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no 111
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
THE VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ON THE ZUNI RESERVATION
NEW MEXICO
GOANK H. H. RODNI. 2, Jr.

FOR THE INCRE
AND DI
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IN
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HINGTON184
G-MEN
OR DIES

ARTES
1817
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
Į UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN |
TVEROR
MUSEUM

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
57
THE VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ON THE ZUNI RESERVATION
NEW MEXICO
BY
FRANK H. H. ROBERTS, Jr.
BHN
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON: 1932
FOR SALE BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS, WASHINGTON, D. C.
E
51
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no.!!!
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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., September 15, 1931.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript,
entitled "The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zuñi Reservation,
N. Mex.,” by Frank H. H. Roberts, jr., and to recommend its publi-
cation as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. STIRLING,
Chief.
Dr. CHARLES G. ABBOT,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
III
}
CONTENTS
Foreword..
Introduction.
1
System of nomenclature for cultural stages.
The Zuñi region...
House remains….
House A
Kivas..
Kiva A..
Kiva B..
Kiva C..
Kiva 1...
Kiva 2.
1
1
:
1
1
1
1
Page
1
2
14
25
27
28
47
52
64
67
72
77
81
Kiva 3...
Kiva 4.
The Great Kivas-
House B.. --
Location of fields..
Lesser objects of material culture.
Pottery---
Designs on the painted pottery-
Additional pottery objects-
Basketry...
Bones and bonework..
Objects of stone….
Petroglyphs
Human burials.
Age of the ruins.
Summary and conclusions.
Appendix
Table 1, Measurements in house A
83
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
86
98
103
103
104
112
133
134
135
139
149
152
156
1
158
171
171
Table 2, Measurements in house B
171
1
Table 3, Size and provenience of objects illustrated in plates
Table 4, Size and provenience of objects illustrated in text figures--
172
178
Bibliography__
179
Index.
187
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
Page
1. Plan of ruins…….
20
2. Map showing location of ruins. Insert of southwestern archeological
area_
24
3. Views of surrounding region. a, Nutria Valley looking toward the
southwest. b, Red Paint Canyon as seen from house B---
4. The site before and after excavation. a, At the beginning of opera-
tions. b, At the close of the season's work...
28
28
5. The ruins. a, View of house A from the east. b, House B and Great
Kiva No. 2.
6. Types of masonry.
28
a, Wall construction in the old section of house
A. b, Characteristic stone work in later additions to house A----
7. Details in house A. a, Corner of room 50 showing ventilator, de-
flector, and fire pit. b, Fire pit on fill in room 33
28
42
8. Constructional features in house A. a, Foundation of later rooms
resting on top of earlier wall. b, Difference in foundation levels
between old and later sections of building…….
42
9. Details in house A. a, Wall built on top of bowlder. b, Mealing bin
in room 57…….
52
10. Kiva A. a, View of south side of chamber. b, North portion showing
katcina niche..
11. Subfloor vault in kiva A.
8888
52
58
12. Kiva features. a, Sipapu, fire pit, ventilátor complex in A. b, Katcina
niche showing imprints of prayer sticks. c, Kiva C showing sub-
floor vault, fire pit, and ventilators_-_.
58
13. Details in subterranean kivas. a, Stone-framed ventilator opening in
No. 1. b, Wall decoratión in No. 2.-
78
14. Subterranean kiva features. a, Designs on wall of No. 2. b, Venti-
lator recess in No. 4.
78
15. Great Kiva No. 1. a, Southern half of chamber showing pillar re-
mains, subfloor vaults, and fire pits. b, North side of room, alcove
behind standing figures.
16. Construction details in Great Kiva No. 1. a, West subfloor vault,
dais, and pillar base. b, Interior of vault at west side of chamber_.
17. House B. a, View showing location of B with respect to A. b, Look-
ing south across B...
86
86
102
18. Details of house B. a, South end of building showing masonry.
b, Interior of room 5.
102
19. Basins cut in rocks
102
20. Flood waters following a rain. a, Coming out of canyon mouth.
b, Sheet spreading over valley bottom..
102
21. Culinary jar………
106
22. Various forms of culinary jars..
106
1
23. Types of small culinary vessels.
106
VII
VIII
ILLUSTRATIONS
24. Black-on-white pottery..
25. Black-on-red vessels.
26. Miniature pitchers and jars.
27. Polychrome and red wares.
28. Black-on-white ware pitchers.
29. Black-on-white ladles_
30. Ladles, black-on-white group-
31. Polychrome bowls.
1
3.2. Black-on-white bowl interiors-
33. Designs in black-on-white bowls.
34. Ladle bowls, black-on-white wares.
35. Black-on-red bowl decorations_-
36. Designs on colored ware bowls.
37. Interiors of polychrome bowls.
38. Black-on-red interiors of polychrome bowls-
39. Awls made from bone splinters-
40. Polished, splinter awls..
41. Awls made from bones split lengthwise_-
42. Split-bone awls.
43. Awls made with slight modification of original bone...
44. Ulnae awls, Sharpened points only alteration of bone-
45. Implements made from rabbit bones-
46. Fleshers or scrapers---
47. Small scrapers, punch, and bone tubes...
48. Awls, tablets, and pendant of bone.
49. Sandstone metates. a, b, Grooved form.
50. Metates and mortars. a, b, Lava milling stones.
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Page
106
106
106
108
110
110
110
110
120
120
120
128
128
128
128
136
136
1
1
136
136
136
136
136
136
136
136
1
c, d, Flat type‒‒.
142
c, d, Sandstone
mortars
51. Mauls.
142
142
1
I
52. Ax heads_
142
1
53. Jar stoppers and arrow-shaft smoothers-
142
54. Paint mortars..
142
55. Stone objects. a, b, Small pestles for grinding paint. c, Paint mor-
tar. d, e, Corn goddess symbols-
142
56. Miscellaneous stone objects. a, Ceremonial figure. b, Bead polisher.
c, Decorated slab. d, Concretion fetish. e, Sipapu cover. ƒ,
Sipapu
142
57. Polishing stones--.
58. Chipped blades...
59. Arrowheads, spear points, and stone ornaments.
60. Heads carved from stone. a, Snake. b, Unidentifiable animal………-
61. Drawings on rocks. a, Insect figures. b, Insect, lizard, and hump-
backed flute player. c, Group of geometric and life-form symbols--
62. Petroglyphs. a, Spiral and zoomorphic figures. b, Ancient and
modern symbols.-
146
146
146
J
. 146
152
152
1
63. Carvings on rocks. a, Dancing figures and sun symbol. b, Deer and
unknown figures...
152
64. Typical burials………
152
1
TEXT FIGURES
1. Plan of original portion of house A.
2. Plan of second stage in growth of house A. Sections through building-
3. Third phase of development of house A. Sections through building--
30
32
36
ILLUSTRATIONS
IX
4. Final stage in growth of house A. Sections through building.
5. Diagram of fill in room 33….
6. Section through pi-gummi oven.
7. Plan of kiva A……
8. Section through subfloor vault of kiva A.
9. Plan of kiva B___
10. Kiva C, plan and section_
11. Kiva No. 1.
12. Kiva No. 2.
13. Kiva No. 3.
Page
39
43
44
53
58
65
1
1
1
1
1
t
1
1
1
1
68
72
78
81
83
87
97
99
109
113
114
115
116
1
1
14. Kiva No. 4.
15. Plan and sections of great kiva No. 1..
16. Section through great kivas 1 and 2, house A, and cliff.
17. Plan and sections of house B..
18. Bowl-rim shapes.
19. Pattern on black-on-white jar.
20. Black-on-white jar decoration.
21. Canteen and stirrup-handled jar patterns-
22. Seed jar decoration..
23. Designs on black-on-white pitchers.
24. Decoration on black-on-white mug__
25. Checker patterns from black-on-white bowls
26. Black-on-white bowl designs.
27. Figures in bottoms of bowls..
28. Checker patterns on black-on-red bowls.
29. Decorations from black-on-red bowls.
30. Black-on-red all-over designs....
31. Figures on exteriors of black-on-red bowls.
32. Designs from Houck polychrome ladles…
33. Basket fragments.
34. Stone heads..
1
1
1
1
118
120
121
122
123
125
126
128
129
132
135
149
1
t
!
1
:
イ
​THE VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS ON THE
ZUNI RESERVATION, NEW MEXICO
By FRANK H. H. ROBERTS, Jr.
FOREWORD
The data which furnish the basis for the following report were
obtained from archeological investigations conducted on the Zuñi
Reservation in western New Mexico during the summer months of
1930. At the beginning of the field season the plans of the expedi-
tion called for a reconnaissance of the region and the excavation
of a series of pit dwellings located on a mesa top a few miles east
of the present Zuñi village of Ojo Caliente. The survey was con-
ducted in the latter part of May, and it was found that the Ojo
Caliente site was not of sufficient importance to warrant intensive
investigations. Indications were that better results could be expected
from a group of small pueblo ruins in Nutria Canyon, 16.7 miles
(26.875 k.) northeast from the pueblo of Zuñi.
The permit issued by the Department of the Interior on April
18, 1930, under which the reconnaissance was carried on, provided
for excavations at the site near Ojo Caliente. Consequently it was
necessary to request a change which would sanction work at the
Nutria Canyon location. This was granted on June 4, and the
removal of débris from the house remains was immediately started.
Activities were brought to a close the middle of September.
In contrast to numerous other house and village remains scattered
over the reservation there is no Zuñi name for these ruins, although
the tributary canyon at whose mouth they are located is called Red
Paint Place (Helipon'ahonnah kwi), and the canyon just beyond is
known as Lonesome Place (Yu'ashah kwi).
66
Zuñi Indians were employed as laborers, and they contributed in no
small measure to the success of the undertaking. They had a marked
enthusiasm for the investigations because of a curiosity about the
old people" and a desire to know how they lived, what kind of
pottery they made, and what sort of implements they used. The
boys were unusually careful in their work and in many instances
made pertinent suggestions which were of help in the interpretation
1
2
BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
of finds. Linda B. Roberts kept the field catalogue, supervised the
cleaning of specimens, restored broken pottery, and assisted in the
preparation of drawings. Supt. G. A. Trotter of the Zuñi Reserva-
tion had a manifest and appreciative interest in the excavations and
extended many courtesies to the expedition.
INTRODUCTION
Within the confines of the present-day political domains of Colo-
rado, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, western Texas, and
northern Mexico are found innumerable traces of former human
occupancy. In many cases the record is dim indeed and all but
obliterated. On the other hand, there are remains which even the
most casual observer can not fail to note. From the first penetra-
tion of the region by white men in the era of Spanish exploration to
the present day there has been an ever-increasing interest in these
vestiges of earlier peoples and a desire to know their history. Dur-
ing the last 50 years the efforts of many men have been devoted to
the diverse phases of the problem, and out of their patient gathering
of evidence has developed a fascinating and vivid narrative of the
growth of southwestern cultures.
As would be expected, the obvious features were those first to at-
tract the investigator. Consequently the great cliff houses and ruins
of structures, built in the open, on mesa tops and valley floors occu-
pied the excavators for many years. It is only recently that the
lesser and inconspicuous remains have received their due share of
attention and have contributed the information essential to a knowl-
edge of what actually transpired in the region. There are still
phases to be more thoroughly studied and better understood before
the story can be considered complete, even though the broad outline
is now well defined. The recognition of the various stages in the
cultural sequence is so recent and new information is being obtained
so rapidly that a review of the present status is deemed advisable if
there is to be a proper understanding of the relation which the ruins.
described in the major portion of this report bear to others in the
area.
Scattered throughout the Southwest, probably antedating the be-
ginning of the Christian era by many centuries, was a nomadic people
dependent to a large extent upon the hunt and a chance gathering of
wild seeds, fruits, and plant roots for their livelihood. At the pres-
ent time evidence of such a group is meager indeed, but there have
been sufficient indications to warrant the postulation of its having
existed. A number of finds which can be attributed to human occu-
pancy of portions of the area at a comparatively remote date have
been made within the last few years. Thus far, however, none of the
ROBERTS]
3
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
latter can be definitely connected with the group mentioned above.
The discoveries referred to are those which were made at Folsom and
Bishops Cap, N. Mex., and in the Gypsum Cave, Nev. They have
attracted considerable interest and have been responsible for some
misconception with regard to their significance from the standpoint
of later cultural remains. In view of this it is well that they be
mentioned in passing. Furthermore, a brief summary of them will
also show what some of the present-day investigations are revealing
and indicate what may be expected as further progress is made in the
researches being conducted by various institutions.
At Folsom, N. Mex., during the course of several seasons' field
work, a number of very well chipped projectile points were found in
unquestionable association with the remains of an extinct species of
bison. The animals had apparently been killed around a water hole
and after as much of the flesh as could be carried away had been
removed the carcasses were left to sink into the mire. This is evi-
denced by the fact that the tail bones were missing from many of
the skeletons, showing that the skins had been removed and probably
carried away by the hunters for use in moccasins, coarse clothing,
robes, and as tent covers. Through the course of time natural
agencies drained the swampy ground and covered the site with several
feet of earth washed down from the higher levels in the vicinity.
Still later a small gully was cut through the deposit and the resultant
exposure of bones led to the discovery of the deposit. Stone points
similar to those from Folsom have been found at other localities in
the same general region. In material and type the whole group is
more suggestive of later peoples in the districts south and east than
of those in the Southwest.
2
The Bishop's Cap discovery was that of a possible association
between human remains; in this case the actual bones of man and
not objects of his handiwork, and those of the cave bear, camel,
extinct horse, and ground sloth. There has been some question
concerning the reliance which can be placed on the assemblage of
bones here uncovered. Opinions differ, many believing that the
record has been clouded by a disturbance and a redistribution of the
deposit. This occurrence of human and extinct-animal bones takes
on an added significance, however, in the light of a somewhat com-
parable association which has since been found in the Gypsum Cave
deposits in southeastern Nevada.
Work at Gypsum Cave has revealed some very striking evidence
for the contemporaneity of men and the ground sloth in that portion
of the Southwest. In addition, bones from extinct species of the
¹ Cook, H. J., 1927, 1928; Figgins, J. D., 1927.
2 Bryan, W. A., 1929; Thone, Frank, 1929.
4
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3
horse and camel were found in this cave, but they came from lower
levels and no doubt antedate the remains of the ground sloth and the
man-made objects. The artifacts consist of worked sticks, a stone
knife blade, and a stone-tipped foreshaft from a spear. The latter
was probably a short, javelinlike implement hurled by means of a
spear thrower. Above the sloth layer were stratified deposits in
which there were objects from later, well-defined stages in south-
western cultures. There is in this the nearest approximation to a
link between the reputedly older finds and the earliest unmistakable
inhabitants of the region. Nevertheless, the evidence is not sufficient
to warrant the belief that in this instance there is a record of the
basic group which developed into the sedentary population which
produced the cultures and left the ruins upon which the interest of
archeologists has been centered. Investigations are being continued
in Gypsum Cave and may eventually produce the data necessary to
the solution of this problem.
The nomadic occupants of the region, those who are considered the
progenitors of the later peoples, after a time obtained corn, together
with the knowledge of how to plant and cultivate it. How this
product reached them or whence it came is not known. The present
hypothesis is that it was introduced from the Mexican area to the
south. It was of the greatest importance to them, however, and
provided the foundation upon which the entire structure of ensuing
cultural development rested. The introduction of agriculture, the
adoption of the corn-growing industry, because of its inherent nature,
imposed upon the people a more sedentary existence. At first it
probably did not have a marked effect on their mode of life, but as
time went on and better methods of cultivation brought larger
harvests it became necessary to provide storage places for the grain.
The first definite and comprehensive knowledge of them comes at
this period in their development. In the lower levels of dry caves
is evidence that they were relinquishing their former nomadic, hunt-
ing form of life and were becoming more sedentary in their habits.
The caves show that they were used as temporary shelters and also
for storage purposes. Dug into the floors are circular or oval pits,
in many cases lined with slabs of stone, which constituted the lower
portions of granaries in which the surplus grain was placed. One
is occasionally found in such a good state of preservation that the
pole, brush, and plaster superstructure is still in position. In several
instances these bins were found filled with corn, the kernels of which
were as bright and shiny as though only recently harvested instead
of having been buried for many hundreds of years.
› Harrington, M. R., 1930, a, b; Stock, Chester, 1931.
ROBERTS]
5
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The storage bins were often put to a secondary use and served as
sepulchers for the dead. It is from these graves that a knowledge
of the physical characteristics of the people and of their arts and
industries has been derived. As has been the custom among many
peoples of lower cultures, material objects used in life were interred
with the deceased. Climatic conditions in the Southwest, because
of the extreme aridity, are unusually favorable to the preservation
of articles which otherwise would rapidly decay and fall into dust.
As a result, the materials from the portions of caves where no mois-
ture has penetrated enable the student to draw a fairly complete
picture of the times. The people were skilled makers of coiled bas-
•kets, twined woven bags, ropes, head bands, sandals, fur-cloth robes,
short, apronlike cord skirts for the women, game snares, and large
nets for catching small animals. It is supposed, from objects
recovered in the caves, that the men wore a small loin covering of
the "gee-string" variety, but thus far none of the male bodies have
been found with such a garment in place. Their weapons were a
short javelin, hurled by means of a spear thrower or atlatl; short
curved clubs of wood; stone knives; and clubs fashioned from elk
antlers. The implements of their more peaceful pursuits were
wooden planting sticks, curved sticks for use in dressing skins,
wooden scooplike objects for digging, and bone tools for service in
weaving.
:
The dwellings at this stage in the development of the people must
have been of a highly perishable nature, because thus far no traces
of them have been found. It is possible, of course, that they did
not have a definite house and placed chief reliance on caves and
other natural shelter for protection against the vagaries of the
weather. They did not occupy the caves for any considerable peri-
ods, however, as there are not the accumulations of refuse which
would have resulted had the presence of such a group been per-
manent. Hence it would seem that they must have had some sort
of a domicile; one so flimsy in form, however, that remains have
not been preserved. The only efforts at substantial construction
over a considerable length of time were those devoted to the develop-
ment of the granaries described in a preceding paragraph.*
Studies of the remains of the people have shown that they were
short of stature and slender in build. Their faces lacked the mas-
sive size and prominent cheek bones of the later Indians. Their
noses were medium to broad, and their heads were long and unde-
formed. Their skin was probably brown and their hair dark, but
* For detailed information on the various phases of this cultural stage consult: Guern-
sey, S. J., 1931; Guernsey S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921; Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey,
S. J., 1919; Kidder, A. V., 1924; Morris, E. H., 1921 b, 1927; Nusbaum, J. L., 1922 ;
Pepper, G. H., 1902; Prudden, T. M., 1897.
6
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
more inclined to be wavy or curly than in the case of present-day
American Indian types. The group was not wholly uniform. It
seems to have been a blend of at least three basic strains, and three
types of individuals would probably have been observed by a visitor
to the region. The most numerous seem to have been those with
a comparative smoothness and symmetry of head form, rather nar-
row faces which tended to be a little long, weakly developed jaws
and chins, and medium to narrow noses with elevated bridge.
Others were somewhat more robust and rugged and although long
headed had receding foreheads and prominent brow ridges, shorter
and broader faces with more noticeable cheek bones, and medium
to broad noses with a submedium bridge. The third type had long
but smaller heads, somewhat swollen foreheads, inconspicuous brow
ridges, very broad noses with flat bridges, moderately developed
cheek bones, and weak chins. The people in general were predomi-
nantly non-Mongoloid in character. The first of these groups is
closely allied to the fundamental brown-skinned European-African
long-headed stock called "Mediterranean "; the second seems to
have been derived from an archaic type of modern man which is
represented, mixed with other elements, in the native Australians
and the Ainu; the third was almost certainly negroid, but not negro.
It is not thought that separate groups of each migrated to and
mixed in the Southwest, but that the people who spread into the
New World from northeastern Asia were already racially mixed and
that their descendants in the Southwest exhibit the types discussed
because of the segregation of features in occasional individuals.5
The same caves in which the evidence for the early stage in the
history of these southwestern peoples was found also contain mani-
festations of their progress. In the upper levels, those of more
recent date, are the remains of crude houses which indicate that they
were adopting a definitely sedentary existence. Furthermore, they
were organizing into regular communities. The vestiges of their
villages are not only found in caves but in the open as well, on the
canyon floors and mesa tops. There is some question concerning
the origin of their houses. The work of certain investigators has
tended to show that they were the result of constant improvements
in the methods of granary construction, through which it was dis-
covered that by enlarging the pits and heightening the brush super-
structure a fairly good dwelling of the pit variety could be built.
On the other hand, the fully developed structures strongly suggest
a relationship to the basic earth-lodge type widely distributed in
both the New World and northeastern Asia. Consequently it may
* Hooton, E. A., 1930, pp. 355–362.
Kidder. A. V., 1924, p. 121.
6
ROBERTS]
7
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
well be that the house form should be attributed to a diffusion from
the Old World rather than to local developments. It is, of course,
possible that there was a combination of both factors. The prob-
lem is one, however, which needs further evidence before it can prop-
erly be solved.
These first houses were crude yet must have been comparatively
comfortable. They consisted of a circular, oval, or rectangular ex-
cavation roofed with a truncated superstructure of poles, brush, and
plaster. The earth walls of the excavation were covered with mud
plaster. Oftentimes it was necessary to reenforce the sides of the
excavation by lining them with stone slabs or a wainscoting of
poles. When this was done the plaster was applied over them.
A hole in the center of the flat portion of the roof permitted the
escape of smoke from the fire, which was built in an open pit in
the center of the room. Entrance to the structure was gained
through an antechamber and passageway, usually placed at the
southeast side of the house. Close to the dwelling, in most cases,
were storage bins of the type already described. A number of these
domiciles, together with their granaries, were grouped in an irregu-
lar cluster to form a village."
At about the time when the first houses were being built a new
industry made its appearance. The manufacture of pottery was
added to the other occupations of the people. This has generally
been considered another introduction from the south. At the very
most, however, it was only the idea which reached the area, because
the entire ceramic development was unquestionably local in its
character. Many are inclined to believe that even the idea was an
independent discovery, because thus far no one has found pottery in
the Mexican area which could in any way be considered the progen-
itor of the southwestern forms. The first crude clay containers were
fashioned in basket molds and could not be considered true pottery
because they were not fired but simply dried. Ultimately it was
learned, accidentally, no doubt, that the secret of making useful and
durable clay vessels lay in firing them, and from that time on
ceramics assumed a major rôle in the Southwest. Baskets became less
and less important, and although they continued to be made their
quality was somewhat inferior and their numbers decidedly smaller.
Subsequent to the development of the permanent house and the
appearance of pottery making, other features were added to the
material culture of the people. Several varieties of corn were grown
where previously there had been but one hard, flintlike form. Beans
7 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b.
* Morris, E. H., 1927, pp. 138–152, 198.
9
• Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921, p. 98; Morris, E. H., 1927, pp. 138–160;
Nusbaum, J. L., 1922, pp. 138–144.
82148—32—————2
8
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
supplemented the list of agricultural produce. Feather robes began
to replace those of fur. The bow and arrow came into use. The
latter was probably directly associated with another factor, one
which was to have a tremendous bearing on the future of the culture,
namely, a new group of people was drifting down from the north
along the cordillera and finding its way into the region. They most
likely were the bearers of this new kind of weapon, although the
latter unquestionably preceded them as a diffused cultural trait.
The appearance of this new group was not in the form of an
invasion but rather a gradual penetration by successive small bands.
There is no definite evidence at the present time to show the corri-
dors through which these immigrants entered the area. Later de-
velopments, however, suggest that there were possibly two main lines
of access.
One led through the Wyoming Basin into northeastern
Utah, whence some groups moved south into northeastern Arizona
and others west into the isolated periphery north of the Rio Colo-
rado. The latter probably were the tag-end of the movement and
throughout their subsequent development continued to be laggards.
The second avenue extended from the east along, or just below, the
present Colorado-New Mexico boundary line to the upper or north-
eastern San Juan Basin. There probably were clashes of greater
or less degree between the "aliens" and the folk already occupying
the region, but the general tendency seems to have been toward a
mixing of the old and new. Evidence for the arrival of a new ele-
ment in the population is clearly demonstrated by the physical re-
mains of the people. For this stage they include, in addition to the
various types of long heads, distinctly Mongoloid broad heads. In
older sites the latter are in the minority. Levels of more recent
date, however, show greater numbers, and eventually they became
the predominant group.
The stage immediately following the advent of this alien group
was a period of transition and instability. The newcomers seem-
ingly brought little with them beyond the bow and arrow, possibly
the grooved ax, and a distinct capacity for cultural development.
They took over, changed, and adapted to their own needs the mate-
rial culture of the older inhabitants. The mixing of the two peoples
apparently produced the vigor which ultimately carried them to the
high development which sedentary life reached in the Southwest.
This was not accomplished in a day, however, and for a considerable
period the older inhabitants and culture held on, notably in the
eastern, southern, and western borderlands. Throughout the north-
central part of the area the coalescence and attendant growth seem
to have progressed at a comparatively rapid and steady rate. There
were two general phases, nevertheless, one centering in the northeast-
ern Arizona district and the other in western New Mexico and south-
ROBERTS]
9
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ern Colorado. It is this factor which has suggested the possibility
of the new peoples penetrating the area along two different lines of
migration.
Out of the stress and turmoil several new features appeared. Cot-
ton was introduced and fabrics made from it assumed an impor-
tant place in the material culture. The turkey was domesticated.
Previous to this the dog had been the only tamed creature. The
grooved ax became one of the important implements. There was
a distinct improvement in pottery making, together with an un-
folding of stylistic fashions in the character of ceramic decoration.
There was a change in cradling practices, because the skulls from
this horizon, and continuing through subsequent stages, exhibit a
pronounced deformation of the lower back portion, the occiput. In
the nuclear part of the area, the north-central section which is tra-
versed by the San Juan River, the crude single-room semisubter-
ranean domiciles gave way to structures which had only slightly
depressed floors instead of pits. The major portion of the house
was entirely above ground and had several contiguous rooms. At
first the pole and plaster form of construction prevailed, but in time
this was replaced by dwellings built of horizontally laid stones.1º
In the peripheral precincts to the south and west the pit dwellings
continued in use, although the form was modified. The pits were
dug deeper and entrance to the chambers was by means of a ladder
through the smoke hole in the roof instead of an entryway at one
side. The latter was retained, however, in a reduced and altered
form and functioned as a ventilator.11 The pole and plaster type
of house was late in its development in those regions, as compared
to the northern nucleus, and continued into later stages.
The creation of structures with several contiguous rectangular
rooms brought the people face to face with a problem somewhat
different from the material ones which they had been surmounting.
The religious rites and ceremonies which were so integral a part
of their lives were inseparably associated with the round, semisub-
terranean form of house. The point at issue was how to proceed.
Should the ceremonies be changed or some special provision be made
for them? Primitive man clings tenaciously to established customs
and so drastic a move as changing the rituals was out of the question.
Consequently, each house group erected one of the old-style cham-
bers, apart from the new-type dwellings, and the rites were con-
tinued in orthodox fashion. As the culture progressed the cere-
monial chambers became more and more specialized and ultimately
developed into what investigators to-day call kivas.
10 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 124-125; 1927 a, p. 490; Morris, E. H., 1919 b, pp. 187,
190-191; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, pp. 19–73.
11 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 16-86.
10
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Following the establishment of the new house type and consider-
able improvements in it, the people lived for a protracted period of
time in small communities scattered throughout the region. In the
northern part of the area, the culture nucleus, the dwellings were
mainly of the form called single clan or unit structures.12 These
houses were of stone, built entirely above ground, containing a num-
ber of rooms, usually between 6 and 14. They were a single story
in height. The rooms were erected in one long row, a double tier,
an L-shape or in the form of a rectangular U. Generally at the
south or southeast side, and some distance from the building, was
the subterranean ceremonial chamber or kiva. This type of dwelling
did not reach as high a degree of excellence in the peripheral parts
of the area. In the south and west pole-and-mud houses and irreg-
ular agglomerations of rooms whose walls were formed from large
quantities of adobe mud and unworked bowlders constituted the liv-
ing quarters. Furthermore, the ceremonial chamber did not attain
the marked specialization there which it did in the north. As a
matter of fact the circular form was entirely missing in some sections.
Where this was the case certain of the rectangular rooms seem to
have functioned in a ritualistic capacity. In this respect the pro-
vincial communities displayed a disregard for the ceremonial con-
servatism of the northern nucleus.
During this stage attention was turned to other cultural matters,
in addition to the improvement of dwellings, and there was a distinct
advancement in the ceramic industry. Pottery forms took on new
characteristics and there were changes in the style of decorations
applied to the vessels. These features are so typical that they fur-
nish good criteria for determining the horizon.
Eventually the people in the northern sections began to abandon
the small-house villages and to concentrate into large, more or less
isolated centers. This was accompanied by the erection of great
terraced buildings with many rooms, the result of joining a number
of unit houses together to make a single communal dwelling and
augmenting it by constructing upper tiers which formed second
and third, even in some cases fourth, stories. In addition, it became
the general practice to incorporate the ceremonial chambers in the
main block of the building. Although there is no definite proof
on the subject, beyond the finding of an occasional unit structure
which had been ravaged and its occupants slaughtered, present indi-
cations are that a constantly augmented pressure from the wilder,
more nomadic Indians of the borderlands forced the sedentary peo-
ples, in self-defense, to gather in populous centers. There is noth-
ing thus far to show who these enemies were. The most plausible
12 Fewkes, J. W., 1923 a; Prudden, T. M., 1903, 1914, 1918; Martin, P. S., 1929, 1930.
ROBERTS]
11
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
hypothesis seems to be that raids by the Shoshonean groups north
and northwest of the San Juan furnished the initial impetus to a
concentration in large communities. Somewhat later, though not
long delayed, there was a penetration from the east by other nomads
who stimulated the convergent movement already under way. These
newcomers may well have been of the Athapascan stock, probably
accompanied by peoples from the pillaged villages of the eastern
periphery, which moved west into the four corners region, where
Arizona, Colorado, Utah, and New Mexico meet, and mixed with
groups from the west and southwest to form the heterogeneous
Navajos. The southern sections escaped the menace of marauding
tribes until later. When the latter did invade the settlements there
they apparently swept in from the east, striking in the Upper Gila
region and pushing the sedentary occupants west and northwest.
During the earlier stages of development in the region the cultural
features had a generalized aspect. Immediately following the infil-
tration of the broad-headed group there were two phases, as pre-
viously mentioned, an eastern and a western. With the concentra-
tion into more or less isolated communities the tendency toward
specialization became increasingly pronounced. This trend finally
reached its climax in the crystallization of definite and characteristic
forms peculiar to each center and the provinces under its domina-
tion. Because of this fact it is possible to identify pottery types
with certain restricted districts; to associate different styles of
masonry with particular subareas; and to correlate the several kinds
of ceremonial structures, the kivas, with specific centers. It is to
this period of life in great urban communities with their accom-
panying specialization that the term "Classic Era," so frequently
heard in discussions of southwestern archeology, refers.
The large northern outposts for a time stemmed the tide of
encroaching and plundering nomads, but they, too, eventually broke
down and were abandoned. There no doubt were other factors
which contributed to their ultimate collapse. The outside enemies
were probably aided by factional strife within the villages and by
discord between the various centers. There likely was little coop-
eration between communities, and concerted defensive measures
probably were lacking. At the time of the Spanish conquest the
general tendency was to allow each village to attend to its own
welfare. If it stood or fell concerned only itself. Hence it is logical
to suppose that a similar condition prevailed in earlier stages. Fur-
thermore, severe droughts occur periodically throughout the South-
west, and it may well be that a series of prolonged crop failures
reduced the resistance of the people to such an extent that they gave
up the struggle and set out to find new locations where life would
be less rigorous and more peaceful. The abandonment of the north-
12
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ern frontier has frequently been explained entirely on the basis of
a progressive and intensive desiccation of the region. Indications
are, however, that there has been no catastrophic climatic change
in that portion of the area since the days when the sedentary inhab-
itants attained their fullest development. Also, many districts at the
present time would support a fairly large Indian population. In
view of these conditions such natural phenomena should be con-
sidered only in the light of a contributing factor.
Irrespective of what the actual causes may have been, it is defi-
nitely known that there was a marked decline from the former high
level and an era of instability and migration set in. The region
which had been the nucleus for and the leader in the development
of the culture, the San Juan, and whose great centers had been
the guardians of the northern frontier was deserted. Shortly after-
wards the villages in the Upper Gila district were abandoned, and
still later there were withdrawals from the Chihuahua Basin and
Lower Gila settlements. There was an even greater concentration
of peoples in the more centrally located sections and a definite re-
duction in the boundaries of the occupied area as a whole.
The actual movement of peoples and the routes which they fol-
lowed when they abandoned the northern borderlands have not
been thoroughly worked out. There are certain indications, how-
ever, which suggest the general trend of events. The movement was
not one concerted and simultaneous exodus. It consisted of a series
of small but ever-increasing migrations. The first communities to
be abandoned seem to have been those in the northeastern San Juan
basin, the Piedra region. The withdrawal there followed two main
avenues. Peoples from the Piedra proper probably drifted south
and southwest along the river, joining with other groups to make
the settlements whose ruins are to be seen in the vicinity of Aztec,
N. Mex., and to swell the population in the Chaco Canyon.13 The
inhabitants of the large houses in the tributary canyons farther east
along the San Juan seem to have spread south and east to the head-
waters of the Chama River and thence into the northern Rio Grande
region. The latter movement must have been retarded sufficiently
to permit evacuation of the district by the westward-pushing no-
mads, since no group is likely to move deliberately into a zone of
marked disturbance.
Farther west, in southwestern Colorado, in the Johnson Canyon
region, the settlers probably followed two methods of escape.
Certain groups no doubt took advantage of the refuge spots along
the Mancos River and in its tributary canyons leading back into the
Mesa Verde; perhaps even worked their way onto the mesa and
joined forces with the peoples there. Others unquestionably moved
18 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, pp. 17-18.
ROBERTS]
13
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
south, going to the communities in the Aztec cluster or to the great
Chaco Canyon centers.
West of the Mesa Verde in the Montezuma Valley-McElmo Can-
yon district were two large village groups whose existence appar-
ently was terminated at about this same time. Refugees from these
centers scattered in several directions. Some worked west into
southeastern Utah, where they left considerable traces of their occu-
pancy of the canyons and mesa tops. Other groups migrated south
and southeast. A backwash from this movement possibly carried
some of them up the Mancos River and the side canyons to the
Mesa Verde. Additional parties made their way to the Aztec dis-
trict, while others continued down into the Chaco Canyon. There
are distinct evidences of a considerable increase in population at all
three of those localities at approximately the same time, and there
seems little question but that the movements just oulined were re-
sponsible. The new alignments delayed the inevitable, but one
after another the centers went under. The first to fall was the
Chaco Canyon group, then the Aztec towns were deserted and,
finally, the Mesa Verde. The people scattered east, south, and
A large group from the Mesa Verde tarried for a time at
Aztec, where the houses had already been deserted by their builders,
but eventually was forced from that refuge.
The Kayenta region in northeastern Arizona seems to have escaped
oppression for a considerable interval because the people in that sec-
tion were still living in widely scattered small houses during the
last stages of the Chaco Canyon and other eastern centers. The blow
finally fell, however, and they were driven into large communities
and forced to make strongholds of their dwellings. The abandon-
ment of the Chaco was no doubt well under way before the fortress-
like cliff structures were erected there. The exodus from the Kayen-
ta district was to the south, and the migrating groups probably
went into the mixture which produced the later Little Colorado
settlements.
Recent studies have indicated several different trends in the south.
As previously mentioned, the Upper Gila peoples of central western
New Mexico went north and west. The groups in the Mimbres
Valley region seem to have been pushed slightly west and definitely
south. They probably joined with some of the north Mexican
villagers and contributed to the development of the Casas Grandes
center. There apparently was a juncture in the Tonto Basin-
Roosevelt Lake district of Arizona between the westward moving
Upper Gila bands and itinerant parties drifting south from the Little
Colorado region. From the locale of fusion the combined elements
overflowed into the area south of the Gila, the Gila Basin, where
they coalesced with a distinctly different group. Up until this time
14
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the Gila Basin had had a separate growth, possibly affected by
north Mexican peoples and had been but little influenced by the
highly developed northern and eastern cultures.14 Later there was
a backwash to the east from this center, and features peculiar to it
are found well into southwestern New Mexico.
The inhabitants of the western peripheries probably moved east
and southeast to add their numbers to the communities in the Little
Colorado and adjacent districts. That portion of the southwestern
archeological area has not been as thoroughly studied as other
sections, and indications of movements are not as clear-cut as for the
regions just discussed. Future investigations will no doubt throw
considerable light on the problem.
The redistribution of the sedentary peoples had become fairly
fixed, a whole new series of communities had been started along the
Rio Grande and Little Colorado Rivers, and the culture seemed
headed toward a renaissance when the arrival of the white men
struck the final blow. Since then there has been a gradual replace-
ment of the native arts, industries, customs, and beliefs by those of
the white man.
SYSTEM OF NOMENCLATURE FOR CULTURAL STAGES
The unfolding and development of the sedentary cultures outlined
in preceding pages did not follow a smooth, unbroken curve from
beginning to end but progressed by stages. In each of these there
was an appreciable period when conditions were static. It is the ma-
terial from these intervals of quiescence which furnishes the picture
of normal conditions in each stage. Between norms the boundary
lines are vague; there is an overlap of features that sometimes con-
fuses but which need not cause concern if all phases are carefully ob-
served and interpreted. To facilitate study and to simplify discus-
sion, workers in southwestern archeology have adopted a system of
nomenclature by which the chronologically sequent periods may be
designated. By this it is not implied that there were many different
peoples, that one period stopped abruptly to be followed by another
totally different in character, or that the inhabitants themselves
necessarily made such distinctions. The names given to the various
stages merely furnish a convenient method of denoting them. The
same thing is done to-day with respect to cultural development in
the United States. Such terms as "colonial period," the "era of
westward expansion," and the "gay nineties" are frequently heard.
Each indicates a combination of factors which sets it apart from
other phases and which establishes its proper place in the historical
pattern.
14 Hawley, Florence M., 1930. The Medallion Series, 1929, Undated, a, D.
ROBERTS]
15
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The several horizons in the development of southwestern peoples
and the sedentary culture of the region have been classified under
two main headings called the Basket Maker and the Pueblo. There
are a number of subdivisions in each; the first has three and the
second five. They are designated simply by using the main title and
a number. Both names have been employed by southwestern arche-
ologists for a long period of years and for that reason were retained
when the present system of nomenclature was adopted at a meeting
of field workers and students in 1927.15 The term "Pueblo " is the
oldest, since it has come down from the Spaniards, who used it to
designate the compact permanent settlements of these people as dis-
tinguished from villages of scattered houses of less substantial con-
struction. The "Basket-Maker" designation was first applied to
that particular cultural phase by Richard Wetherill, following dis-
coveries made by him and his brothers in southeastern Utah in the
early nineties. Pepper and Prudden adopted it in describing the
Wetherill finds, and subsequent investigators have continued the
practice.18
The Basket-Maker phase is the oldest from the actual chronological
point of view. It has three main stages. Basket Maker I indicates
the period characterized by a nomadic group sparsely scattered over
the area.
Basket Maker II is applied to the stage where the people
were semihunting, semiagricultural in their pursuits; when they
stored their crops in stone-lined pits located in the floors of caves;
when they began experimenting with crude, unfired containers of
clay. This is also referred to as the classic era of the Basket Makers
because of the fact that it was during this horizon that the making
of baskets and woven materials reached its peak. Basket Maker
III is the name given to the stage when permanent houses of the pit
variety were erected and gathered together into small villages, when
fired pottery became an integral part of the culture, when feather
robes began to replace those of fur, when there was greater diversity
in the raising of food products; and when the bow and arrow began
to be adopted. It was at the very end of this stage when the new
peoples began drifting into the area.
Basket Maker I is supposed to have been distributed over the entire
area. Basket Maker II, the classic Basket Maker, gained its fullest
development in the Four Corners area.¹ An analogous culture cen-
tered around the Coahuila caves region in northern Mexico. Just
what the relationship, if any, between them may have been is not
15 Kidder, A. V., 1927 a.
16 Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921; Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919,
pp. 204–212; Pepper, G. H., 1902; Prudden, T. M., 1897.
17 Guernsey, S. J., 1931; Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921; Kidder, A. V., 1924,
pp. 77–79, 119–121; Morris, E. H., 1921 b, p. 19; 1927, p. 132; Nusbaum, J. L., 1922.
16
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
known. Specimens from the two areas indicate the same general
cultural level and the physical characteristics of the people were quite
similar.18 No evidence is available, however, on their possible chro-
nological positions. Basket Maker III remains are found in south
central and southeastern Utah, northeastern and central Arizona,
southeastern Nevada, southern Colorado, and north and central west-
ern New Mexico.19 In southern New Mexico, southeastern Arizona,
and western Texas cave deposits have yielded materials which indi-
cate a close connection with the north Mexican form of Basket-Maker
culture.20 Recent information suggests that these remains were con-
temporaneous with the Basket Maker III stage in the north. This
is evidenced by the presence, in two separate collections from north-
ern sites, of typical southern sandals in association with characteris-
tic examples of the Basket Maker III type. The southern phase
seems to have had a form of pottery in its cultural complex and for
this reason would apparently bear the same relation to the Coahuila
remains that Basket Maker III does to Basket Maker II, namely,
represents a developed phase. There is nothing thus far, however, to
show that the southern Basket Maker III reached as high a develop-
ment as that observed in the northern nucleus.
The stage which witnessed the arrival of the broad-headed Mon-
goloid groups in the Southwest, with the attendant disturbances
and transitions, is designated Pueblo I by the archeologists. Re-
mains dating from this period are widely distributed over the area,
although, as previously mentioned, there are two distinct phases.
The eastern extends from the northeastern San Juan Basin in south-
ern Colorado to the Upper Gila region in southern New Mexico,
from the Rio Grande to approximately the present-day New Mexico-
Arizona boundary. In the west its southern fringes penetrated
somewhat into eastern Arizona. The main cultural center for the
eastern Pueblo I phase seems to have been in the Chaco Canyon in
northwestern New Mexico. The western Pueblo I ranged from
northeastern Arizona south to the Little Colorado River, in the
eastern part of the State, swung a bit south of that stream farther
west, and continued across to southeastern Nevada. The major por-
tion of its development, however, took place in the region bounded
by the San Juan, the Colorado, and the Little Colorado Rivers,
with the cultural center in the Kayenta district. The eastern borders
are not sharply defined, and there is a strip extending down the
Arizona-New Mexico boundary line where the eastern and western
18 Hooton, E. A., 1930, pp. 236–238.
10 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 76-77, 121-122; Morris, E. H., 1927, pp. 168-198; Roberts,
F. H. H. jr., 1929 b. In the older reports the term "Basket Maker" applies to what is
here called Basket Maker II; "Post-Basket Maker" is synonymous with the present Bas-
ket Maker III.
*Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 a; Howard, E. B., 1930.
ROBERTS]
17
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
phases overlapped. That the two forms were contemporaneous
has been shown by the finding of objects peculiar to the western
phase in the eastern sites, and vice versa. The western Pueblo I
was the first recognized and for a long time was thought to be the
characteristic form. Later investigations in the Chaco Canyon and
northeastern San Juan Basin established the second, and what
appears to be the most widespread, division.
The Pueblo I period, because of its differences, the transitions
in pottery, house types, and such factors, for a time proved quite
confusing. It was first referred to as the slab-house period," then
was frequently called the pit-house era, and later became known as
the Pre-Pueblo. The tendency for house types to lag and carry over
into subsequent stages in the peripheral districts vitiated the first
two names, and the fact that the Basket Makers were unquestionably
prepuebloan suggested that a new designation would be advisable.
Since the stage represented by these remains unquestionably coincides
with the inception of the Pueblo periods, it has seemed only logical
to call it Pueblo 1.22
Pueblo II was the unit-house period, which was marked by wide-
spread distribution of life in small villages. The type forms of
structures for this stage are found in the nuclear region along the
San Juan.23
Pueblo III, the classic pueblo era, was the stage of the large urban
centers, great developments in the arts and industries, and marked
local specializations. The outstanding examples of terraced com-
munal structures characteristic of the period are to be found in the
Chaco Canyon, in northwestern New Mexico; 24 on the Mesa Verde,
in southwestern Colorado; 25 at Aztec, in northern New Mexico.26 In
the Kayenta or Marsh Pass district of northeastern Arizona the small
pueblo structures held on until very late in the period; in fact, the
Proto-Kayenta type of house 27 was still occupied during the great
Chaco Canyon phase of Pueblo III. The structures in the peripheral
parts of the area were more modest, rather provincial in their nature.
A good example of this was found in southeastern Nevada; 28 at
n Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, p. 210.
22 For details on Pueblo I sites and discussions of the period see: Kidder, A. V., and
Guernsey, S. J., 1919; Kidder, A. V., 1924; Morris, E. H., 1919 b; Roberts, F. H. H., jr.,
1930, 1931. In the Kidder and Morris papers the term "Pre-Pueblo " is used, but it is
synonymous with the present Pueblo I.
* Fewkes, J. W., 1919, pp. 12, 16, 39-40, 50–51; 1923 a, pp. 102-105; Martin, P. S.,
1929; Prudden, T. M., 1903, 1914, 1918; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 124-126; the term
"early Pueblo " used in this reference is synonymous with the present Pueblo II.
24 Hewett, E. L., 1921, 1922, 1930; Judd, N. M., 1922, 1923, 1924 a, 1925, 1926 a, 1927;
Pepper, G. H., 1920.
25 Fewkes, J. W., 1909 a, 1911 b, 1917; Nordenskiöld, G., 1893.
* Morris, E. H., 1915, 1917, 1918, 1919 a, 1921 a, 1924, 1928; Nelson, N. C., 1917.
27 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 72-73.
* Hayden, Irwin, 1930 b.
18
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
30
82
Wupatki in central Arizona; 29 on the upper Little Colorado River in
eastern Arizona; 80 and in the ruins of the Upper Gila.31 There are
a number of good illustrations of centers belonging to the closing
days of the period when the abandonment of the northern nucleus
had begun. Kitsiel and Betatakin 32 in the Kayenta district fall into
that category. The Mesa Verde period at Aztec, N. Mex., represents
the stage 33 and in eastern Arizona is Kintiel or Wide Ruins 34 the
cliff ruins in Mummy Cave in Canyon del Muerto and a portion of
Casa Blanca, the White House, in Canyon de Chelly.35 Farther
south in the same State are the ruins called Showlow.3 In the Rio
Grande area in New Mexico the closing days of Pueblo III are
represented by sites comparable to that at Bandelier Bend, now
called the Forked Lightning ruin, in the upper Pecos Valley.³7
36
The pottery from the various sites is typical both of the period and
of the locality. The structure, finish, style of decoration, and general
characteristics are such that it is possible to recognize a vessel
from the Mesa Verde, the Chaco Canyon, the Kayenta, or the upper
Gila, and that it is of the Pueblo III period. In this connection it
is significant to note that from practically the very beginning of
ceramic manufacture there were two distinct techniques in finish
and pigment content. There is a definite correlation between these
and the two phases of Pueblo I. The subsequent stages in the same
areas were marked by a continuation of the features. In the west
the pigment used in ornamentation was a carbon mixture, while in
the east it was an iron paint.38 Where the carbon paint was em-
ployed the vessels were polished over the decoration. On the other
hand, the iron pigments were applied after the surfaces of the
jar or bowl had been worked over with the polishing stone.
·
The most exceptional vessels of Pueblo III, from the decorative
standpoint, come from the Mimbres Valley in southwestern New
Mexico.39 The Mimbres people lagged perceptibly in house build-
ing, but they produced a profusion of naturalistic decorations on
their pottery which was unequaled in the Southwest. This was an
entirely indigenous development. It probably was the contribution
of a single individual genius who influenced the other potters and
29 Fewkes, J. W., 1904 (called Black Falls), 1926.
30 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 90-109.
ε
Hough, W., 1907.
82 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a; Judd, N. M., 1930; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 68–72.
33 Morris, E. H., 1919 a, 1921 a, 1924.
84 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, pp. 124-133; Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 91-94; Haury, E. W., and
Hargrave, L. L., 1931, pp. 80–95.
35 Kidder, A. V., 1927 b; Mindeleff, Cosmos, 1897.
38 Bandelier, A. F., 1892 b, pp. 391-393; Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931;
Hough, W., 1903, p. 301.
87 Kidder, A. V., 1924, p. 87.
38 Hawley, Florence M., 1929.
Fewkes, J. W., 1914, 1916 a, 1923 b; Bradfield, W., 1931.
ROBERTS]
19
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
founded a decidedly local school.40 That its influence was not felt
in other sections was possibly due to its late inception in the Pueblo
II period. There is no question but that it made its appearance
when the northern centers of the period were well under way. In-
vestigations in southeastern Arizona have shown that the Mimbres
pottery was contemporaneous with the non-Pueblo red-on-buff wares
of the Gila Basin 1 and the early form of the latter seems to coin-
cide with the black-on-white of the Tonto Basin-Roosevelt Lake re-
gion which is of late III development.*2
Fragments from Mimbres bowls were recovered from the upper
levels of a dump heap in the Chaco Canyon. Since that particular
refuse mound was deposited at the end of the Pueblo III phase, when
the abandonment of the houses was already under way, it may be
assumed that the Mimbres culture was quite late in its florescence. A
recent publication places the Mimbres development in Periods I, II,
and early III, and makes its decline contemporaneous with the begin-
nings of the San Juan cultures.43 In view of the evidence just pre-
sented, together with the fact that the final stage of the Mimbres
seems to have been in existence when the culture of the Gila Basin-
Pueblo fusion was under way and the Casas Grandes in northern
Mexico was developing, as the report indicates, its degenerate period
must have occurred near the end of Pueblo III. The Gila Basin-
Pueblo hybrid culture began at the end of III and Casas Grandes
probably belongs to period IV.44 Finds of a late form of Upper
Gila pottery in the final Mimbres stage also show that it was well
along toward the end of III. Similar objects in northern centers
have come from horizons, indicating that they were on the verge of
collapse, in fact had already been largely vacated, when the vessels
reached them. Considering all of these factors and allowing time
for the spread of traded objects, it would appear that the major
phase of the Mimbres activity coincided with the great era in the
north, prior to the beginning of the movement which culminated in
the abandonment of that portion of the area.
Pueblo IV is the designation for the period characterized by the
redistribution of peoples, following the complete abandonment of
the northern frontiers, the cultural decline and the establishment
of new communities in the Rio Grande and Little Colorado regions
and the emergence of the hybrid Gila Basin centers. There are
really two phases to this period. The first covers the stage of fluc-
tuations, migrations, and the springing up of new nuclei, extending
down to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The second was
40 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 101-104.
41 Sauer, C., and Brand, D., 1930.
42 Hawley, Florence M., 1930, chart.
Nesbitt, P. H., 1931.
“Amsden, Monroe, 1928, p. 48.
20
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
45
of shorter duration. It covers the interval from the appearance of
the first explorers until the final subjugation of the Pueblos after
the collapse of their temporarily successful revolt against the in-
vaders. Ruins belonging to the early phase of IV are Chevlon,
Homolobi, Chaves Pass, the final stage at Showlow, a village,
previously mentioned, which had its beginnings in the closing days
of Pueblo III; farther north in the Jeditoh Valley were the centers
of Kokopnyama and Kawaiokuh;47 and not far distant north and
west were Küchaptüvela (first Walpi) and Sikyatki.48
The great ruins in the southern part of Arizona which are called
Casa Grande 49 are representative of the mixed culture produced by
the fusion of peoples drifting in from the Pueblo area and those
who had an independent development in the Gila Basin. This
started late in Pueblo III, but the major part of its existence fell in
the early phase of IV.
There are numerous examples of the first stage of IV in New
Mexico. Clustered in the vicinity of Ramah, just east of the Zuñi
Reservation, and some miles south at Inscription Rock (pl. 1) are a
number of ruins belonging to that period. East of the Rio Grande
in the Galisteo Basin are three which seem unquestionably to belong
in that category. These villages were founded rather early in IV
and were occupied until practically the end of the phase. They are
Colorado, Shé, and Blanco.50 Farther north were the pueblo of
Rowe 51 and the old north terrace of Pecos.52 These villages began at
approximately the end of Pueblo III and continued into IV. Pecos,
of course, was occupied throughout this entire period and continued
into the following stage. On the Pajaritan Plateau, west of the Rio
Grande, were the centers of Puyé and Tyuonyí.5 The latter were
somewhat later in their inception than the others but fall within the
early phase. They were probably abandoned just prior to the arrival
of the Spaniards, although they were temporarily reoccupied during
the revolt against them.
The second part of the fourth period, the early historic, is repre-
sented by many ruins and villages. In the Hopi district, in Arizona,
were Awatobi,54 Oraibi, Kisakobi,55 the latter being the second Walpi
45 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, pp. 23-34, 56–111.
46 Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931.
47 Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931; Hough, W., 1903, pp. 337-346; Mindeleff, V.,
1891, pp. 50, 51, 52-53. Mindeleff's Mishiptonga is the present Kawaiokuh.
48 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 585-586, 631-742.
49 Fewkes, J. W., 1912; Gladwin, H. S., 1928. Casa Grande is not the same as Casas
Grandes, the northern Chihuahua center, with which it is frequently confused. The two
were contemporaneous, however.
50 Nelson, N. C., 1914, pp. 74-93; 1916, p. 179.
1 Guthe, C. E., 1917.
52 Kidder, A. V., 1924, p. 86.
58 Hewett, E. L., 1909 a, c.
4 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 592-631.
55 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 585–586.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ell
LARGE
BOWLDERS
LARGE
Rock
BOWLDERS
basin
La
==
10
3
6
2
12
Fire
Opit
15
16
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14.
1
18
19
20
7:0
5-b 6-b
8-b
Rock
basin
BULLETIN 111
PLATE 1

