco, capsicum, and
aromatic herbs, close by a rivulet for watering it, and
in the rich virgin soil, and that I furnished them with
garden tools for the purpose, together with European seeds,
at the master's expense;—that there was also at my disposal
a large quantity of tobacco-pipes, snuff-boxes, needles, and
other articles of trifling value, to give away gratuitously to
the Blacks, as rewards for trifling services ;—that I taught
the school daily from twelve till three, and generally mus-
tered from fifty to sixty scholars, who learned, after the
Lancasterian system, reading, writing, the tables of time,
measure, weights, and accounts; read lessons daily in the
Bible, answered to their catechism, sung psalms, and re-
peated their prayers; and every evening, after muster, the
same devotional service was performed by all the Blacks on
201
the estate, in the presence of the owner, and managers, and
overseers, and such gentlemen and ladies as were on a visit
to the estate, of which there were always some;—that I also
read the Service, and went through the Devotions of the
Church, every Sunday, to the whole of the Blacks and
visitors of the estate.
I further most solemnly declare, that the account of
punishments, given in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter,
No. 44, is entirely a groundless fiction. I never before
heard of, much less saw, the triangles described for tortur-
ing the Blacks, nor the extraordinary process of peppering,
and salting, and pickling, the wounds inflicted by the whip,
all of which I am willing to swear is pure invention, so far
as Belombre is concerned, where I resided from Sept. 17,
1819, until August 1823; and indeed I never could have
imagined that such doings could have been practised by
human beings on one another elsewhere. Had these things
happened, complaints must have been made to the Police,
or to other superior authorities, and it will not be found that
any complaint of this sort was ever made by a Slave of
Mr. Telfair.
(Signed) RICHARD LAMBERT.
—sº-
No. 61.
Declaration of N. J. KELSEY, Esq., Auditor
General, dated Port-Louis, October 1, 1829.
I hereby certify, that I visited Mr. Telfair on his estate
called Belombre, on the 26th of October, 1810—that I re-
mained with him nearly three weeks—that during this period
I frequented every part of the estate at all hours—that I saw
the Slaves at work, in manufacturing sugar, cutting timber
in the forest, &c.—that my present impressions are that their
condition in general was equal, if not superior, to that of the
lower order of the people in England—that I have no
202
recollection of having seen any individual cases of misery
amongst them—that they were provided with huts to lodge
in, that there was a hospital for the sick—that a surgeon
lived on the estate—and that I have no remembrance of
having seen punishment inflicted on any of them, nor do I
recollect having ever heard, in the colony, any accusations or
even insinuations of the Slaves on this estate being cruelly or
harshly treated, in as far as regards severe discipline, over-
work, short or unwholesome diet, scanty clothing, or lodging.
I further certify, that there was a school for the children
of the Slaves, in which, from twelve o'clock until two each
day, they were taught to read, and some of them to write,
and all were instructed in the Christian religion. This
school was superintended by a Missionary, who then resided
on the estate, and who appeared to take the greatest interest
in the welfare and instruction of these children. They
were well fed and clothed, and appeared very cheerful and
happy.
I further certify, that on each Sunday Divine service was
performed in the house, at which all the family attended, as
also the officer in charge of the neighbouring military post
of Jacoté, the European house servants, and such of the
Black servants and overseers as understood English ; the
latter extremely clean and well clothed.
And finally, I certify, that so far from Mr. Telfair bearing
the character of a cruel or severe master, I have ever heard
him spoken of as a most humane, kind-hearted, and indul-
gent master; one who was more likely to spoil his Slaves by
too much kindness and leniency, than to treat them with
harshness or inhumanity; and such from my personal and
intimate acquaintance with him, now of more than twelve
years standing, I know him to be.
203
No. 62.
Certificate from A. AMBRose, Esq., respecting the
tonnage of the Sainte Ampoule.
This is to certify, that, by the register kept in the Port-
Office of the Coasters belonging to the Isle of Franee, it
appears that in March, 1819, a schooner, called the Sainte
Ampoule, belonging to Charles Telfair, Esq., of Belombre,
was registered therein as a vessel of the burthen of fourteen
tons, and continued as a coaster until she was wrecked in the
hurricane of March 6, 1828.
Given under my hand, at Port-Louis,
Mauritius, this 19th day of September, 1829.
A. AMBROSE,
Acting Harbour Master.
—- sº-
No. 63.
Eatract of a Letter from T. S. KELSEY, Esq.,
addressed to a Friend, dated Salem Cottage,
Grand River, October 15, 1829.
Agreeably to the wish expressed by you, I have obtained
a perusal of No. 44 of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter,
in which the character of Mr. Charles Telfair stands im-
pugned in the most virulent and obnoxious terms.
I have been in this island upwards of seven years, and till
the perusal of this pamphlet never did I hear, nor had I the
most distant reason to suspect, that inhumanity formed a
feature of that gentleman's character; so far from this, I had
been accustomed to regard, and have ever heard Mr. Tel-
fair represented, as a man too indulgent to his Slaves, and
should rather have expected they would have been, under
him, more in danger of being spoiled by over indulgence,
204
than that they should have had cause to complain of unkind-
ness or harsh treatment. * *
Ever since my arrival in this island my object has been to
promote, by every means in my power, the eternal as well as
the temporal welfare of the Blacks under my own direction,
who are all Government apprentices under the Slave Aboli-
tion Acts. Their boxes were well stored with good clothing.
Each had a pound and a half of rice, and two marquees
of bréde, or salt meat, per diem, and a rupee a month;
each was allowed a separate caze; every possible encourage-
ment was given to those who had wives to be constant and
faithful to them, and I regularly assembled them morning
and evening for the purpose of instructing them in the
Christian religion; in addition to which I hired a master to
attend daily to teach them to read. Their meals were pre-
pared for them at a fixed hour morning and evening; one
hour was allowed them for breakfast, and also two hours in
the middle of the day, so that no room was left to complain
of the want of any thing reasonable that could tend to
promote their happiness and welfare.
But, notwithstanding, such was the influence of vicious
propensities with some of them, especially gambling, lying,
thieving, and women, that reproof was not sufficient, and
occasionally it became absolutely necessary to resort to
harsher measures with a view to their own benefit. At first,
they were sent to work at the forge for a week or a fortnight;
but such was the difference felt by them between this occu-
pation and that life of ease which, as domestics, they were
accustomed to, that two or three days did not elapse without
a message being received from them to be liberated, with
promises of future amendment. With others, a spirit of
indolence prevailed, which, in a domestic establishment,
where the heads were necessarily absent the greater part of
the day, had full scope for indulgence, and which, if per-
mitted, would have inevitably tended to their prejudice, by
rendering them incapable of providing for themselves at the
period their time of apprenticeship expired. To obviate
this, it became necessary to find some one who, without
205
their being subjected to great hardship, would keep them
constantly occupied, so that they might be induced, from
the experience of the advantage of industrious habits, and
from being kept for a season at work which, from its diver-
sity from that which as domestic servants they had been
accustomed to, it was expected would to them have proved
in a measure severe, to discharge with greater diligence and
in a more satisfactory manner the duties required from them.
Mr. Telfair having become interested in the Bon Espoir
estate, an opportunity was afforded of accomplishing my
wishes in this respect. I think I had occasion to send three
times Blacks to him for the purpose of being worked at the
the pioche (hoe) for a month. But, notwithstanding the
proximity of that estate to Port-Louis, I never received a
message to withdraw them; nor did they complain of having
been harshly treated when they were allowed to return;
indeed, so far from that having been the case, my conviction
at the time was, that they would not have been greatly
concerned even had they been transferred altogether; which
I accounted for on the principle that the moderate fixed
and regular labour and good treatment to which they were
subjected by Mr. Telfair, was better calculated to render
them happy, than the vagabond life of indolence pursued
by them when residing in town, without any one to look
after them.
I have known instances, whilst I was in the Custom-
House, of Slaves entreating, with tears, to be allowed to go
to Mr. Telfair's estate in preference to that of others; and so
far was I prepossessed, from what I had heard, and what had
been rendered evident to my own observation by the cases
above referred to, in favour of Mr. Telfair's humane dispo-
sition, of the interest he took in promoting the happiness of
his Slaves, and of the excellence of the system of labour
and discipline observed on this estate, that had it ever
devolved upon me to find masters for condemned Negroes,
there are none that I should have preferred placing them
under to these gentlemen”. I have the pleasure of being
* Mr. C. Telfair, and Mr. W. Telfair.
306
personally acquainted with both ; but, owing to public
engagements, to the attention I have given to my own
domestics, and to the views entertained by me of the object
for which the Sabbath was instituted, I have been, in a great
measure, precluded from visiting much in the country. Two
or three times I called at Bon Espoir, where I once passed a
day in company with the Rev. J. J. Freeman of Madagascar,
'and some other friends; on which occasion Mr. W. Telfair
conducted us over the whole estate, showing us the sugar-
houses and other appendages of the establishment. It being
a cloudy day, and not very hot, we spent the greater part of
the morning in lounging about, at times accompanied by
Mr. Telfair, and at others not. We visited the Blacks in
their cages, and saw them pursuing their avocations, both in
the field and in other concerns pertaining to the estate.
According to my recollection, the observations made on the
occasion were, that the Blacks appeared contented and happy,
and as if every care was taken of them, and nothing in the
shape of an instrument of punishment did we see, except a
thin cane.
On the occasions that I visited Mr. C. Telfair's country-
seat, Bois-Chéri, and at his house in town, I have ever
found both him and Mrs. Telfair ready to entertain any
plan that might be suggested of a nature calculated to pro-
mote the welfare of their Slaves, manifesting the most lively
interest in their comfort and their happiness, and very
willing to allow teachers to reside on the estates. The follow-
ing instance will go to prove the correctness of this assertion.
Having heard of a person who appeared likely to answer for
that purpose, I called upon them, to propose his going to
Belombre (at this period they were not interested in the
Bon Espoir estate, that I am aware of), to take charge of the
school there, a proposal which was most readily acquiesced
in, and a schooner offered to convey him round whenever it
might suit his convenience, which happened in the course of
the week; and it was with feelings of manifest regret, that,
a few days after, not liking to be associated with Slaves,
they heard he had returned to Port-Louis.