EDGE OF CLIF
59
52
13
12
B
A
C
D
E
4
40
48
60
#53
58
56 0
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Kiva C
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39
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42
27
16
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Terrace
47
39
35
Fire
28
18
24
pit
21
24
19
29
Great Kiva
No. 1
30
Kiva
4
25
Kiva 3
Fire
pit
22
8
38
18 17
36
Refuse
Mound
31 35
27
⚫29
28
26.
16
25
20
BOWL DERS
33
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3-a
4-a
¡
15
Great Kiva
No. 2
lib
walls traced but central
portion not excavated,
18-b
9-b
Refuse
Mound
BOWL DERS
3-b
2-b
Rock
basins
I-b
633
SCALE FEET
Numbered dots indicate burials
in order of their discovery
LARGE
BOWLDERS
12
•14
32.33
יין וויי


Refuse
Small House,
only one room
excavated.
Mound
MAP OF RUINS AT MOUTH OF RED PAINT CANYON
Numbered dots indicate burials
ROBERTS]
21
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
village. The Zuñi province in western New Mexico had six villages,
of which Hawikuh 56 is the best known. The Galisteo Basin villages
included San Cristobal and San Lazaro,57 and to the north there
was, of course, the settlement at Pecos.58 There is, as would be
expected, a certain overlapping. All of the places cited were thriv-
ing villages before the Spaniards arrived. Pecos was occupied until
1838 and Oraibi in Arizona is still inhabited. Hawikuh was aban-
doned in 1670, Awatobi was destroyed in the autumn of 1700, and
San Cristobal and San Lazaro were apparently deserted at about the
same time. Many of the early historic period villages in the Rio
Grande region and those of the Zuñi district were abandoned at the
time of the Pueblo revolt, 1680-1696, and were never reoccupied.
Period IV is ceramically distinct both from the preceding and the
following stages. The black-on-white pottery which had been the
outstanding form from Basket Maker III to the end of Pueblo III
passed out of existence early in IV and there was a great outburst of
colored wares. In the Rio Grande and Zuñi areas the latter were
characterized by glazed decorations. That style of ornamentation
had reached its peak and was on the decline at the time of the arrival
of the Spaniards. Its vogue terminated during the period of the
revolt and although the people have continued to make colored ves-
sels the decorations have been applied in dull paint.
The fifth and last period in the Pueblo group is that of the modern
villages. This stage is better known to the general public than are
those of the preceding horizons, with the possible exception of that
of the great cliff houses. Along the Rio Grande are Taos, Santa
Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, and Isleta, to mention but a few.
Some of these date from Pueblo IV, but for general purposes they
fall into the suggested grouping. Farther west is Acoma, which was
inhabited when Coronado first entered the country; still farther west
are the Zuñi towns, which really date from the end of the revolt;
and in Arizona are the various Hopi villages. With the exception of
Oraibi, none of the Hopi towns occupies the site on which it stood in
the sixteenth century and most of them do not antedate the early
eighteenth.50 Following the Pueblo revolt Walpi (Kisakobi),
Mishongnovi, Shumopovi, and Shongopovi were removed from their
locations at the base of the mesas to the summits where they now
stand.60 Much of the material used in the present houses, especially
the timbers, was salvaged from the older structures and the result is
that they give an appearance of being more ancient than they
really are.
56 Hodge, F. W., 1918 a, b.
57 Nelson, N. C., 1914, 1916.
58 Kidder, A. V., 1924.
50 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, p. 578.
60 Hodge, F. W., 1916, p. 259.
22
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
People interested in the story of the growth of the sedentary
culture of the Southwest are rightfully desirous of knowing upon
what grounds it can be stated that the various stages occurred in the
order outlined in preceding pages. The evidence was obtained from
stratigraphy, a study which deals with the order and relative posi-
tion of the various cultural horizons. When an undisturbed layer of
deposits containing a group of objects is found overlying another
layer in which there are articles of a different type there is no ques-
tion but that those from the upper level are the more recent. When
the ruin of one type of house is found to rest upon a mound formed
by the débris of another it is apparent that the upper one is the more
recent. It will be recalled that an early paragraph in this intro-
duction pointed out the fact that features peculiar to the stage
called Basket Maker III were found overlying those of the group
termed Basket Maker II. These positions have been consistent in
so many caves that there can be no doubt of their sequence. Further-
more, ruins of Pueblo structures superposed on Basket Maker re-
mains have been observed at so many different places that the
priority of the latter can no longer be questioned.61 Similar condi-
tions have been observed in the relationship between various Pueblo
horizons. At Pueblo Bonito, in the Chaco Canyon, remains of
Pueblo I houses were found 10 feet (3.048 m.) beneath the founda-
tions of the large ruin.62 Other sites in the Chaco region have
shown Pueblo II ruins resting upon Pueblo I remains. Super-
position has also been found in the southern Colorado districts 63 and
in eastern Arizona.64
Where there is not an actual superposition of buildings there are
other ways of establishing a relative sequence. Study of the vari-
ous phases has shown that certain characteristic pottery types are
associated with each. The order in which the different ceramic
forms were developed has been determined by stratigraphic evidence
obtained from the refuse mounds at the larger sites. In the ma-
terial comprising such a mound, provided it has not been disturbed,
the oldest potsherds are found at the bottom and the most recent
at the top. Hence, if the kind of pottery found at one site is of
the type occurring at the bottom of such a deposit and that from
another ruin compares with the material from higher levels it is
obvious that one is older than the other. On the basis of this kind
of data the cultural sequence has been clearly shown at several dif-
ferent centers and the period order definitely established. Pot-
61 Cummings, Byron, 1915, p. 274; Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921, pp. 3, 114–
115; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, p. 71.
62 Judd, N. M., 1926, p. 82.
63 Martin, P. S., 1930, pp. 24-33; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, p. 60.
64 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 85, 93.
∞ Judd., N. M., 1927, p. 168; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 18–20; Kidder, M. A., and A. V.,
1917, pp. 340–353; Nelson, N. C., 1916.
ROBERTS]
23
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
sherds also may be used as an indication of the relative age of differ-
ent centers. Fragments from Mesa Verde bowls found in late Chaco
Canyon ruins, late Chaco pottery appearing in association with
Mesa Verde vessels in Proto-Kayenta sites, and Proto-Kayenta pot-
sherds being present in the Chaco is clear evidence that a certain.
contemporaneity existed between them. The fact that no true Ka-
yenta material has been found in either a Mesa Verde or a Chaco
Canyon site, together with the indication that it is subsequent to
the Proto-Kayenta, shows that they antedate that phase. In this
connection there is a factor which constitutes one of the most funda-
mental principles in archeological investigations. When sites of two
different cultural stages are found in the same region and objects
from A are found in ruins belonging to B but never vice versa, the
first may properly be considered the older. This explains why the
occasional presence of a Mesa Verde or Chaco potsherd in a Kayenta
ruin need not imply contemporaneity nor cause confusion. It also
illustrates another principle which all too frequently is passed over,
and that is, the stage to which a site belongs should be determined
by the latest material in it, unless there palpably has been an intru-
sion of later objects into an older horizon. In the majority of cases
such an event can easily be determined.
66
One question which is always foremost in the minds of students
is that concerning the actual age and dates for various periods.
Until recently it was difficult satisfactorily to answer it. Where the
site involved fell within the final stage of Pueblo IV or was one of
the V group it was comparatively simple to give a fairly accurate
date because reference could be made to actual historical records.
From the year of the arrival of the Spaniards back into the older
horizons the problem was quite different. It was necessary to cor-
relate objects with datable sites and to postulate the time element
by comparing certain stages with the historical period and its length.
Through the efforts of Dr. A. E. Douglass, however, a definite
method of age determination has now been provided.
Doctor Douglass in making a study of climatic conditions in the
Southwest turned to the growth rings of trees in an effort to obtain
evidence on the occurrence of wet and dry years, and the extent
of drought periods and intervals of moisture. In doing this he
developed a method whereby he could tell whether the trees from
which logs had been cut were growing at the same time or to what
degree their life periods overlapped. Beginning with trees whose
actual cutting date was known, he was able to devise a definite
historical chart for ring growth going back to 700 A. D. By com-
paring the rings in any given tree with the chart he is able to tell
00 Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921, p. 115, note.
82148-32—— -3
24
[ BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
67
when the tree was cut. Since the beams used in the construction
of houses were once trees it has been possible to check their rings
with the historical chart and obtain a series of dates for a large
number of the structures in the Southwest. Hence, archeologists
can now give rather accurate statements concerning the calendrical
period of certain centers. It was found that Pueblo Bonito con-
tained timbers cut during the interval from 919 to 1130, A. D.; that
the Aztec ruin was being erected during the years 1110 to 1121; the
great cliff houses of the Mesa Verde were being built between 1073
and 1262; Betatakin disclosed a series of dates from 1260 to 1277;
Kitsiel, 1274 to 1284; Kawaiokuh, 1284 to 1495; Kintiel, 1275; and
cthers too numerous to mention here. Doctor Douglass's paper con-
tains a considerable list.
On the basis of the information obtained from the dating of many
ruins by the Douglass method and from archeological evidence where
timbers suitable for study could not be secured it is possible to assign.
a time scale to the various periods. This is not done with the idea
of definitely isolating each stage between two dates, because as pre-
viously pointed out there was no sharp break between periods, but
is presented solely in an effort to facilitate comprehension of the
chronological sequence. Bearing this in mind, it may be said that
Pueblo V dates from 1700 to the present. Pueblo IV, phase b, 1540
to 1700; phase a, 1350 to 1540. Pueblo III, phase b, when the aban-
donment of the northern borderlands was under way and the people
were drifting south, 1200 to 1350; phase a, the classic era, 950 to
1200. At this point the definite criterion of age is no longer avail-
able, at the present time, and for the preceding stages it is necessary
to postulate the approximal dates. Pueblo II was the period of the
perfection of the stone type of house and sites of the period give
evidence of a lengthy occupation. It has been fairly well established
that the farther back into a primitive culture one goes the slower he
finds the development to have been. In view of this it would be
plausible to think that the period must have covered an interval at
least equal to, if not longer than, Pueblo III, a. Allowing 250 to 300
years, on this basis, the beginning of Pueblo II should be placed
somewhere in the seventh century. Pueblo I was even longer in its
duration, in all probability, because it was during this stage that
the Pueblo peoples penetrated into the area, that there was a fusion
of old and new stocks, and that many changes were made in the
culture, and new features were developed. Taking all of this into
consideration, it would seem that 500 years would be a fair estimate
for the extent of Pueblo I, thus placing its beginning at approxi-
mately the end of the second century. In view of the developments
& Douglass, A. E., 1929.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 2

Manuelito
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RESERVATION BOUNDARY LINE
RIVER
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Gallup
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8
ARIZONA
NEW
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9
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TEXAS
MAP SHOWING LOCATION OF RUINS. INSERT OF SOUTHWESTERN ARCHEOLOGICAL AREA
1, Ruins; 2, Chaco Canyon; 3, Mesa Verde; 4, Kayenta; 5, Little Colorado; 6, Upper Gila; 7, Mimbres; 8, Rio Grande; 9, Gila Basin; 10, Pueblo Grande; 11, Peripheral
Utah.
:
1
ROBERTS)
25
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
which took place during the Basket Maker stages that group may
have filtered into the region from 1,500 to 2,000 years earlier. Even-
tually there will no doubt be accurate dates for all of these periods,
because timbers from these horizons have been secured for study.
As yet, however, it has not been possible to tie them to the historical
chart since they antedate its earliest growth rings.
THE ZUNI REGION
Compared with other districts in the Southwest, the Zuñi region
in central western New Mexico furnishes an unusually advantageous
environment for a sedentary people. It is located along the boundary
line between the Navajo and Datil sections of the Colorado plateaus.
Its northern part consists of young plateaus with only moderately
deep canyons, the relief is not nearly so pronounced as that of the
canyon lands section to the north, and its southern fringes are en-
croached upon by the lava flows and volcanic necks characteristic
of the region east and south.88 At the east, rising from the broken,
rolling terrain south of Gallup and extending southeast to merge
with the plateau which stretches westward to Arizona, are the pine-
clad Zuñi Mountains. From the western slopes of the range flow
a number of small streams, which ultimately combine to form the
Zuñi River. Chief among these are Pescado and Nutria Creeks.
Pescado Creek drains the broad, shallow valley lying along the
southwestern edge of the mountains, breaks through the series of
small mesas which dot the valley floor, moves northwest for some
distance, and then curves toward the southwest. From the town of
Ramah, where it has cut through the ridge of mesas, it traverses a
valley 1 to 2 miles (1.609 to 3.219 k.) wide, whose bordering walls
increase in height from 200 to 600 feet (60.96 to 182.88 m.) before
it passes through a narrow gorge into the Zuñi Basin proper. Small
canyons and ravines empty into it from either side, and it is joined
from the northwest by Nutria Creek just before it cuts through the
uplift which forms the eastern boundary of the Zuñi Valley. (Pl. 2.)
Nutria Creek rises toward the northern end of the Zuñi range.
Near its headwaters it flows through quite narrow canyons, but
eventually passes into a comparatively broad valley as it moves
in a southwesterly direction to join the Pescado. (Pl. 3, a.) It
also has many small tributary canyons, the longest of which come in
from the north. Near its sources the stream is fairly large and
supplies the water used for irrigating the fields in the vicinity of
Nutria. During the summer months, except after heavy rains,
the flow is very meager and it is not unusual to find that consid-
erable stretches of the stream bed are dry. Water can generally be
88 Fenneman, Nevin M., 1928, pp. 338–342, map.
26
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
secured, however, by digging in the sand at the bottom of the
parched channel. There are also a large number of springs scat-
tered along its course, so that for most purposes there would be a
sufficient supply for the ordinary uses of a rather large group of
people. From just below Nutria to the mouth, the bed of the
creek is too far below the general surface level to permit the use
of irrigation, although water from the side canyons could be di-
verted for such purposes. Consequently the creek would be of no
value in the nurturing of crops.
The Zuñi Basin is a comparatively broad plain stretching away
to the southwest. It is bounded on the north by a series of low
mesas of which the outstanding feature is the Zuñi buttes. The
southern border consists of the precipitous slopes of the plateau
with Thunder Mountain, also called Corn Mountain, towering 1,000
feet (304.8 m.) above the sandy level of the plain, prominently in
the foreground. The valley broadens out along the river to the
southwest. Its southern boundary breaks up into a series of small
buttes and mesas and the terrain to the north fades into the rolling
country extending westward into Arizona.
The higher portions of the region are covered with pines, the
lower levels have cedars and piñon trees, and the floors of the val-
leys are overspread with sagebrush and grass. (Pl. 3, b.) The
soil in general is sandy but suitable for raising considerable crops
when sufficient moisture is available. Because of the small amount
of rainfall the present, and the former, inhabitants have chosen
sites for their fields where the precipitation may be increased by the
overflow of water derived from the higher ground. Some are located
beneath the rock escarpments and others on the valley floors where
the run-off from the canyons spreads out over an alluvial fan.
Such places must be chosen carefully, because it is just as essential
that the field should not be buried or washed out as it is that the
plants be properly flooded. Most of the many ruins scattered
throughout the district are located in close proximity to ground
suitable for that purpose.
Game seems to have been fairly plentiful in the region, judging
from the various bones present in the refuse mounds, and consisted
of deer, bear, wolf, wild cat, coyote, several kinds of rabbits, squir-
rels, and prairie dogs. The people no doubt had a moderate supply
of meat with which to vary their diet. In recent years wild animals
have become rather scarce, due to white hunters, and the Indians
now depend on their sheep and goats for that part of their food
supply. The latter are a modern acquisition. Prior to the Spanish
conquest and colonization there was no domesticated livestock, the
Indians having tamed only the dog and the turkey.
ROBERTS]
27
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Climatic conditions in the region are rather favorable. The win-
ters are not too severe, although considerable snow falls in the east-
ern portion close to the slopes of the Zuñi Mountains, and the
summers are not unbearably hot. There is only a moderate rainfall.
During the spring months high winds are a common occurrence.
The growing season is short. Because of the high altitude, the
greater part of the district ranging from 6,000 to 7,000 feet above
sea level, heavy frosts continue until the end of May and begin
again about the middle of September. As a result of the long
period of experimentation, however, the Pueblos have produced
corn, melons, squash, beans, and other vegetal forms which are
adapted to a short season.
In spite of its many qualifications the Zuñi region does not seem
to have been occupied to any extent until comparatively late in the
prehistoric era. There are a few widely scattered sites of the Pueblo
I stage and an even smaller number, apparently, belonging to II.
Beginning with period III a larger number moved into the district
and ruins dating from that phase are fairly numerous. The peak
was reached in IV and there were a great many comparatively large
villages in various parts of the district. At the present time there
are just four-the main pueblo of Zuñi and the farming villages
of Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente. There are a number of fam-
ilies who live on farms the year round, but most of the people return
to the main village for the winter.
HOUSE REMAINS
The cluster of ruins excavated during the field season of 1930 is
located in the northeastern portion of the Zuñi Reservation at the
east side of Red Paint Canyon where it opens into the broader
Nutria Valley. (Pl. 2.) Numerous investigations and extensive
explorations have taken place in that region since it was first trav-
ersed in 1540 by Coronado and his rapacious soldiery in their futile
pursuit of a golden mirage. Few, however, seem to have observed,
and no one has recorded, the existence of these particular ruins.
They were virtually unknown to the white inhabitants in the vi-
cinity and many of the Indians were not aware of their presence.
That they escaped notice for so long a time may be attributed to
their inconspicuous nature. Lying on the talus at the foot of a
series of low cliffs the stone and grass-covered mounds appeared,
unless closely observed, to be a part of the natural formation.
(Pl. 4, a.)
The remains were found, to consist of three communal dwellings,
a number of ceremonial chambers of ordinary size, and two large
religious structures or great kivas. (Pl. 4, b.) When the investi-
28
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
gations were brought to a close two of the houses and a number of
the ceremonial chambers had been excavated and three refuse
mounds had been thoroughly explored for burials. The larger of
the two houses, which for convenience has been designated A, was
found to contain 64 rooms, 3 average-sized kivas, and had a great
kiva joined to its southern side. (Pl. 5, a.) In front of the main
building and completely subterranean in character were four
more ceremonial chambers. The smaller of the two structures,
denoted B, had comprised only 20 rooms and in contrast to its
larger neighbor had contained no circular chambers. (Pl. 5, b.)
Lying in the court formed by the two buildings, and completely de-
tached from them, was the second great kiva. South of it was the
mound covering the third house which had been a very small domi-
cile. (Pl. 1.) It was not possible to excavate the isolated great
kiva, but its walls were traced in order that the size could be deter-
mined and the structure properly plotted on the map. Only one
room in the third dwelling, the small one south of the great kiva,
was cleared of its accumulated débris, but this was sufficient to indi-
cate that it had been of the same general character as the other
small house, B.
HOUSE A
The largest of the houses shows only 60 rooms on the ground plan.
(Pl. 1.) The other four chambers constituted a second story in the
central portion of the building. The rest of the structure had been
but a single story in height, although it may have had a terraced
appearance because of its having been built on sloping ground.
The investigations clearly demonstrated that it had not been erected
as a complete edifice and that it had not been occupied in its entirety
at any one time. There were several distinct stages in the develop-
ment of the building. In the beginning there had been only a
rectangular block of rooms and two kivas, or ceremonial chambers.
Subsequently several more rooms and the great kiva were added.
The dwelling was inhabited for a considerable period in that form
and then further construction took place. The series of rooms south
of the main section and east of the great kiva were erected. Ul-
timately the east and west wings were built, and the structure took
on the outline shown in the drawing. The masonry in the walls of
the later portions was inferior to that in the older section and the
rooms have such irregular outlines that it hardly seems possible that
they could have been built by the same group of people. (Pl. 6,
a, b.) The ceremonial chambers dug into the earth in front of the
structure appeared to have belonged to the later sections of the
building.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 3
a. Nutria Valley looking toward the southwest
b. Red Paint Canyon as seen from house B
VIEWS OF SURROUNDING REGION
UNIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 4
a. At the beginning of operations
b. At the close of the season's work
THE SITE BEFORE AND AFTER EXCAVATION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 5
a. View of house A from the east
b. House B and Great Kiva No. 2
THE RUINS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 6
a. Wall construction in the old section of house A
b. Characteristic stonework in later additions to house A
TYPES OF MASONRY
ROBERTS]
29
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The original dwelling was rectangular in shape and contained
13 secular or living rooms and two circular chambers devoted to
the religious side of the community life. (Fig. 1.) Two of the
living rooms in this part of the building were eventually remodeled
into a kiva, while another room was made into two compartments
by the erection of a partition. The building had been occupied for
some time before this was done and the resulting chambers probably
constituted a factor in the second stage of the life of the community.
Perhaps the most striking feature of the original building was
that of the compact regularity of its outline. The only jarring note
was that of the two small rooms at the west end of the structure,
45 and 46, which projected beyond the line of the main south
wall. Indications were, however, that originally there were corre-
sponding chambers at the other end of the building in front of
kiva A. These would have balanced the plan and have produced a
pleasingly symmetrical structure. Subsequent construction removed
practically all traces of the rooms and beyond the suggestion that
they once existed nothing could be learned of their character. Be-
neath the floors and walls of later rooms erected at that portion
of the building were the remains of old foundations which gave rise
to the supposition that counterparts of 45 and 46 had once stood
there. The remains, unfortunately, were too fragmentary to make
it possible to draw in the outlines of the rooms. Balanced structures
are characteristic of the Chaco cultures, although two of the best-
known ruins in that district, Pueblo Bonito and Peñasco Blanco,
are decided exceptions. The majority, both large and small, evi-
dence symmetrical ground plans.69 This is also true of the outlying
Aztec ruin.70
There are a number of features, in addition to that of the plan of
the building, which suggest that it may have been built by a Chaco
people, or at least by a group which was under a marked Chacoan
influence. The method of wall construction produced an effect which
is very similar to that found in many of the Chaco structures, name-
ly, the practice of laying several courses of thick stones, then several
of thin ones, so that a banded appearance resulted.
There are a
number of varieties of this type of masonry and some differences due
to the care with which the stones were put in place, but on the whole
it is one of the outstanding characteristics of the ruins in the Chaco
Canyon proper 71 and is to be observed throughout the entire range
of the culture which centered there. The Chimney Rock Pueblo in
the extreme northeastern periphery in the Piedra district of southern
6º Jackson, W. H., 1878, pls. LV-LVII, LIX.
70 Morris, E. H., 1924, plan of ruin.
" Jackson, W. H., 1878, pl. LXII, no. 2; Judd, N. M., 1927, fig. 160.
30
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
43
40
31
26.
22
KIVA C
ப
KIVA A
44
33
0
K-B
K-B
46
45
5
14
50FT
FIGURE 1.-Plan of original portion of house A. Dotted lines show extent of completed building

ROBERTS]
31
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Colorado shows it,72 and Morris has called attention to the marked
architectural similarity between the Aztec ruin and those of the
Chaco Canyon.73 One of the factors in this likeness is to be observed
in the masonry in many of the walls. The work was not as well done
in house A, but the walls do illustrate the feature. (Pl. 6, a.) The
practice of chinking with potsherds, also frequently observed in
Chaco ruins, did not prevail in this instance. Possibly this may be
attributed to the fact that the original portion of the building was
erected on a site which had not been occupied previously and on
which there were no scattered fragments of pottery.
Another feature which suggests a certain Chaco architectural char-
acteristic was found in the corner of room 44. Built into the wall
was a cupboard or storage pocket which basically is of the same nature
as the corner doorways found in Chaco ruins.74 As a matter of fact,
when the débris was being removed from the interior of the room and
the opening first became apparent it was thought that it was one of
the corner doorways and that it led into room 45. Subsequent work
showed that such was not the case and that it had only been a storage
place. Wall pockets of this type are so scarce that it seems that they
must have been derived from the corner doorways. It may be that
the builders here originally planned for such an aperture and for
some reason or other did not complete it but, instead, finished it off
as a cupboard. The inside was nicely plastered and on the floor were
several bone and stone implements which showed that the place had
been used for storage purposes.
The building was occupied for some time before the construction
of the western tier of rooms and the great kiva was undertaken.
This was shown by the fact that the floors and foundations of 42, 47,
48, 49, and 50 rested upon an accumulation of refuse, ashes, blow-sand,
stone spalls, broken bones, and potsherds. When these chambers
had been erected the ground plan of the structure was as illustrated
in Figure 2. The relation between the floor levels in rooms 48, 49, and
50, and those of the older chambers to the east is illustrated by the
sections a and b of Figure 2. One matter connected with these addi-
tions which would be of interest could not be determined from the
evidence secured, and that is with respect to the actual building of
the secular rooms and the large ceremonial chamber. There is no
question but that rooms 48, 49, and 50 were erected as a unit and that
42, 47, and the great kiva constituted a single expenditure of effort.
Whether the series of three living rooms represent the initial con-
struction which was then followed by the building of the great kiva
or vice versa, or whether they were erected simultaneously, could not
72 Jeancon, J. A., and Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1923, pl. 17, lower.
78 Morris, E. H., 1919 a, pp. 104-105.
74 Judd, N. M., 1922, fig. 117; Pepper, G. H., 1920, fig. 151.
32
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
be learned. It would be gratifying to be able to state that one or the
other formed the first addition to the original structure, but since
this can not be done it is fortunate that the actual precedence is not
of great significance. The masonry in these newer portions indicated
that the work was done by the same group of people, or at least in the
same careful technique employed by the builders of the original and
older section.
It was probably at about the same time that one of the original
rooms was made into two compartments by the erection of a parti-
tion. This remodeling took place in room 33 and as a consequence
room 32 was formed. The partition separating rooms 32 and 33
rested upon several layers of flooring, indicating that the large
enclosure had been occupied during an interval of some duration
before it was converted into smaller chambers. One of the interest-
ing features connected with this bit of construction is that the
doorway opening from room 31 into the original 33 was blocked
by the end of the wall which separated the latter into two chambers.
Here again the stonework in the wall was such as to indicate
that it had been built by the same group of workmen as the others.
In this instance it was again impossible to tell whether the work had
actually been done at the same time as that in the other additions
or was an independent procedure antedating or subsequent to it.
At all events it unquestionably belonged to the same general stage
in the development of the structure.
Certain minor features were added to room 33 at the same time
that the wall separating it from 32 was built. These consisted of
the cutting of an opening through the south wall to form a small
doorway and the erection of a large slab of stone at some distance
from the aperture and approximately at right angles to the partition
wall and almost touching the latter. This stone seems to have func-
tioned as a deflector to keep the air coming through the opening
from blowing directly on the fire pit. That the slab was set up and
the opening made at the time when the partition was erected was
indicated by the fact that the small stones which formed the jambs,
sill, and lintel were laid in the same kind of mortar as that used in
the wall and contrasted with that which had originally been em-
ployed in the building. In both instances adobe mud had been
used to make the filling employed between the individual and courses
of stones but in the latter material there was considerable foreign
matter, ashes and bits of charcoal, which was absent in the older.
From the section b, Figure 2, it will be observed that the floor of
32 was raised above that of 33. This was accomplished by a sand fill
which was apparently intentionally made. The floor was then laid
on top of this material. There was nothing to indicate why a higher
1.

1
1
1
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48
43
49
40
31
26
22
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KIVA C
D
KIVA A
50 44
33
32
K-B K-B
46
45
42
47
GREAT KIVA
No. 1
J
14
31
26 22
40
48
43
KIVA
C
KIVA
A
a
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,,。,』》「44,《
KIVA
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GREAT KIVA No. I
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GREAT KIVA No. 1
盟
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1



31
33

05
50 FT
FIGURE 2.-Plan of second stage in growth of house A. a, b, c, d, Sections through building. Dotted lines show extent of finished structure
82148-32. (Face p. 32.)
OF
H
t
ROBERTS]
33
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
level should have been desired and all that can be done is to call✓
attention to the fact that it was present.
Chief interest in the additions to the building, except for the great
kiva which will be considered in detail in connection with the sub-
ject of kivas, centers in rooms 49 and 50. Room 49 had a mealing
bin, a place in which the stones used in grinding corn were set.
This feature was not found in any of the other rooms belonging to
the original block of the building. This does not indicate, as might
at first be surmised, that the occupants of the chambers lacking
such a provision for the preparation of meal did not grind their corn
or that all of the milling was done in the one room. It has far
greater significance in that its appearance was definitely associated
with a change in the form of metate or grinding stone employed.
The older rooms yielded metates of the trough or grooved variety
while those in the bin in 49 were of the simple concave form. The
trough type of milling stone was rarely used in a bin while the con-
cave style, without raised borders, seems in the vast majority of cases
to have been set in such containers. Furthermore, not one of the
later rooms in the east or west wings or in the series erected east
of the great kiva and south of the main block contained one of the
trough-type stones. The change began with the occupation of the
series 48-50 and from that time on the new type prevailed. This
fact takes on additional importance in the light of what was ob-
served at a ruin in the same general region during the investigations
of the preceding summer. There in the remains of a pueblo belong-
ing to the early part of period III it was found that the grooved
or trough type of metate was the only form employed and that it
was not used in bins.75 From that and the present evidence it
seems justifiable to conclude that the old grooved form of metate
which had continued in use from Basket Maker times down to the
classic Pueblo period began to be replaced, in this region, in the
latter part of Pueblo III, and that the concave type dates from that
horizon.
Room 50 is worthy of consideration because of the presence of
several features not commonly found in the usual rectangular form
of chamber. In addition to the rectangular fire pit near the center
of the room there was a second shallower depression adjacent to it,
a ridge of adobe plaster separating the two, and at the far side of
the smaller pit an upright slab of stone. Beyond this, in line with
the pits, was an opening through the south wall. This combination
of vent, upright slab, and pits (pl. 7, a) is very suggestive of the
ventilator, deflector, ladder box, fire pit complex found in the cir-
cular ceremonial chambers or kivas. In fact, this room is a counter-
75 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 154-155.
34
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
part of many which have been identified as rectangular kivas. The
introduction to this paper, it will be recalled, pointed out the fact
that in late prehistoric times the circular kiva gave way to the
✓ rectangular form in many districts. Also, that in the southern
peripheries of the area many communities never had the circular
type. If there had been no circular chambers present in this ruin,
room 50 would have been considered an example of the rectangular
ceremonial chamber. Since the occupants of the building had pro-
vided a number of orthodox religious structures, the problem of
room 50 becomes more complex. There was nothing to indicate that
it had been other than an ordinary living room, except for the
ventilator-deflector features. Yet it would seem that the latter must
have had some significance beyond that of mere utilitarian function,
because they are so rarely present in secular rooms. They no doubt
would have been advantageous in such enclosures, but for some
reason the Pueblo people did not avail themselves generally of the
benefit to be derived from them. Two additional rooms at this site
had them, but they were noticeably absent from all the rest.
The evidence is not sufficient to warrant the drawing of definite
conclusions, but it may be suggested that possibly here was an indi-
cation of the beginnings of a trend which reached its culmination in
the holding of certain ceremonies in rectangular rooms. This may
perhaps have been due to an influence from the southern districts
where such practices prevailed. It should be explained that refer-
ence is not made to the development of the rectangular kiva, since
it is probably an outgrowth of the circular form; rather is it in-
tended to suggest that here there may be an indication that the cus-
tom of differentiating between fraternity and tribal rituals, so well
exemplified at Zuñi, was unfolding. In Zuñi the headquarters of
the various fraternities are in the ground-floor rooms of ordinary liv-
ing houses, chambers in which the family eats, sleeps, and passes
most of its time.76 The same feature is found to some extent among
the Hopi, where certain societies do not meet in the regular kivas
but in an apartment of a dwelling house." On the other hand, the
rituals which concern the entire community are performed in the
kivas. Because of the fact that a certain religious importance would
be attached to such a room it is possible the ventilator-deflector com-
plex was deemed essential, and for that reason incorporated in it.
Be that as it may, they were present in room 50.
Another feature noticed in this same chamber was unique in the
community. This consisted of the evidence that close to the founda-
tions of the south wall, extending from the corner of the room almost
76 Kroeber, A. L., 1917. pp. 197-198; Stevenson, M. C., 1904, p. 428.
"Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 131.
ROBERTS]
35
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
to the ventilator opening, a small log had been incorporated in the
wall. This took the place of a course of stones at that place. The
wood was no longer present, but decayed fragments of it were in
evidence and the plaster in the wall bore imprints of the pole. The
use of timbers in such a fashion has been observed both in Pueblo
Bonito and the great ruin at Aztec. The practice was not prevalent
in general, however. The shallow pit between the fire pit and the
deflector stone was probably where the lower end of the entrance
ladder rested.
The building was probably occupied for some time in the form
indicated in Figure 2. Then considerable changes took place and
the outward appearance of the structure was modified to a marked
degree. Evidence indicated that the stimulus for new constructional
activity was the direct result of a calamity which descended, liter-
ally, upon the community. Several large bowlders and a great
amount of earth became dislodged and rolled down the talus slope,
to crash against the rear wall of the building in the vicinity of
kiva C and rooms 31, 40, and 43. That this occurred subsequent to
the erection of the dwelling was shown by the fact that several
inches of material containing ashes, charcoal, potsherds, and other
refuse, underlay the mass of material which had come down the
talus. That the landslide had not taken place after the complete
abandonment of the pueblo was demonstrated by the level of occu-
pation resting upon it. The descending débris did little damage to
the walls, but the whole section of the building was abandoned and
the series of new rooms east of the great kiva presumably were
built to take its place. There is, of course, nothing to demonstrate
definitely that the portion of the building referred to was vacated
because of the fall of rocks and earth, but it was clearly evident
that the occupants had moved out at some time during the life of
the community and that the rooms had been used as repositories
for refuse. The fact that the enclosures were completely filled with
this kind of material shows that they served in such a capacity for
an interval of some duration. Since no other cause for their aban-
donment could be determined, it was concluded that the landslide
must have been responsible.
The new additions at this time were made in front of akiva A
and east of the great kiva. They consisted of 15 rooms, practically
twice the number of those which had been abandoned, most of which
were considerably smaller than the older ones had been. In addi-
tion, it would seem that the two rooms which are marked "K-B”
on the plans of Figures 1 and 2 were converted into kiva B. This
probably was done so that there would be a chamber of that nature
to replace kiva C, which was in the section of the building that
had been abandoned. That the enclosure constituting kiva B had
✓
36
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
not always been devoted to such a chamber was clearly shown by
the fact that beneath the floor of the kiva were the remains of the
foundations for the cross wall which had made the two rooms at
that part of the building. Also, it could clearly be observed that
portions of the original straight walls had been removed so that
the circular one could be erected. On the south side the section of
the straight wall had not been completely razed and a portion of it
was to be observed where it was not entirely covered by the curved
masonry. The top of the remaining part of the old wall was flush
with the floor of the kiva.
Although the new series of rooms (fig. 3) are considered as repre-
senting a unit in the growth of the building, they were not erected
simultaneously. This was shown by the abutting walls of the various
inclosures. There probably was no appreciable lapse of time between
the construction of the new elements, but there was a definite order.
Rooms 17 and 20 were built first. These were followed by 23 and 27
and the latter possibly by 34. The exact position of the latter with
respect to the others is not determinable. It unquestionably was sub-
sequent to 23 and 27. What its order was in the remaining series is
debatable, and putting it after 27 and prior to the others is more or
less an arbitrary matter. There can be no question, however, that
rooms 24 and 28 were later than 23 and 27 and that 25 and 29 were
next after 24 and 28. There is again some question in the case of
room 30. It was subsequent to 25 and 29, but whether it preceded or
followed the group 16, 18-21 could not be determined. In the case
of the latter there is no question about the sequence in which they
were constructed. Rooms 18 and 21 were built at the same time, but
they were not erected until after 25 and 29 had been completed.
Then rooms 16, the second 18, and 19 were added. Then the wall
separating the two 18's was removed, and it became a single large
inclosure as shown on the main ground plan of the ruin. (Pl. 1.)
One of the noticeable features in this new series of rooms was
that of the presence of lateral exterior doorways. There were only
two of these, to be sure, but they were an innovation since not one
was observed in the older portions of the building. The convenience
of ground level entrances is too apparent to need discussion. The
ancient Pueblos, however, were rather sparing in their use of such
openings in ground floor rooms, although they were made frequently
in chambers of the upper stories. As a defense measure an unbroken
outer wall on the ground level had great value. To gain entrance
to the first floor rooms it was necessary to ascend to the roof by
ladders and then to descend through a hatchway, again by means
of ladders, into the chambers. At night, however, and during periods
of stress the exterior ladders could be pulled up onto the roofs and

48
0498
50
8
46
"
pit
26
22
KIVA
A
KIVA
B
14
45
23
42
34
27
20
17
16
47
28
18
18
24
21
29
19 Fire pit
25
GREAT KIVA
No. I
30
..

46 45
42
34
27
23
20
17 國 ​16

47
42
KIVA
B
22
23
25
24
C
b
28
24 20
21 19


50FT
KIVA
26
B
27
30
29
28
FIGURE 3.—Third phase in development of house A. Stippled portions indicate abandoned rooms and dotted lines the extent of the completed
building. a, b, o, d, Sections through building
82148-32. (Face p. 36.)
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ROBERTS]
37
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
the building thus be made less pregnable. The fact that two of the
rooms in this series had first floor entrances would suggest that
during the period when the community was developing to its present
stage there had been little need for defense measures and as a con-
sequence the people were emboldened to provide, in rooms 21 and 34,
more suitable doorways. In the remaining chambers, however, the
orthodox means of access was retained. As a passing observation it
might be remarked that despite their efforts to make their dwellings
as secure as possible the Pueblos frequently, as in the case of the
present dwelling, erected their structures in fairly vulnerable posi-
tions. Enemies could readily have taken positions on the cliffs over-
looking the building and hurled rocks and other missiles onto the
roof, keeping the defenders inside, while others scaled the outer wall
and gained a vantage point for a direct attack on the occupants.
Only two of the rooms in the series 16-21, 23-25, 27-30, and 34
warrant further consideration. They are 20 and 23. Room 20 was
another of the rectangular chambers which had the ventilator, de-
flector, ladder box, and fire-pit complex which suggests that such
inclosures possibly served for more than mere habitation purposes.
In this instance, however, the ventilator was actually in the form
generally found in kivas. It did not consist of an opening passing
directly through the wall. Instead there was a vertical shaft or
flue rising to the roof level through the thick south wall. This
form of ventilator may have been used in this instance because the
builders had already planned the erection of another room to the
south of 20 and did not wish to have an opening between the two.
On the other hand there may well have been an entirely different
reason, since the people do not seem to have been averse to such
openings between chambers. The ventilator in kiva B consisted
of a simple aperture extending through the wall into room 27. Con-
sequently the most which can be done is to call attention to the
form of ventilator in room 20 and suggest an explanation. A defi-
nite conclusion can not be drawn on the evidence obtained from
excavations.
Room 23 was of interest because it had contained a mealing bin.
Here three metates or milling stones had been included. In room 49
there were but two. Whether it was just coincidence that such had
been the case or whether there is some significance in the difference
in number can be answered only by speculation. Where mealing
bins are of common occurrence the usual number of stones found
in them is three. Occasionally there may be more, but in the great
majority of cases three seems to have been the preferred number.
Furthermore, the stones were graded. One was rather rough, one
medium, and one fine. Judging from present-day practices among
38
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the Pueblos, the custom probably was to proceed from the rough to
the fine in the grinding process. In the case of the bin in room 49
having only two while that in 23 had three, it may be suggested
that one reason for such a condition is that when the first was con-
structed the new order was just beginning and that experience
showed that a third stone would be advantageous. Hence, when
room 23 was equipped for grinding purposes another metate was
added. In this connection it will be recalled that it was previously
pointed out that room 48 and the bin located there marked the
transition in the type of metate employed and the method of its
placement. It is rather curious that in two instances in this build-
ing a room containing a mealing bin was located directly adjacent
to a rectangular chamber containing elements usually found in
kivas. This relation is shown in rooms 49 and 50 and 23 and 20.
Whether this was a result of coincidence or had some special sig-
nificance is not known. It has been deemed advisable to call atten-
tion to the occurrences, since future work elsewhere may throw
some light on the question and give a clue to its possible import.
Due to the slope of the ground, the levels of the new rooms in
front of the old portion of the building were lower and in a number
of cases a certain amount of leveling off and filling in was essential.
Indications were that there had been a certain amount of refuse in
front of the structure when new operations were started. The people
apparently did not trust the material as a base for the new walls,
and accordingly dug through it to the old original ground level
and placed their foundations on it. The rest of the material was
smoothed off and used as a fill for leveling up the floors of the
rooms. This feature is illustrated in the sections shown in Figure
3, c and d. In making these sections the old ground level was
traced and recorded so that the proper relation between it and the
various floors could be shown. These drawings also illustrate the
possibility of the building having had a terraced effect. Had the
ceilings of the various chambers been approximately the same height
above the floor, then the rooms located higher up on the slopes of the
talus would have projected somewhat above the others and the build-
ing would have presented a characteristic pueblo appearance without
having any second story. A similar condition is to be observed
at the present time in certain sections of the village of Zuñi.
At the southeast corner of the building, in the angle formed by the
walls of rooms 18 and 19, was a large outdoor fire pit. Whether this
pit dates from this stage or the one following can not be stated with
definite assurance. Considering all things in general, however, it
appears logical to think that it belongs with this series of rooms.
Outdoor fire pits were used to a considerable extent by many of the

59
55 52
48
60
580 56
1530
54
049 D
Terrace
59 57 55 52
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13
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31-A
26-A22-A
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4
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KIVA
50
A
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DO
33-A32
KIVA
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14
KIVA
2
KIVA
51 46
45
17
16
15
42
47
Fire
pit
35
28
18
24
21
36
29
19 Fire pit
25
GREAT KIVA
No. I
30
KIVA
4
KIVA
3
Fire
Opit
48
31-A
26-A 22-A