207
During the stay the Rev. Daniel Tyerman made in this
island, he visited Belombre, Beau Manguier, and Bon
Espoir; and also the estates of other Planters, as he felt a
great interest in the condition of the Slaves. As respected
both their temporal andjeternal welfare, he made particular
inquiries as to their treatment, the mode in which they
worked, the nature of the punishments to which they were
subjected, and whether the sending Missionaries to instruct
them would prove acceptable. But with none did he enter
more fully upon these points, and that of the future eman-
cipation of the Slaves, than with these gentlemen, and often
have I heard him express himself in terms of the most
unequivocal approbation of the system and order observed
on the estates in which they are concerned. Not having
made any minutes of the conversations on this subject, I am
unable to recall particularly the several points which
attracted his attention ; but I well remember, that the
assigning to each a distinct portion of labour, which, by the
industrious might easily be finished by two o'clock in the
afternoon, and paying them for such additional portion as
they might perform, the system of discipline from which, if
my memory fail me not, the whip was banished; the ces-
sation from compulsatory labour on the Sabbath, and a
project of Mr. C. Telfair's for the eventual emancipation of
the Slaves, to result from increased diligence on their part;
the observance of a sort of marriage solemnity, in order to
impress their minds with a sense of the necessity of constancy
and attachment, were the most prominent points, on which I
doubt not he enlarged in his correspondence with the
London Missionary Society.
208
No. 64.
Eatracts from a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from
B. LESAGE, Esq., dated Port-Louis, Sep-
tember 10, 1829.
Allow me to request, that you will add to your intended
justification my individual testimony, which will be to the
same effect as that of all who know you here, and this
includes every respectable inhabitant of the Colony.
Having been myself, in 1817, 18, and 19, a joint pro-
prietor with you in the estate of Belombre, and having, in
conjunction with yourself, laid down many of those plans of
melioration contained in your great book of instructions for
the management of that property, and having superintended,
in a great part, their execution, I am enabled to bear a
fuller testimony to the facts than perhaps any other persons;
and I feel it a duty to you, and to the British public, to
undeceive them. &
All who know you, are aware that the most prominent
feature in your character is an enthusiastic wish for the
improvement of the Slave population; that the chief busi-
ness of your life has been to give practical effect to that
wish, and to inspire others with the same sentiment; and
your opportunities were great, in Governor Farquhar's
family, where you were private secretary when I had the
honour of serving as aide-de-camp. t
Little did I think that it was possible to hear Sir Robert
Farquhar, yourself, and all who had the honour to serve
under his government, aspersed in Parliament, and before
the British public, as guilty of crimes the most revolting to
your nature, and which your life had been passed in endea-
vouring to repress. The charges of Slave-Dealing having
been satisfactorily disproved, by the papers produced to the
House of Commons; the equally groundless charge of
cruelty and wholesale butchery of the Slaves of Mauritius,
now imputed to the inhabitants of the colony, and to your-
209
self most prominently, by the Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter, will be more easily refuted. The reports of the
modes of punishment which this writer speaks of as practised
at Belombre, with enormous whips, and triangles, and
putting pepper and salt and lime-juice upon the bloody and
mangled masses of flesh, occasioned by the flogging; and
such disgusting lies as no man could believe, who had not
the heart to practise them. Such calumnies may be easily
traced to their source in those disorderly soldiers of that
regiment, which was recruited from the gaols of London,
and of whose outrages the colony had more than once
serious cause of complaint. The records of the court-martial
will show, that one of the privates was hanged at Port-Louis,
for shooting at myself. These were the people who broke
into the Negroes' houses, in the intent of violating their
wives and daughters; and who, having been punished for it,
were easily bribed in their old haunts at home to come
forward with their horrible fictions against Belombre.
These are the inventors of the atrocious scenes of flogging
Negresses, a mode of punishment utterly unknown there.
You may recollect, perhaps, that I presided over the
ploughing and mowing matches, and other rural games insti-
tuted at Belombre, for exciting the emulation of the Slaves,
and that I gave up my own servant, White, a bred plough-
man, to instruct the Slaves. I laid out a new village for
them ; I made the alignement of the streets, distributed the
rivulet of water to run by each hut, and marked out the
basins which were made for its reception as it descended to
the sea. I superintended the building of the houses, pig-
styes, fowl-houses, and their interior arrangement, and gave
the keys, when they were finished, to the mothers of families.
It is with pleasure I look back upon that peaceful and
happy period of life, when I saw the people well clothed,
contented, and merry, and wished the poor at home as well
lodged, in neat and dry white-washed cottages, with their
beds and bedding, which were what I procured from my
own regiment; their large Flanders kettles with the lids
forming frying-pans; their saucepans, wooden and iron
..Q.
210
spoons, and Malay bowls of earthenware, and those still
more durable and capacious dishes made of the coco de mer
mut, all arranged round their little fire-places; while the walls
were decorated with the musical instruments of the various
countries from which the Slaves had come, or the nations
from which they were descended. These were the amuse-
ments which, during my residence at Belombre, served to
re-establish my health on the return of my Madagascar
fever; and so much did they delight me, that, when unable
to walk, I was carried daily in my palanquin to superintend
the works. -
The hospital and school were not less objects of my
attention. The old hospital was condemned by my advice,
and a large house, near the sea, was taken into use for that
purpose. - - -
Our extensive stable, with its numerous breeding stud of
the finest horses of Arabia and Persia, as well as of the more
powerful races which we had introduced from England—our
parks of spotted deer, antelopes, and gazelles—our rivers
and our coasts swarming with fish—our gardens abounding
with fruit—our enormous birds from New Holland, one of
which, when opened after death, yielded forty pounds of
grease—our great tortoise, now in the zoological collection in
the Regent's Park, London—our swarms of birds and herds
of hundreds of oxen—our flocks of sheep, goats, and pigs,
all sleek and fat—our magazines filled with rice, Indian
corn, yams, and salted provisions, were all calculated to
give an idea of exuberance, rather than the horrid and
fanciful picture of starvation drawn by the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter. He must have had the heart of a
demon, who, amid such a scene, could have imagined that
man alone was starved, and wretched, “and tortured with
unheard-of cruelty, and flogged to death. . .
The substitution of task-work made the labour of the Black
so easy as not to equal one-third of what a man performs in
Europe; the introduction of the plough, and machinery of
all kinds for agriculture, and of the most approved tools for
all trades, with experienced workmen from England, to teach
2II.
the Blacks, gave a spirit and example to the industry of the
colony; and the superior sugar-canes from Otaheite and
Java, which you introduced, and which now almost cover
the island, rendered that industry much more productive. I
must also state, that the system laid down for exciting the
emulation of the Blacks, by rewarding them for their sur-
plus labour, was most successful, and contributed much
to render offences rare; that when punishment was neces-
sarily administered, it was chiefly solitary confinement, and
never severe corporeal infliction; and, that their tasks always
having been finished during the hours of day, it is false to
say that the slaves worked at night.
A proof that the labour was not oppressive, is, that many
of the men who worked in the wood were in the constant
habit of finishing their task by one or two o'clock in the day.
The chains, hooks, and collars, described by the Anti-
Slavery Monthly Reporter, are matters of pure invention ;
and, in short, all that he says about yourself and Belombre
is a rhapsody of disgusting folly—a tissue of barefaced false-
hoods. . . .
Finally, were I called upon to say who has been most
indefatigably employed at Mauritius, for twenty years, in
adding to the comforts of the Slave, and in elevating him in
the scale of being, as to education, morality, and religion—
who has done most to change the desert into a garden—
who has most sedulously attended to the improvement of the
education of the higher classes of society in the Royal College
of Port-Louis—who has introduced the best breeds of cattle,
and the greatest number of rare and valuable plants—who
has exerted the most powerful influence in augmenting the
produce of the Colony from less than one million of sugar, in
1815, to eighty millions of this present year—I would say,
it was You. - - - - -
No. 65.
Extraits d'une Notice Historique et Statistique sttr
· l'Etablissement de Belombre, tirés d'un Travail
· ébauché sur l'Ile Maurice, par M. le Docteur
DEsNoYERs. - · : · · · -
Arrivé dans cette colonie en l'année 1816, j'y fus reconnu
dans mes qualités, et pratiquai de suite mon état sur l'éta-
blissement de Belombre particulièrement, jusqu'en l'année
1822, ayant une maison dans l'emplacement même de l'hô-
pital. - • • " - *-
Cette grande habitation s'étend Est et Ouest en largeur
sur une belle place, qu'abrite contre les ras-de-marées et les
tempêtes, un immense récif séparé du rivage par une vaste
étendue d'eaux de trois ou quatre pieds de profondeur, sur
trois mille d'étendue en longueur et deux mille en largeur :
lieu de pêche abondante et facile pour tous les habitans du
canton, précieuse ressource pour tous les noirs de Belombre,
dont le village, autrement dit le camp, aboutit précisément à
l'embouchure de la petite rivière des Citronniers (qui l'arrose
dans toute sa longueur par un canal de vive eau, bien saine,
et bien limpide), ce qui leur permet d'avoir à toute heure et
à la minute, autant de poisson de mer qu'ils en veulent, et
quelque fretin d'eau, ou bien des chevrettes que pêchent
leurs enfans dans la petite rivière. • »
· L'hôpital, qui est dans toute la colonie, et surtout à Belom-
bre, l'objet du plus grand soin, et de la plus grande sollicitude
de la part des propriétaires, fait face aux quatre points car-
dinaux ; il est totalement enfermé dans une vaste enceinte
quarrée de palissades fort élevées, qui laissent mes fenêtres
seulement s'étendre dans la petite vallée des Citronniers, que
cet emplacement domine de plusieurs toises. Un courant
d'eau traverse la cour dans toute sa longueur, puis va se perdre
dans la rivière absolument sous mes fenêtres ; à droite en
entrant, tout-à-fait dans l'angle, s'élève la cuisine, grande,
vaste, bâtie en pierres, et administrée par un ancien com-
mandeur en retraite, et une cuisinière. La première salle
*e
213
en entrant est celle des hommes, c'est la plus grande, elle est
quarrée, et occupe toute la largeur du bâtiment, une vaste
porte à deux battans y donne entrée, des fenêtres l'éclairent :
la seconde salle, tout aussi large mais plus étroite, sert aux
femmes. Dans un angle de chacune de ces salles, sur un lit
de camp, les esclaves affectés de maladies contagieuses sont
maintenus, chaque sexe dans la salle respective; viennent
ensuite deux chambres prises sur la largeur du bâtiment,
dont l'une est consacrée aux femmes à coucher, et d'autres
aux maladies qui donnent de l'inquiétude ; ces deux salles
ne sont séparées de chez moi que par une cloison en garnis.
Les salles des hommes, comme celles des femmes, sont gar-
nies de lits, élevés de trois pieds environ ; sur ces lits on
étend des paillasses bien fournies que distribue le magasinier ;
à l'entrée de chaque malade, on lui donne une couverture, un
oreiller, et toute sa fourniture d'hôpital.
La salle des accouchemens a de plus que les autres, un
lit garni pour chaque femme avec paillasses, matelas, draps,
mousticaire, &c. ; on donne a tout nouveau né une layette
complète, et à l'accouchée deux pièces de toile bleue de
Surate, et deux pièces de toile blanche : dès le jour de ses
couches, elle reçoit pour son enfant (à elle à en disposer sui-
vant son gré), une ration entière de vivres, comme si déjà il
travaillait.
Tous les matins, après ma visite, les vivres de l'hôpital
étaient soumis à mon inspection ; ils étaient cuits dans l'en-
ceinte même, les malades auraient bien su m'avertir s'il y
avait eu de la fraude. On cuisait aussi dans cette même en-
ceinte, et tous les jours, de vastes marmites de soupe grasse,
qui était un surplus à la ration des noirs, et dont la qualité
était telle qu'il en fut servi souvent sur la table des pro-
priétaires, qui y donnaient l'œil eux-mêmes, et chez lesquels
Je prenais mes repas.
Dans mon cabinet était l'armoire des médicamens que je
soignais moi-même, et dans laquelle je renfermais mes jour-
naux ; j'y avais réuni tous les appareils imaginables, et
je pouvais obvier a tous les accidents chirurgicaux qui
peuvent être prévus : mes fonctions, pendant les six ans
214
· que je restai à Belombre furent toujours très-actives ; jamais
je n'ai manqué un jour à mes visites, et j'ai conservé le respect
et l'amour des noirs de ce bien, et de tout le quartier : ils
ne m'oublieront jamais. · · : · · •
Il est inoui combien de machines diverses furent importées
à Belombre d'Angleterre, pour y perfectionner l'agriculture ;
combien de charrues, de semoirs, de moulins divers, de
herses, pompes, et outils de toutes sortes, et de toute dimen-
sion. - -
Les propriétaires y firent venir des troupeaux nombreux
de bœufs et d'ânes ; ils y établirent un haras servi par des
étalons d'Arabie, les plus belles jumens d'Angleterre y furent
amenées. Ces Messieurs qui ne répugnaient à aucune
dépense pourvu que la santé des noirs fut entretenue,
m'avaient appointé particulièrement pour rester sur Be-
lombre (sans pourtant m'imposer l'obligation de renoncer à
exercer mon état dans le quartier, où ma clientelle s'étendait
au loin). J'étais tenu de faire mes deux visites par jour, et de
coucher sur l'établissement. Je visitais les vivres au magasin,
riz, maïs, viandes, poissons, manioc, afin qu'il ne fût rien
distribué de mauvais. Je fesais conduire, tous les huit jours
à la mer, toute ma troupe de noirs, afin qu'ils s'y baignas-
sent : et, tous les six mois, je fesais une inspection générale
et individuelle de tout le monde, pour découvrir les maladies
secrètes ou cachées. -
Au pied du coteau sur lequel le camp est bâti, se trouvait
l'ancien hôpital, sur un sol humide, et qui élevait des vapeurs
dans la nuit; je craignais qu'il ne fût insalubre et le fit dé-
placer en 1818 pour le bâtir sur le penchant opposé du
coteau dans un espace bien aéré, sec, élevé, et de l'eau vaste,
où il existe toujours depuis ; c'est celui dont j'ai parlé plus
haut. Jamais on a hésité à m'accorder tout ce que j'ai pu
demander pour ce qui regardait l'assainissement du camp, la
commodité des cases, les vêtements, les habitudes des noirs,
&c. ; les magasins se sont remplis des effets vendus des
régimens pour les vêtir ; des cargaisons de toiles bleues et
blanches se sont consommés pour leur entretien ; on favorisait
leurs jeux et leurs danses; on acheta pour les leur donner,
215
tous les instrumens de musique de leurs diverses nations,
on y joignit les instrumens d'Europe, de telle sorte que tous
les genres de divertissemens joyeux et raisonnables, leur
furent facilités et même suscités. Je trouve dans le journal,
sous la date du 21 Mars, 1821 :—º payé trois piastres, à un
soldat du poste, pour racommoder un bignoux."
Le vin, le pain, le lait, et tout ce qui pouvait être habi-
tuellement nécessaire à un hôpital, y fut toujours en abon-
dance. - -
Un ordre parfait était établi sur le bien ; une régularité
scrupuleuse présidait à tout ; aussi les punitions y étaient-
elles presque inutiles, et dès lors très-rares ; jamais leur
sévérité ne mit aucun noir dans le cas d'avoir besoin de
moi ;-un esprit de corps avait réuni peu-à peu tous ces
hommes. Ils étaient bien, et voyaient une différence dans
leur situation présente et leur situation passée ; comment
auraient-ils méconnus la marche qu'ils avaient à suivre, sur-
tout quand elle leur était montrée si doucement et avec tant
de séduction pour eux. -
Le camp n'était plus suffisant pour tous ces noirs acquis
depuis deux ans, les cases étaient inégales ; placées çà et là
confusément et vieilles ; alors M. Lesage, qui passait à
Belombre le tems de la convalescence pénible des fièvres de
marais, qu'il avait contractées durant sa mission auprès du
Roi de Madagascar, M. Lesage, dis-je, se chargea de tracer
un nouveau camp; nous prîmes le meilleur emplacement
que nous pûmes trouver; tout le long de la côte du coteau,
une large route fut tracée au milieu, et de chaque côté un
courant d'eau fut dirigé ; les cases furent placées à une égale
distance, l'une de l'autre, par groupes de quatre faces sur
quatre de profondeur de chaque côté; on divisa chaque
groupe par les rues de traverses, et on laissa entre ces
groupes une large place avec une pièce d'eau au milieu. Ce
camp, ou village, fut projeté jusqu'au bord de la mer, dont il
me fut séparé que par le chemin public. Les cases en furent
toutes construites sur le même modèle et peintes à la chaux ;
elles se partageoient en deux pièces égales, dont l'une fut
pourvue d'un lit et quelques ustensiles; alors on fit venir
216
des cocos de mer pour en distribuer à tout le monde, il en
arriva un chargement ;-des arbres furent soigneusement
plantés des deux côtés de la grande rue, et aussi dans les
rues de traverse et ils ont très-bien réussi. Ce fut là l'affaire
de M. Lesage ; il surveillait en même tems les charrues.
La maison était le rendez-vous de tout le quartier; l'hos-
pitalité y était généreuse, libre, et franche ; les réunions
joyeuses et tous les agrémens vous y étaient offerts. On y
affluait du Port-Louis même, malgré l'éloignement et les
mauvais chemins : il est peu de personnes respectables dans
la colonie qui n'y aient été accueillies avec amitié et une noble
distinction.
Durant les six années que j'ai passées dans ce beau bien,
la tranquillité n'y fut jamais troublée ; là, notre existence se
passait calme et sans secousse.
Il fut amené à Belombre, et à diverses reprises, un nom-
bre de ces malheureux apprentifs, epuisés et moribonds,
dont personne ne voulait se charger, qui périssaient en quan-
tité et dont souvent plusieurs mouraient sur la Sainte,
Ampoule, dans le trajet seulement du Port-Louis à Belombre :
—ils y étaient envoyés par le Gouvernement qui ne savait
qu'en faire ; et par une humanité pour eux qui nuisit aux
associés de Belombre, ces apprentifs traînaient long-tems une
chétive existence, beaucoup périssaient de nostalgie, ou de
dyssenteries, quelques-uns se relevaient à force de soins, et
renaissaient à la vie :-il faut avoir vu ces malheureux noirs
maigres, décharnés, n'ayant que le souffle, abandonnés à la
charité et aux bons soins de M. Telfair, médecin lui-même.
Les maladies du reste qui ont affecté cet établissement,.
étaient les mêmes dans tout le quartier et dans toute la.
colonie, c'était les flux-de-sang, les scrophules, les hydropisies,.
les maladies néphrétiques, les maladies de poitrine, et le
tétanos : ces six maladies sont très-fréquentes, et presque
toujours funestes à Maurice.
Outre les vivres donnés en abondance aux noirs de
l'établissement, ils ont des jardins qu'ils cultivent avec
fruit dans leurs dimanches et aux heures de repos. qu'ils
appellent breloques ; ils ont une pêche abondante aux flam-
A
217
beaux dans leurs soirées: ils élèvent tous des porcs, poules
et canards, et leurs parcs sont faits par l'établissement:—
leurs enfans sont instruits à une école à la Lancaster, qui
prospere jusqu'à présent, et ume meilleure moralité leur
apprend à gagner et à conserver, ce qui tend à les rendre de
plus en plus heureux et intéressans pour leurs, maitres.
No. 66.
Letter to Mr. TELFAIR from M. W. CLARK, late
Colour-Serjeant, dated Port-Louis, Nov. 4, 1829.
Having read No. 44 of the Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter, wherein you are accused of behaving to the Slaves
at Belombre with cruelty, I beg to inform you that I arrived
in this colony in 1819, was soon after stationed at Jacoté, and
was constantly in the habit of visiting Belombre, and I never
saw any cruelty; on the eontrary, the Slaves appeared to be
contented, and I was surprised to see the difference between
that estate and other estates. I went to a habitation a little
distance off, where the Slaves were at work on Sunday; I
observed to the master, who was standing by, that your
Slaves were not treated in that manner; he replied, that
your indulgence would be the ruin of the Slaves.
I often heard the late Captain Field (who commanded at
the post of Jacoté, and who seldom passed a day without
visiting Belombre) say, that a great deal of jealousy existed
among the proprietors of other habitations, who did not
approve of the manner in which your Slaves were treated,
and who remarked that it would never be to your advantage.
I have likewise to add, that if any cruelty had been used
towards the Slaves it could not have been kept secret from
Captain Field, who would immediately have reported the
SaM16,
218
No. 67.
Extract of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from
REMoNo, Esq., Solicitor, dated Port-Louis,
October 3, 1829.
º .
Quant à moi qui ai séjourné maintes fois à Belombre,
je dirai que vous avez, par votre exemple, guidé et encou-
ragé les améliorations qui ont rendu le sort des noirs aussi
doux qu'il l'est maintenant. Examinant avec Monsieur
Smith, le Grand Juge, que j'accompagnais, les moindres
détails de l'administration de votre bien, nous applaudissions
à votre prévoyance, et aux soins donnés aux femmes, aux
enfans, et aux vieillards. Partout, je l'affirmerai sous ser-
ment, on reconnaissait la sollicitude d'un bon père de famille,
et vos esclaves appliqués à un travail modéré, étaient traités
avec douceur. Monsieur Smith était, on le sait, d'une
grande sévérite de principes sur ce qui concernait la condi-
tion des esclaves, et certainement il ne fut pas demeuré
votre ami, si vous eussiez pratiqué des sentimens opposés
3lUlX S16ºIlS.