KIVA
5 A 3
a
33
32

A H
50
KIVA
B
KIVA
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2
10
b


13
KIVA A
39 38
35
1918
19 18 L
47
28 24
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19
42
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50FT
FIGURE 4.-Final stage in growth of house A. Stippled portions show unoccupied rooms, a, b, c, d, Sections through building
82148-32. (Face p. 39.)
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i
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..
ROBERTS]
39
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
prehistoric Pueblo peoples, and their descendants continue the
practice. There were other exterior pits in addition to the one just
mentioned. In the section of the building which had been abandoned
there were four. Two of these may have been of later date, but the
others unquestionably were not. One was placed in the fill in room
33. The tops of the slabs which formed it were about 2 feet
(60.96 cm.) below the top of the original wall and there was a dis-
tinct level of occupation 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) below it. (Pl.
7, b.) This was later abandoned and the remaining portion of the
room filled in and a second story chamber erected over it. The pit
in the corner formed by the circular and straight walls at the north-
east side of kiva C was also covered by later refuse, so that it
undoubtedly belonged to approximately the present stage in the
growth of the pueblo. It had to be subsequent to the abandonment
of that series of rooms and to precede by some time the final phase
of occupancy, so it could hardly be considered as belonging to other
than this horizon. The other two were in use until the final abandon-
ment of the community. They may have been constructed during the
stage of development at present under consideration, and for that rea-
son have been indicated on the plan, or they may have pertained en-
tirely to the following and final one. This could not be determined.
The ultimate development of the community was attained with the
adding of the east and west wings; the construction of new chambers
over the old abandoned 22, 26, 31, 32, and 33; the incorporating of
inclosures in other portions of the building; and the placing of the
four kivas in the earth in front of the structure. All together, 31
new rooms were erected, and the plan of the pueblo took on the form
illustrated in Figure 4. There was no way of determining which
of the two wings was built first, or, for that matter, if they had been
constructed at the same time. There is no question concerning
the inferiority of their architecture, if such it may be called. The
ground plan shows clearly the irregularity of the rooms, and the
masonry in the walls was much poorer than that in the older por-
tions of the building. (Pl. 6, b.) As mentioned previously, the
whole aspect of these portions of the dwelling suggests that a differ-
ent group of people built them. It is quite possible that at this time
the community was augmented by a group moving into the area
and that the latter was invited to join the others. Such occurrences
have been noted among the more recent Pueblo peoples and may well
have taken place in the past. As will become apparent in the sec-
tions of this report which deal with the lesser objects from this site,
there is distinct evidence of a strong Upper Gila element in the local
culture. It is quite possible that this is to be attributed to the fact
that peoples from that district actually penetrated into this section
82148—32——————4
40
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
and affiliated with the inhabitants of Chaco extraction. Under such
conditions the cruder additions could well be ascribed to the new-
comers. The walls certainly are very suggestive of those found in
the ruins to the south. There is the possibility that the poorer con-
struction might have resulted from a breakdown of the local culture,
a thing which did and does happen, but such does not seem likely in
this instance. The tremendous increase in the number of rooms,
coupled with indications that many of the older chambers continued
to be occupied, bespeaks a decided augmentation of the group, a
growth which hardly could be accounted for on the basis of the
natural increase in such a community.
The rooms comprising the east and west wings gave evidence of a
certain progression in the order in which they were built. In the
east wing room 11 was unquestionably the first to be erected. It was
followed by 9, 10, and 8 in the order named. Then 7, 5, 3, 4, and 6
were built. The last in the series were those numbered 1 and 2 on the
ground plan. Room 15 did not come into being until after the con-
struction of kiva 2, as one corner of the room projected slightly over
the pit. The wall had probably rested on the roof of the subter-
ranean structure. A small court was formed between room 15 and
the east end of the main building by the erection of a wall. An
additional bit of construction consisted of a wall connecting the south
side of room 10 with the corner of room 16. (Fig. 4.) The space
between this and the old original east end of the pueblo was filled
with refuse, stones, earth, and rubbish. It gave every indication of
having been an intentional fill and not the result of a gradual
accumulation. There was no evidence that the opening at the east
end of the enclosure, lying between rooms 10 and 15 and along the
edge of kiva 2, had ever been closed. Neither was there anything to
suggest that the enclosure had ever been roofed over. It might
easily have been covered and formed a compartment, but if such
had been the case all evidence of it had disappeared. There was a
stone-lined fire pit along the west wall which implied that a certain
amount of household activity had taken place in the court.
The west wing was even more of a patchwork kind of house than
the east one. The first rooms erected were 52 and 55, then came 57.
It is possible that 53 may have preceded 57, but the matter is of no
great importance since the two antedate 58, 56, and the enclosure
numbered 54. Room 58 was built before 56 was erected and 54 was
still later. The last two chambers at this end of the building were
59 and 60. Closely associated with construction at this end of the
pueblo was the building of the terrace south of the west wing.
(Fig. 4; pl. 1.) There was a decided slope to the original surface
at this part of the site and the builders counteracted the disadvan-
tage of having a sharply slanting dooryard by erecting a low wall
ROBERTS]
41
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
some distance south of the wing and then filling in with refuse and
débris of various kinds. This was not an unusual practice on the
part of the prehistoric Pueblo peoples and examples of such fea-
tures are to be observed at various ruins throughout the area. It
does not seem to have been peculiar to any one group or horizon
and has no period or cultural significance.
Rooms 35 to 39 were placed in the space between the great kiva
and the older chambers, 28, 29, and 34. There was no clue to the
time when this was done, beyond the evidence that it took place
subsequent to the construction of the latter. This was clearly shown
by the comparatively thick deposit of refuse which had accumulated
between the kiva wall and the west side of rooms 28 to 30 before the
new chambers were erected. The section (fig. 4, d) made through
this portion of the building illustrates the variation in floor and
foundation levels between the two series. Rooms 35, 36, and 37 seem
to have preceded 38 and 39 by a perceptible interval, as an additional
amount of waste material was deposited there before the short wall
separating the inclosure into two chambers was built. The four
rooms, 36, 37, 38, and 39, are so small that they would have had very
little value as living quarters. For this reason it is probable that
they were used for storage purposes.
In this same section of the building three of the older rooms were
abandoned, namely 23, 27, and 34. They had not been in service
as long as some of the others but were vacated for a very good rea-
son, one which seems to be closely associated with the construction
of the upper chambers 32-A and 33-A. The south wall of the origi-
nal room 33, later 32-33, had been pushed slightly outward in its
upper courses and then had begun to buckle. Investigations indi-
cated that this had resulted from the combined pressure of the
refuse filling the ground-floor chambers, 32 and 33, and the weight
of the upper rooms, 32-A and 33-A. In an effort to prevent the
collapse of that part of the structure the occupants piled quantities
of earth and rocks against the sagging wall and then completed the
fill more gradually by depositing refuse in the remaining space.
(Fig. 5.) The character of the material in room 34, especially, bore
definite evidence that such had been the case. This is so well illus-
trated by the drawing that further comment is not necessary. There
was one other feature, however, in connection with this activity
which should be mentioned in passing. The doorway in the south
wall of room 34 had to be blocked in order that the débris would not
run out. The character of the masonry in this blocking and the
mortar used between the stones suggested that the work had been
done at the same time that room 35 was built. It is possible that the
family which had lived in room 34 erected 35 when forced to vacate
its previous quarters.
42
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The fill in room 27 not only supported the weakened wall, which,
however, was not so greatly damaged here as in room 34, but it
completely blocked and covered over the ventilator to kiva B.
Nothing was done to offset this disadvantage, apparently, and the
ceremonial chamber continued to be used until the building was
abandoned. That this had been the case was demonstrated by the
fill in the chamber. There was no refuse in it; the material con-
sisted wholly of débris of its own decay and stones from the fallen
east wall of room 32-A.
There was little to be learned concerning the rooms which consti-
tuted the second story. A greater part of their walls had fallen,
but sufficient evidence of their presence remained to demonstrate
that such chambers had been erected. Although they had given the
appearance of a second story to that portion of the building they can
not, strictly speaking, be considered as such. The lower tier of
rooms was no longer occupied, as a matter of fact did not exist,
since they had been completely filled in with refuse. The three
chambers 31–A, 32–A, and 33–A were built as a unit, then 22-26–A
was erected. The tops of the walls of the old ground-level rooms
served as foundations for the upper masonry. The latter did not
rest entirely upon the former. In portions of the newer walls the
stones projected beyond the original construction and were sup-
ported, in part, by the refuse content in the old chambers. This
feature is clearly shown by the sections (fig. 4, a, b), and a more de-
tailed discussion of it is not necessary. The fact that the pseudo
second story had been built subsequent to the abandonment of the
lower rooms was demonstrated by this overhang and by the un-
broken floors which had been laid on the leveled-off top of the
refuse deposit in them. The first three rooms, 31-A to 33-A, had
walls of the same kind of masonry as that noted for the old section
of the building, but the fourth contained the type characteristic of
the east and west wings. Examples of this may be noted in Plates
7, b, and 8, a.
The construction of new apartments on top of abandoned, filled-in
rooms was a frequent practice among the Pueblo peoples in pre-
historic times and also is quite prevalent at the present. A large
portion of the central section of Zuñi, that part of the village which
seems to be perched on a hill, is built over vacated, débris-filled
houses. As a matter of fact, both there and in some of the Hopi
towns, the process which leads to such a condition is going on to-day
in much the same fashion as it probably did in the past. Rooms
are abandoned, the roofs are permitted to fall in, considerable sand
is blown into the inclosure, and refuse is deposited there. As a
result of erosive factors, portions of the walls collapse, and in a
comparatively short time the chamber is practically filled with ac-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 7
a. Corner of room 50 showing ventilator, deflector, and fire pit
b. Fire pit on fill in room 33
UNIV
OF
DETAILS IN HOUSE A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 8
a. Foundation of later rooms resting on top of earlier wall
15
4
3
2
b. Difference in foundation levels between old and later sections of building
CONSTRUCTIONAL FEATURES IN HOUSE A
ROBERTS]
43
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
cumulated material. Then some one decides to build a new house
on the site. The remains of the ruined structure are leveled, and
above them rises another dwelling. During the summer of 1930
a number of such operations were under way. In two instances
the replaced structures had been vacated, fallen into decay, and
become more than half filled with débris in a period of three years.
The remaining bits of their walls were razed to the surface of the
accumulation, and then the new construction started. In the com-
pleted rooms the floors were several feet above those of the old house.
Rooms 12 and 13 were very late in their construction. This was
demonstrated by the height of their foundations above those of the
back wall of kiva A. (Pl. 8, b.) Considerable débris had slipped
down the talus slope and lodged against the north wall of the orig-

日
​FIGURE 5.-Diagram of fill in room 33. a, Accumulations of ash; b, intentional
fill to support sagging wall
inal structure. Possibly this was a part of the landslide which led
the people to move from the section farther west, before the walls
forming these inclosures were erected. As will be observed from
the measuring rod in the photograph, the bottom of the wall of room
12, where it joined the back of the original building, was 2 feet
6 inches (76.2 cm.) higher than the one which it abutted.
There was little of special interest in the majority of the rooms
erected during the last splurge of construction activity around this
pueblo. Rooms 55 and 57 warrant some consideration, however.
These two chambers were built around and over a large bowlder
which was too large to be moved out of the way. This is indicated
on the ground plan and is also shown in the sections. (Figs. 3, a,
and 4, a.) The wall separating the two rooms was built on top of
44
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the stone. (Pl. 9, a.) The latter projected to a considerable degree
into both chambers. In room 57 a mealing bin was constructed
between the rock and the wall at the opposite side. The edge of the
bowlder served as the side of one of the compartments in the bin.
(Pl. 9, b.) No metate was set in that compartment, and nothing
indicated that one ever had been placed there. Consequently it is
thought that it probably served as a storage place for unground
grain or as a place in which to set jars or baskets holding meal. The
plan of the room (fig. 4) shows three compartments in a row and a
fourth at one side, a feature which provided one more stone than
did the mealing bin in room 23. Only one of the original stones
is in position in the bin in the photograph. The second stone was
placed in position by one of the workmen after the room had been
cleared. The three additional metates had been removed from the
bin before the room
fell into ruin and was
covered over. This was
probably done by dwell-
ers from another part
of the building or pos-
sibly from one of the
other houses.

་
FIGURE 6.-Section through pi-gummi oven
Several outdoor fire
pits seem to have been
added to that phase of
the community exist-
ence during the last
stages of its develop-
ment. The location and position of these are shown on the plan
(fig. 4), and the pits themselves call for little discussion. All were
lined with stone slabs. Some were rectangular in outline, while
others were roughly circular. There was one, however, which was
not so much a fire pit as a pit oven. It was located on the slope
some distance south of the east wing and on the plat of the ruins
(pl. 1) is called a pit oven. In shape this pit was very suggestive of
one of the large culinary vessels used during this period. The inside
showed distinctly the marks of a digging stick used in making the
excavation. Very hot fires had been kindled in it, because the whole
interior was burned to a brick-red color. Perhaps the most in-
teresting feature was the small vent or flue extending obliquely from
one side of the pit to the ground level. (Fig. 6.) The walls of
this tubelike opening were also burned until the earth had taken on
a distinct reddish hue. Around the orifice, on the ground level, the
hard-packed dirt was considerably blackened by smoke. A large,
worked stone slab had been used as a cover for the main opening
ROBERTS]
45
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
•
•
into the pit. This object had been broken, but the fragments of it
were found lying on the bottom of the pit. In all of its features,
except that of size, this earth oven is very similar to the ones em-
ployed by the Hopi in baking sweet-corn mush wrapped in corn
husks.78 The latter have been described as follows by Mindeleff:
Each of the pi-gummi ovens is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or
4 inches [7.62 or 10.16 cm.] in diameter, descending obliquely from the ground
level into the cavity. Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in
order, and in this respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of
the Zuñi dome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel
containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been covered with
a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar to that of the dome-
shaped oven when the ground opening or doorway is hermetically closed."
No one seems to have recorded such an oven for the Zuñi, and the
workmen employed in the diggings said that they were not familiar
with the type. It seems curious that the form was in the district in
prehistoric times, and yet no traces of it are to be found among the
Zuñi, while it is present in the Hopi country. There is the possi-
bility that this kind of cooking pit was replaced by the dome-shaped
oven of the present day soon after the arrival of the Spaniards, and
that all remembrance of it has been obscured by the haze of uncer-
tainty which envelops the past. Mindeleff long ago suggested that
the complete adoption of a wholly foreign idea or feature of con-
struction was not likely to be found among so conservative a people
as the Pueblos and that the cooking pit developed to the point of the
pi-gummi oven of the Hopi may well have been the stem upon which
the Spanish type of oven was grafted.80 More extensive work in the
Zuñi region may show that such earth ovens prevailed in later stages
than that represented by the present site and that the place which it
occupied in the culinary customs of the people was taken by the dome-
shaped ovens. The Zuñi continue to roast green corn, in the husks,
in deep pits, but none of the latter have the oblique orifice at one side.
The oven near house A had been abandoned before the entire
community was deserted, because the lower portion of it was filled
with refuse and ordinary débris of accumulation, and a burial had
been made in the upper part. The skeleton had reached an advanced
stage of disintegration, due to the fact that the pit caught and held
considerable moisture, but there was enough remaining to show that
the individual had been an adult and that there had been no attempt
at cremation. It was at first thought that the pit had been employed
for such purposes, but this was not borne out by the evidence ob-
tained. The mouth of this pit measured 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.)
78 Hough, W., 1915, p. 66.
79 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 164. See fig. 53, p. 163. Hough gives the name pigame
instead of pi-gummi.
80 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 164.
46
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
in diameter. The sides sloped from this orifice to a point 2 feet 4
inches (71.12 cm.) below the opening, where the maximum diameter
of 3 feet 4 inches (1.016 m.) was attained. At the bottom the pit
measured 3 feet 3 inches (99.06 cm.) across. The total depth was
4 feet 9 inches (1.447 m.). The vent opening was 1 foot 7 inches.
(48.26 cm.) above the floor. It was oval in shape with an up-and-
down diameter of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) and a cross diameter
of 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The tubelike tunnel narrowed near the
outer end, where it measured 1 foot (30.48 cm.) by 8 inches
(20.32 cm.). The vent orifice opened 2 feet 2 inches (66.04 cm.)
from the edge of the mouth of the pit. The tapering of the flue
suggested that it had been dug out from the inside of the pit rather
than tunneled from the outside toward the oven.
One additional feature connected with the house A group should
be considered before the kivas are described and discussed. At the
base of the low cliffs east of the large building a series of inclosures,
rather puzzling in character, was found. (Pl. 1, A, B, C, D, E.) It
was difficult to determine whether the construction had been brought
to completion or left in an unfinished state. Room A had unques-
tionably been occupied as a dwelling, but none of the other walls
had been carried to a sufficient height to warrant the belief that
the inclosures had been roofed over. The masonry extending from
A to the base of the rocks, forming B, was only 3 feet (91.44 cm.)
in height and gave no evidence of having had additional courses.
There was no fallen wall material in the débris which filled the
narrow space. Furthermore, the even tops of these walls sug-
gested that there was no intention of adding to them. They did
not present the usual appearance of unfinished masonry. On the
contrary, inclosure C gave every evidence of not having been
brought to completion. It seems quite apparent that it was the
intention of the builders to add another chamber to A, but for some
reason this was never carried out. D no doubt functioned as a
court. E gave satisfactory indications that the masonry forming
that inclosure had been erected as a retaining wall around a small
refuse mound. The space was entirely filled with waste material
from the dwelling and also contained two burials. It was at first
thought that the refuse had been deposited in an abandoned cham-
ber. When the investigation of that particular place had been
concluded, however, there was no question but what the wall had
been built around an already sizable accumulation of ashes, house
sweepings, and other residue from the daily life of the community.
Room A in this group was of particular interest because of the
fact that a large bowlder formed one side of the chamber. The
builders had taken advantage of this natural object and erected their
ROBERTS]
47
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
walls alongside of it in such fashion that it was necessary for them
to construct only three sides of the room. The top of the stone was
5 feet 6 inches (1.676 m.) above the floor level. The highest part
was on the room side, and the sharp slope of the upper surface would
have effectively drained rain water away from the chamber. It is
not generally supposed that the prehistoric Pueblos provided a pro-
nounced slant to their roofs, but they did allow for a certain amount
of drainage, and it is quite possible that in this particular case the
tilt was toward the bowlder, so that the water would follow a natural
course and not drip down against the wall on the other side or tend
to run into the room between the edge of the bowlder and the ceiling.
The most satisfactory explanation for the long, narrow corridor
designated B is that it may have functioned as a pen for keeping
turkeys. There was plentiful evidence around the village that the
people had had considerable numbers of such fowl, and the birds may
on occasion have been confined in an inclosure of this kind. Beyond
the fact that the skeleton of a turkey was found in it, the place itself
gave no indication that it had functioned in that capacity. It was
not filled with refuse, however, as was the case in E, and suggested
that it had stood open until the time of the abandonment of the
village. The débris in its interior was of the type which accumu-
lates as a result of the action of natural forces. The walls were
rather low to have functioned as an effective barrier, but sticks and
brush placed across the top would have kept the birds from straying.
Pens of this kind, stone walls, and brush tops, are not unknown
among the present Pueblos, and may well have been employed in the
past. Hence the suggestion in this instance.
The masonry in the walls of this cluster of inclosures was similar
to that found in the east and west wings of the large dwelling. For
this reason it is thought that they probably date from the same
horizon in the development of the community and consequently were
a late addition to the village.
KIVAS
One of the most interesting features associated with ruins is that
of the ceremonial chambers, or kivas. As previously mentioned, there
are two general types, one rectangular and the other circular. The
circular group falls into two main divisions, the ordinary-sized
chambers which are frequently called clan kivas and the super-
ceremonial structures, or great kivas. The round form was the more
highly specialized and reached its greatest development in the nuclear
portion of the Pueblo area. In its spread to the more peripheral
districts certain features were lost, although most of the essential
characteristics were retained. The origin and growth of the small
48
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
or clan type of circular chamber has been fairly well determined, but
there is still considerable to be learned about the rectangular ex-
amples. This may be attributed in no small degree to the paucity
of work in sites where the latter was the predominant form. Future
investigations should do much toward removing this condition, and
it is possible that its development may be found to have paralleled
that of the other form. It is only recently that considerable infor-
mation necessary to an appreciation of the small circular type has
been secured. Because there is so much labor involved in clearing
one of these chambers of its accumulated débris, and because museum
specimens are so rarely found in them, most of the earlier investi-
gators did not excavate them. As a consequence, there are many
districts where the house type is known, but data on the kiva are
totally lacking. Since it has become recognized that knowledge is
as essential as objects to be placed in an exhibition case, more atten-
tion has been devoted to the less productive phases, from the speci-
men standpoint. An example of this is the Little Colorado region.
Until very recently it was glibly said that the circular kiva was miss-
ing from that area, but intensive investigations there have shown that
such was not the case.
Southwestern archeologists long expressed the belief that the
circular kivas, of the ordinary-sized group, represented a survival
of the old original type of dwelling. The well-known tendency of
primitive peoples to cling tenaciously to ancient practices in matters
pertaining to religious observances furnished the basis for that con-
clusion.81 During the last few years examples of the ancient type
of domiciles have been found in the remains of houses dating from
Basket Maker III and Pueblo I times. These semisubterranean
structures contained many of the features which later were incor-
porated in the kivas and definitely substantiate what for a consider-
able period was little more than theory.82 In the introduction to this
paper it was pointed out that the development of the rectangular-
roomed, above-ground houses created a problem, inasmuch as the
religious ceremonies were probably inseparably associated with a
round, semi-subterranean form of structure. In surmounting this
difficulty it became the custom to provide one of the old-style cham-
bers for each small-house group. When a number of these groups
combined and built a single large dwelling several ceremonial
structures were supplied.
The older, more primitive kivas show a closer resemblance to
the pit houses than do the later highly specialized ones, but the
derivation of the latter is still apparent. The earliest kivas were
81 Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 111–112; Nordenskiöld, G., 1893, p. 168.
82 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, pp. 81–90; 1931, pp. 16-86.
ROBERTS]
49
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ކ
detached from the main building. Their roofs were only sufficiently
elevated above the ground level to provide for drainage and en-
trance was generally through a central opening in the roof, which
served as a combined smoke hole and hatchway. Later the cere-
monial chambers were attached to the dwelling and ultimately were
brought above ground and incorporated into it. It was at this
time that the practice of inclosing the kiva within a rectangular
room developed. When this was done the space between the outer
and inner walls was filled with earth, probably as a means of simu-
lating an underground structure. Toward the end of the golden
age of the house-building cultures, Pueblo III, there was a tendency
to return to the practice of erecting the ceremonial chamber in a
detached position. This is exemplified by the four kivas placed in
the earth in front of house A. The revival of the older custom
became quite marked in the subsequent horizons. The Hopi vil-
lages and some of those along the Rio Grande are present-day ex-
amples of the feature. At Zuñi, however, they still remain in the
main mass of the dwellings. This condition did not prevail always.
Many of the late prehistoric ruins of the Zuñi district have remains
of kivas in the courtyards and in other instances they occupied more
marginal positions. The oppressive policy of the Spanish authori-
ties, and fear of the priests, at one time forced the people of this
pueblo to hold their religious observances in secret in the innermost
recesses of the ancient portion of the village. The original kivas
were probably completely abandoned at this time and as a result of
unfavorable conditions there was a general breakdown in the nature
of the chamber. There is little structural evidence to differentiate
the present kivas from ordinary large living rooms beyond the type
of fire pit and hatchway entrance through the roof and, as Mindeleff
has pointed out, it is doubtful whether these rooms represent the
original form of kiva.8
Characteristics common to most of the small circular kivas are:
A banquette or bench; pilasters, columnar projections along the
wall above the bench, which supported the roof timbers; a central
fire pit; a deflector or screen; a ventilator consisting of a vertical
flue and a horizontal passage opening into the room on or below
the floor level; and storage boxes around the wall and in the floor.
Quite a number of these structures have additional features in the
form of a hole in the floor, near the center of the chamber, called
the sipapu, and a deep niche or recess above the ventilator. These
will be considered in more detail in the discussion of the kivas in
house A. Not every kiva has all of the features listed above, but a
majority of them are to be found in most of the structures. In gen-
88 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 112.
50
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
eral it may be said that there were two types of kiva roofs; one was
flat and the other was cribbed. The latter was the prevailing form
in the northern districts.
The great kivas seem to have been a definite heritage from Basket
Maker III times. A village dating from that period in the Chaco
Canyon, N. Mex., contained one 84 and several have been found in
sites of the same horizon in the La Plata district farther north.
The developed form, as observed in later stages, contained more fea-
tures than the earlier type, although basically it seems to have served
the same purpose. Like the smaller chambers, the great kivas are
circular in contour. Inside, the lower part of the wall is encircled
by a bench; near the center of the floor is a fire pit, or a raised fire
box; on either side there is a rectangular vault-like masonry box.
Four large masonry pillars supported the central part of the roof.
In the Basket Maker III examples large posts served in this capacity.
Lying at a level considerably above that of the floor, at the north
side of each great kiva, is a kind of antechamber. In some cases
these were reached by means of built-in stairways; in others ladders
were probably used. Most of the great kivas have a series of small
rooms surrounding them. The floor levels of these chambers are
on the same plane as that of the antechamber. The ground plan of
several of these structures is very suggestive of a wheel. The kiva
represents an enlarged hub and the walls connecting the periphery
of the ceremonial chamber and the outer concentric wall, as well as
furnishing the partitions for the surrounding rooms, constitute the
spokes. The two great kivas at the present site did not have the
series of peripheral chambers, but in each case the north antechamber
was in evidence.
The function of these superceremonial chambers has not been de-
termined. Morris has suggested that such structures were sanc-
tuaries for the whole community, where the members of the various
priesthoods met to perform rites as sacred as were known to the
Pueblos of that time.85 In the discussion of the large kiva found in
the Basket Maker III village in the Chaco Canyon it was suggested
that the smaller, more numerous ceremonial chambers were possibly
dedicated to the performance of ordinary ceremonies peculiar to cer-
tain groups, the observances once held in the dwellings, whereas the
great communal rituals, those in which all of the village was con-
cerned, were held in the large structures, the superkivas. It is quite
possible, although the present knowledge on the subject does not
justify a definite statement, that the dances now held in the more en-
closed courtyards of the villages may once have been performed in
Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, pp. 73-81.
85 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 135.
* Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, pp. 80–81.
86
ROBERTS]
51
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
the great kivas. Zuñi ceremonies which take place in an almost
hidden plaza in the center of the main cluster of houses have fre-
quently suggested such an idea.
The problem of the rectangular kivas, as already stated, is quite
perplexing. Some investigators profess to see their development
out of the rectangular form of pit house, in that way paralleling the
origin and growth of the circular type. Such may well have been
the case, but the explanation is not entirely satisfactory. In the re-
gion where the circular form had its origin and greatest growth
rectangular pit dwellings were not uncommon and could as easily
have furnished the prototype there as elsewhere. Something more
significant than mere chance probably determined the choice. What
that factor may have been is still to be determined. One plausible
interpretation of conditions is that the rectangular form of dwelling
was rather late in its appearance in the pit house horizon, Basket
Maker III to be explicit, and for that reason had gained little cere-
monial significance. Hence, the retention of the round type for re-
ligious purposes. The rectangular pit domicile may have predomi-
nated in the more peripheral sections as the result of a late spread of
peoples and culture. On such grounds a room of similar shape for
the ritualistic observances of later horizons would have been logical.
One difficulty in this connection, however, is that the best examples
of rectangular kivas, the Hopi and Zuñi, suggest a derivation from
the circular form.
More than 40 years ago Cushing advanced the theory that the
rectangular ceremonial rooms at Zuñi had evolved from the circular
type. He explained it on the basis of the abandonment of the inner
round structure inclosed in a rectangular room, the latter being
retained and considered sufficient. In this connection he pointed
out the fact that all of the ceremonies performed in the large square
kivas at Zuñi were better adapted to a circular form of structure.87
This would tend to indicate that they had grown up in the circular
type and then had been transplanted without adaptation to a rectan-
gular room. That the Hopi rectangular kivas might well have been
derived from the round form is demonstrated by some of the earth
chambers in front of house A at the site herein being considered.
The flattening of three sides would readily produce such a structure.
Inasmuch as indications at this time point toward a late origin for
the rectangular kiva in the Kayenta and Hopi districts, as well as at
Zuñi, it would seem that until further evidence is available the most
logical conclusion would be that the rectangular form was derived
from the circular type. This, however, may be vitiated by future
discoveries.
87 Cushing, F. H., 1896, p. 364.
52
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
j
There is one factor in connection with the foregoing discussion of
rectangular kivas which should be made clear, and that is with
respect to rooms 20 and 50. The latter are not considered as exam-
ples of rectangular kivas. It will be recalled that the suggestion
was made that they possibly were the prototype of the fraternity
chamber as contrasted with the true kiva. Whether this is a sound
supposition or not only future investigations can tell. They can
not be considered as examples of the rectangular form of ceremonial
chamber, however. Several of the essential features of the latter
are totally missing from those rooms, and so far as the present
remains are concerned it seems best that they be regarded from the
other point of view.
KIVA A
The most elaborate and the best preserved of the group of small
kivas was that designated A in house A. It was found to contain
many of the features which have been considered characteristic of
the circular type, but in some respects it presented individual varia-
tions which served to set it apart from other chambers. The cir-
cular wall was erected inside a rectangular room, and except for
one corner, where a small chamber, room 14, had been provided, the
intervening space was filled with débris. (Fig. 7.) A portion of
the northern arc was dug into the ground, so that the bottom of
the room, from the bench top to the floor, at that side was sub-
terranean. The major part of the structure was above that level,
however, and an underground chamber was simulated by the fill.
The desired effect had been obtained without extensive excavations
having first been made. This was a consideration of no little impor-
tance when it is remembered that the only implements available
for such work were stone and wood. The people of that period were
unacquainted with any form of metal tools. When necessity or
custom required, however, they did not hesitate to expend a great
amount of energy in constructing such an edifice. The four sub-
terranean dirt kivas and the great kivas are splendid examples in
the present instance. There probably were other reasons than that
of a saving of labor to account for the aboveground kivas built
within a rectangular room. Although only conjectural, the most
plausible explanation is that the custom developed as a part of the
communal-house complex resulting from external pressure. Greater
protection for its occupants would be provided by incorporating the
ceremonial chamber in the main block of the building. Further-
more, it made possible a more compact and regular type of village
structure. The kivas in house A were not likely placed in the
dwelling as a direct result of such causes but in continuation of an
already established vogue.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 9
a. Wall built on top of bowlder
b. Mealing bin in room 57
DETAILS IN HOUSE A
UNIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 10
a. View of south side of chamber
b. North portion showing katcina niche
KIVA A
ROBERTS]
53
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Typical kiva features found in A were a bench, a ventilator, de-
flector, central fire pit, sipapu, a deep recess or enlargement of the
bench at the south side above the ventilator (pl. 10, a), and a small
niche in the wall below the bench on the north side (pl. 10, b).