No. 68.
Extracts of a Letter.from Captain DAvIs, of His
Majesty's 82nd Regiment, to Mr. TELFAIR, dated
Grand-River South East, November 18, 1829.
As I was resident in your neighbourhood from the be-
ginning of November 1822, till January 1823, while in
command of the military post at Jacoté, and, during that-
period, a frequent visitor at Belombre, I beg to offer a few
remarks on what I observed, as far as I can recollect after
such a lapse of time.
219
On passing through the village, or camp, I observed
Slaves, of all ages, sitting about their doors, especially on
Sunday afternoons, with every appearance of content and
comfort. I never observed any appearance of wretchedness
or suffering in any of the groups.
The male Slaves were well clothed, I think invariably
with blue cotton trowsers and shirts, and the female Slaves
were always decently clad.
I have frequently seen the Slaves at work in the manu-
factory and in the fields, during which I never observed
them taking food, or any thing that could give me an idea
that they were working and taking a meal at the same time.
The generality of both male and female Slaves appeared
robust and healthy, capable of performing laborious work,
and to do their work cheerfully.
In all my visits to Belombre, I never witnessed the inflic-
tion of any punishment, nor any appearance of its having
been inflicted. In the school of Belombre I noticed a num-
ber of children, all of whom were well dressed, and had a
pleasing and happy appearance.
I visited the hospital several times, which was a good.
sized building, apart from the other dwellings, and sur-
rounded by a pallisade. I have been there in company
with Mr. William Telfair, and Dr. Cumming of the mili-
tary post. The former I observed made particular inquiries
of the health of each individual, and appeared very attentive
to their comforts.
After these few remarks, I cannot but observe that it is
astonishing to me that so many strangers, private individuals
as well as officers of both navy and army, should have been
so frequently and hospitably invited to Belombre, if the
cruelties mentioned in the anonymous charges were things of
common occurrence. For my part I never heard any visitors
make any allusion to such occurrences.
220
No. 69.
Extract from a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from
Mr. PUGIN, dated October 26, 1829.
MoNsIEUR CHARLEs TELFAIR,-Quels sont donc les vils
misérables qui peuvent vous inculper, d'une manière aussi
atroce, en vous accusant de cruauté, de famine, de massacre,
&c., &c. J'ai l'honneur de vous connaître, sous tous les
rapports de l'honneur et de la vertu, que vous avez toujours
professés, conjointement avec votre excellente épouse, qui
donnait ses soins à l'instruction des enfans de votre école de
Belombre, et qui veillait sur eux, et ainsi que vous, avec le
plus tendre intérêt et la plus douce humanité : et pour ré-
compense, des monstres infâmes osent vous accuser de crimes
qui font frémir.
Dans le temps, j'ai eu connaissance de votre bel établisse-
ment de Belombre, et des nombreuses commodités dont il
était couvert, pour pouvoir venir aux secours des malheu-
reux. Je puis jurer devant Dieu, que vous vous êtes
toujours comporté à ma connaissance, avec honneur, justice,
et parfaite humanité envers vos noirs ; que la côte vous
fournissait toujours pour eux de bons et excellens poissons,
&c., &c., &c. Enfin, que vous les avez toujours traités
en bon père de famille, avec douceur et vraie humanité, en
leur procurant de bons logemens, de bons jardins, une bonne
école, de bons vêtemens, avec un bon chirurgien, &c. &c.
—s>-
No. 70.
Extracts.from a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR,.from J. H.
VAUGHAN, Esq., Secretary to the Chief Judge,
dated Port-Louis, October 5, 1829.
In November, 1823, I first visited Belombre, and re-
mained, with little interruption, until January following.
221
Amongst other matters the treatment of the Slaves engaged
much of my attention.
With respect to the clothing of the Blacks, I happened to
be present at the half-yearly distribution on the 1st of Janu-
ary, 1824, and I can speak positively as to its sufficiency,
considering the climate. It was the blue cotton cloth of
Bengal; I believe the same as that supplied to the Govern-
ment Blacks at the period.
During my residence of nearly three months at Belombre
I do not recollect to have heard of a single instance of pu-
nishment, and, I believe, that punishments were rare; and
that when they did occur they were administered without
any circumstances of cruelty. Besides, I ramember that
one of the regulations was, never to punish for the first
offence,
The moral and religious improvement of the Slave was
daily attended to. All the children, and many of the adults,
were instructed in the first principles of the Christian
religion, reading, writing, and arithmetic, and the whole
establishment attended divine service on Sundays, Indeed
it is but just to remark, that the school at Belombre, while
it excited much admiration on the part of those who, like
yourself, feel that the most effectual mode of meliorating the
condition of the Slave is to instil into his mind the true
principles of virtue and religion. Its establishment drew
down some animadversion on the proprietor, who, from
motives of humanity, had first dared to make so great a
stride towards removing the intellectual darkness in which
a great proportion of the Slave population had so long
continued.
222
-
No. 71.
Extracts of a Letter from J. ALEXANDER, Esq.,
Chief of the Ordnance Department, dated Port-
Ilouis, Mauritius, October 17, 1829.
It is now nearly twenty-five years since I first became
acquainted with colonial property, as connected with the
West Indies. I am aware of the many slanderous, ill-
founded, and malicious reports that have been circulated to
their prejudice, similar to those which have appeared in the
Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, No. 44, relative to this
island, the intemperance and absurdity of which, had you
not been personally referred to, I could have wished you to
have treated, as they deserve, with silent contempt.
Pity for the poor African pity for the poor Slaveſ has,
in too many instances, I fear, superseded that pity, which,
if in true christian charity it had been bestowed upon the
poor peasants of our own country, might have saved many a
family from ruin.
On my arrival in Antigua in 1804, I was possessed of
those feelings which may be considered as innate in most
Englishmen. I had rejoiced with many others at the
termination of a traffic that I had been taught to believe
inhuman, The Slave Trade ; and, like the majority of
Buxtons of the present day, was disposed to speak, and to
think of Slavery and dealing in Slaves as the same thing.
I did not, however, continue long in such a deluded state.
The first Sabbath was sufficient to remove prejudice from
my mind; I was induced to go to the Moravian and
Wesleyan chapels, and if ever I experienced an intellectual
joy, surpassing every other, it was at the unexpected sight
of many hundreds of those whom I had ever considered as
most unhappy beings in the enjoyment of the same privi-
leges that I from my infancy had been taught to appreciate,
especially in keeping holy the Sabbath day.
A residence from 1804 till 1809, in a public situation,
223
uninfluenced by the many changes that took place in the
value of Colonial property, gradually confirmed me in the
knowledge that a good Slave was, in every respect, as well
if not better off than the labourer of my own country; that
the feelings I had heretofore possessed were as erroneous
in principle as they were in fact, and that I had read my
Bible to but little purpose, not to have understood, that a
state of Slavery had been very nearly co-existent with time
itself. - -
On my arrival in this island, after a lapse of years, I was
reintroduced to a society similar to that I had left at
Martinique. During my first tour, in the month of June
1826, I remained at Belombre part of two days; I had the
pleasure of receiving every communication relative to its
economy, and I was happy to have ocular demonstration,
on the following day, of the accuracy of what had been
communicated to me. If the united wisdom of Wilberforce
and Buxton had been consulted to make an estate happy
the illustration was to be found at Belombre, which proved
the anxiety of the owner to do his duty to God, and to his
fellow creatures—the Slaves ' ' '
I have been twice at Bon Espoir, when under the charge
of your brother Mr. W. Telfair, and I had the pleasing
satisfaction of seeing the same system under operation as at
Belombre; the principal feature of which was the comfort
of the Slave.
Aware as I am, that the system upon which you have
conducted your sugar establishments, was, at its commence-
ment, original; and knowing as I do, that an invidious
feeling did, for a considerable time, exist on that account, I
might have been surprised that it should have fallen to your
individual lot to sustain the character of a champion against
the party that has made war with you, and that such party
should be the philanthropists of the day. Rather should
I have thought that the Buxtonian philosophy would have
been on your side. No 1 that would not answer the ulterior
object which the editor of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Re-
porter and his co-adjutors have in view. They have, how-
224
ever, for their own cause, been very unfortunate in singling
out you, and quoting Belombre in confirmation of what
they would wish people to believe of the Mauritius at large.
The only observations I consider necessary to make on
the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, No. 44, are the fol-
lowing:— *
First, That it is a pamphlet replete with misrepresentation;
Second, that its aim is to libel the constitution of the Mauri-
tius, and to reflect discredit upon the Government at home;
Third, that the statements made upon the Belombre, in
confirmation of what the said Reporter has said of the treat-
ment of Slaves at the Mauritius, are false.
My former prejudices have not been softened down by
benefits resulting from my connection with sugar estates, for
I have never, directly or indirectly, been concerned with
them. I differ from the general opinion, from a conviction
that there is not that unhappiness inherent in Slavery which
is imagined. God forbid that I should not be able to form
a just estimate of the privileges I inherit as a British subject;
but rather than become the slave of a faction, the dupe of
a party, to give aid and support to publications like No. 44
of the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, I would prefer to
be a Slave on the Belombre estate.
—sº-
No. 72.
Eattracts of a Letter from PATRICK SALTER, Esq.
Acting Registrar of Slaves.
SLAVE IRIEGISTRY OFFICE.
Port-Louis, September 7, 1829.
I have perused with horror, indignation, and utter con-
tempt, an attack that has been made upon you in No. 44 of
the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, as it appeared in the
Oriental Herald for last March ; and I cannot conceive how
any human being could have penned such extraordinary
225
misrepresentations—such bold and glaring falsehoods—so vile
a libel upon your “good name.”
Indeed, I feel it incumbent on me to declare, solemnly,
my perfect conviction, that never was any individual so deeply
injured by an abuse of the liberty of the Press.
I declare to God I never heard of such cruelties as these
alluded to in the Anti-Slavery Reporter, at Belombre, nor
on any other estate of the colony. I have never been at
Belombre, but I have frequently visited another of your
estates, Bon Espoir, and I have resided there for some days
at a time; and, assuredly, I have been delighted with the
appearance of peace, contentment, and happiness, displayed
in the smiling faces of the Slaves. They were well housed,
well fed, and well clothed; and their labour was executed by
tasks, which being easily accomplished by the greater part,
time was left for amusement in the afternoons and evenings.
I have often heard complaints against you for pampering
and spoiling your Slaves, and thus giving a bad example to
those on the neighbouring estates; but, for the first time,
and from London, I have learnt of your neglect of, and
cruelty to your people.
For the last nineteen years, whilst endeavouring honestly
and honourably to advance your fortune, your favourite
object, your hobby, has been the melioration of the Slave
population of the Mauritius, by the adoption of excellent
regulations upon your plantations—by the institution of
schools—and by instructions in the principles of morality
and religion.
I have heard nothing of your vices or your crimes, but
much of your kind treatment, parental care, and genuine
philanthropy, towards your Slaves. In a word, I have
always understood that your estates were models for the
imitation of the friends of the Negro.
226
NO. 73.
Extracts of a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from G. A.
WANTZLoEBEN, dated November 30, 1829.
La haute réputation dont jouissait cette propriété, m'anima
du désir de la connaître : j'y fus en 1820, et rien ne me parut
au-dessous de l'idée que je m'en étais faite.—Je trouvai les
esclaves bien vêtus, parfaitement mourris, tous paraissant
disposés au travail, et revenant de leur ouvrage en chantant,
comme cela se pratique généralement parmi eux, quand ils
sont satisfaits et heureux ; les jeunes enfans des deux sexes
employés à des travaux légers, uniquement pour ne pas les
laisser dans l'oisiveté; ainsi qu'à l'égard des vieillards.
Les hôpitaux ont attiré mon attention particulière : la
propreté et l'ordre méritent d'être cités ; la pharmacie bien
pourvue en médicamens ; le médecin attaché à cet établis-
sement avait sont logement sur les lieux, et était assisté de
personnes très-entendues ; les visites se faisaient régulière-
ment et trois fois par jour.
Quoique habitué dès mon enfance à voir sous les yeux des
esclaves fort bien traités, dans toute l'acceptation du mot, je
ne puis pas m'empêcher de reconnaître que tout à Belombre
m'a semblé être amélioré sous le rapport de ce qui est par-
ticulier à l'esclavage. Le camp des noirs, par exemple, est-il
posssible de rien voir de plus soigné, de mieux bâti, de plus
propre ?—Chaque esclave qui possède soit des volailles, des
porcs ou autres bestiaux, à la permission de les tenir près de
sa demeure et sous sa surveillance ; chaque chef de famille a
à sa disposition autant de terre qu'il peut cultiver, pour
subvenir aux besoins des siens.
Pendant le séjour d'un mois que j'ai fait à Belombre, je
n'ai jamais entendu proférer une seule plainte soit du pro-
priétaire ou régisseur contre les noirs, soit les noirs contre
l'une de ces personnes, ni même aucune plainte ni querelle
entre les noirs eux-mêmes.
227
No. 74.
Eatract of a Letter from Lieutenant MARTINDALE
to Mr. TELFAIR, dated Powder-Mills, 1829.
From the situation I held in the Department of Roads and
Bridges I was forced to go frequently in your district, and
have resided several days together at Belombre, and always
considered that estate was well and humanely conducted,
that the Blacks were well used, were not over-worked, that
their food was good and wholesome, and that they had no
just cause of complaint. Your general character stands so
high, that it appears absurd that your humanity should be
even doubted.
No. 75.
Ea:tract of a Letter from Robert MAC FARLANE,
Esq., to C. TELFAIR, Esq., dated Port-Louis,
October 19, 1829.
Since the year 1822, I have visited Belombre once, but
oftener twice a year, and remained there one or two days on
each occasion; and I remarked, that the system of manage-
ment upon the estate was altogether the most perfect, in
my opinion, that could be adopted. I have observed that
the Blacks’ provisions were of good quality, and abundant,
as their appearance sufficiently proved—they were well
clothed,— their huts were comfortable—they had their
poultry and pigs—and they appeared to be satisfied and
happy. I visited the school, and was surprised at the great
number of children present, many of them of an age fit for
work, and who certainly would on most other estates have
been at the hoe.
228
No. 76.
Declaration Qf JEAN LoUIs TUToUR, Commander
of the Belombre Boats, dated Port-Louis, 1829.
Moi, Jean Louis Tutour, déclare par le présent, que je
suis entré en 1818 au service de l'établissement Belombre,
comme patron du chasse-marée la Sainte Ampoule, jaugé à
quatorze tonneaux, et que j'ai continué à commander ce
bateau jusqu'en 1822. Après la vente dudit bateau, j'ai pris
le commandement de la goëlette la Jeune Laure, du brick les
Trois Frères, de la goëlette l'Adèle, et du chasse-marée la
Virginie, jusqu'en 1827. Pendant tout ce tems, ces bateaux
furent constamment occupés à transporter les produits de
Belombre au Port-Louis, et rapportant audit établissement,
des machines, mécaniques, moulins, fers, outils, charrettes
et toute espèce d'objets de ce genre ; mais principalement
des provisions, telles que riz, viande et poisson salé, pour la
consommation des esclaves de l'établissement.
Belombre n'a jamais eu d'autres bateaux que ceux ci-dessus
désignés et commandés par moi.
J'atteste également, que les vivres ci-dessus mentionnés
êtaient plus que suffisans pour l'approvisionnement des noirs.
Le riz était de Bengale ou de Batavia, et jamais celui de
Madagascar ; il fut toujours livré par moi aux magasins de
Belombre et conformément aux envois et reçus, et n'a jamais
été employé que pour l'usage des esclaves et gens dudit
établissement.
J'atteste aussi avoir transporté, de temps en temps, et
annuellement au Port-Louis, d'après les ordres du Gouverne-
ment, pour l'inspection de la Douane, les noirs apprentis
confiés à Belombre, et les avoir rapportés audit établisse-
ment, après l'inspection qui en avait été faite, et que je n'ai
jamais pris à mon bord, ni débarqué, aucun noir nouveau
pour Belombre, ou pour d'autres biens ni pour personne.
J'affirme aussi que les maisons des noirs de Belombre
étaient les meilleurs que j'ai vues sur aucun autre établisse-
229
ment dans l'île, pour des gens de cette classe. Elles étaient
bien conditionnées et très-closes, pourvus de tous les objets
nécessaires à leurs besoins, et ceux de leur famille, et enfin
une aisance que bien des pauvres gens que je connais en
Europe ne possèdent pas.
Je déclare aussi n'avoir jamais vu ni entendu dire qu'il
existait ou avait existé, à Belombre, des punitions sévères.
Les esclaves étaient obéissans, ils étaient seulement troublés,
de temps en temps, par les convicts, et les surveillants blancs
desdits convicts, ou par les soldats du régiment qui portaient
l'habit à revers, et parement pompadour. Ces soldats étaient
très-désordonnés et querelleurs.
Je rappellerai ici leurs conduites à la passe Saint Martin,
lorsqu'il s'y est noyé un homme, ils étaient tous soûls et
voulaient même s'opposer à ce que l'on porte les derniers
secours à ce malheureux.
No. 77.
Extracts qf a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from Lieu-
tenant B. STEHELIN, dated Port-Louis, Mau-
ritius, October 22, 1829.
The statement contained in the 44th Number of the
Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, respecting the condition
of the Slaves at Belombre, appears to me to be at variance
with their treatment in the months of April, May, and
June, 1827, during which time I was officially employed at
Jacoté.
The Blacks at Belombre appeared cheerful and happy.
Their huts, which were in good repair, were built of logs,
on each side of the public road leading to Jacoté, with a
meatly-constructed open canal of clear clean water running
on one side. They were allowed to rear pigs and poultry,
which I have bought from them ; and the house at Belombre
230
was supplied with stock from this source, Mr. Forster paying
a fair price for their things, as an encouragement to good
behaviour and industry.
—s>-
No. 78.
Declaration Qf — VIRIEUX, Esq., Vice-Presi-
dent of the Court of Appeal, and Ancien Pro-
cureur-du-Roi, dated Port-Louis, September 15,
1829.
Je soussigné, Ancien Procureur-Général du Roi, chargé
en cette qualité, à diverses époques, de la police générale de
'île Maurice, et actuellement Vice-Président de la Cour
d'Appel, certifie que mieux placé que personne par la nature
des fonctions qui m'étaient confiées pour connaître parfaite-
ment le régime des esclaves sur chacune des habitations
de cette colonie, qu'encore qu'il se soit présenté des cas
où certains maîtres auraient exercé des actes inhumains à
l'égard de leurs esclaves, ces cas ont été extrêmement rares,
et ont été punis sévèrement, conformément aux lois, et
qu'il est impossible de ne pas reconnaître, sans la plus grande
injustice, qu'il n'existe pas de colonie où le régime des
esclaves soit, en général, plus humain et plus paternel.
Je certifie, après avoir lu le 44"° Numéro de l'Anti-Slavery
Reporter, que ce n'est pas sans la plus profonde indignation,
que j'ai vu le tableau révoltant et perfide du traitement que
le propriétaire de Belombre aurait souffert qu'on introduisît
sur ce bien envers les esclaves qui y étaient attachés : que les
détails que ce tableau renferme, sont des calomnies out-
rageantes, qui prennent évidemment leur source dans l'inten-
tion malveillante et coupable de porter atteinte aux sentimens
généreux, qui forment le caractère distinctif sous lequel
Monsieur Charles Telfair n'a pas cessé de se montrer :-
Qu'il n'existe point à Maurice une habitation où les
231
esclaves aient été traités tant en santé qu'en maladie, avec
plus de soin, avec plus d'humanité qu'à Belombre :-
Je certifie, que la nourriture des esclaves était saine et
abondante à Belombre; que les esclaves étaient logés com-
venablement, et dans des cases séparées; qu'ils étaient vêtus
et habillés aux frais du maître, et jouissaient des heures
accordées par les lois pour leur repos, dans les intervalles du
travail, dont la durée n'a jamais excédé le temps que les
réglements déterminent :- -
Je certifie, en outre, que les châtiments n'ont jamais été
administrés aux esclaves de Belombre que rarement, et
toujours avec ménagement, et la plus grande discretion :
les détails de l'Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter à l'égard des
punitions infligées à Belombre, sont trop dégoûtants et trop
mensongers, pour qu'il soit pris la peine de les réfuter ; il
doit suffire d'observer que les habitants de cette colonie,
depuis trop long temps calomniés, se bornent à opposer
le mépris à une accusation aussi vile et d'autant plus repré-
hensible, qu'elle est dirigée contre un colon respectable qui a
su se concilier leur estime et leur attachement.
Enfin, je dois à la vérité d'attester, que Belombre a
offert à Maurice le premier exemple d'une institution con-
sacrée en faveur des esclaves, à la morale et à la religion.
C'est sur ce bien que Monsieur Charles Telfair avait établi
une école, suivant le système de Lancaster, dans laquelle
les esclaves se rendaient journellement et en grand nombre,
pour recevoir les salutaires leçons qui, en adoucissant leurs
mœurs et changeant leurs habitudes vicieuses, devaient
concourir à les rendre meilleurs et plus heureux.