b
0
a
90
f
b
14
C
C
a

$
d
LOFT
C
FIGURE 7.-Plan of kiva A. a, Outer wall; b, bench; c, ventilator recess;
d, deflector; e, ventilator; f, fire pit; g, sipapu; h, hole for prayer stick;
i, Katcina niche; j, subfloor vault; k, fill above ventilator passage
There were no pilasters to support the roof timbers, which suggests
that a variation of the flat type of covering was used, and in
the floor at the west side of the chamber was a long, rectangular
54
BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
vault. (Fig. 7, j.) The lack of pilasters and the presence of a
subfloor box are features which seem to be more or less characteristic
in this general district. Benches without pilasters occur sporadically
elsewhere, but the subfloor vault is rare in all but the Zuñi ruins.
One of the interesting features found in most kivas is the venti-
lator. The latter was just what its name implies; it served to supply
the chamber with fresh air. As mentioned in the general discussion
on ceremonial rooms, the ventilator usually consists of a vertical
shaft opening to the outside and a horizontal passage extending
from a vent in the kiva to the bottom of the flue. In some cases
the passage penetrates the wall of the chamber, and the aperture
is on the floor level; in others the horizontal portion passes beneath
the floor, and the opening is in the floor at some distance from the
wall. With a fire burning in the pit near the center of the room,
the heat rising from it and passing out through the smoke hole in
the roof would draw fresh air down through the shaft and tunnel
and into the chamber. That such actually did occur has been demon-
strated in kivas found with their roofs intact and also in those
which have been restored. Evidence from a number of sources has
shown that the feature was not designed originally for such a pur-
pose. It unquestionably represents a modified and specialized sur-
vival of the entrance found in the earlier and cruder forms of pit
houses, the Basket Maker III dwellings. 88 During Pueblo I times
the tendency was to shift from the antechamber and passage type of
entrance to the smoke hole-hatchway form, although the opening
with tunnel and shaft at one side of the room was retained.89 This
would indicate that some significance was attached to the feature
beyond that of a mere means of access to the domicile. Whether it
was ceremonial or utilitarian or a combination of both is not known.
It may be that certain rites were associated with the old doorway
and it was retained for that reason, or the people may have dis-
covered its value as a means of refreshing the air in the dwelling
and on that basis continued it as a regular house feature. At all
events it became a definite part of the kiva complex, although in
later periods when the rectangular structures became prominent it
finally disappeared.
The ventilator in kiva A was of the subfloor type. The horizontal
passage had been dug below the general level of the chamber. The
vertical shaft differed from the usual form in that it did not rise
through the outer wall but was inside and opened in the floor of the
recess above the ventilator passage. This is clearly shown by the
section in Figure 7 and in the photograph, Plate 10, a. Why such an
arrangement should have been made is not known. The ventilator
88 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, pp. 84–85.
* Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 23, 30–31, 39, 53, 62, 70, 75, 80–81, 84, 85, 110.
ROBERTS]
55
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
would certainly not have been as effective under such conditions as it
would have been had the opening been to the outside air. This
suggests that the feature may have been retained for strictly cere
monial rather than utilitarian purposes. That such was actually
the case seems somewhat doubtful, however, as evidence in general
tends to show that a practical function was the ultimate object in the
construction of this kiva element. Had there been any remaining
roof timbers over that portion of the chamber some explanation
might have been forthcoming, but there was a total absence of super-
structure débris with an attendant lack of helpful hints. It is pos-
sible that this kiva may have had a covering similar to that found
in one structure in the Kayenta region by Doctor Fewkes. He
reported that there was no roof over the recess in that chamber.90
If the same condition had prevailed in kiva A, or if there had been
a small opening in the recess covering, the ventilator would have
functioned in a proper manner. All this, of course, is purely specu-
lation. The only definite thing about the flue is that it opened into
the recess.
The horizontal passage of the ventilator was dug into the earth
and then covered over. A small offset along each side at the top
of the trench supported the covering material. The latter consisted
of small poles upon which rested twigs and leaves covered with a
thin layer of earth. After the passage had been roofed in this
fashion the wall of the bench was completed at the front of the
recess, the sides of the vertical part of the ventilator were walled up,
and the remaining space was filled in with earth. (Fig. 7, k.) The
floor of the recess was paved with large stone slabs and that portion
of the kiva completed. The masonry in the face of the bench at
that point indicates definitely that it was erected after the comple-
tion of the trench. (Pl. 10, a.) Where the horizontal passage ex-
tended into the chamber, stone slabs, forming a bit of flagging in
the floor, were placed on top of the brush and earth cover over the
trench. The rectangular opening of the latter was equipped with a
coping of stones.
The problem of the purpose of the deep recess above the ventilator
is one which has as yet not been solved. One explanation is that it
may be analogous to or represent the prototype of the spectator's
bench or platform in the Hopi kivas.91 The latter occupies about
one-third of the total floor space in the kiva, and its level is a foot
(30.48 cm.) or more above that of the remaining portion. The Hopi
say that this dais is free for the use of visitors or spectators just
as the terraced housetops furnish points of vantage from which to
90 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a, p. 19.
❝ Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a, p. 24.
82148-325
56
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
observe dances held in the open courts.92 This idea may well have
originated among the ancients and have survived down to the pres-
ent day. In the kivas at Acoma the actual bench or recess is no
longer present, but the spectators sit at the south end of the room
where they will not interfere with the rites. An interesting fact in
this connection is that although the kivas are now rectangular the
spectators sit in a semicircle. This suggests that originally they
squatted along the base of a curved wall. Ventilator recesses like
that in kiva A have been considered one of the characteristics of the
San Juan type of ceremonial chamber. The feature is especially
prominent in Prudden's unit-type ruins; 93 it is found in some of the
Mesa Verde kivas; 94 there are examples of it in the ruins at Aztec in
northern New Mexico; 95 some of the circular chambers in the small
houses of the Chaco Canyon region have it, and one kiva in Pueblo
Bonito was built with a recess; 96 it occurs in northeastern Arizona; 97
and it has been found near the western borders of the Zuñi region.98
The deflector, a structural element designed to prevent the air
pouring into the chamber through the ventilator from blowing di-
rectly onto the fire, consisted of a low masonry wall in kiva A. It
was placed between the ventilator opening and the fire pit. There
was some space between the wall and the vent aperture, but it rose
abruptly from the edge of the fire pit. (Fig. 7, d; pl. 10, a.) There
was nothing unusual about this deflector, either in form or con-
struction. In all respects it was quite like many other low walls
built for a similar purpose. It might be said in passing that de-
flectors of various types are found. Some consist of a single slab
of stone placed in an upright position between the fire pit and the
ventilator; others are of wattle and daub construction, small up-
right poles incased in mud plaster; and there is the masonry group,
of which the present is an example. The feature is a distinct sur-
vival from Basket Maker III and Pueblo I pit dwellings. Many
of the earlier investigators persisted in calling the deflector an altar
and disregarded any utilitarian function which it might have had.
The evidence gathered by persistent excavation has tended to show
that the reverse was true. The utilitarian idea was foremost and the
ceremonial probably of little consequence; in fact, it would be almost
impossible to use the stone slab and wattle and daub forms of
deflector as altars. The disappearance of the feature, with the
92 Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 121, 123.
98 Prudden, T. M., 1914, fig. 4, p. 45.
4 Fewkes, J. W., 1909 a, pl. 1; 1911 b, pl. 8.
95 Morris, E. H., 1924, map.
B6 Pepper, G. H., 1920, pp. 220–221; fig. 155, room 59.
97 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a, pls. 13, 14; Kidder, A. V., 1924, fig. 12, p. 69.
98 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pl. 10, c.
99
Roberts, F. H. H., fr., 1929 b, pp. 17, 20, 23, 26, 29, 32, 35, 43, 45, 50, 54, 63, 69;
1931, pp. 18-19.
ROBERTS]
57
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
abandonment of the ventilator, would also indicate a lack of any
important ceremonial significance.
The fire pit in kiva A was roughly circular in outline. It had
been dug into the earth and then lined with a heavy coating of adobe
mud. The top was flush with the floor level, there was no encircling
ridge, and at several places the rim had been strengthened by the
introduction of small stones. There were not enough of the latter,
however, to make a coping. The clay lining of the pit had been
baked to a bricklike consistency by the fires which had been kindled
there and no doubt had proved as satisfactory as the more substantial
stone facing frequently found on the sides of such basins. Although
the pit was comparatively deep, it had not been used in its entirety.
The lower portion had been filled with clean sand before any fires
were started. This seems to have been a rather common practice in
the Pueblo area, but its significance is not known.
A short distance from the edge of the fire pit, and lying to the
north of it, was a hole in the floor which is called the sipapu (also
known by the names shipapulima, shipapuyana, cibobe, and chipap).
There are a number of explanations for this feature, probably due
to the fact that in the Indian mind it is endowed with a variety of
attributes. Among the present-day Pueblos it is regarded as the
place of the gods and the most sacred portion of the ceremonial
room. In addition, it symbolizes the opening through which the
people first emerged when coming up from the under to the outer
world and the aperture through which their spirits must return
when they go to join their ancestors. Also, through this hole comes
the beneficent influence of the deities. There seems little question
but what it had the same significance among the prehistoric Pueblos.
The example in kiva A showed careful workmanship and a some-
what more elaborate character than is usually observed. A well-
smoothed block of sandstone with a circular perforation through its
center was placed over the hole in the floor. The top of this block
of stone was flush with the general floor level. There was a cover
for the opening, consisting of a circular piece of specially prepared
slate. (Pls. 10, a; 12, a.) It was found in place when that portion
of the kiva was uncovered during the process of excavation. The
treatment of the sipapu varied considerably. Some consist of simple
holes in the floor with a lining of adobe plaster. Others were fitted
with a neck from a broken jar. Some of the present Zuñi kivas
have a stone with a hole through it embedded in the floor and among
the Hopi the general practice is to cover the hole in the floor with a
plank, the top of which is flush with the floor, through which an
opening has been cut. When not in use, the hole is kept plugged or
covered with a board or stone. The presence of a cover in kiva A
shows that the latter custom is not a recent innovation. At the
58
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
bottom of the sipapu in kiva A were several very small stone beads,
made from a ferruginous shale, and two pieces of turquoise. The
latter was in the rough matrix. According to the Zuñi, offerings are
always placed in the sipapu. Turquoise, because of its marked
religious significance, is especially appropriate and it is practically
mandatory that pieces of it be deposited there. The other items may
vary. This is particularly true in the kind of beads used. They
may be shell or bone as well as stone. At Zuñi, however, shell is the
preferred form for the sipapu offerings.
One of the most interesting features in kiva A was that of the
long subfloor vault or trench at the west side of the chamber, between
the fire pit, deflector, ventilator group, and the wall. (Fig. 7, j.)
As mentioned previously, vaults of this type are not common in kivas
C
b
SFT
a
FIGURE 8.—Section through subfloor vault of kiva A.
a, Floor level; b, platforms; c, bottom of vault; d,
basin in vault floor
2
in general. They form
one of the characteris-
tic elements in the great
or super kivas, but out-
side of the Zuñi region
are rarely found in the
ordinary type of cere-
monial chamber. The
two circular kivas
which Hodge exca-
vated near Hawikuh
contained similar

vaults' and one of the ceremonial chambers in the ruin on the Long
H Ranch in eastern Arizona presented a comparable although slight-
ly different form of the feature. The variation in the Long H vault
was one of location. It was placed between the fire pit and the
sipapu, its long axis running east and west, instead of at one side of
the chamber on a north-and-south line. The vault in kiva A was
dug into the earth. It had two main levels. At each end, a few
inches below the floor, was a small platform; the sides of the pit
then descended sharply to the bottom. Near the center of the vault
floor was an oval opening bordered by a rim of adobe plaster.
Below this aperture was a small jug-shaped basin. (Fig. 8.) The
upper borders of the vault were framed by a series of thin stones
set into the floor. The tops of these stones were smooth and placed
flush with the floor. This coping constituted the only use of that
material in the vault. The earth walls and bottom, as well as the
inside of the floor basin, were covered with adobe plaster. All of
the details of this vault are clearly illustrated in Plate 11 and need
no additional elaboration.
¹ Hodge, F. W., 1923, pp. 15, 23-24, 35–37.
2 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1981, p. 98.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111. PLATE 11
SUBFLOOR VAULT IN KIVA A
NIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 12
a. Sipapu, fire pit, ventilator complex in A
6. Katcina niche showing imprints of prayer
sticks
c. Kiva C showing subfloor vault, fire pit, and ventilators
KIVA FEATURES
ROBERTS]
59
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
3
The purpose of the subfloor vaults in the great kivas has long
proved a stumbling block for archeologists endeavoring to explain
the features found in those structures. For a time it seemed that
the discovery of similar elements in some of the smaller ceremonial
chambers would only add to the difficulty. Recently, however, cer-
tain factors associated with the performance of ceremonies in the
kivas at Acoma have become known and as a result it is possible to
suggest an explanation for the presence of the vaults in the small
chambers. In the kivas at Acoma there is a rectangular pit in the
floor at the north side of the fire pit. In the bottom of this rec-
tangular cavity there is a hole which is held to be symbolic of the
aperture through which it is believed the great ancestral mother of
the group passed on the journey which led her to the present world.
When ceremonies are being performed in the kiva certain of the
priests dance on the board covers of the pit in order that a deep
booming sound essential to the proper observance of the rites may be
produced. In other words the pits might properly be considered
as a form of built-in drum. The vault in kiva A may have fulfilled
such a function. The slightly depressed levels or shelf-like features
at each end would have made it possible to place roughly hewn planks
over the deeper portion of the pit without breaking the floor line, since
the lower position of the rests would compensate for the thickness
of the covering. There was no indication in the vault that it had
been covered, but if timbers had been used in that capacity all traces
of them might easily have been obliterated by decay. One of the
vaults in the kivas near Hawikuh gave evidence of a stone lid.*
Whether the latter would have functioned properly as a sounding
board or have withstood the pounding feet of an energetic priest is
debatable. It is conceivable, however, that it might have proven
satisfactory. The preparation of wooden planks would have been
a rather difficult and tedious job for people equipped only with stone
implements, although they were not incapable of producing objects
of that nature, as examples from the Mesa Verde, Chaco Canyon,
and other localities have demonstrated.
There may be a possible connection between the dancing on the
cover over the pit in the Acoma kivas and a similar practice observed
among the Hopi. At certain intervals during the progress of a cere-
mony the latter stamp on the board in which the sipapu is cut. The
explanation given for this action is that they wish to inform those
in the spirit world that a ritual is being performed so that they may
join in it and add their supplications to those of the living. The
* This information was obtained from unpublished notes kindly furnished by M. W.
Stirling, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Mr. Stirling's informant was
Edward Hunt, an Acoma Indian, who spent the summer and fall of 1928 in Washington.
• Hodge, F. W., 1923, p. 15.
60
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
question arises as to whether this represents a breakdown in custom
and the transfer of ceremonial practice from one kiva feature to
another or a ritualistic development along somewhat different lines.
Where some of the ancients provided a separate and distinct ele-
ment on which to enact parts of their rites the later peoples may
have been content to let one serve both purposes. On the other hand,
this special feature may have been a late development in one rela-
tively small group of people and have had neither a very wide dis-
tribution nor a lasting influence on the rituals. Still another inter-
pretation is that the Acoma pit and Hopi sipapu rites are truly
analogous and have no bearing whatsoever on the function of the kiva
vaults. It should be borne in mind that the foregoing has been in
the nature of speculation and suggestion in an effort to explain the
significance of the subfloor vaults. Thus far no archeological evi-
dence on their function has been secured.
Incorporated in the bench at the north side of kiva A was a niche
of more elaborate form than is usually found. (Pl. 10, b.) A stone
slab, carefully worked, had been placed on edge at the bottom of the
opening to form a sill for the aperture. Immediately in front, on the
floor of the kiva, was a broad, low step of adobe mortar. The sides
of the opening did not rise vertically but slanted slightly so that the
top was narrower than the bottom. Originally a stone lintel had
extended across the top and provided an unbroken surface for the
bench. This had fallen, however, and was not in position when the
kiva was excavated. It was in the débris which filled the front
portion of the niche. Imprints in the plaster showed where it had
rested. Smaller niches are frequently found at this side of kivas, but
construction as extensive as that in kiva A is rather rare.
The Hopi
kivas of the present day have them and they also form a feature in
the Acoma chambers. Among the Hopi they are called the Kat-
cina kihu or house of the Katcinas. During ceremonies certain
masks are placed in them when not in use by the dancers. The
Acoma explanation is that such niches represent the door of the
northern, eastern, and western mountains, of the Sun and the Moon.
When prayers are offered up to the deities of those regions the
supplication is made into that opening. Also, when the spirits of the
gods enter or leave the kiva they do so through the same "doorway."
Similar niches are often found at other sides of the ceremonial
chamber, but they are not considered as important as that at the
north and serve only as repositories for minor objects, such as bits
of paints, pipes, and small implements.
5
The niche in kiva A seemed to have been more in the nature of a
shrine or altar. When its interior was being cleaned out it was
"Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 121.
ROBERTS]
61
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
found that a greater part of the space had been filled with sticks.
The latter had been set in an upright position, their tops leaning
toward the back wall. Unfortunately, the material had all decayed
and it was not possible to obtain a single stick. The molds left
in the blow sand which had drifted in around them before they
disintegrated were so distinct, however, that there could be no ques-
tion about their former existence. (Pl. 12, b.) In several of the
molds meager traces of decomposed wood still adhered to the sides.
The question arose as to what the sticks might have been. Minute
observation of the earth and the impressions in it revealed occa-
sional faint outlines which could have been made only by feathers.
Hence there seemed little doubt but that the sticks had been prayer
pahos which had almost completely filled the niche at the time when
the kiva was abandoned. They may have been special offerings
deposited there instead of at shrines removed from the village.
It is possible that the same idea prevailed there as at Acoma, namely,
that the gods could be reached through that opening and that gifts
to them properly belonged there. Measurements of the molds
showed that the sticks had averaged 2 feet (60.96 cm.) in length and
one-fourth inch (6.35 mm.) in diameter. The altar or shrine aspect
of this niche was enhanced by the fact that in front of the adobe
step there was a small hole in the floor which the Zuñi insisted was
to hold a wand or prayer stick. Close by, on the floor of the kiva,
were two stones of the type called tiponi, or corn goddess symbols.
They were not standing in the positions shown in the photograph
(pl. 10, b), but were tipped over on their sides. They were lying
in such a way, however, as to suggest that they had been placed
as shown. The Zuñi workmen insisted that they should be so set,
although the only explanation they could give was that similar stone
objects were usually put at each side of the altar. Objects of this
kind have been found in ruins in other sections. Several examples
were secured at the Mesa Verde and a number have been observed at
various sites in the Little Colorado or Hopi region. Zuñi informants
stated that even at the present time one is occasionally placed in a
cornfield in order that a plentiful crop may be assured. When
employed in this way the stones are usually ornamented with beads
and feathers and are sprinkled, from time to time, with sacred
pollen.
Kiva A contained other fetishes in addition to the tiponi just dis-
cussed. The finding of a head cut from stone was quite unexpected.
Some kind of animal is represented by the carving, but, although the
work was carefully done, it is not possible to determine definitely
what it was intended to depict. Whether it was supposed to be an
actual or a mythological creature can not be stated. This object will
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
be considered in greater detail in the section of this report dealing
with the products of the people's handicraft, hence a more complete
description is not essential here. Another object which probably
served some fetishistic purpose was found on top of the bench above
the north niche. It is a purely natural formation, a curiously shaped
concretion which caught the fancy of some Indian and was carried to
the kiva. Similar stones have frequently been found in ruins and
are to be observed in the ritualistic paraphernalia of the modern
Pueblos. They are considered as symbolic of the germ of life.
Kiva A measured 16 feet 6 inches (5.029 m.) above the bench on
its east-west diameter and 14 feet 9 inches (4.495 m.) below the bench
on the same line. On the north-south diameter it was 20 feet 8 inches
(6.299 m.) from wall to wall above the bench, this measurement
including the ventilator recess, and 15 feet 2 inches (4.622 m.) inside
the bench. The recess was 9 feet (2.743 m.) along its south wall and
7 feet 3 inches (2.209 m.) where it opened into the kiva. From the
front of the recess, the edge of the bench, to the south wall was 4 feet
7 inches (1.397 m.). The floor of the recess was 5 inches (12.7 cm.)
higher than the top of the bench. The bench averaged 10 inches
(25.4 cm.) in width. At the north side of the chamber its top was
2 feet 8 inches (81.28 cm.) above the floor. Because of the difference
in level between the top of the bench and the floor of the ventilator
recess on the south side, the wall of the bench rose 3 feet 1 inch
(93.98 cm.) above the floor of the room.
The mouth of the ventilator flue, where it opened in the floor of
the recess, measured 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) on the north-south
line and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) on the east-west. From the
mouth of the flue to the bottom of the shaft was 4 feet 5 inches
(1.346 m.). The end of the horizontal passage was 1 foot 2 inches
(35.56 cm.) high where it joined the shaft. The total length of the
horizontal passage, not including the shaft, was 6 feet 5 inches
(1.955 m.). The opening in the floor was practically square. It
measured 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) on the east-west line and 1 foot
1 inch (33.02 cm.) on the north and south. At the vent end the
passage was 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) high. At the outer or shaft
end of the tunnel it had a width of 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.), while
at the inner end it was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.).
The deflector wall was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) wide and 2 feet
5 inches (73.66 cm.) long. Its top was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) above
the floor. From the edge of the ventilator opening to the bottom of
the deflector wall was a distance of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). The fire pit
wall at the deflector side seemed a continuation of the latter, inasmuch
as there was no measurable distance between the two. The masonry
rose abruptly from the pit edge.
ROBERTS]
63
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The fire pit was roughly oval in contour with an east-west diameter
of 2 feet (60.96 cm.) and a north-south measurement of 1 foot 61½
inches (46.99 cm.). The bottom of the pit was 1 foot 6 inches
(45.72 cm.) below the floor level.
The sipapu was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from the north edge of the fire
pit. The hole in the stone had a diameter of 2% inches (6.032 cm.).
The cavity in the floor was larger. It had a diameter of 334 inches
(9.525 cm.) and a depth of 10 inches (25.4 cm.). The block of stone
in which the sipapu hole was cut measured 6¼ by 6¾ inches
(15.875 by 17.145 cm.). It was 134 inches (4.445 cm.) thick. The
slate cover for the sipapu was 5 inches (12.7 cm.) in diameter and
had an average thickness of three-eighths inch (9.525 mm.).
The rectangular subfloor vault had a total length of 8 feet 1 inch
(2.463 m.). The shelf at the north end was 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.)
long and that at the south end was 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The smaller,
deeper portion of the pit was 6 feet 1 inch (1.854 m.) long at the top
and 5 feet (1.524 m.) at the bottom. The vault was 1 foot 5 inches
(43.18 cm.) wide at the south end and 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.)
across at the north end. The floor of the south shelf was 4 inches
(10.16 cm.) below the top and that at the north end 31½ inches
(8.89 cm.) lower than the floor of the chamber. The bottom of the
pit was 2 feet 1 inch (63.5 cm.) below the floor at the south end of the
vault and 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) at the north. The rim around
the juglike hole at the center of the bottom of the vault was 3 feet
8 inches (1.117 m.) from the south end of the inner pit and 3 feet
9 inches (1.143 m.) from the north end. The rim was 3 inches (7.62
cm.) from the west wall of the pit, while it was 5 inches (12.7 cm.)
to the east. The rim averaged 3 inches (7.62 cm.) in width and 3
inches (7.62 cm.) in height. The bottom of the basin was 1 foot
(30.48 cm.) below the floor of the pit. Including the rim it had
a total depth of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The aperture to the
basin had a north-south axis 9 inches (22.86 cm.) long. The east-
west diameter was 7 inches (17.78 cm.).
The hole in the floor in front of the niche at the north side of the
chamber had a diameter of 12 inches (3.81 cm.) and a depth of 4
inches (10.16 cm.). From the north edge of the hole to the adobe
step in front of the niche measured 8 inches (20.32 cm.). The step
was 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) long, 6 inches (15.24 cm.) wide, and
3 inches (7.62 cm.) high. The top of the stone sill in the aperture
was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) above the tread of the adobe step. The
opening into the niche was 1 foot 21½ inches (36.83 cm.) wide at
the bottom and 1 foot (30.48 cm.) at the top. From the top of the
stone sill to the floor of the niche was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). When
the lintel over the opening had been in place the aperture had a
64
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
height of 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.). The niche extended back into
the wall 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.). The ceiling of the niche
sloped slightly downward, and while the total height just inside the
aperture was 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.), at the back it was only
2 feet 1 inch (63.5 cm.).
The outer wall of the kiva, the curved masonry, averaged 1 foot
4 inches (40.64 cm.) in thickness. The sides of the ventilator re-
cess were not so massive and were only 10 inches (25.4 cm.) thick.
The kiva wall was 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) from the west side of
the inclosing rectangular chamber, 5 inches (12.7 cm.) from its
north side, and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) from the east. At the
south side the wall of the rectangular room also constituted the wall
of the recess.
KIVA B
The simplest of the three ceremonial structures incorporated in the
main mass of the building in house A was kiva B. This was the
chamber which was built in the inclosure which had previously been
occupied by two secular rooms. Practically the only feature which
suggested that this had been intended for a ceremonial place was its
roughly oval form. It did not have a bench, there was no sipapu,
and no Katcina niche at the north side. It did have a rectangular
fire pit near the center of the room and adjacent to the pit a rectangu-
lar depression in the floor. There was a ventilator, but, as already
mentioned in the discussion of house A, it was not like the ventilators
in the other kivas. It consisted only of a small opening in the wall
between the kiva and one of the adjacent rooms. As a matter of fact,
the entire aspect of kiva B was that of a makeshift or temporary
ceremonial place. All of the evidence obtained from it, however,
indicated that it was occupied down to the time when the building
was abandoned and that it had had considerable use. In view of
this, its severity and lack of characteristic features must be explained
on other grounds. The most logical interpretation would seem to be
that it was merely a lounging room for the men of that particular
group. No ceremonies of any significance could be held there, inas-
much as one of the most important factors, the sipapu, was missing.
Among the present-day Pueblos the kiva serves as a temple for the
performance of sacred rites; it is also the council chamber where
public affairs are discussed; it is used as a workshop by the industri-
ous and as a lounging place by those who have nothing to do. Many
of the older boys and men sleep there when conditions at home are
not conducive to the desired repose. This does not seem always to
have been the case, however. Mindeleff in his work found that
originally there were two kinds of kivas, one devoted wholly to the
purposes of a ceremonial chamber, the other not specially conse-
ROBERTS]
65
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
crated and intended for more general uses. Now one room apparently
is sufficient for all purposes. On this basis kiva B can well be con-
sidered an example of the second type. In this connection attention
should be called to the suggestion, previously made, that kiva B
probably was constructed to replace C after the west end of house A
had been menaced by
the landslide which im-
pinged against its rear
wall. Kiva C also
lacked a sipapu, the pres-
ence of which possibly
distinguished such cham-
bers as were considered
specially consecrated to
religious functions, which
would indicate that it,
too, had served a general
purpose.
Practically the only
features of particular
interest in kiva B were
those dealing with the
actual construction of
the chamber. Its ground
or floor plan was exceed-
ingly simple. (Fig. 9.)
When the two rooms
were remodeled into the
one oval chamber it was
necessary to remove the
central partition to pro-
vide for a larger inclo-
sure and to take out parts
୮
a
9 5
b
b
ICI
LOFT
of the side walls in order FIGURE 9.-Plan of kiva B. a, Fire pit; b, ladder
pit; o, ventilator
that the curved masonry
could be erected. All but the lowest course of the central wall
was razed. It was left in position and the floor filled in with
refuse until level with the tops of the remaining wall stones, then a
new surface of adobe was spread and a new occupation level pro-
vided. Preparations for the two pits, a and b, Figure 9, were prob-
ably made before the final coating of mud plaster was laid. The fire
pit, a, was dug through the old floor and into the native earth below
it. In order to do this it was necessary to remove a few of the foun-
dation stones of the old wall. This was not done for pit b, however,
•Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 130–132.
も
​

66
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
since it was so shallow that its bottom was on the line of the tops of
the foundation stones. Portions of the north and south walls were
also removed and curved masonry substituted, but no attempt was
made to alter the east and west sides of the original chamber. At
the east end the new construction was built against the old and at the
west an entirely new wall was erected, and the space between it and
the old one was filled with débris. Material from the south wall was
taken out as far down as the new floor level, and the original masonry
could be observed extending across the room in front of the curved
construction. This was not apparent at the north side. A portion
of the wall along the latter margin of the chamber was so reduced in
thickness by the remodeling process that the security of the kiva was
somewhat endangered. No misfortune befell the structure, however,
as was evidenced by the fact that it was still standing.
The purpose of the second pit, b, is not known. In its general
characteristics of size, shape, and location it suggested a similar de-
pression found in one of the kivas in the pueblo on the Long H
Ranch, 42 miles (67.592 k.) southwest from Zuñi. Some of the pit
dwellings of the Pueblo I horizon at the same location contained
a comparable feature, and it was suggested that they probably were
the place where the lower end of the entrance ladder rested. Some
such provision would have been necessary to prevent the ladder
from slipping on the smooth surface of the floor. No better explana-
tion is forthcoming for the depression in kiva B.
8
After kiva B had been occupied for a time the room to the south
into which the ventilator opened was filled with rubbish and débris.
This was an accompaniment of building and remodeling activities
around the village. The abandonment of the neighboring room and
the loss of the ventilator had no apparent effect on the use of kiva
B, a fact which suggests that the feature was not of sufficient signif-
icance to warrant or cause the vacating of the chamber.
Kiva B measured 12 feet 4 inches (3.759 m.) on its north-south
diameter and 13 feet 6 inches (4.114 m.) on the east-and-west line.
The fire pit was almost a square, measuring 1 foot 10 inches
(55.88 cm.) on one side and 1 foot 11 inches (58.42 cm.) on the
other. It had a depth of 11 inches (27.94 cm.). The second pit,
the one which it was suggested served as a ladder rest, was 6 inches
(15.24 cm.) from the fire pit. It was a decided rectangle in form.
On a north-south line it measured 3 feet (91.44 cm.) and on the
east and west 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.). The average depth of
the depression was 3 inches (7.62 cm.). The ventilator opening
was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) wide, 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) high,
and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) long.
7 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, p. 100.
* Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 20–21.
ROBERTS]
67
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
KIVA C
•
The third ceremonial chamber in house A bore many points of
similarity to the first one described. It was more complete than B,
but not quite as well finished as A. The latter condition may not
have been true at the time of occupancy but may have resulted from
the fact that it had been abandoned, allowed to fall into disrepair,
and then used as a dumping place for refuse. The approximately
circular wall was erected within a rectangular room, as was observed
in A. A greater part of the lower portion of C was dug into the
earth than had been the case in A. Almost the entire northern half
of the chamber, from the top of the bench to the floor, was below
the ground level. As a matter of fact, the paving which constituted
the upper surface of the bench was laid directly on the original
ground. Along the southern side of the kiva it had been necessary
to build up the bench somewhat because of the natural slope of the
ground, but even so the floor was still lower than the old surface.
The space between the upper walls, the curved and straight masonry,
was filled in with débris. There was no corner chamber in this
structure, such as room 14 next to kiva A. An occasional example
of a room of that kind is found, but on the whole little advantage
was taken of the opportunity for small inclosures which the method
of construction made available. The interior features in kiva C were
not so numerous as those in A. It had a narrow bench, a ventilator,
a recess at the south side above the ventilator, a fire pit, a subfloor
vault, and a Katcina niche. There were no traces of a deflector, and,
as previously mentioned, there was no sipapu. (Fig. 10.) In its
lack of pilasters the kiva was consistent with other examples found
in this district.
The ventilator in kiva C was rather complicated in that it was of
double construction. Instead of a single horizontal passage leading
into the chamber there were two. One was of the form more fre-
quently found in the north, it penetrated the wall and opened di-
rectly into the chamber, and the other was of the type noted for
kiva A. (Fig. 10, section; pl. 12, c.) Both horizontal passages con-
nected with the same vertical shaft or flue at their outer ends. The
flue was different from that in A. It rose inside the wall and opened
to the outer air. This is the form generally observed in the various
ceremonial structures. The subfloor passage had been similar to
that in A. It consisted of a trench dug into the earth below the
floor level. The trench had been covered with poles, sticks, earth,
and plaster. Originally the vent in the floor had been framed with
stones, but most of the latter were missing. The upper part of the
recess and the second ventilator were constructed after the subfloor
passage had been completed. In providing for the second tunnel and
68
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the recess the builders erected masonry walls to form the sides of the
passage and to complete the face of the kiva bench. The tunnel part
of the ventilator was covered with stone slabs, poles, brush, and
plaster until a tight ceiling was obtained. Then the space bounded