—-
No. 79.
Extracts Qf a Letter.from HYACINTHE PoRTALIs,
Esq., Substitut du Procureur-du-Roi, dated
Port-Louis, October 22, 1829.
Les fonctions de Procureur-du-Roi, qui je remplis depuis
long-tems, sous le titre de Substitut du Procureur-Général
du Roi, m'ont fait un devoir de surveiller d'une manière
particulière le régime des diverses habitations de cette co-
lonie, surtout en ce qui concerne les esclaves, pour pouvoir
poursuivre ceux des habitants qui s'écarteraient des règles
· prescrites par les lois; et depuis dix-neuf ans que cette
colonie est au pouvoir de la Grande-Bretagne, je dois
attester que je n'ai vu que très-peu de cas de punitions
excessives et inhumaines à poursuivre, comme accusateur
public; et je viens pourtant de lire avec surprise et indigna-
tion dans un Journal, intitulé Anti-Slavery Monthly Re-
porter, No. 44, une accusation contre les habitants de cette
colonie, et particulièrement contre vous, si atroces et si men-
songères, qu'il ne m'est pas permis de garder le silence, et
de ne pas rendre hommage à la verité oculaire, par mes
fréquents voyages et séjours à Belombre, de ce qui s'y
passait. Je dois déclarer hautement, que bien loin d'avoir
jamais été témoin à Belombre d'actes qui puissent blesser
l'humanité, qu'il m'en ait été jamais dénoncé, en ma qualité
d'homme public : c'est à Belombre que j'ai vu naître et
s'améliorer ce régime paternel pour les esclaves que le
Gouvernement désirait voir s'établir dans la colonie. C'est
sous votre direction, qu'à cette habitation, j'ai vu la nourri-
ture des esclaves s'augmenter, des réglemens sages s'établir
pour leurs heures de travail et de repos, pour leurs vêtemens,
· et pour la correction à infliger ; c'est sous votre administra-
·tion que j'ai vu s'établir à Belombre une école, et y inspirer
aux esclaves des sentimens religieux.
Je dois certifier, que j'ai vu avec plaisir l'exemple que
vous donniez sur Belombre, suivi par vos voisins et par
les autres habitants, et que ces améliorations qui sont votre
ouvrage, jointes à l'introduction dans cette colonie des bêtes
de traits et des bœufs, ont singulièrement adouci ce que les
travaux des esclaves pouvaient avoir de plus dur.
No. 80.
Extracts of a Letter.from J. CoUDRAY, Esq. Rector
of the Royal College, Port-Louis, dated à l'Ami-
tié, Ile Maurice, le 20 Octobre, 1829.
| Vous devez, mon cher Monsieur, vous rappeler que MM.
Pitot, d'Argentelle, Genève et moi, nous faisions un voyage
d'observateurs, autour de la colonie, trois ans après l'incendie
du Port-Louis, et un mois avant le choléra-morbus qui
ravagea la colonie en 1819. Je connaissais déjà votre habi-
tation : un parent de ma femme en était propriétaire, lorsque
je la visitai il y a 27 ans. Quelle différence offrait Bélombre
à cette seconde époque ! ! ! A mon arrivée en 1802 c'était
une pauvre ferme délabrée, dont la maison de maître était
seule en bon état, la sucrerie offrait l'aspect le plus misérable ;
des usines mal tenues ; des travaux mal dirigés ; et des
plantations en mauvais état ; 2 ou 300 noirs, nuds, sales, et
mal logés. Combien ma vue se reposa agréablement en
retrouvant à la place de tant de désordre et de misère, une
avenue propre, des cours et des jardins soignés, 4 à 500 noirs
proprement vêtus, gais, et bien portans. Je vis avec satis-
faction leurs cases, neuves, bien fermées, et bien alignées ;
un hôpital parfaitement tenu, bien aéré ; du poisson et de la
volaille pour les malades ; un médecin attaché à l'établisse-
ment ; un missionnaire pour l'instruction des noirs, et une
école de lecture et d'écriture pour les jeunes esclaves. J'as-
sistai deux soirées de suite a la prière, qui se fasait régu-
lièrement tous les jours. Eh bien ! pendant les trois jours que
je passai avec vous, je n'entendis pas une plainte, pas un cri,
pas un coup de fouet, et je vous dirai avec la même franchise,
que vos voisins critiquaient amèrement votre philantropie,
qu'ils trataient de Négrophilisme. Je vous avouerai aussi,
que quoique je traitasse avec humanité les noirs attachés au
Collège, je blâmais ouvertement votre extrême douceur, et
l'indulgence, presque coupable, de Madame Telfair. Nous
234 Q
trouvions, ces Messieurs et moi, que ce système d'indulgcnce
excessive était dangereux, non-seulement pour votre habita-
tion, mais pour les campagnes voisines.
—s©--
No. 81.
Extract qf a Declaration made by Mr. VINCENT
GEOFFROY, lately Commandant of the Savanne,
Civil Commissary, Commissary of Police, Deputy
Registrar, Deputy Guardian and Deputy Pro-
tector of Slaves, dated Mahebourgh, Octobèr 8,
1829.
Je déclare que, long-tems avant les nouvelles lois en faveur
des esclaves, M. Telfair avait amélioré la condition des siens,
sous tous les rapports ; avait pourvu à l'instruction religieuse
de tous, et avait institué des écoles pour l'éducation des jeunes
sujets; et c'est en ceci seulement qu'il a essuyé les reproches
de quelques habitants qui, en applaudissant à ces motifs, en -
trouvaient l'exécution prématurée, peut-être dangereuse,
parce qu'elle incitait les esclaves à croire à un affranchisse-
ment certain et général.
—s@>—
No. 82.
Extracts Qf a Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from H.
ADAM, Esq, formerly Head Manager of Bel-
ombre, and now Merchant, dated Port-Louis,
October 10, 1829.
J'ai lu avec indignation, dans un pamphlet intitulé Anti-
Slavery Monthly Reporter, No. 44, les inculpations atroces
que l'on semble se plaire à accumuler contre vous, relative-
235
ment à votre établissement de Belombre. .. Ayant été régis-
seur sur cet établissement, depuis Décembre 1819 jusqu'en
Septembre 1821, je suis plus à même que personne de les
apprécier à leur juste valeur ; et quoiqu'elles soient de nature
à déceler à l'observateur impartial, dénué même de la con-
naissance des lieux, et de la respectabilité de votre caractère,
la haine et le désir de nuire qui les ont dictées, je crois de
mon devoir, quelque puisse être l'altération apportée à nos
relations depuis ce tems, de venir vous déclarer que les
articles contenus dans ledit Numéro 44 de l'Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter, sur Belombre, ne sont que d'infâmes
calomnies. »
Je vous ai toujours vu guidé par un philantropie bien en-
tendue, vous appliquer à augmenter le bien-être physique et
moral de votre population esclave. L'édification à grands
frais d'un camp dans un lieu sain et aéré ; la construction
de canaux portant l'eau courante devant chaque case ; toutes
les cases alignées peintes et propres ; le mobilier de chaque
individu composé d'un lit, paillasse, nattes, couvertures de
laine, marmites, cuillères, vases pour l'eau ; et les animaux
qui entourent les cases; tels que vollailes de toutes especes,
et cochons ; étaient pour le voyageur qui traversait Belombre,
la preuve incontestable du bonheur physique de vos noirs.
L'hôpital était un vaste bâtiment au milieu d'une cour
fermée avec ses canaux, cuisines, et dépendances. Un
médecin attaché à l'établissement, Monsieur Desnoyers, occu-
pait une des salles, et le reste était divisé en plusieurs salles.
Les femmes et les hommes avaient chacun la leur ; une
salle de bain était plus loin ; une autre chambre servait aux
individus atteints de maladies contagieuses, et une autre
aux femmes en couche. La pharmacie la plus complète et
fournie de tous les instrumens de chirurgie, se trouvait dans un
des appartemens du médecin, qui était obligé à tenir, et tenait,
un livre d'hôpital sur lequel les maladies, le genre de maladies,
les prescriptions journalières, et les médicamens administrés
par lui, étaient exactement enregistrés. La nourriture la
plus saine, composée de pain, vin, poisson, bouillon, légumes,
236
riz créole, etait fournie aux malades, suivant les | pre-
scriptions. - · · ·
Tous les enfans sevrés étaient sous la surveillance de
plusieurs vielles négresses, qui les tenaient proprement, et
veillaient à leur première éducation. Les enfans étaient
conduits tous les jours à l'office, au moment de votre dîner,
et recevaient chacun un petit verre de vin et un peu de sucre.
Les noirs travaillants étaient traités avec la même
sollicitude paternelle. Tout individu, grand ou petit,
recevait une livre et demi de riz du Bengale, ou deux livres
de maïs, par jour. Par ce moyen, les chefs de familles,
ayant plus de vivres qu'il n'en fallait pour la nourriture de
leur famille, composée d'enfans de tous âges, pouvaient
facilement élever une grande quantité de volailles et de
cochons, qui servaient à leur procurer mille douceurs, et par
la vente desquels ils se fesaient un pécule, que j'ai fréquem-
ment vu s'élever à quelques cents piastres chez quelques
hommes rangés et sobres. |
Outre cette distribution individuelle, il y avait à l'hôpital
une grande chaudière de sucrerie, dans laquelle on fesait
chaque jour une soupe extrêmement nourrissante, composée
de riz, patates, tripans, viande salée, et de légumes frais du
jardin. Chaque noir avait la faculté d'aller chaque jour à
midi recevoir une ration de cette soupe dont une écuelle
était servie sur votre table. -
Les noirs recevaient des vêtemens deux fois par an, les
nourrices recevaient un trousseau complet pour leur enfant,
et de plus, deux pièces de toile bleue, et deux pièces de toile
blanche, pour elles. - - - :
Les travaux commençaient au point du jour, après la
prière du matin, et cessaient au soleil couchant, moment de
la prière du soir : on donnait une heure pour déjeûner, et
deux heurs pour dîner. - -
A midi, tous les jeunes Créoles allaient à l'école pendant
une heure et demie, et là on leur apprenait à lire, écrire, et
calculer, par le procédé de l'enseignement mutuel : on leur
apprenait encore à chanter des cantiques. .
237
| Comment pourrait-on supposer, d'après tous ces détails,
que celui qui mettait sa jouissance à chercher tous les moyens
possibles d'améliorer la condition de ses noirs, déployât dans
les punitions, un caractère assez atroce et impitoyable, pour
prendre plaisir à infliger des punitions corporelles barbares,
et à prolonger les souffrances du patient par des moyens si
infâmes, que le calomniateur seul peut en être l'inventeur.
Les punitions corporelles ont toujours été très-rares, le
bloc et la prison ont toujours suffi pour maintenir une bonne
discipline parmi vos heureux ateliers, dont une grande
portion du peuple de nos villes Européenes envierait le sort.
Si, quelquefois, on fut obligé de punir corporellement, ce ne
fut jamais que pour vol avec effraction, désertion après le
vol, et autres faits, qui, en Europe, mènent toujours à la
· potence ceux qui s'en rendent coupables ! Toujours ces
corrections ont été infligées après une enquête soigneusement
faite; le jugement porté d'après les évidences les plus
positives, et les corrections faites en présence de tous.
Jamais ces corrections n'ont eu le caractère de cruauté, dont
on les décore avec tant de soin dans l'Anti-Slavery Monthly
Reporter, et jamais la santé du coupable n'en a été altérée
un instant -
—s©--
No. 83.
Extracts Qfa Letter to Mr. TELFAIR, from W. J.
SAUNDERs, Esq., Qf the firm SAUNDERs and
WIEHE, dated Port-Louis, August 20, 1829.
It will give me the highest gratification to assist in falsi-
fying the calumnies which have been so heavily heaped on
you individually. Allow me to say, that the Anti-Slavery
Monthly Reporter could not have been more unfortunate as
to his own credulity, in the selection of a person on whom to
vent his malicious venom, than in making choice of one whose
enlightened and judicious treatment of his Slaves has so
justly placed, in the estimation of this colony, amongst its
best benefactors and improvers.
238
I visited many of the estates, in 1823, and amongst them
Belombre, where I spent five or six days. Though I did
not minutely inspect either the huts, food, or clothing of the
Blacks on that property, their comfortable and healthy ap-
pearance still remains perfect in my recollection. My visits
to the hospital and school of the establishment, accompanied
by Mr. W. Telfair, afforded me sincere pleasure. In no
country have I ever seen a sick ward better regulated, either
as regards the cleanliness, ventilation, or general attention to
the wants of the patients, while the neatness of the children
at the school, together with their proficiency in reading and
writing, made a lasting impression on my mind. *
During the last two years I have twice visited your estate,
Beau Manguier, and have been equally pleased with the
appearance of the Blacks there, as with the unremitting en-
deavours to improve their moral character, by daily prayers,
kind treatment, and judicious instruction.
No. 84.
Extracts from a Statement of M. G. DéRoulléDE,
Proctor in the Court of Admiralty, dated Port-
Louis, October 4, 1829.
J'ai visité Belombre plusieurs fois. En 1820, jºy ai passé
dixjours; en 1822 j'y ai passé quinze jours, au milieu d'une
nombreuse compagnie ; j'y trouvai entr'autres, Son Honneur,
George Smith, Commissaire de Justice, qui venait souvent
y passer le temps des vacances destribunaux. J’y retournai
en 1827, passer cinq ou six jours; cette fois le Gouverneur
et Lady Frances Cole, s'y arrêtêrent deux jours, en reve-
mant d'une tournée qu'ils avaient faite dans le quartier.
Je déclare sur l'honneur, que je n'ai jamais vu infliger
deces punitions barbares; et que je n'ai pas plus entendu
parler de ces actes d'inhumanité, plus atroces encore, que
239
l'on; dit en étre la suite. Pareille horreur aurait soulevé
d'indignation le coeur de tout honnète homme; et cependant
des officiers venaient constamment à Belombre. Les
officiers commandant le Poste Jacoté y venaient presque
tous les jours; J'y ai vu, ä différentes époques, le Capitaine
JBruce, du 82me Regt. ; le Lieut. Grey, du 56*; et le
Lieut. Slater, du 82° Regt. ; ainsi que les médecins MM.
Cummings et Campbell.
J’ai lu en entier, le 44* Numéro de l’Anti-Slavery Re-
porter; tous les détails qu’il renferme au sujet du traitement
des noirs, et sur les habitans de Maurice, ne sont qu'un
tissu de mensonges, et de méchantes imputations dont il
sera impossible de fournir la preuve.
No. 85.
Certificate from A. SHANKS, M.D., Acting Chief of
the Civil Medical Department, dated January
17, 1830.
These are to certify, that I have examined the Journal of
the Hospital at Belombre, from the 11th of October 1821,
till the 1st of February 1827, inclusive, contained in an
atlas folio volume of two hundred and seventy-three pages,
and have found that the treatment of each individual case,
even the least important, is entered therein, with the daily
account of the disease, its symptoms, treatment, and result;
that in this detailed clinical journal of each patient’s disease,
or indisposition, there is not an omission of one single day's
report, during the whole of that period; and that no indivi-
dual was admitted on account of punishment inflicted, or of
disease arising from starvation or from over-work”.
(Signed) . A. SHANKS, M.D.
Acting Chief of the Civil Medical Department.
* As may be seen by reference to No. 65 of the Appendix, no instance
occurred, during the whole time of Doctor Desnoyer's engagement at
Belombre, from 1816 till 1822, which required medical treatment, in conse-
quence of punishment.
240
Testimonials of similar import, regarding Belombre, the
treatment of the Slaves thereon, and their comfortable con-
dition, were also received from :
M. Bretagne, one of the former Overseers of Belombre.
M. Mangeot, Civil Commissary of Police, Quarter of the
River of Rempart, Deputy Registrar and Deputy Guardian
and Protector of Slaves.
M. Suasse, formerly Civil Commissary, now Commandant
of the Quarter of Black River.
M. Bouic, Civil Commissary of the Quarter of Black
River, Commissary of Police, Deputy Registrar, and Deputy
Guardian and Protector of Slaves.
M. Ducray, Civil Commissary, and Commissary of Police,
of the Quarter of the Savanne, Deputy Registrar, and
Deputy Guardian and Protector of Slaves.
M. Perrot, President of the Chamber of Advocates.
J. J. Wiehe, Esq. Merchant, Port-Louis, President of the
Colonial Committee.
J. S. Reader, Esq., Deputy Registrar of the Court of
Admiralty, and late First Assistant to the Commissary
General of Police.
M. Chaix, Merchant, Port-Louis.
M. Lavergne, Audit Office.
M. La Butte, Planter, Quarter of Tamarinds.
M. Genève, Planter, Quarter of Black River.
M. Bury, Office of Internal Revenues.
M. Courou, Professor at the Royal College, Port-Louis.
The Baron D'Unienville, Colonial Archivist.
J. Rendle, Esq. Chief Secretary's Office, and Keeper of
Records.
The Agricultural Society of Mauritius.
M. De Maissieu, Planter, &c. &c. &c.
But, as the work has already exceeded the prescribed
bounds, as there already exists enough of repetition in the
vouchers in this Appendix, and as their number might be
easily doubled or tripled, if wanted, I shall here conclude
for the present. .*
No. 86.
Eatract from the Statistical Account of Mauritius,
by the Baron D'UNIENVILLE, Colonial Archivist;
containing Mutations in the Numerical Amount
of Slaves, from 1767 till 1825. º

Years. Number. Births. Imported. Deaths.
1767 15,027 45.5 1 100 500
8 16,052 486 1 100 535
9 17,071 517 1100 569
1770 18,085 548 1200 602
I 19,195 58 I 1200 639
2 20,299 615 1200 676
3 21,398 648 1200 713
4. 22,491 681 1200 749
5 23,579 71.4 1200 786
6 24,660 747 800 822
7 25,336 767 700 84.4
8 25,909 | 785 600 863
9 26,380 799 500 879
1780 26,748 810 | 500 89.1
I 27,114 '821 500 90.3
2 27,478 832 600 916
3 27,939 846 1300 931
4. 29,099 88.1 2200 970
5 31,152 944 I 500 1038
6 32,496 984, 1500 1083
7 33,832 1025 1500 I 127
8 35,163 | 065 1500 1172
9 36,486 || 1 105 2100) 1216
I 790 38,403 1163 3000 1280
} 41,210 1248 3000 1373
2 44,003 1333 3000 4542
{ 43,716 1324. 3200 1457
4. 46,696 - 1415 1500 1556
5 47,962 1453 600. 1598
6 48,322 1464 1000° 1610
7 49,080 1487 1300 I 636
8 50,133 1519 | 1500 1671
9 51,380 1557 1500 1716
S
242
No. 86—continued.

Years. Number. Births. Imported. Deaths.
1800 53,619 1624 1800 1787
I 55,149 1671 1800 1888
2 56,672 1717 2400 1889
3 58,797 1781 3000 1959
4. 61,502 1863 1800 2050
5 63,115 1912 1500 2103
6 64,351 1950 1300 2145
7 65,367 1980 1300 21.78
8 66,452 2013 1100 2215
9 67,310 2039 1100 2243
1810 68,177 2065 600 2272
11 68,556 2077 s-ºme 2285
12 67,662 2050 tºº-ºº: 2255
13 67,336 2040 *-sº 2244.
14 66,791 2024 sº-sº 2226
15 66,406 2012 e-ms 2213
16 66,123 2003 tº-ºsmºs 2204
17 65,870 1996 tºº-ºº: 2 195
18 65,595 1987 * 2186
19 65,311 1979 *-* 2177
1820 65,017 1970 º-sºus 2167
21 64,769 1963 *-*. 21.58
22 64,461 1953 sº-sº 21.54
23 64,190 1945 tº-sº 2139
24 63,944 1937 gº-ºº: 2131 *
25 63,704
* This table contains the most correct Statistical Account that has been
drawn up of the Population of Mauritius. The Census made in 1826 is
more full and correct; it includes the Slaves belonging to Government, and
those dwelling in the different islands which constitute the Dependencies
of Mauritius.
243
No. 87.
Return of Sugar, the product of Mauritius, ea:-
ported each Year, since the Capture of this Island
by the British Government.

Years. lbs. Years. lbs.
1812 969,264 1821 20,533,989
1813 549,265 1822 23,201,908
1814 1,034,294 1823 26,990,813
1815 2,504,957 1824 24,236,821
1816 8,296,365 1825 20,787,990
1817 6,583,457 1826 42,486,539
1818 7,908,380 1827 40,612,209
1819 15,524,888 1828 48,350,101
1820 20,410,755 1829 55,141,729
N.B.-There yet remains not less than twenty millions of Sugar
of the present crop to be embarked.—January 16, 1830.
To the SEconD EDITION, published in England, the
EDITOR has thought proper to add the following
Documents, containing additional proof of the
judicious and kind treatment which the Slaves on
Mr. CHARLEs TELFAIR's Estate have invariably
experienced.