b
a
a
f
e
C
C
୮

5
10FT
FIGURE 10.-Kiva C. a, Outer walls; b, bench; c, ventilator recess; e, ventila-
tor; f, fire pit; i, Katcina niche; j, subfloor vault; k, fill above ventilator
passage
by the walls of the recess and the bench wall was filled in to the de-
sired level and the recess floor laid down. One curious feature in
connection with the aperture of the second or upper ventilator was
that the lintel, which was of stone, was laid at a decided angle.
ROBERTS]
69
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
(Pl. 12, c.) It seems rather curious that the builders were so care-
less in that respect when most of the masonry showed that an effort
had been made to make it fairly even.
The recess in kiva C was slightly different from that in A. The
plan did not suggest a keystone shape quite as much as was the
case in the other kiva. This was due to the fact that there was not
much variation between the length of the back wall and that of the
opening into the chamber. A more noticeable feature, however,
was observed at the front of the recess. The floor of the latter was
higher than the bench, just as in kiva A, but it did not extend to the
edge of the bench. Instead it terminated on a line with the kiva
walls, and its front edge was curved to correspond to the curve in
the face of the bench. Furthermore, the segment of bench in front
of the recess had a higher level than that around the remainder
of the chamber, so that there was a distinct shelf or ledge extending
across the ventilator. In addition, the face of the bench was slightly
recessed in the region of the upper ventilator aperture. Why this
should have been done is not known. A similar treatment has been
observed in other kivas, but thus far its significance has never been
satisfactorily determined. Figure 10 illustrates the features just dis-
cussed, and it will not be necessary to go into further details about
them. Attention is called to them because they show some of the
differences between kivas A and C.
There was little of importance to be observed in the fire pit in
this kiva. It was neither circular nor rectangular, but an irregular
septagon in its contour. It had been dug into the earth and possibly
may have been intended for a circular pit. When the coping of
stones around its upper rim was laid the blocks used were of such
dimensions that they produced the outline indicated on the plan.
The lower part of the pit had plastered walls. No stones were used
in the lining below the coping.
The subfloor vault at the west side of the chamber (fig. 10, j)
differed from the one described for kiva A. It did not have the
shelf-like features at either end. The pit dropped directly from the
floor level. In addition, there was no small depression or hole in
the bottom near the center. The sides of the pit differed from those
in A in that they were of masonry construction. The flooring of the
kiva was laid to the edges of the vault, and no coping of stones
showed, although the pit walls were lined to the floor level. One
rather curious feature about the pit was that its length was practi-
cally the same as that of the inner, deeper portion of the vault in A.
Also, there was no marked variation in the width of the two.
Whether this was due to a coincidence or had some definite signifi-
cance is not known. It would seem that the important part of the
vault was the deeper portion and for that reason would tend to a
70
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
certain regularity in size, but there is no evidence to substantiate
such an idea. The lack of the shelf-like part of the vault may have
had a bearing on the nature of the kiva. Hodge found at Hawikuh
that one of the vaults had the feature while the other did not."
Curiously enough, there was the same relation in those structures
with respect to the type of vault and presence or absence of the
sipapu as was found in kivas A and C. The vault with the shelf-like
ends in both instances was in the kiva containing a sipapu, while
the simpler form was in the chamber without a representation of the
symbolical place of emergence. All that can be done at the present is
to call attention to the combination of features. Further investiga-
tions are necessary before any definite conclusions can be drawn on
the significance of the occurrences, although it might be suggested
that there may have been some connection between them and the
intended functions of the particular kivas. The essentially ritualis-
tic chamber probably would have had them in their most complete
form, while the kiva devoted to more general usage would not.
The Katcina niche at the north side of kiva C was more like
those customarily found in such structures. It was only a small,
boxlike recess in the face of the bench. It was considerably above
the floor level and only large enough to hold a few very small
objects. When the accumulated sand and refuse was cleared from
it there was nothing to indicate what might have been placed there.
No objects were present in the fill.
Kiva C measured 18 feet 9 inches (5.715 m.) on its east-west
diameter above the bench and 16 feet 3 inches (4.953 m.) on the
same line inside the bench. The north-south diameter, including
the recess, was 21 feet 9 inches (6.629 m.). On the same line it
was 18 feet 11 inches (5.765 m.) from the north wall to the edge
of the recess floor above the ventilator. This would correspond with
the above-bench measurement on the east-west diameter. Inside
the bench the north-south line of kiva C was 17 feet 3 inches
(5.257 m.). The recess was 8 feet 10 inches (2.692 m.) along its
south wall and 8 feet 9 inches (2.667 m.) where it opened into the
kiva. The west wall of the recess was 3 feet 9 inches (1.143 m.)
long and the east measured 4 feet (1.219 m.). Through the center
of the recess, from the edge of the floor to the back wall, was
2 feet 10 inches (86.36 cm.). The difference between this measure-
ment and that of the side walls was due to the curve in the edge
of the flooring. The floor of the recess was 4 inches (10.16 cm.)
higher than the ledge above the ventilator opening, and the top of
the ledge was 5 inches (12.7 cm.) higher than that of the bench.
The bench ranged from 10 inches (24.5 cm.) to 1 foot 5 inches
• Hodge, F. W., 1923, pp. 15, 23-24; Pls. V, XII.
ROBERTS]
71
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
(43.18 cm.) in width. At the north side of the chamber its top
was 2 feet 10 inches (86.36 cm.) above the floor of the room.
the south side the bench top was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) above the floor,
the raised segment over the ventilator was 2 feet 5 inches (73.66 cm.)
above that level, and the floor of the recess was at the same height as
the bench top on the north side, namely, 2 feet 10 inches (86.36 cm.).
The ventilator flue in the outer wall measured 1 foot 4 inches
(40.64 cm.) by 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.). From the mouth of the
flue to the bottom of the shaft was 7 feet (2.133 m.). This measure-
ment is not as great as it was when the building was occupied, since
it does not include the upper portion of the wall which had fallen.
The end of the upper horizontal passage, where it opened into the
shaft, was 8 inches (20.32 cm.) high and 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.)
wide. The passage had a length of 3 feet 7 inches (1.092 m.). The
aperture at the kiva end was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) high on the
east side and 1 foot (30.48 cm.) on the west. It was 1 foot 6 inches
(45.72 cm.) wide at the bottom and 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) at
the top. The lower ventilator passage opening was 1 foot 6 inches
(45.72 cm.) high where it opened into the flue and 1 foot 4 inches
(40.64 cm.) wide. Its total length from the point where it entered
the flue to its inner end beneath the horizontal vent in the kiva
floor was 8 feet 2 inches (2.489 m.). At the vent end the passage
was 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.) high and 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.)
wide. The opening in the floor of the kiva measured 1 foot 8 inches
(50.8 cm.) on an east-west line and 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) from
north to south.
The fire pit was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from the ventilator
opening in the floor. On a line through the center of the pit it meas-
ured 1 foot 11 inches (58.42 cm.) from the north edge to the south.
A similar line from east to west showed the same distance, 1 foot 11
inches (58.42 cm.). The pit had a depth of 1 foot (30.48 cm.).
The rectangular vault at the west side of the chamber had a total
length of 5 feet 9 inches (1.752 m.). It was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.)
wide at the south end and 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) wide at the
north. It had an average depth of 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The
vault was 3 feet (91.44 cm.) from the face of the bench at its south
end, 2 feet 10 inches (86.36 cm.) from the bench at the center of its
west side, and 4 feet 2 inches (1.27 m.) distant from the wall at its
north end.
The Katcina niche in the face of the bench at the north side of
the chamber was 7 inches (17.78 cm.) wide, 8 inches (20.32 cm.) high,
and 9 inches (22.86 cm.) deep. It was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) below
the top of the bench and 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.) above the floor
of the kiva.
82148-326
72
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The outer wall of the kiva, the curved masonry, averaged 1 foot 7
inches (48.26 cm.) in thickness. The sides of the ventilator recess,
in contrast to those in kiva A, were approximately as thick as the
walls of the chamber. The east-recess wall was 1 foot 5 inches
(43.18 cm.) thick, a little less than the average for the kiva, while
the one at the west side had a thickness of 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.).
The kiva wall was 2 feet 2 inches (66.04 cm.) from the west straight
wall of the rectangular room, touched that at the north side, and was
only 11 inches (27.94 cm.)

from the east wall.
The
ob
OC
bg
b
d.
요
​5
IOFT
FIGURE 11.-Kiva No. 1. a, Wall of room 4; b,
hole in floor; c, sipapu; d, fire pit; e, deflector
stones; f, ventilator niche; g, ventilator opening;
h, fill above ventilator passage; i, present ground
lével; j, original level
south wall of the rectan-
gular inclosing room also
formed the back wall of
the recess.
KIVA 1
or
The subterranean
dirt kivas, so called be-
cause very little stone was
employed in their con-
struction, were much sim-
pler in form than the
masonry examples incor-
porated in the dwelling
structure. Their interior
features were not as nu-
merous or elaborate as
those described for kivas
A and C. Kiva 1 was the
largest of the group of
four ceremonial chambers
of this type. The major
portion of this kiva con-
sisted of a D-shaped,
rather than circular or
oval, pit which had been

dug in the earth in front of the east wing of house A. There was
no bench. Except at the south side, where there was a characteristic
recess, the walls of the chamber rose from the floor to the ceiling
without a break. The room was equipped with a ventilator, two
deflectors, a fire pit, a sipapu, and one additional hole in the floor at
the north side. There were no other features. (Fig. 11.)
The recess above the ventilator was comparable in form to those
described for the masonry kivas A and C. It differed from the
latter, however, in that it was dug into the earth instead of being
ROBERTS]
73
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
built up. When the builders made the excavation for this structure
they provided for the recess by removing a rectangular block of
earth at that side of the pit. Closely associated with these efforts
were those directed toward the preparation of the ventilator. When
the recess had been dug to its proper level a trench was cut in its
floor to provide for the horizontal passage of the ventilator, and the
vertical shaft or flue was made in the face of the south wall. The
horizontal passage was then roofed over, at the desired height, with
poles, brush, and earth. The latter fill was sufficient to restore the
floor level of the recess. A short masonry wall was erected in
front of the cut in the rear wall of the recess and the vertical shaft
thus completed. The floor of the recess was paved with large stone
slabs and the side and back walls covered with a coating of adobe
plaster.
The most interesting feature connected with the ventilator was its
aperture at the chamber end of the horizontal passage. A large
sandstone slab had been cut in the shape of a horseshoe and set into
the wall to form the opening. (Pl. 13, a.) The edges of the stone
showed careful rubbing and smoothing and there is no doubt but
what a considerable amount of time and energy was spent in pre-
paring it for use. An opening of this type is rare in the kivas of
the Southwest. It certainly stands unique, thus far, for the Zuñi
district. Perforated stone slabs have been found at other localities,
especially in the Little Colorado area, but no horseshoe-shaped stone
has been reported in kiva ventilator construction. Fewkes suggested
that some of the perforated slabs may have been built into the walls
of rooms to partially close the passageway. The majority of those
which he found, however, were placed over graves. Because of that
fact the explanation offered was that the hole was for the escape
of the soul or breath-body.10 Hough reported finding perforated
slabs which had been used as tops on fire pits. These were observed
in the Milky Hollow district east of the Petrified Forest in Arizona.¹¹
An expedition from Colorado College in the summer of 1927 un-
covered similar ovens in the region south of Navajo, Ariz. This
section lies to the north of Hough's Milky Hollow district, but it is
a part of the same general cultural division. The slabs from the
Navajo sites were of two varieties. One was rectangular with a
large circular hole through the center. The other was an annular
stone.12 Hodge found an example of the latter during his excavations
in the pre-Hawikuh site where the circular kivas, previously men-
10 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, pp. 106, 160–162.
11 Hough, W., 1903, p. 320.
12 Information on these stones and photographs of them were furnished to the writer by
W. W. Postlethwaite, Director of the Colorado College Museum at Colorado Springs, who
had charge of the university's expedition.
74
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
}
tioned, were uncovered. The stone at that place had been in posi-
tion over a fire pit in a dwelling room. He also obtained a similar
specimen from one of the earlier Hawikuh dwellings.18 The stone
in the ventilator of kiva 1 might have been prepared from a broken
ring of the Navajo-Hawikuh annular type, or such an object may
have suggested the use of such a frame for the vent opening. The
same general technique would have been required to produce the
vent stone as would have been employed in manufacturing one of
the oven slabs. Hence it would seem that there was some basic
connection between the objects, although their usage was decidedly
different. There was nothing about the site to indicate that the
people of this community had made or employed oven covers of
either the rectangular or annular forms. Consequently, knowledge
of such stonework must have been obtained elsewhere.
The vent stone was set in such a way that there was no question
but what the builders of kiva 1 had carefully prepared the opening
to receive it. A low platform of horizontally laid stones was pro-
vided for the base and sill of the aperture. A slight offset was made
at the sides of the trench which had been dug for the horizontal
passage and the vent stone fitted in flush with the wall of the kiva.
It was secured by the use of adobe plaster. Above the top of the
vent stone the end of the trench was closed with a bit of masonry
which rose to the level of the recess floor. (Pl. 13, a.) The upper
part of the ventilator trench, above the pole-and-brush ceiling over
the tunnel, was then filled in with débris and the floor of the recess
paved. A portion of one of the large slabs used for that purpose
rested on top of the masonry above the vent, showing that the flag-
ging had not been laid down until after the completion of the
passage.
The deflector in kiva 1 had consisted of a large stone slab set in the
floor in an upright position between the ventilator opening and the
fire pit. A second smaller stone stood practically on the edge of
the fire pit between the latter and the deflector stone. This second
slab did not constitute an auxiliary deflector, strictly speaking, but
probably was so placed to protect the lower end of the ladder, used in
entering and leaving the chamber, from the heat and flames of the
fire. The use of two stones in this fashion was not uncommon in
kivas and examples of it have even been found in some of the sub-
terranean houses of the Pueblo I period. The stones were not in
position when the pit was cleared of its accumulated débris. They
were lying on the floor where they had fallen after the abandonment
of the structure. The places where they had stood were clearly
indicated by grooves in the floor. The largest of the stones, the
18 Hodge, F. W., 1923, pl. XVI; p. 26.
ROBERTS]
75
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
deflector slab, is shown in the photograph of the ventilator opening.
(Pl. 13, a.) It is leaning against the wall to the right of the meas-
uring rod.
The fire pit in kiva 1 differed from all the others found in the
ceremonial chambers in that it was lined with stone masonry. After
the pit had been dug into the floor its sides were lined with small,
regularly shaped stones laid in adobe mortar. The usual practice
in lining such pits was to use larger slabs and to stand them on
end. The people seldom took pains to make a regular wall. The
sipapu consisted of a simple hole in the floor. Its sides were care-
fully plastered, but there was no coping or cover. The second hole
in the floor was of the same type. It was not as large as the sipapu
and could hardly have been intended for storage purposes. A few
personal trinkets might have been kept in it, although it is doubtful
that it was for that usage. The best explanation for it is that it
corresponded to the hole in front of the north niche in kiva A and
may have been the place where a ceremonial staff was placed.
The problem of the time relation between kiva 1 and the dwelling
structure presented difficulties. In the discussion of house A it was
stated that the dirt kivas probably belonged to the last phase of oc-
cupancy in the village. The evidence for this belief was not as con-
clusive as could be desired but it pointed, nevertheless, to a late con-
structional activity. Kiva 1 was dug after the site had been lived on
for a period sufficient to allow a considerable accumulation of refuse
about the dwelling. That the excavation had penetrated this deposit
was shown by the fact that a portion of the north wall consisted of
such material. The adobe plaster which had covered the sides of the
pit not only overlay the natural earth walls but it continued above
the line of the old original surface and coated the face of the man-
deposited stratum as well. Furthermore, there was a distinct break
in the nature of the fill along the kiva wall. Had the refuse ac-
cumulated after the kiva was built, occupied, and abandoned it would
have extended across the pit and not stopped abruptly at the edges
of the hole. Associated with this was the evidence for the late erec-
tion of the east wing of the stone building. The latter, as was
brought out in the discussion of that feature, was built on an ac-
cumulation of refuse. There was a still further deposition of such
material along the south wall of the east wing before the kiva pit
was dug. This was demonstrated by a definite surface of occupation
some distance below the top of the deposit along the wall and also by
the fact that the ground level was much higher than that of the
floors of the rooms. It is possible, of course, that the people could
have excavated an area large enough to include the east wing and
thus provide a lower floor level. Such was not likely to have been
76
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the case, however. On the other hand, the refuse material could have
been blown against the side of the building after it had been vacated
and thus raise the ground level. The wind could hardly have dug
a pit which exactly coincided with the sides of the kiva and then
have plastered its walls. Hence there seems little question but what
the kiva was later than the east wing. Since the latter has been
shown to have been subsequent to the main block of the original
structure, kiva 1 undoubtedly belongs to the last stage of occupancy
in the village.
Kiva 1 measured 13 feet 5 inches (4.089 m.) on its east-west
diameter. From the north wall to the edge of the ventilator recess
was 10 feet 11 inches (3.327 m.). The total north-south measure-
ment, including the recess, was 14 feet 11 inches (4.546 m.). The
recess measured 4 feet 11 inches (1.498 m.) along its south wall. The
opening into the kiva was the same. The east wall was 3 feet 7
inches (1.092 m.) long and the west measured 3 feet 10 inches
(1.168 m.). The floor of the vent recess was 2 feet 9 inches (83.82
cm.) above the floor of the chamber.
The ventilator shaft was 7 by 10 inches (17.78 by 25.4 cm.) and
had a total depth of 6 feet (1.828 m.). It is possible that the kiva
wall had been higher on that side and that the depth of the shaft was
proportionately great, but weathering conditions may have eroded
away the upper portions of both. The horizontal passage was 8
inches (20.32 cm.) wide and 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) high at the
shaft end. From the shaft to the opening into the chamber mea-
sured 4 feet 3 inches (1.295 m.). The passage widened consider-
ably at the aperture end and measured 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from wall
to wall. Its height remained the same, 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.).
The stone base and sill for the aperture stone was 3 inches (7.62 cm.)
higher than the floor of the passage. The vent stone had a height
of 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) and a maximum breadth of 1 foot 9
inches (53.34 cm.). The aperture cut in the stone was 1 foot 1 inch
(33.02 cm.) high and 11 inches (27.94 cm..) wide at the maximum
portion of the opening. The stone was 1½ inches (3.81 cm.) thick.
The combination base and sill projected into the room 3 inches
(7.62 cm.). It was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) long and its top was 3 inches
(7.62 cm.) above the floor level.
The deflector stone stood 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from the ven-
tilator opening. The stone was 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.) high,
1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) wide, and 1½ inches (3.81 cm.) thick.
The second and smaller stone was 8 inches (20.32 cm.) from the
deflector. The stone was 11 inches (27.94 cm.) high, 1 foot (30.48
cm.) across, and 2 inches (5.08 cm.) thick. From the edge of this
stone to the inside edge of the fire pit was 4 inches (10.16 cm.).
ROBERTS]
77
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The fire pit measured 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) on its east side,
1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) on the west, 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.)
on the south, and 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) on the north. The aver-
age depth was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The sipapu was 2 feet
9 inches (83.82 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit. The hole was
5 inches (12.7 cm.) in diameter and 6 inches (15.24 cm.) deep. The
second hole in the floor was the same distance from the sipapu that
the latter was from the fire pit, 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.). Whether
this could have had any significance is not known. The second hole
was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) in diameter and 8 inches (20.32 cm.) deep.
It was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) from the wall.
At the north side of the chamber the wall of the kiva rose 8 feet
2 inches (2.489 m.) above the floor. The old ground surface was
6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.) above that level. The refuse deposit
rose 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.) above the original top of the ground.
KIVA 2
The second of the subterranean dirt kivas differed from the other
ceremonial structures in that it had no recess above the ventilator
at the south side of the chamber. The pit approximated the D-shape.
As in kiva 1, there was a marked flattening of the south wall. Why
this should have been done is not known. It is rather curious that
all four of the underground chambers should exhibit that tendency
when none of those inside the building did. In this connection it
would be well to call attention to the fact that a number of the pit
houses of the Pueblo I period on the Long H Ranch, southwest of
Zuñi, were characterized by a similar flattening at the ventilator
side of the room. In addition, two of the kivas in the pueblo ruin
at the same location had the D-form.14 In view of those conditions
it is possible that some local developments in the Zuñi region were
responsible for the form. The excavation for kiva 2 differed from
that for kiva 1, as well as from the other two chambers, in that the
walls were not vertical. They curved slightly from top to bottom,
so that the room had a greater diameter at the floor level than at
the top. This may have been accidental or it is possible that the
builders had definite reasons for digging such a pit. Inasmuch
as the other kivas did not show a similar treatment it seems likely
that it was purely fortuitous.
Interior features were few and simple. There were only the ven-
tilator, deflector, fire pit, sipapu, and a Katcina niche. (Fig. 12.)
The ventilator was dug as a trench, the shaft walled up, the passage
covered over, the break in the wall of the room closed with masonry,
and the intervening space (fig. 12, f) filled with débris. The upper
14 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, figs. 11, 12.
78
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
end of the flue or shaft was framed with a coping of stones. The
inner end of the horizontal passage had an aperture framed with
stones. There was a stone sill and two rectangular blocks of the
same material served as jambs and supported the lintel, also of stone.
The deflector was a single stone slab set upright in the floor between
the vent opening and the fire pit. The latter was dug into the floor
and on three sides was lined with adobe plaster. The fourth, that
toward the deflector, was faced with a stone. This may have been
done to reinforce that edge and prevent its crumbling as a result of
the pressure
of the ladder at that side. The sipapu was a mere hole
in the floor, although
its sides were plastered.
The Katcina niche con-
sisted of a small circu-
lar hole in the wall
some distance above the
floor. It had been dug
into the earth and its
walls finished off with a
coating of mud plaster.

Ch
of
e
a

g
O
5
d
10 FT
The most interesting
feature in kiva 2, and
one which was unique
in the ceremonial struc-
tures of this village,
was the decorations on
the wall. The latter
were geometric in char-
acter and had been
placed at intervals
around the chamber.
Only fragments of the
patterns remained, but
FIGURE 12.—Kiva No. 2. a, Wall of room 8; b, sipapu;
Wall of room 8; b, sipapu;
o, fire pit; d, deflector; e, ventilator; f, fill above
ventilator passage; g, ground level; h, 'Katcina niche
there was sufficient to show what the nature of the designs had
been. (Pls. 13, b; 14, a.) Indications were that there had been
alternating panels, one vertical, the next horizontal, and so on around
the kiva. The same figure furnished the main element in each of
the panels. There were one or two decorations, however, which
differed. At the right side of the Katcina niche (pl. 13, b) was a
squiggled line. Near it was a centipede-like symbol, only a portion
of which is shown in the photograph. Just above the left center
of the second picture (pl. 14, a) a small section of checkerboard
design can faintly be seen. This was the only bit of decoration
of that type which could be found on the wall. Indications
were that the designs had first been cut into the plaster and

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 13
BULLETIN 111
3
2
a. Stone-framed ventilator opening in No. 1
3
2
b. Wall decoration in No. 2
DETAILS IN SUBTERRANEAN KIVAS
UNIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 14
16
5
a. Designs on wall of No. 2
b. Ventilator recess in No. 4.
SUBTERRANEAN KIVA FEATURES
ROBERTS]
79
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
then colored with a light pigment. Only a small amount of the
latter remained when the kiva was excavated, hence it was necessary
to retouch them in order to obtain photographs. In doing this the
whiting was applied only to grooves plainly visible. Where there
was any question concerning a mark it was left untouched. A
curious thing about the pictures is that they show some markings
not visible to a person standing in the remains of the chamber. This
is particularly noticeable in the lower part of the larger design
illustrated in Plate 14, a.
Why these decorations were placed on the wall of kiva 2 or what
their ceremonial importance may have been, or what interpretation
the symbols had, is not known. Painted kivas are not uncommon
in the Southwest. The decorations on the walls vary from site to
site, just as the designs on pottery differ to the extent that no two
vessels exhibit identical patterns, but knowledge of the custom of
painting such chambers has been in the possession of archeologists
for many years. Nordenskiöld found an example during his investi-
gations at the Mesa Verde in 1891.15 This ruin was excavated many
years later by Doctor Fewkes and given the name Painted Kiva
House.16 This was done because the two ceremonial chambers in the
structure had painted walls. Nordenskiöld referred to these remains
as ruin 9. Several years before the discovery at Mesa Verde, Mr.
James Stevenson encountered ornamented circular chambers in
Canyon del Muerto in northeastern Arizona.17 These were not fully
described, however, until after Cosmos Mindeleff had completed his
studies in the Canyons de Chelly and del Muerto.18 The so-called
Snake Kiva in the Rito de Los Frijoles is another good example.19
In comparatively recent years there have been a number of finds
of this nature. Morris reported one from a cliff house in Johnson
Canyon in southern Colorado 20 and in his later work in the great
kiva at Aztec, N. Mex., uncovered a fragment of plaster clinging to
the wall which showed that the interior of that structure had also
been embellished.21 Several small kivas in a group of ruins located
near Cortez, Colo., were excavated by their owner, Lee Dawson, who
discovered decorations on their walls. Painted walls were not con-
fined to kivas, but they occurred in other rooms and occasionally a
design is found on the exterior of buildings.22 The probabilities are
15 Nordenskiöld, G., 1893, pp. 16, 108-109; figs. 7, 76.
16 Fewkes, J. W., 1922, pp. 67-68.
17 Powell, J. W., 1886, p. xxxv.
18 Mindeleff, C., 1897, pp. 177–181.
19 Hewett, E. L., 1909 b, p. 661.
20 Morris, E. H., 1919 b, p. 170; pls. 34, c, 35, a, b.
* Morris, E. H., 1921 a, pp. 120–121.
22 Chapin, F. H., 1892, photographs facing pp. 143, 152; Fewkes, J. W., 1909 a, pp. 52–
53; 1911 b, p. 32; 1921, pp. 87-88; Mindeleff, C., 1897, pp. 109, 146–147; Morris, E. H.,
1928, pp. 335, 377-378, 383, 385; Nordenskiöld, G., 1893, pp. 108–109; figs. 77, 78, 79.
80
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
that a great deal more of this kind of work was done than present
evidence indicates. The plaster is so frequently missing from the
walls of ruins that it is not possible to tell whether painting had been
present or not. Judging from the extent decoration was employed
in rooms and kivas by more recent Pueblo peoples and the amount
of it which is present in the houses and ceremonial chambers to-day,
it is logical to suppose that the prehistoric structures were equally
ornamented. The main element in the designs in kiva 2 is more sug-
gestive of that used in the banding on one of the kivas described by
Mindeleff than it is of any of the others to which reference was
made.28
The only evidence secured which indicates the relationship of
kiva 2 to the rest of the village, in point of time, consists of some
potsherds. The latter came from a bowl which had been broken
and thrown aside. Some of the fragments were found on the floor
of kiva 1 and the others were in kiva 2. Inasmuch as the pieces
were on the floor in each of the chambers they indicate that a cer-
tain contemporaneity existed between them. Since kiva 1 bore evi-
dence of being comparatively late in its construction, kiva 2 would
seem to belong in the same category.
Kiva 2 measured 8 feet 11 inches (2.717 m.) on its east-west
diameter and 9 feet 2 inches (2.794 m.) from north to south, at
the top of the chamber. On the floor, due to the curve in the walls
of the pit, the measurements were somewhat larger. The east-west
diameter was 9 feet 6 inches (2.895 m.) and the north-south 9 feet
8 inches (2.946 m.). From the floor to the top of the wall at the
ventilator side of the chamber was 6 feet 11 inches (2.108 m.),
while at the north side it was 7 feet 3 inches (2.209 m.) The ven-
tilator shaft measured 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) on a north-south
line and 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) on an east-west. The shaft was
6 feet 8 inches (2.032 m.) deep. The horizontal passage was 1
foot (30.48 cm.) wide and 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) high where
it opened into the shaft. Not including the shaft, the tunnel meas-
ured 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The aperture in the wall of the
kiva was 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.) high and 11 inches (27.94 cm.)
wide.
The deflector stone stood 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from the
ventilator opening. The deflector was 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.)
high, 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) wide, and 2 inches (5.08 cm.) thick.
From the deflector to the fire pit was 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The fire
pit measured 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from north to south and
2 feet (60.96 cm.) from east to west. It had a depth of 10 inches
(25.4 cm.). It was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) from the edge of the
"Mindeleff, C., 1897, fig. 76; p. 181.
ROBERTS]
81
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
fire pit to the edge of the sipapu. The latter had a diameter of
5 inches (12.7 cm.) and a depth of 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The Kat-
cina niche was 1 foot 9½ inches (54.61 cm.) above the floor, The
niche was 10 inches (25.4 cm.) wide, 8½ inches (21.59 cm.) high, and
91/2 inches (24.13 cm.) deep.
KIVA 3
ai
d
le
Kiva 3 had a pit with a pronounced D-shape. As a matter of fact
the subterranean portion of this structure closely approached the
rectangular form. The east, west, and south sides were compara-
tively straight and met in definite corners. The north wall was
curved but not in as
marked a degree as in
the other ceremonial
chambers. It is easy to
see from this example
how the rectangular
kivas of later periods
could have developed
through the flattening
of the sides of curved
rooms. The interior fea-
tures of kiva 3 were few
and simple. It had a
recess at the south side,
a ventilator, deflector, a
stone between the de-
flector and fire pit, fire
pit, sipapu, and Katcina


niche. (Fig. 13.) The
5
d
LOFT
only stone used in this FIGURE 13.-Kiva No. 3. a, Sipapu; b, fire pit; c,
deflector; d, ventilator recess; e, ventilator; f,
ground level; g, Katcina niche
structure was at the re-
cess-ventilator side of the room. Throughout the remainder of the
chamber the adobe plaster had been applied to the native earth walls
of the pit.
The recess and ventilator in kiva 3 were dug, as they had been in
kiva 1, and then completed by filling in with stone masonry and
adobe plaster. The only stone in the walls of the recess occurred
where one side of the flue of the ventilator was closed with that
material. The floor, however, had a flagging of large slabs. The
horizontal passage of the ventilator had considerable stonework
along its sides. The east wall of the tunnel was largely masonry,
although from the front corner to halfway back in the passage the
bottoms of the stones were 10 inches (25.4 cm.) above the floor. At
82
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
the west side of the passage the stonework rested on the floor, but
it only extended 1 foot 1½ inches (34.29 cm.) toward the shaft.
The remainder was earth covered with adobe plaster. The ceiling
of the passage was the same as those in the other ventilators. Poles
and brush covered the trench and above them was a fill of débris
upon which the slab paving of the recess floor rested. (Fig. 13.)
The deflector stone and its smaller neighbor in kiva 3 presented
a similar combination to the one described for kiva 1. There was a
slight difference between the two, however, in that the smaller stone
in kiva 3 was a part of the fire pit. It constituted the south side
of the latter, although it rose above the floor to a height sufficient
to provide protection for the base end of the ladder. The other
three sides of the fire pit consisted of native earth with a covering
of adobe plaster which had been burned to a bricklike consistency
by the fires kindled in the pit. The sipapu was a simple hole in the
floor. Its only lining was a thin layer of plaster applied to its
walls and bottom. The Katcina niche was circular in form and not
very large. It had been carefully finished, however, with adobe
plaster.
Kiva 3 measured 9 feet 4 inches (2.844 m.) on the east-west diame-
ter and 8 feet 5 inches (2.565 m.) from north to south, not including
the recess.
The total distance from the north wall of the chamber
to the south wall of the recess was 11 feet 10 inches (3.606 m.). The
recess measured 4 feet 7 inches (1.397 m.) along the south wall, 3
feet 8 inches (1.117 m.) on the west, 3 feet 5 inches (1.041 m.) at the
east side, and 4 feet 8 inches (1.422 m.) where it opened into the
chamber. The floor of the recess was 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.)
above the floor of the kiva.
The ventilator opening on the ground level was 10 inches (25.4
cm.) from north to south and 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) on its east-
west measurement. The shaft had a depth of 3 feet 11 inches
(1.193 m.). The opening into the horizontal passage at the shaft
end was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) wide and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72
cm.) high. The passage was 4 feet 3 inches (1.295 m.) long. At
the room the opening was 1 foot 32½ inches (39.37 cm.) wide and
1 foot 104 inches (57.78 cm.) high. The deflector stone stood 1
foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) from the aperture. The stone measured
1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) wide, 1 foot 1% inches (33.34 cm.) high,
and 2 inches (5.08 cm.) thick. From the deflector stone to the fire pit
stone was 5 inches (12.7 cm.). This stone had a width of 1 foot
91/2 inches (54.61 cm.) and rose 9 inches (22.86 cm.) above the floor
level. The total height of the stone was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.),
but a part of this was in the fire pit. The fire pit measured 1 foot
4 inches (40.64 cm.) from north to south and 1 foot 6 inches
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83
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
(45.72 cm.) from east to west. Its depth averaged 9 inches
(22.86 cm.).
The sipapu was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) from the edge of the fire
pit. The circular hole had a diameter of 3 inches (7.62 cm.) and
a depth of 2 inches (5.08 cm.). This was the shallowest sipapu
found at the site.
The Katcina niche in the north wall of the kiva was 2 feet 2
inches (66.04 cm.) above the floor. It was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) high
and 6 inches (15.24 cm.) wide. Its depth was 9 inches (22.86 cm.).
The wall at that side of the chamber was 5 feet 6 inches (1.676 m.)
high. Indications were, however, that it had been somewhat higher
and that erosive forces
had carried away a part
of the earth in that
vicinity. This was true
to an even more marked
degree at the south side
of the chamber. When
the kiva was occupied it
probably had a greater
depth than was found
during the excavations.