—sº-
The following are Eatracts of Letters from the
late A. DICK, Esq., to a Friend in Scotland.
November 29, 1820.
BELoMBRE, the property of my friend Telfair, is pleasantly
situated near the sea, having between the house and the
beach a flat of about 100 acres, all planted in sugar-cane.
Behind the house, and towards the hills, are the remaining
sugar-cane fields, which are as extensive as on any plan-
tation on the island. On the estate are nearly 500 Slaves,
men, women, and children, all looking fat and happy ; this
is the sugar season, and the whole are employed in cutting
the canes, attending the mill, and the sugar-house, and I
assure you the scene is very lively. The two months I
have passed there have slipped away very pleasantly. The
forenoon I pass in the library, visiting the school for the
children, peeping into the sugar-house, &c. 1)inner was on
the table at half-past two, for the accommodation of the
régisseur of the plantation, a French young man, educated
in the “Ecole Polytechnique,” and afterwards an officer of
artillery under Buonaparte; on the downfall of his master, he
came out to settle here, and with Telfair he has found a very
comfortable situation. Besides the régisseur I have the
doctor of the plantation for a messmate.
245
Belombre. December 22, 1820.
I am so well I could now go up to Port-Louis, but
Mr. and Mrs. Telfair (and probably the Governor) come
down in a few days, to pass the new year here, a great day
among the Slaves.
Belombre, January 1, 1821.
Mr. and Mrs. Telfair arrived here a few days ago, and
to-day all is mirth and jollity among the Slaves; dancing in
all corners, under the burning sun and under the straw hut.
As customary, every Black on the habitation has been to
present to us individually his little nosegay, and to wish us
a bonne année, for which they are rewarded with a trifle to
provide some cheer for the day. Two or three bullocks
have been sacrificed for the festivities of the afternoon, and
a quantity of arrack served out. The little band of music
which Telfair has had for a year past, under the instruction
of the master of the band of the 82nd regiment, have come
home to spend the new year among their companions; and
this morning, by sunrise, they were round at all our bedroom
windows, playing many pretty airs, waltzes, marches, &c.
The watchmen, who are stationed with arms to protect the
habitation from being plundered by run-away Negroes,
attended the musicians, and gave a volley in token of their
good wishes. Groups of the natives of Madagascar, of Mo-
zambique, and of the Creoles of the island are collected here
and there, dancing their national dances to their national
music, which, I must own, is of a very rude nature. Gene-
rally speaking, the dancing is destitute of anything like life
or spirit, the feet moving very little. The house domestics,
who are a little more civilized than their brother and sister-
hood of the field department, trip it on the light fantastic
toe in one of their own houses, to the sound of fiddles,
flutes, and clarionets, in waltzes and French country dances,
in which accomplishments they are all perfect adepts. The
great folk spend the day very quietly.
246
Copy of a Letter to Captain J. CHAMBERLAYNE,
R.N., from Captain BEGBIE, of His Majesty's
82nd Regiment, dated Guernsey, June 19, 1830.
SIR,-On my arrival here from Bath, I received your
letter of the 6th instant, together with its enclosures relative
to the calumnies published against your brother-in-law,
Charles Telfair, Esq., of Mauritius, in No. 44, of the Anti-
Slavery Reporter; and, as it appears that a refutation of
them is in preparation, I beg leave to offer any information
in my power that may tend to support it. -
In December 1819, five months after landing in the colony,
with strong British prejudices against the supposed ill treat-
ment of Slaves, and having never been before in what is called
a Slave Colony, I took the command at the military post at
Jacoté, bordering on the estate of Belombre, and, during
my continuance there, visited almost daily the establishment.
upon it, not only during Mr. Telfair's residence there, but
on many occasions when he was absent at Port-Louis; and
having frequent opportunities of witnessing the treatment
shown towards his Slaves, as well as having seen them at
their labours, meals, and amusements—the interior manage-
ment of their houses—having derived the highest gratification
in visiting the school some time previously established by
Mrs. Telfair, under the superintendence of the Rev. Mr.
Jones, a missionary clergyman, and observed the rapid
progress in the first rudiments of education made by the
children attending it, my early prejudices, so far as regarded
Belombre, and all I ever heard respecting it, were completely
dissipated. And I have no hesitation in saying, that since.
my return to Europe, in 1826, I have not yet met with,
among the labouring classes in the richest counties of Eng-
land, where I have been stationed, and travelled through,
any thing corresponding with the content and hilarity then
exhibited by the Black population at Belombre.
As yourself, and the other friends of Mr. Telfair, must
have information on the subject from persons more com-
247
petent than I may be, I shall merely add, that none but
persons totally unacquainted with the establishment, and
practises pursued there, or whose minds are not completely
warped by malignity, could have ventured to usher forth to
the world charges in direct opposition to the truth, and the
testimony of so many respectable evidences. -
In making this statement, I do it as an impartial, un-
prejudiced man, totally unconnected, and never likely to be
so again, in any capacity whatever, with the Mauritius, and
shall be at all times ready for examination, whenever re-
quired, before the highest tribunal of my country, in vin-
dication of one who, from all I have seen and heard, has
ever been esteemed as a most kind and indulgent master.
I remain, Sir, &c.,
THOMAS STIRLING BEGBIE,
- Capt. 82nd Regt.
ſº
—cº-
Copy of a Letter to Captain J. CHAMBERLAYNE,
R.N., from Captain FOREMAN, late of His
Majesty's 56th Regiment, dated Isle of Wight,
Ju ne 27, 1830.
MY DEAR SIR,--I received your letter of the 10th instant,
with its enclosure, which gives me much pleasure, as it ena-
bles me to do justice to a most worthy and benevolent man,
whose character has been so vilely and maliciously aspersed
in the Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter. -
I will, in the first place, state to you, that I was acquainted
with the Belombre estate before Mr. Charles Telfair became
its proprietor. In the years 1815 and 1816 I commanded
the military posts in the vicinity of Belombre for the space
of eleven months, when I became acquainted with the then
proprietor, and saw much of the management of the estate,
and treatment of the Blacks.
248
In the years of 1820 and 1821 I was placed in command
of the posts surrounding Belombre, from the Riviere des An-
guilles to the Baie du Cap, including Pass St. Martin (which
latter post is upon the estate), for the period of thirteen
months, and again in the years 1825–6, for the space of five
months, during which periods I was constantly, I may say
daily, in the habit of visiting some part of the establishment;
and from my former knowledge of the estate, and the Blacks
upon it, I was much interested in discovering how the change
of masters had effected the comfort and well-being of the
Black population, as I had heard much of Mr. Telfair's
treatment of his Blacks, which differed considerably from
other Planters in the island; and I have the pleasing satis-
faction of an Englishman, in declaring that I did find a vast
improvement in every thing connected with the comfort of
the Slave population; indeed I never saw but one habita-
tion where the Blacks were so comfortable as Mr. Telfair's,
and on that habitation it was only the body that was attended
to—the minds were left in a sad state of neglect.
I found all the dwellings of the Blacks much improved,
many having been repaired, and new ones built—the old
hospital destroyed, and a large well-built house appropriated
in its place, where the system of regularity and comfort was
almost as good as the military hospitals established for the
soldiers at the outposts. I speak particularly of the hospital,
as I was acquainted with the medical gentleman in charge of
the establishment, and went frequently with him round the
hospital to visit the sick. . -
The school is a large and commodious building, where the
children were daily taught to read and write, and likewise
some of the adults attended, at periods when their work was
finished—the whole under the superintendence of a man of
colour named Richard, whose principal occupation was to
attend to the school, and I know he received a considerable
monthly stipend for the same. . . . . . & -
I have frequently been present at the magazine when the
provisions were issued to the Blacks, and have heard the
choice given them to take the food they preferred; some
249.
had rice, some maize, others manioc and sweet potatoes,
with salt, salt meat, and salt fish. The clothing was like-
wise regularly distributed, annually to some, and half-yearly
to others, and of a superior quality to that generally in use.
I have known Mr. Telfair purchase large quantities of cloth
trowsers for his forest Blacks.
The hours of work for the field Blacks were the same as
was general in the colony, except that they were not em-
ployed on Sundays for three hours, as is usual in most estates
in the colony. The forest Blacks, or wood-cutters, generally
worked by task, which I have known most of them finish
by three o'clock in the afternoon, after which they were
allowed to work for themselves, receiving payment for the
same from Mr. Telfair's superintendent, Mr.William Forster,
with whom I became very intimate, and for whom I retain
a sincere regard, which originated entirely from his esteem,
kindness, and attention to the Blacks under his charge; and
his desire to carry Mr. Telfair's wishes into effect was
unbounded. I have often known him to come over to my
residence after the business of the day, a distance of two
miles, for the purpose of consulting the medical man attached
to my post upon any cases of sickness among the Blacks, in
the temporary absence of the medical gentleman of the esta-
blishment. Indeed, I can say with safety, that the situation
of the Blacks on the Belombre estate, was as happy and
comfortable as it was possible to make people in so uncivil
lized a state as Blacks generally are, and much more com-
fortable than the generality of the labouring classes which I
have encountered in Ireland, and some parts of England,
since my return from the Mauritius in 1826.
With respect to the severity of punishment, or of punish-
ment in general on the Belombre estate, I can only say that
I have never but oncE seen, or heard, what could be con-
strued into severe punishment, and on that one occasion I
saw one of the House Blacks receive a punishment of twenty-
jive lashes with the whip upon his back (but not bare back).
His crime was for repeatedly robbing one of the store-rooms
of various articles. Previous to the punishment, Mr. Forster
T
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250
had all the evidence for and against the culprit examined in
the library in my presence, when the robbery was clearly
proved, and at last confessed by the prisoner. He was
ordered the punishment in question, and which was inflicted
in the presence of all the Blacks on the home establishment.
With the exception of that one punishment, I never saw or
heard of a Black getting what could be called a severe or
cruel punishment. The Maroons are punished by being
placed for a certain time in the block, something similar to
the stocks in this country, but always under cover, and in
some cases I have known an iron ring fixed on the leg, above
the ancle, in which iron they are obliged to perform their
daily task. These are the only punishments I ever saw, or
heard of being inflicted on the estate of Belombre.
In conclusion, I do most solemnly declare, that I do not
think it possible for an establishment like Belombre to be
conducted with more humanity and kindness than it was,
during the periods mentioned in this letter; and I trust that
my testimony, humble as it is, may have the effect I wish
with those who do not know Mr. Telfair's benevolence of
heart so well as I do; his great object of life appeared to me
to ameliorate the condition of his Slave population.
I remain,
1My dear Sir, &c. &c.
T. M. FOREMAN,
Late Captain 56th Regiment.
FINIS. assº
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