KIVA 4
E
5
Î
d
d
@

LOFT
Kiva 4 differed little
in its general charac-
teristics from the other
subterranean dirt cere-
monial chambers. The
pit portion had a definite
D-shape and there was
a recess at the south side
of the chamber. The only
stone used in its construction consisted of the slab paving on the
floor of the recess, the masonry which closed the ventilator shaft at
the south side of the recess, and the stones which filled in the wall of
the chamber above the horizontal passage of the ventilator. The
remainder of the walls were native earth covered with adobe plaster.
The interior features were few and simple. They consisted of a
ventilator, deflector, fire pit stone to protect the base end of the lad-
der, a fire pit, sipapu, a second hole in the floor near the sipapu, and
a Katcina niche at the north side of the chamber. (Fig. 14.)
FIGURE 14.-Kiva No. 4. a, Sipapu; b, fire pit; c, de-
flector; d, ventilator recess; e, ventilator; f, fill
above ventilator passage; g, present ground level;
h, ground level at time kiva was built; i, Katcina
niche
As in the case of the other kivas, 1 and 3, the recess and ventilator
of kiva 4 had been dug into the earth at the same time that the exca-
84
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
vation for the main part of the chamber was made. The horizontal
passage for the ventilator was covered by poles, brush, and earth to
the level of the recess floor, and the whole was covered by a flagging.
The vertical shaft was closed with masonry and the upper portion
of the trench above the ventilator aperture was filled in the same
manner. In the case of the latter, however, a thick coating of plaster
was applied over the stones and they did not show in the kiva wall.
Those at the back of the recess were probably treated in the same
manner, but the covering was not as thick and as a consequence it
had all dropped off before the débris was removed from the interior
of the chamber during the course of the recent investigations. (Pl.
14, b.)
The deflector in kiva 4 was a large stone slab set upright in the
floor between the ventilator aperture and the fire pit. The second
stone at the edge of the fire pit was like that in the fire pit of kiva 3.
It not only constituted one side of the pit but rose above the floor
to a height sufficient to protect the bottom of a ladder resting be-
tween it and the deflector. The other three sides of the fire pit were
the native earth walls of the hole which had been dug for that fea-
ture. There was a lining of adobe plaster which was burned to the
hardness of brick. The sipapu and the adjacent hole in the floor
were simple cavities with plastered sides and bottoms. The Katcina
niche was a rectangular hole in this kiva and was only a short dis-
tance above the floor.
The only indication of the position which kiva 4 occupied in the
sequence of the community's development was in the relation of
the pit to the accumulation of refuse above the original ground level.
The excavation for the chamber had been made through the stratum
of waste material from the village which had been deposited along
that side of house A. This evidence indicated that it had been
placed there subsequent to a comparatively long occupation of the
site and for that reason it is assumed that it belonged to the final
stages. There was nothing definite to show its actual relationship
to the other dirt kivas. Its good condition and well-preserved in-
terior suggested that it probably was one of the last constructed.
This can not be stated as an actual fact, but may be offered as a
suggestion. There seems little question, however, but that it be-
longed to the same general stage as the other ceremonial chambers
of that type. From the broad point of view it is not really essential
to state that it was the second or last of the group.
Kiva 4 measured 9 feet 8 inches (2.946 m.) on its east-west dia-
meter and 8 feet 6 inches (2.591 m.) on the north-south, not in-
cluding the recess. The total measurement from the north wall of
the chamber to the south wall of the recess was 10 feet 10½ inches
ROBERTS]
85
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
(3.314 m.). The south wall of the recess was 5 feet 2 inches
(1.574 m.) long. The east wall measured 2 feet 5 inches (73.66 cm.)
and the west 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.). The aperture into the
chamber was 5 feet 1 inch (1.549 m.) from wall to wall.
The upper end of the ventilator flue, on the ground level, measured
9 inches (22.86 cm.) from north to south and 1 foot 1½ inches
(34.29 cm.) from east to west. The shaft was 4 feet 11 inches
(1.498 m.) deep. The horizontal passage was 1 foot 2 inches
(35.56 cm.) wide and 1 foot (30.48 cm.) high where it opened into
the shaft. The tunnel was 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.) long. The
aperture into the chamber was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) high. At the
bottom it was 1 foot 3/4 inch (32.38 cm.) wide and at the top it was
only 7½ inches (19.05 cm.) wide.
The deflector stone stood 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) from the
ventilator opening. The stone was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) wide,
1 foot 534 inches (45.08 cm.) high, and 1½ inches (3.81 cm.) thick.
From the base of the deflector stone to the fire pit or ladder stone
was 8 inches (20.32 cm.). This stone was 1 foot 512 inches
(44.45 cm.) wide. Its top was 7 inches (17.78 cm.) above the floor
level. It extended down into the pit for several inches, but its exact
measurement on that line could not be determined because of the
plaster which covered it. To have obtained this information would
have required the destruction of the lining of the pit. The measure-
ment was not deemed sufficiently important to warrant such action.
The fire pit measured 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from north to south and
1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) from east to west. It had an average
depth of 7 inches (17.78 cm.).
The sipapu was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit.
The hole was not round but oval in contour. The north-south
diameter measured 5¼ inches (13.34 cm.) and the east-west one 6
inches (15.24 cm.). The hole had a depth of 712 inches (19.05 cm.).
The small hole at the side of the sipapu was 10 inches (25.4 cm.)
from the fire pit and 3 inches (7.62 cm.) from the sipapu. It was
314 inches (8.25 cm.) in diameter from north to south and 2¾4 inches
(6.98 cm.) from east to west. The depth was 1½ inches (3.81 cm.).
The Katcina niche at the north side of the room was 4 inches
(10.16 cm.) above the floor. The hole measured 5½ inches (13.97
cm.) wide by 5½ inches (13.97 cm.) high. The depth was 812
inches (21.59 cm.).
At the north side of the kiva the wall measured 5 feet (1.524 m.)
from the floor to the old original ground level. From the floor to
the top of the refuse layer was 7 feet 3 inches (2.209 m.). This
probably approximates the depth of the pit at the time when it
formed the major portion of the ceremonial chamber.
86
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
THE GREAT KIVAS
The finding of two great kivas at one location in the Zuñi district
was unexpected and introduced a factor of considerable importance.
They demonstrated that the superceremonial chamber had a wider
distribution than had previously been suspected and definitely evi-
denced a strong northern element in the community. Investigations
in the Southwest have shown that such structures are generally
associated with some form of a Chaco culture, although it is possible
that the type attained its greatest elaboration in the southern Colo-
rado region and then was introduced into the Chaco district. This
problem is one which has not been completely worked out and as a
consequence no definite conclusions can be drawn at the present time.
The presence of the two great kivas at this site, together with the
type of masonry in the original part of house A and the occurrence of
pottery showing a distinct Chacoan character, is a good indication
that the village was founded by a Chaco group or one directly in-
fluenced by that center. As previously stated, great kiva No. 1
was completely excavated, while only the walls of No. 2 were traced.
Because of this it is possible to give a detailed description of only
one of the structures.
Great kiva No. 1 was attached to the main building and was
partially subterranean and partially above ground. The lower por-
tion of the chamber, from the top of the main bench to the floor, was
dug into the earth. The sides of the pit were faced with stone
masonry, and the ground furnished the top of the bench. The outer
wall was erected from the bench level, except at the north side of
the structure where the slope of the ground made it necessary to do
a certain amount of digging to maintain an approximately even top
for the bench. For that reason the outer wall for a short distance
served as a facing for the sides of the upper part of the pit. A
portion of the northern arc of the bench was raised to the level
of the north chamber for the kiva. Below the main bench, com-
pletely encircling the chamber, was a second, small, low bench. In-
terior features consisted of the remains of the four masonry pillars
which had supported the roof, two subfloor vaults, two simple pits
in the floor, a fire pit, and a hole in the floor which may have func-
tioned as a sipapu. (Fig. 15; pl. 15, a, b.) At the west side of the
chamber, from approximately the middle of the subfloor vault to the
north wall, the floor was at a higher level than elsewhere, and the
edge of the low platform was reinforced with stones. (Pl. 16, a.)
The four masonry pillars which supported the roof were placed
at about the same distances from the bench at four sides of the
chamber and in such positions that they formed a rectangle. (Fig.
15, e.) They probably carried heavy stringers, which in turn sup-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 15
a. Southern half of chamber showing pillar remains, subfloor vaults, and fire pits
b. North side of room; alcove behind standing figures
GREAT KIVA NO. 1
UNIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 16
II
a. West subfloor vault, dais, and pillar base
b. Interior of vault at west side of chamber
CONSTRUCTION DETAILS IN GREAT KIVA No. 1
ROBERTS]
87
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ported other timbers used in the superstructure. The pillars had
an interesting form of construction. They consisted largely of
blocks of stone carefully laid in adobe mortar, but there was an

b
b
J
42
42
2
b
°

0 5
30 FT
FIGURE 15.-Plan and sections of Great Kiva No. 1. a, Outer walls; b, upper
bench; c, lower bench; d, holes in floor; e, support pillars; f, fire pit; g,
subfloor vaults; h, sipapu
occasional course of cedar poles placed side by side and covered
with mud plaster. There would be several courses of stone, then
one of poles, several more of stone, and then another of wood. The
poles were not all laid in the same direction. In one course they ran
82148327
88
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
north and south and in the next east and west. Whether this was
done with an idea of strengthening the pillar and binding the stone
into a more compact mass or whether some ceremonial import was
attached to the method of arrangement is not known. The use of
both wood and stone in pillars of this type was not a unique feature
of kiva No. 1. The pillars in the great kiva at Aztec exhibit the
same characteristic. In the case of the latter, however, more poles
were used. Every other course consisted of wood. The practice of
alternating the direction in which the poles were laid also prevailed
at Aztec.24 Hence it would seem to be a structural characteristic.
The pillars in kiva No. 1 only rose a short distance above the floor
when the débris was cleared from the interior of the chamber, but
there was sufficient fallen material from each to show that it had
attained to a considerable height. Except for the southeast pillar,
there was no secondary masonry at the bases of the supports for
the superstructure. In the case of the one example where such was
present it consisted of a low L-shaped wall approximately paralleling
the south and west sides of the pillar. This bit of masonry was only
a few courses in height and was completely detached from the pillar.
The south segment of the wall was still in position when the floor
was cleared, but the west portion had fallen over and only marks
on the floor made it possible to determine where it had stood. What
the purpose of this wall may have been is not known.
Between the two north pillars and the bench of the kiva were
two approximately rectangular basins or depressions in the floor.
(Fig. 15, d.) There was nothing in them to indicate what their
function was or to suggest a plausible reason for their presence.
They were dug into the native earth beneath the floor. Their sides
were not vertical. Instead they had a pronounced slope and curved
toward the bottoms of the depressions. The sides and bottoms of
the basins were covered with adobe plaster. The latter was applied
at the same time that the floor was laid in the kiva because there
were no indications of a break between the two around the edges of
the depressions. As a matter of fact, one operation probably served
to cover both.
At the east and west sides of the chamber, lying between the pil-
lars, were two subfloor vaults. (Fig. 15, g; pl. 15, a.) That at the
west side was more complex in its structure and in many respects
quite similar to the one described for kiva A in the main building.
Both vaults had been dug into the undisturbed soil beneath the floor,
and their walls were partially faced with masonry. At each end of
the two vaults was a small platform slightly below the floor level
which corresponded to the shelf-like features described for the pit
in kiva A. The upper borders of the vaults were framed with cop-
4 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, pp. 117-118.
ROBERTS]
89
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ings of stones set with their tops flush with the floor level. The
sides of the vaults were practically vertical. The ends, however,
sloped to a certain extent from the edges of the shelf-like platforms.
This was more pronounced at the south end of the east vault than it
was in the west pit. (Fig. 2, sec. d.) The bottom of the east vault
sloped from north to south at such a degree that the pit seemed not
to have a real bottom. (Fig. 2, sec. d.)
Quite the reverse was true of the west vault, which had a distinct
and fairly level bottom. The latter also had a small receptacle
in the center of the floor similar in location and nature to the basin
in the bottom of the vault in kiva A. The difference between the
two was that the one in the great kiva was framed with stone and
had a stone lid (pl. 16, b) instead of a rim or coping of adobe.
When the accumulated débris was cleared from this vault the cover
stone was in place over the opening to the box. The latter had a
stone bottom, but its walls were of the native earth into which it
had been dug. There was nothing in the receptacle in the nature
of offerings and no indications as to its purpose. Morris found a
similarly located oval-shaped hole in the bottom of the west vault
in the great kiva at Aztec. There was an additional hole, however,
near the southeast corner of the vault. Both contained offerings of
turquoise, and in addition the one near the center had some shell
beads and that in the corner yielded an intentionally worked sphere
of copper ore.25 In this they differed from the empty example in
great kiva No. 1. The latter may have been intended as a depository
for ceremonial gifts which were removed when the chamber was
abandoned. This is offered only as a suggestion. The mere absence
of offerings can not be construed as an indication that such were
removed. Objects of such a nature may never have been placed
there. Whether the hole was symbolic of some mythical place of
emergence, like that in the Acoma pits discussed in connection with
the vault in kiva A, or had some other purpose is not known at the
present time. Future work may reveal the significance of the feature,
although evidence now available does not.
As previously mentioned, the subfloor vaults in great kivas have
presented a problem whose solution has eluded the archeologist.
They have been endowed with every conceivable function and have
called forth a great amount of speculation. The common belief
at first was that they were huge fire pits; some called them crema-
tion pits. Others considered them depositories for the ashes from
the sacred fire which was kept burning in the kiva, assuming that
the ancient Pueblos tended such a flame. The weight of evidence
at the present time is against any of the subfloor vaults having served
as fire pits. Morris did not find such to have been the case at
2 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, pp. 119, 133.
90
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Aztec;26 neither of the two at Hawikuh, in small kivas, to be sure,
gave any indication of such use; 27 and not one of the four in the kivas
at the Zuñi Reservation village bore signs of burning. Hewett con-
sidered the examples in Chettro Kettle in the Chaco Canyon to be
great fire pits,28 but Hodge took exception to such a conclusion, and
later investigations have borne out his contentions.29 From this it
would appear that the fire-pit suggestion in all of its ramifications
should be ruled out. They may have functioned as sounding boxes
or oversized drums, in the manner described in the discussion of
the kiva A vault, or they may have been for an entirely different
purpose. The subfloor vaults certainly had a definite place in the
great-kiva complex, but their true function is still to be learned.
The place for the fire in the great kiva was not near the center of
the chamber, as in the smaller structures, but was placed well to one
side, midway between the two south pillars. (Fig. 15, f.) It was
both a pit and a fire box. Its larger section consisted of masonry
walls erected on and rising above the floor level. The smaller part
was a shallow pit at the north side of the masonry. It was faced
on three sides by small slabs of stone. Most of these were set in an
upright position in the floor. A small section of the north side was
reinforced by horizontally laid blocks, however. The north wall of
the raised fire box furnished the south side of the pit. The small
portion was later in its construction than the other and did not give
evidence of a very long period of use. The walls of the fire box
did not rise to their original height when the chamber was cleaned
out.
Only two courses of stones remained. There was sufficient
fallen material, however, to indicate that the top had originally
been about 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) above the floor. The part
still intact was filled with fine wood ashes, and the fallen portions
had a plentiful admixture of them in with the stones and burned
plaster. This showed that a fire had burned over a considerable
period in the box. In all of its general features the masonry box
corresponded to the one in the great kiva at Aztec.30 Mr. Morris's
discussion of the latter is equally applicable to the one in great kiva
No. 1. He wrote:
There can be little doubt that the masonry box midway between the south
ends of the vaults was a fire altar. In the normal kiva the fireplace is a pit
at or near the center of the floor. Here it is raised above the floor and framed
with substantial walls of stone. Convenience or caprice would not have
justified so wide a breach of custom. It is the belief of the writer that the
flame which burned within this inclosure was held in greater reverence than
26 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, pp. 132–135.
27 Hodge, F. W., 1923, p. 36.
28 Hewett, E. L., 1922, pp. 125–126.
Hodge, F. W., 1923, pp. 36-37.
30 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 119.
ROBERTS]
91
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
those which warmed and lighted the other kivas of the village, and was no
less than the sacred fire of the community.”¹
Why the second smaller fire container should have been placed
alongside of the larger one and what significance was attached to it
is a matter for speculation. There was no evidence to explain it in
a satisfactory manner. One suggestion is that it was for ordinary
rather than sacred purposes. An occasional fire for the preparation
of food may have been kindled there, in order that the regular flame
be not profaned by common usage. Another explanation is that for
some reason or other the larger container was abandoned and the
smaller substituted for it. If such were the case it probably did not
long antedate the abandonment of the chamber, because the amount of
ashes in the smaller compartment indicated only a comparatively
short period of use.
33
Close to the center of the chamber was a small circular hole in the
floor which may have been a sipapu. Its position was such as to
suggest that feature. Whether it fulfilled that function or not is an
unanswerable question. The hole was cylindrical in form and filled
with clean sand. The sides and bottom were covered with adobe
plaster. It was the only one of its kind in the kiva. This is in
decided contrast to the condition found at Aztec. The floor of the
great kiva there was literally filled with a variety of small holes.³²
No satisfactory explanation as to their purpose was obtained, hence
they can be of little assistance in explaining the presence of the single
one in this kiva. Unfortunately, for comparative purposes, so little
is available on the only other great kivas excavated, those in Pueblo
Bonito and Chettro Kettle, that reference can not be made to them.
The two benches in the great kiva proved somewhat puzzling.
(Fig. 15, b, c.) The larger occurred at about the height at which
benches are usually found in ceremonial structures, while the top of
the second was only a few inches above the floor level, in some places
flush with it. It was thought at first that this low, narrow ring
might be the top of an older structure which had been replaced by
a later and larger one. Trenches dug along the wall soon showed
this to be an erroneous supposition, as the courses of stone at most
extended only a few inches below the floor and in several places
the bottom row rested on it. There is no doubt that the small, low
bench was a definite architectural feature and had some function.
What the latter may have been, however, has not been determined.
Mr. Morris found the same situation at Aztec 34 and was equally at
a loss to explain the meaning. The larger bench had a broad top and
was faced with masonry around all but a small section of its cir-
" Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 133.
82 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 120.
88 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 133.
❝ Morris, E. H., 1921 a, pp. 115, 129–130.
92
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
cumference. For a distance of several feet the earth wall of the
excavation served as the face of the bench. (Pl. 16, a.) What whim
of the builders led to the omission of the stone at this particular
spot in the wall is another question which only can conjecturally
be answered. A shortage of material in properly worked form and
a desire to hurry and complete the job could easily have caused such
a lapse. When the plaster had been applied to the face of the
bench the fact that a certain section had been slighted would not
be noticeable, and the workmen took advantage of it. An occasional
piece of slipshod craftsmanship seems to have been an early Ameri-
can development. Irrespective of what light the foregoing is viewed
in, it must candidly be stated that the plastered earth wall probably
was as serviceable and satisfactory as one of stone. Nowhere in the
face of the bench was there a niche or pocket of the Katcina niche
variety.
The larger bench did not completely encircle the chamber. A
section of the northern arc was broken by a block of masonry which
rose from the top of the small bench to the floor level of the chamber
at that side. This north chamber constituted another great kiva
characteristic present in the example connected with house A. On
the plan of the ruin this room bears the number 42. (Pl. 1; fig. 15.)
It formed an integral part of the kiva, however, and perhaps should
have been designated the north chamber or alcove. The inclosure.
was featureless from the standpoint of interior furnishings. It was
bounded on three sides by the walls of adjacent rooms, and on the
fourth, the south, opened into the kiva, breaking the continuity of
the bench. There was nothing to indicate that a wall of any kind
had been placed between it and the circular room. Hence there is
no doubt that it must have opened into the kiva. The feature
was not unique in this great kiva because a similar condition was
found at Aztec 35 and in the Chaco Canyon. The superceremonial
chambers at Aztec, Pueblo Bonito, and Chettro Kettle had built-in
stairways leading from the kiva to the alcove.
No such provision had been made for gaining access to the north
chamber of great kiva No. 1. A small section in the face of the
wall rising from the small bench to the alcove floor suggested that
the builders intended to construct such a feature. For some reason
they changed their minds and filled in the opening, and the upper
courses of stone in the wall continued across the blocked aperture
unbroken. This is clearly shown in Plate 15, b, where the break
appears to the left of the standing figures. A trench was dug in
the floor of the alcove to determine whether there had been a stair-
way, later abandoned, at this point. Although the digging was
continued down to the foundation of the wall, there was nothing
*Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 121.
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93
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
to show that such had been the case. If people passed from the
alcove to the floor of the kiva, and vice versa, a movable ladder
probably furnished the means for so doing. That the alcove had
ceremonial significance may be assumed from the fact that in the
great kivas located elsewhere these chambers gave every indication
of serving as shrine or altar rooms. None of the interior features
present in the other examples were found here, but at least a place
was provided for them.
There were no peripheral chambers, strictly speaking, around
great kiva No. 1. There were bordering rooms at the north and
east sides, rooms 35 to 39 and 47 (pl. 1; fig. 4), but they can not
properly be considered examples of the type of chambers usually
associated with great kivas. Furthermore, it will be recalled that
in the discussion of these rooms it was pointed out that the group
35 to 39 was of later construction than the great kiva. In the other
large ceremonial houses the encircling rooms constituted an integral
part of the structure. They no doubt had a certain significance
with respect to the structure as a whole, but that they were not in-
dispensable is shown by their absence in both great kivas at this
location.
The problem of roofing the kiva unquestionably was a difficult one,
and just how it was accomplished is not known. That a superstruc-
ture had once covered the great pit was shown by the burned re-
mains of timbers which were found lying on the floor. They fur-
nished a partial, though not sufficient, clue to enable a complete
restoration. There is no question that the four pillars supported
large stringers or beams which formed a rectangular framework.
Smaller poles radiated from this frame to the outer wall of the
structure, and the central portion, within the bounds of the rec-
tangle, probably had a flat ceiling. This was indicated satisfactorily
by the remains of the timbers. Two decidedly important factors
could not be determined, however. The first of these was where
the outer ends of the peripheral poles had rested, and the second
was with respect to the covering at the north side, the alcove portion
of the structure.
It was not possible to determine whether the outer ends of the
radial poles had been supported by the wall of the structure or had
sloped down and rested in the angle formed by it and the top of the
main bench. So far as the evidence went, either might have been
the case. The results would have been quite different, however.
One method would give sloping sides to the superstructure, the
other a practically continuous flat roof.
An intricate part of this problem is the relation between the cover-
ing on the alcove and that on the kiva. There was clear indication
* Morris, E. H., 1921 a, fig. 2.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
that the alcove had had a flat ceiling supported by a heavy beam
running the long way of the room, from east to west, at the open
side. Smaller poles extended from this beam to the back wall. The
question which arises is, was the space intervening between this main
beam and the north stringer on top of the masonry pillars covered
by a flat roof or did it slope down to join the kiva superstructure at
a lower level? The ceiling in the alcove had been approximately 7
feet (2.133 m.) above the floor. With a proper allowance for thick-
ness, the roof would have been about 8 feet (2.438 m.) above the
ground. Consequently, in order to provide a continuous flat roof
out over the north side of the kiva it would have been necessary for
the stone pillars to have been 15 feet (4.572 m.) in height. There
was not sufficient fallen material in the débris surrounding them to
warrant the conclusion that they had been more than 12 feet (3.657 m.)
high. Hence it would seem logical to suppose that there was a slight
slant from the edge of the alcove roof to that covering the central
portion of the kiva. Reverting to the position of the radial poles in
this connection, several things must be considered. If the pillars
had been 15 feet (4.572 m.) high and these poles were placed in an
approximately horizontal plane, the outer wall would have had to
rise 12 feet 6 inches (3.81 m.) above the ground level.
The fallen material was only sufficient to warrant the conclusion
that there had been an 8-foot (2.438 m.) wall. Even with 12-foot
(3.657 m.) pillars there would still of necessity be a slope in the
radial part of the superstructure between the central framework and
the outer wall. Such an arrangement would have given a slight
dome shape to the superstructure. Had the radial poles rested at
the back of the bench instead of higher up in the outer wall the latter
would have been even more pronounced. With such an arrangement
the space above the timbers and inside the wall would be filled with
earth up to the level of the wall top. Which of the last two forms
of superstructure actually covered the chamber could not be deter-
mined. The outer wall did not appear to have been heavy enough
to support timbers placed near its top, especially when they were
in a slanting position. On the other hand, there were no pole im-
pressions in the bench top along the back wall.
At the alcove side there would have been a gap between the tim-
bers sloping from the edge of that chamber's covering and the
main north stringer of the kiva, unless, of course, the complete roof
had been entirely flat. This gap could have been bridged without
much difficulty by placing a series of small poles across from the one
group of timbers to the other. The task would have required more
care if the radial supports rested on the bench top, but was not be-
yond the builders' ability.
ROBERTS]
95
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Great kiva No. 1 measured 51 feet (15.545 m.) on a north-south
line above the large bench. Above the smaller bench on the same
diameter it was 47 feet 6 inches (14.478 m.) from wall to wall. On
the floor, from lower bench to lower bench, it was 45 feet (13.716 m.).
The east-west diameter above the bench was longer than the north-
south because the latter was reduced by the alcove projection. Above
the main bench, then, great kiva No. 1 measured 54 feet 6 inches
(16.611 m.) from east to west. Inside the large bench and just
above the small one the same line was 47 feet 8 inches (14.529 m.).
Below the top of the small bench the diameter was 45 feet (13.716
m.), the same as that of the north-south.
The main bench ranged from 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) to 2 feet
2 inches (66.04 cm.) in width. The narrowest portion occurred at
the east end of the alcove projection. The average height of the
main bench above the floor was 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The
small bench varied between 1 foot (30.48 cm.) and 1 foot 6 inches
(45.72 cm.) in width. Its top ranged from the floor level on the
east side to 6 inches (15.24 cm.) above it at the north and south.
Three of the support pillars measured 3 feet (91.44 cm.) by 3 feet
6 inches (1.066 m.), while the fourth, the southwest, was only 2
feet (60.96 cm.) by 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). None of them stood
more than 1 foot (30.48 cm.) in height. The northeast pillar was
5 feet 6 inches (1.676 m.) from the edge of the small bench. The
southeast one was set 4 feet 6 inches (1.371 m.) into the room and
that at the southwest was the same distance from the lower bench.
The northwest pillar was closer to the wall. It was only 4 feet
(1.219 m.) from the bottom bench. The distance between the north-
east and southeast pillars measured 19 feet 6 inches (5.943 m.) and be-
tween the southeast and southwest 21 feet 6 inches (6.553 m.). The
northwest and southwest ones were 19 feet 6 inches (5.943 m.) apart,
while 22 feet 4 inches (6.807 m.) separated the two northern ones.
The eastern subfloor vault was 6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.) from
the northeast pillar and 6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.) from the south-
east. The vault measured 6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.) by 2 feet 2
inches (66.04 cm.), and its greatest depth was 4 feet (1.219 m.). The
shelf at the north end was 8 inches (20.32 cm.) wide and that at the
south 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The top of the north one was only 3
inches (7.62 cm.) below the floor, while that at the south was 6
inches (15.24 cm.) lower. The inside edge of the vault was 9 feet
(2.743 m.) from the edge of the lower bench at the south side of the
chamber.
The subfloor vault at the west side of the chamber was 4 feet
8 inches (1.422 m.) from the northwest pillar and 3 feet 8 inches
(1.117 m.) from the southeast. The vault had a total inside length
of 10 feet (3.048 m.) and an average width of 2 feet 6 inches
96
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(76.2 cm.). Its average depth was 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.). The
shelf at the north end was from 1 foot (30.48 cm.) to 1 foot 6 inches
(45.72 cm.) wide. That at the south was 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.)
wide. The tops of the shelves were 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below the
floor level. Six inches (15.24 cm.) below the shelf at each end there
were small corner offsets (pl. 16, b) where the rounded ends of the
bottom portion of the vault met the upper. The inside edge of the
vault was exactly 9 feet (2.743 m.) from the west lower bench edge.
The small box at the bottom of the vault was 6 inches (15.24 cm.)
square and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) deep.
The platformlike feature at the west side of the chamber which
set the subfloor vault off from the remaining floor level was 6 inches
(15.24 cm.) higher than the latter. This variation did not hold true
for the entire west side of the kiva but only for about one-half, as
indicated on the ground plan. (Fig. 15.) Beginning gradually at
about the center, it soon became a pronounced dais.
The pits at the north side of the kiva (fig. 15, d) were approxi-
mately the same size. That near the northeast pillar was 4 feet
6 inches (1.371 m.) long by 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) wide. Its
depth was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The pit between the pillar
and bench at the west side was 4 feet 5 inches (1.346 m.) long, 3 feet
6 inches (1.066 m.) wide, and 1 foot (30.48 cm.) deep.
The alcove, or north chamber, room 42 on the plan, measured 20 feet
5 inches (6.223 m.) the long way and 9 feet 2 inches (2.794 m.) the short
way. Its floor was 7 feet 3 inches (2.209 m.) above that of the kiva.
Great kiva No. 2, as previously stated, was located in the court
formed by the ruins of the three communal houses, A and B, and
the small structure to the south in which only one room was exca-
vated. (Pl. 1.) This circular structure was not cleared of the
débris which had accumulated in it since it had been abandoned and
fallen into decay, but its outer walls were traced and its size deter-
mined. Great kiva No. 2 is the largest yet discovered. Its aver-
age diameter of 78 feet (23.774 m.) places it at the head of the list.
Casa Rinconada in the Chaco Canyon, with a diameter of 72 feet
(21.946 m.), has long been regarded as preeminent among the super-
ceremonial houses, but it can not measure up to great kiva No. 2.
The great kiva at Chettro Kettle, also in the Chaco Canyon, the so-
called Great Bowl, is much smaller. Its reported diameter is only
62 feet 6 inches (19.050 m.).37 That in Pueblo Bonito is slightly less
in diameter than its neighbor and measures 60 feet (18.288 m.)
across. The example at Aztec has the smallest diameter of the
group, 48 feet 32 inches (14.719 m.) 38 The triple walled tower
found by Holmes along the San Juan River has frequently been
"Hewett, E. L., 1922, p. 122.
38 Morris, E. H., 1921 a, p. 115.
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97
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS

referred to as
the largest ex-
ample because
the diameter of
its outer walls meas-
ured 140 feet (42.672
89
m.),8⁹ but it does not
seem that this structure
should be regarded as
a great kiva. It may
have had an anal-
CLIFFS
ogous purpose but is not of the exact
type.
HOUSE
Because of the lack of excavation
in great kiva No. 2 it is not possible
to discuss its interior features. It may
be assumed that it contained characteristic
elements, inasmuch as No. 1 had them.
Trenching inside of the outer wall showed
that there was a bench and that the north
alcove was present. (Pl. 1.) There were
clear indications of the stone pillars which
supported the superstructure. Whether
there were subfloor vaults or not only ex-
cavation can determine. The outer wall had
never risen much higher than a few feet
above the ground level, judging from the amount
of fallen stones. For this reason it seems likely
that the structure, if it actually was completed,
must have had sloping side walls and have been
covered with plaster. This would have produced
a large, domelike feature in the center of the vil-
lage which would not have been unpleasing in
appearance. This again, however, can be learned
only by excavation.
The relation of great kiva No. 2 to great kiva
No. 1 and house A is shown clearly by the section
through it and the other structures to the top of
the cliff back of A. (Fig. 16.) It was at a con-
siderably lower level, in fact was built in a slight
basin which constituted the open space around
which the dwellings were erected.
89 Holmes, W. H., 1878, Pl. XXXI, pp. 388-390.
GREAT KIYA
No. 2
GREAT KIVA
No. I
100FT
** FIGURE 16.-Section through great kivas 1 and 2, house A, and cliff
98
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The presence of two great kivas in a community of this size might
suggest that the ceremonial side of its life was considerably over-
emphasized. On the other hand, it is possible that this was the
religious center for the entire district. If such was the case it
may be postulated that people from all of the many small villages
roundabout, none of whose ruins indicate the presence of a large
ceremonial house, gathered here at times of major ritualistic sig-
nificance to take part in the rites performed in the great circular
structures. Again, there is nothing to show that the two were con-
temporaneous. Evidence indicated that great kiva No. 1 had been
destroyed by fire and it is possible that No. 2 was built to replace it.
Here again one can only suggest, because the true facts in the case.
lie buried in the débris-filled interior. At all events these structures
must have been of great importance, because, as previously men-
tioned, they represent a tremendous amount of labor on the part of
a people equipped only with stone implements. Furthermore, as
also has been stated before, they definitely indicate a strong northern
influence in the community.
HOUSE B
The smaller of the two main dwellings in the village, house B, was
a structure containing 20 rooms. It was located some distance south-
west from house A on the top of a slight knoll. (Pls. 1; 17, a.) The
building did not give evidence of growth stages as distinct as those
described for house A, but it did show that a fairly small structure
had been enlarged from time to time by erection of new chambers.
The general plan of the completed house was that of a rectangular
block of rooms with a small court at the east side. (Fig. 17.) Had
the structure been occupied for a greater length of time it is quite
probable that the court would have been closed in and thus converted
into another room. At first it was thought that a ceremonial cham-
ber of the circular, subterranean type might have been placed there.
Trenching through the earth in that vicinity failed to reveal such
a structure, however.
The original part of the building probably included rooms 15 to
19 and a portion of room 11. Later additions and attendant re-
modeling activities changed that portion of the structure to such an
extent that it was not possible to determine the exact status of the
initial dwelling. Abutting walls clearly demonstrated that rooms 12,
14, 17, and 20 were constructed subsequent to the group just men-
tioned. This also was true of the series from 1 to 10. Beyond that
it is impossible to go in establishing the story of the structure's
growth.
The walls in house B, like those in the later portions of A, were
built of cubical blocks. (Pls. 17, b; 18, a.) But in contrast to the
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99
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS

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​FIGURE 17.-Plan and sections of house B
100
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
masonry in the larger building the stones used in this structure had
been more carefully worked and shaped. It is possible that house B
may have been erected by the same group, or one related to it, which
built the later portions of house A. In this instance, however, the
results were better.
There was nothing of particular interest in a majority of the rooms
in house B. In a few instances there were features which warrant
a more detailed consideration. Room 5 may be mentioned in this
connection. Like rooms 20 and 50 in house A, it suggested that it
might have had some ceremonial significance. It had a distinct
ventilator at the south side and a deflector between it and the fire
pit. (Fig. 17, room 5.) The inclosure may have functioned as a
rectangular kiva or, as in the case of the other rooms mentioned,
possibly was a fraternity chamber. It was the only one in the house
which could be considered in such a light. Several other chambers,
8, 13, and 15, had small openings in their west walls which probably
functioned as ventilators, but they did not have a true deflector in
association.
Room 5 was of still further interest because of the fact that its
west wall had been reinforced by two poles set upright in the
masonry. (Pl. 18, b.) The actual timbers were no longer present,
having long since decayed, but their imprints were still plainly
visible in the plaster which had surrounded them and the spaces
provided for them in the masonry were quite in evidence. Although
this feature was unique in the village here under consideration, it
has been found elsewhere in the Southwest. Examples are to be
seen in the Chaco Canyon, in Pueblo del Arroyo, at Aztec, and in
various structures scattered along the San Juan.
Rooms 4 and 9 had been separated by a pole-and-mud partition.
This was the only case of such construction found during the entire
course of the summer's investigations. Just why such a wall should
have been placed here and nowhere else in the two houses is not
known. This difference in wall material is indicated on the plan
(fig. 17) by dotted lines. The partition was no longer present in
the ruins but the poles were plainly visible in the floor and large
fragments of the plaster which had encased them were present in
the débris. Rooms 4 and 9 had been destroyed by fire and the
charred roof material was lying on the floor when they were uncov-
ered. That this misfortune had fallen on the people during the
occupancy of the building was suggested by the fact that a large
number of pottery vessels were found sitting along the base of the
wall in room 4 and culinary jars were in place in the fire pits in
both 4 and 9.
Room 7 was of interest purely because of its unusual length and
corresponding narrowness. There were no indications that it had
ROBERTS]
101
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
been used for living purposes. It is possible that its function was
solely that of a storage chamber. The doorway between it and room
11 would have made it quite convenient for the people in that portion
of the dwelling.
One point of contrast between houses A and B which should be
mentioned is that of the doorways. House B had 18 which were
open and one which had been blocked. There were only 7 in A and
5 of these were in the later sections. Both of those in the old original
part of the building were inside openings and had been blocked early
in its growth. Just what significance should be attached to this
question of the doorways is debatable. It may be of no consequence
whatever, and then again considerable importance may be attributed
to it. As a suggestion, and this should be considered in the light of
a postulation and not the statement of fact, attention may be called
to a previous conjecture, namely, that the village was the result of a
fusion of two groups of people, one coming from the general Chaco
region to the north, the other from the Upper Gila to the south.
(Pl. 2.)
The general introduction brought forward the idea that the north-
ern centers felt the pressure of incoming marauders much earlier
than the more southern communities. As a consequence the practice
of making fortresses out of the dwellings probably was earlier in its
development in those districts. This same condition contributed in
some degree to the southern movement of northern peoples who no
doubt carried their building habits with them. Granting such to be
the case, the conditions in the village at the mouth of Red Paint Can-
yon may be interpreted as showing that the people from the north in
building their dwelling, house A, adhered to the custom of providing
few doorways, even though there may have been no actual necessity
for such action in this district. On the other hand, the group from
the south may have migrated before they had been subjected to any
pronounced depredations and had done away with the custom of pro-
viding numerous doorways. In keeping with their habits, they
erected a structure which contained a fairly large number.
The lack of circular ceremonial chambers in the block of the
building, as well as their absence in the earth outside, presents an-
other perplexing problem. It is rather difficult to explain why one
group of people in a community should have built kivas while
another failed to provide them. One reason which could be given
is that the inhabitants of house B may have joined those in the
large structure for the performance of their ritualistic observances.
Such a practice would have obviated the necessity of constructing
chambers of their own. It hardly seems in keeping with Pueblo
custom, however, to think that such was the case. The small, more
personal form of kiva usually accompanied each house or section
102
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
of a dwelling occupied by a special group or clan. There would not
be as much likelihood of communal usage in their respective cases
as in the large structures dedicated to major functions sacred to the
entire village. Hence some other reason may have been responsible.
It is possible that the builders of house B were not devotees of the
circular kiva, having come from a region where present knowledge
suggests that it was not a prominent feature in the dwellings. A
rectangular inclosure of the room 5 form may have sufficed for their
requirements. If such were the case it would appear that that par-
ticular chamber, as well as the similar ones in house A, may have
had a definite relation to the rectangular type of kiva rather than
that it was a prototype for the fraternity room as distinguished
from the clan kiva. At any rate the occupants of house B did not
build any of the highly specialized circular structures.
There was only one exterior fire pit associated with house B. (Fig.
17.) This is in some contrast to A, where a number were provided.
The one example in this instance was located close to the southeast
corner of the small court. It was roughly circular in form and was
lined with stone slabs. The pit had an average diameter of 2 feet
(60.96 cm.) and a depth of 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.).
Close to house B, as well as in the vicinity of house A, there were
a number of basins cut into the rocks which projected above the sur-
face of the ground. (Pl. 1.) They averaged a foot (30.48 cm.) in
diameter and ranged from 6 to 10 inches (15.24 to 25.4 cm.) in depth.
At first it was thought that they were mortars of the type frequently
observed in other parts of the country. Careful inspection of their
rims and sides failed to show any of the wear which would result
from the use of a pestle. Consequently it was decided that they
must have been for some other purpose.
The first light shower of the season demonstrated their function.
They were so placed that every bit of water which fell on the rock
into which they were cut ran into the basin and was preserved.
(Pl. 19, a, b.) In other words, they were small storage tanks.
The general character of house B with respect to its position on
the top of a small knoll is clearly shown by the sections through the
various rooms. (Fig. 17.) There was a slight slope toward the north
and south from the central rooms in the back tier of the building.
(Fig. 17, sec. a.) The middle portion of the structure did not show
this to as marked an extent, although the floor in room 18 was lower
than the others. (Fig. 17, sec. b.) The two rows at the front demon-
strated a decided slope at the south end of the building. (Fig. 17,
secs. c, d.) From west to east there was a decided slope through
most of the rooms. (Fig. 17, secs. e, f, g.) Only the series 3, 4, 5
were practically on the same level. (Fig. 17, sec. h.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 17
a. View showing location of B with respect to A
b. Looking south across B
HOUSE B
40

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 18
a. South end of building showing masonry
b. Interior of room 5
DETAILS OF HOUSE B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 19
BASINS CUT IN ROCKS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 20
a. Coming out of canyon mouth
b. Sheet spreading over valley bottom
FLOOD WATERS FOLLOWING A RAIN
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103
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
There were two refuse heaps close to house B; one was located
at its north end, the other at the south. The general practice in
communities of this period was to pile the refuse to the east or
southeast of the dwelling. To have done so here, however, would
have placed the dump between the house and great kiva No. 2, a
factor which possibly led to the use of two small mounds at each
end of the building.
LOCATION OF FIELDS
The Village of the Two Great Kivas was ideally located from the
standpoint of available crop land. Both Red Paint and Lonesome
Canyons had comparatively broad, flat bottoms in which consider-
able planting could be done. Furthermore, there was a larger
expanse of ground extending across Nutria Valley from the mouths
of the tributary canyons which provided ample additional space for
corn, bean, and squash fields.
Not only is the land well suited to planting, but it is so located
that drainage water from both canyons spreads out in a thin sheet
over a large part of it. As a matter of fact this feature may have
played a large part in the choice of the site. It will be recalled that
in the introduction mention was made of the location of most of the
Zuñi villages, both ancient and modern, with respect to the terrain and
the possibility of adding to the moisture obtained from precipitation
by means of an overflow of water derived from the higher ground.
The present site is a good example of this. Several times during
the summer heavy rains brought down considerable flood water
which spread out in a thin sheet over a large section of the valley
just south of the ruins. (Pl. 20, a, b.) Although the water came
down the side canyons with considerable force, it spread out near
their mouths and formed an alluvial fan. There was no danger that
fields placed there would be washed out or that the plants would be
buried. This flooding occurred several times during the summer.
The intervals at which the water came down were sufficiently fre-
quent to warrant good crops. A similar amount of moisture in
ancient times would readily have nourished a plentiful supply of
vegetal products for an even larger community.40
LESSER OBJECTS OF MATERIAL CULTURE
The lesser objects of the material culture of the inhabitants of
the Village of the Great Kivas are represented by pottery vessels,
stone and bone implements, ornaments made from the same ma-
terials, heads of unidentifiable animals carved in stone, a few charred
10 For more detailed consideration of Flood-water Farming, see Bryan, Kirk, 1929.
82148-328
104
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
fragments of basketry and fragments from a piece of textile prob-
ably used as an article of clothing. As will be noted from the list
of articles secured from the excavations, the bulk of the specimens
are objects made from imperishable material. Hence they present
a one-sided picture of the arts and industries of the people. It
should be borne in mind that there probably were an equal number
of articles which, because of the material from which they were made,
could at best have a very transitory existence. Clothing, sandals,
baskets and various textiles, implements fashioned from wood, and
other perishable substances decay very rapidly unless conditions are
especially favorable for their preservation. It is only in rare instances
that ruins located in the open, as these were, yield such specimens.
Hence it is easy to fall into the error of thinking of the culture
of such a site in terms of pottery, stone, and bone. Even though the
other group of objects is characterized largely by its absence it
should not be forgotten that they once existed and no doubt formed
an important part of the commodities employed daily by the people.
The nature of articles belonging to this group has been determined by
finds made in cliff dwellings and dry caves. There a protecting
layer of dry sand and an almost total lack of moisture has preserved
them through the centuries. In describing the specimens from this
site only half the story is told. The remainder, unfortunately, could
not be retrieved by the investigations.
POTTERY
This
The pottery secured from the houses and burials consists of forms
typical of one major period in Southwestern ceramics, namely, the
classic or Pueblo III. A few sporadic pieces suggest survivals from
the preceding phase, Pueblo II, but the majority are unquestionably
characteristic of the great era. The vessels as a whole may be
grouped under two main headings, culinary and nonculinary.
classification is not entirely satisfactory, because an occasional bowl
or jar may have served in both capacities. But from a general point
of view the grouping serves to facilitate description and discussion
of the various forms. There was a marked tendency on the part of
the potters to differentiate between the vessels which were to be used
over a fire and those which were to serve solely in the capacity of
containers. A jar intended for cooking purposes had a different
composition from the standpoint of the mixture of clay which went
into its manufacture from those which were intended for other pur-
poses. Furthermore, the surface treatment is different. The culi-
nary pots of the Pueblo III period are characterized by indented cor-
rugations covering the entire exterior surface. This form of pottery
is frequently called "thumbnail" or "finger marked." The non-
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105
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
culinary group has smooth surfaces and some form of painted decora-
tion. In the nonculinary group there are several types, including
the well-known, widely distributed black on white; red vessels with
a black decoration; polychrome wares consisting of red containers
with designs in black and white pigment; buff or cream-colored jars
and bowls with designs in red bordered by black; yellow or buff bowls
with red interior and black ornamentation and red designs on the
exterior. A very small number of red bowls present a polished or
burnished black interior.
1
The containers in both groups of wares do not present a marked
number of shapes; the culinary vessels in the main consist of wide-
mouthed, globular-bodied jars. A second minor shape consists of
handled vessels belonging to the pitcher class. In the nonculinary
wares there are short-necked, globular-bodied water and storage
jars, globular canteens, seed jars, pitchers, ladles or dippers, bowls,
and mugs.
The culinary jars fall into two groups from the standpoint of
shape, the main variation being that of the line of greatest diameter.
In some instances this occurs at about the center of the vessel, while
in others it is somewhat lower down on the side. A good example of
the group with the greatest diameter at approximately the center is
illustrated in Plate 22, a; the specimen next to it, Plate 22, b, is typi-
cal of the other group. As will be observed from Plates 21, 22, and
23, the general practice was to smooth a broad band around the rim.
This extended down the side of the vessel a distance of 1 inch to 1½
inches (2.54 to 3.81 cm.). The rim on some examples has a pro-
nounced outcurve, as in Plates 21; 22, a, b; and 23, c, e. On other
specimens it rises more gradually from the sides of the jar to the lip
of the orifice. (Pls. 22, c, d; 23, b, d.) There does not seem to be
any correlation between the rim treatment and the body form. The
sharply outcurved type is present on both the shape with greatest
diameter near the center of the side walls and on that where the
major circumference is farther down on the jar. The same may be
said for the other style of rim.
The bottoms of the culinary jars are rounded; in no instance is a
flat bottom to be observed. Some of the specimens, Plate 21 for
example, have a tendency to a sharp rounding of the surface, while
others, Plate 22, a, b, have a more gradual curve.
An occasional culinary vessel had small nubbin or lug handles
placed on the exterior near the rim. On some there was just a single
projection, while on others there were two. In the case of the paired
nubbins they were placed at opposite sides of the jar. The lugs are
just below the lip of the orifice in some instances and in others they
are located farther down on the sides of the vessel. An example of
the latter, also of the paired form, is illustrated in Plate 22, c.
106
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
There is some variation in the indented corrugation on the exterior
surfaces of the jars. The vessels may be placed in three main groups
on this basis. The largest number constitute a class characterized
by continuous indented corrugation, as illustrated in Plates 21; 22, c;
23, a, c, d. The second group, numerically, is composed of jars on
which the indentations occur in bands separated by smooth corruga-
tion. (Pl. 22, a, b.) The third, represented by only a few specimens,
comprises the vessels with indented corrugated upper portions and
smooth bottoms. (Pl. 22, d, e, f.) As will be observed from the
photographs, the indentations are not as finely made on these jars as
on the examples in the other group. This is a characteristic more
commonly found on the culinary jars of the Pueblo II period. The
jar pictured in Plate 22, e, is structurally interesting because of the
fact that it was made in two pieces rather than by the usual method
of continuous coiling of the clay from the bottom to the top. The
specimen shows clearly that the lower portion was made as a bowl and
the neck then fitted to its rim. It was not a common feature at this
locality, as only the fragments from one other jar showed a similar
technique.
Vessels in this group were occasionally ornamented with appliqué
decorations. These were fastened to the exterior while the clay
from which the jar was made was still moist. (Pl. 23, c.) The
appliqué figures took the forms of scrolls, volutes, undulating fillets
suggestive of snakes, and turkey tracks. These figures were either
placed well down on the side of the vessel or just below the rim, as
in the example illustrated in Plate 23. Culinary jar ornamentation
of this type had a comparatively wide distribution throughout the
Pueblo area during the classic or great period. Kidder and Guern-
sey found it in northeastern Arizona.41 Holmes pictures an example
from the Hopi country.42 Specimens of it were found on the Mesa
Verde by Nordenskiöld and Fewkes. Morris reports its occurrence
both at Aztec and in the La Plata districts. It was quite commonly
used by the potters in the Chaco Canyon and Hough found a form
of it on vessels from the Upper Gila.45
43
Pitchers in the culinary group seem to have had the same body
shapes as the larger jars, the main difference between the two
classes being that of size and the presence or absence of handles.
This conclusion is not based on complete examples because with the
exception of a single miniature pitcher (pl. 26, a) this type of
vessel is represented only by fragmentary specimens. The handles
“Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, p. 142; pl. 58, g.
42 Holmes, W. H., 1886, fig. 252, p. 283.
48 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 b, pl. 23, a; Nordenskiöld, G., 1893, fig. 46.
"Morris, E. H., 1919 a, fig. 42, a; p. 71. 1919 b, pls. 38, b; 39, b.
45 Hough, W., 1914, pl. 6, no. 16.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
PLATE 21
CULINARY JAR
UNIV
OF
Yow

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 22
BULLETIN 111
b
d
C
f
VARIOUS FORMS OF CULINARY JARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 23
BULLETIN 111
a
d
C
る
​e
TYPES OF SMALL CULINARY VESSELS
UNIV
40
ICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
PLATE 24
b
a
C
BLACK-ON-WHITE POTTERY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 25
a
BLACK-ON-RED VESSELS
UNIV
OF
CH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 26
α
b
C
e
MINIATURE PITCHERS AND JARS
d
f
ROBERTS]
107
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
consist of single, double, and triple fillets of clay. When more than
one fillet was used the common practice was to place them side by
side. Sporadic examples are found, however, where the strands
were twisted around each other or braided. The handles extended
from just below the lip of the orifice to the shoulder, or region of
the greatest circumference of the vessel. In a few instances the
top of the handle was flush with the lip, as in the case of the minia-
ture pictured in Plate 26. This was not common if the handles and
fragments found are a criterion for the group. Evidence shows
that the handles were fastened to the pitchers, during the process of
manufacture, by the riveting method; that is, when the body of the
pitcher was completed and the handle fashioned holes were punched
through the side of the vessel at the points where the upper and
lower ends were to be attached and the extremities were placed in
the perforations and smoothed down on the inside and blended with
the wall of the container. The outside edges of the holes were
pressed around the handle and the joints carefully smoothed. The
vessel was then ready for the drying and firing process.
There is a greater variety of forms in the vessels comprising the
nonculinary group. The black-on-white and various colored wares
might logically be considered as separate groups, but for a considera-
tion of shapes it will suffice to deal with the painted wares as a unit.
The larger water or storage jars, both in the black-on-red and black-
on-white, are of the typical globular form found in Pueblo III
throughout a greater part of the area. The main body of the vessel
is well rounded and there is a slight tendency to a flattening of the
upper portion around the neck. The latter is short and squat, with
a restricted orifice. Plate 24, c, is a good illustration of the body
form in this type of vessel. Unfortunately the neck was broken off,
while it was in use by some of the inhabitants of the village, and the
edges of the fracture smoothed down. Consequently the nature of
the neck is not shown. It probably was similar to those on other jars,
such as depicted in the outline drawings, Figures 19 and 20.
The handles on the large jars are of several different varieties.
The commonest form is that of a single loop or flat band placed well
down on the sides of the vessel. An occasional handle of this type
shows that it was fashioned from two fillets rather than one. An-
other handle which seems to have been rather extensively used might
be considered a variation of the first form. It consists of a single loop
or fillet which had the central portion pushed in and welded to the
side of the jar so that at first appearance the handle suggests that
two small loops has been placed side by side. The jar, Plate 24, c,
has handles of that type. Another group of jars is characterized by
indented handholds. These were made while the vessel was being
fashioned by pushing in a small area in the side of the jar. Handles
108
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
of this nature, if they may be designated as such, were very common
in the Chaco Canyon.
Canteens or small water bottles are represented in the collection
only by black-on-white vessels. Containers of this group are char-
acterized by full globular bodies and small necks with restricted
orifices. Plate 24, a, illustrates the body shape for this group. The
neck has been broken off of this vessel, but indications are that it
was similar to the one illustrated in the drawing, Figure 21, a.
Canteen handles were of two forms, one type consisting of simple
loops placed at opposite sides of the orifice as in the case of Plate
24, a. The other handle style has mushroom-headed lugs placed
in a similar manner. (Fig. 21, a.) Judging from the canteen frag-
ments and number of lugs found during the digging the latter was
the predominant form.
Seed jars are not numerous in the collection. The black-on-white
form of this type of vessel has a rounded bottom with distinctly de-
pressed top. (Fig. 22.) In the black-on-red series the bodies are
more globular and the tops only slightly depressed. (Pl. 25, b.) The
orifice in both the black-on-white and black-on-red groups tends to
be comparatively small. One black-on-red specimen, however, has
a wide orifice with a distinct rim. The latter might even be called
a squat neck. (Pl. 25, a.)
Pitchers have full globular bodies and tall necks. The necks are of
two forms. One group is characterized by sides which rise obliquely
from the shoulder to the lip. (Pls. 27, d; 28, b, e.) The other type
has vertical sides rising from the body to the orifice. (Pls. 27, e;
28, a, f.) Occasionally there is a slight outcurve just below the rim.
(Pl. 28, d.) Handles are of the round flat or effigy form. They are
attached to the neck below the rim and join the body at the shoulder.
The effigy type of handle (pl. 28, f) is one which occurs quite fre-
quently on vessels from the Upper Gila region. Occasional examples
of it are also found in the Chaco Canyon wares.
Ladles or dippers are all of the bowl-and-handle type. (Pls. 29,
30.) No example of the half-gourd or scoop forms were found, and
there were no fragments to indicate that such had been made in
the village. One specimen (pl. 30, a) suggests a modified survival
of the form in that it has a concave handle. The bowl portion of
the object, however, is separated from the handle by a clay parti-
tion. The handles on the smaller ladles are solid, but the larger
examples have the hollow tubular variety. The ends of the handles
were treated in a number of ways. In some instances they were
bifurcated, in others a small hole was punched through the clay.
(Pls. 29, c; 30, c.) Still further examples show that a small strand
of clay was pulled out from the end and doubled back onto the
top of the shaft. (Pl. 30, b.) A number of the hollow tubular

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 27
d
雅
​b
a
C
POLYCHROME AND RED WARES
OF
WICH
ROBERTS]
109
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
handles contain objects which rattle when the dipper is shaken.
This is a feature commonly found in pottery of this form. It may
be attributed to the small pellets of clay punched out of the handle
when perforations were made (pl. 30, c) in it, presumably to prevent
its cracking during the firing process. A number of broken handles
show that they were molded around a stick. The latter apparently
was left inside and disappeared as a result of the firing process、
which fixed the object in its permanent form. This raises the point
as to whether or not the holes punched in some of the handles might
not have been for the purpose of allowing the wood to burn out.
This is especially true of examples where the holes were cut out
rather than punched in. The perforations could easily have served
a double purpose of air vents and allowance for the expansion and
contraction of the clay during the baking process. Broken sections
from ladle bowls show that the
handles were attached by the rivet-
ing method.
Bowls fall into two general
groups from the standpoint of
shape. One is the hemispherical, in
which the height and half the di-
ameter are approximately the
same; the other, a group of shal-
low containers in which the height
is appreciably less than half the
diameter. There are more of the
latter in the black-on-red poly-
chrome series than in the black-on-white. (Pl. 31, a, b.) The rims
on the bowls are of two types. The commonest form has a direct
rounded or slightly flattened lip. The other, not numerically large,
has a slight outcurve with a beveled edge. (Fig. 18.)


FIGURE 18.-Bowl-rim shapes
46
Mugs are represented only by fragmentary specimens. Judging
from the pieces, in some cases more than half the vessel, they are
all of the characteristic Proto-Mesa Verde type. As a matter of
fact the vessels are typically Proto-Mesa Verde in character and
may well be trade pieces from villages belonging to that culture.47
From the standpoint of surface treatment the nonculinary wares
present some interesting features. All of the black-on-white vessels
have a slip. That is, after the container had been smoothed during
the process of manufacture, while the clay was still moist, it was
then dried and a wash of "liquid clay " applied. The latter con-
sisted of a saturated solution of water and clay to which a light
coloring substance, probably kaolin, had been added. When this
46 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pl. 27, a.
47 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 65-68.
110
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
had dried it was rubbed with a polishing stone until a smooth sur-
face was obtained. This produced what is called the slip. The light-
colored surface on the black-on-white vessels varies from a dull
slaty gray to a chalky white. This in large measure seems to be
correlated with the quality of the slip. Where the latter is thin
the gray base color of the vessel shows through and detracts from
the lightness of the surface wash. The pigment in the decoration
ranges from a brownish black to a good black. This may be attrib-
uted to the firing process. When a vessel was properly baked the
design came out a good black, but if there was a tendency to over-
firing the brownish-black hue resulted. A majority of the vessels
indicate that a mineral pigment was employed in painting the
design. A few examples, however, show that a form of carbon paint
was used.48 Mineral pigments in designs are one of the characteris-
tics of the Chaco Canyon ceramic industry.
The black-on-red wares owe their base color to the use of a slip
containing pigment of the desired hue. The general shade in this
group tends to a maroon and not a clear red. The paste or material
in the walls of the vessels ranges from a gray to cream or buff color.
The texture is rather coarse, due to the mixture of sand and ground
potsherds used as a binder or temper in the clay. The designs were
painted in a dull black and were applied to the surface after it had
been polished. This form of red ware is represented largely by
bowls, although an occasional pitcher or large jar seems to have
been made. It is one of the types of red ware commonly called
"Little Colorado," which had a wide distribution throughout the
central portion of the Pueblo area.
A second form of colored ware which, strictly speaking, is a poly-
chrome, is closely related to the type just described. The slip color
varies from maroon to bright red, with an occasional specimen sug-
gesting a slight orange shade-the latter being decidedly rare, how-
ever, in this collection. The design is painted in a good black and
on bowls there was an exterior decoration in white. (Pl. 31, b.)
This also is in a form commonly called Little Colorado and seems to
have been a development from the earlier type. In addition to the
white on the exterior, these vessels differ from the plain red in that
the surface polish was applied over the decoration. Bowls belong-
ing to this kind of polychrome ware were first given special atten-
tion as a result of Doctor Hough's work in the Little Colorado
region, particularly in the section south and southeast from Hol-
brook, Ariz., 30 years ago.49 Specimens of that variety of Little
Colorado ware have been found at the Mesa Verde, in the Chaco
Canyon, along the Rio Grande, and in northern Mexico. It had a
48 Hawley, Florence M., 1929.
Hough, W., 1903, pls. 35, 46, 63.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 28
d
b
C
d
CEERD
N6
e
BLACK-ON-WHITE WARE PITCHERS
UNIV
M
OF
CH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 29
BULLETIN 111
70
a
b
C
A
BLACK-ON-WHITE LADLES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 30
C
a
b
LADLES, BLACK-ON-WHITE GROUP
UNIV
OF

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 31
a
b
C
UNIV
POLYCHROME BOWLS
OF
MICH
ROBERTS]
111
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
wide and far-reaching distribution, and is the type most commonly
associated with the term "Little Colorado."
A distinct type of polychrome consists of vessels, bowls especially,
on which the three-color effect was obtained through the use of two
slips, one red, the other a light cream color. The interior of these
vessels is red with a black decoration. On the exterior the light
slip, probably white but assuming a slightly off-tone cast because
of the red underlay, was applied from a line some distance below
the rim. A decoration was then painted with slip paint such as
covers the interior of the vessel. (Pl. 27, a, b.) The locale of pot-
tery of this nature has not been determined, but indications point
toward the reaches of the Salt River to the southwest. One of the
examples (pl. 27, b) is almost identical with a vessel found at Elden
Pueblo, near Flagstaff, Ariz., by Doctor Fewkes. Both of these
specimens suggest that they were copies of a style of ornamenta-
tion to which the potters were unaccustomed rather than true ex-
amples of the type. A further development of this style of surface
treatment is illustrated by the small jar, Plate 27, c. In this case a
light-colored slip was applied over a red vessel. Then the decora-
tion was painted, first in black, then in red. This produced a very
pleasing polychrome effect. The design would have been even more
striking had the black been outlined in red rather than painted over
and the second color allowed to extend beyond the borders of the
first. This jar also suggests a polychrome found in the Salt River
district and might be considered a possible prototype for the Gila
varicolored pottery.
Another form of polychrome ware, represented only by bowls, in
general appearance is quite similar to the form described in the
preceding paragraph. The technique used in their manufacture was
quite different, however. Instead of a light-colored wash forming
the background for the decorations on the exterior, no slip at all
was used. The base or paste of the vessels is a buff or orange in
tone, and the exterior ornamentation consists of designs painted
with the slip mixture used on the interior, the latter simply being
continued from the edges of the band around the rim. This band
resulted from the practice of carrying the interior slip over the
lip and down the outside wall for a short distance. (Pl. 31, c.)
Occasionally a circular space in the bottom of the interior of these
bowls was left without a slip. The walls were treated with a coat-
ing of the pigmented surface wash and the design painted in black.
The effect produced by such an interior is striking. The material
in the walls of the containers in this group is coarse and friable.
The tempering material or binder mixed with the clay consists of
ground rock and potsherds. Whether this form of polychrome de-
112
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
veloped as the result of influence from the Salt River potters or vice
versa is a problem which can not be solved until more information is
available on both groups. The type has been known for many years
as Houck ware, because the first examples of it to come to the at-
tention of students were found in the vicinity of that Arizona town.
Future investigations may show the nucleus to be elsewhere and the
present designation of it a misnomer. In so far as this site is con-
cerned, it was the oldest polychrome. It occurred in the lowest levels
of the dump heaps and the refuse-filled rooms of house A, while the
other forms appeared well toward the tops of the deposits.
The red pottery with burnished or polished black interior is rep-
resented in the collection by only two specimens and a number of
fragments. The lack of an appreciable amount of this type sug-
gests that the few pieces found were importations and not locally
made. This kind of ware is very common in the sections of the
Little Colorado to the west and might easily have been carried to
this village. The paste in the vessel is very coarse and sandy, and
the edges of the potsherds have a marked tendency to crumble. The
black is good and has a slight luster. The exterior color ranges
from dark red to maroon.
DESIGNS ON THE PAINTED POTTERY
The decorations painted on the nonculinary vessels were placed
on the exterior of large jars, pitchers, seed jars, canteens, and mugs;
and on the interior of bowls and ladles. None of the black-on-white
bowls or ladle bowls have an exterior decoration, but in the case
of the black-on-red and polychrome vessels it is common. The same
elements of design and type of decoration were used indiscriminately
on all the varieties of nonculinary pottery. This feature is so
pronounced in the collection that it is practically impossible to tell
from the design itself whether it came from a black-on-white or
colored container. The main elements used in the decorations con-
sist of solid and hachured figures. On some specimens solid patterns
were used exclusively; on others there is only the hachured form of
ornamentation. Additional vessels have combinations of the two
placed in contrasting and balanced order. On bowls the majority
of the patterns are of the band variety. A smaller proportion are
characterized by an all-over design, and a few examples have a
quartered style of decoration. On the large jars the ornamentation
extends from the neck over most of the body; in fact, only a small
area at the bottom is unpainted. The necks on these vessels present
an additional zone of decoration and are embellished by a series
of repeated figures. The canteens and seed jars are decorated with
patterns extending from the neck or orifice over a major portion of
ROBERTS]
113
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
the body. Pitchers have two forms of decoration. One style sepa
rates the vessel into two main zones, the neck and the body. The
other treats the vessel as a whole. The mugs were painted with a
broad band design, extending around the central portion of the body,
bordered by heavy framing lines above and below.
An example of a balanced design composed entirely of solid figures
is shown by the jar, Plate 24, c. This form of decoration was so
widespread in its distribution that it is difficult to assign it to any
one group or district. Similar examples have been found along
the San Juan, in the Chaco, and at many Little Colorado sites.
The method of combining solid and hachured figures to form a
pleasing decoration is illustrated by the drawing, Figure 19. The
main elements in this design are interlocking frets, a form of pat-
tern widely used during the Pueblo III era. The hachured portion
is particularly interesting because it illustrates a combination of
two styles. The characteristic

100
hachure of the Chaco Canyon
wares is marked by the use
of oblique composing lines
and that of the Upper Gila
by lines running parallel to
the borders of the figure. In
the decoration on this jar both
forms appear. This illus-
trates a point mentioned pre-
viously, namely, that in some
instances there apparently was
a fusion between two styles of
ceramic art. The rectilinear
fret figures repeated around
the neck of the jar are common on vessels of this type. A variation
frequently found has an interlocking feature, so that the design
forms a continuous band. A fragment from such a vessel bearing
that type of ornamentation was found by Hodge during the course
of his excavations around the circular kivas which he uncovered near
Hawikuh. Portions of other large jars from that site bear combina-
tion hachured and solid decorations very suggestive of that depicted
in Figure 19.5⁰
50
FIGURE 19.-Pattern on black-on-white jar
The pigment on this specimen was applied after the vessel was
polished and has a brownish-red hue as the result of overfiring.
Potsherds from black-on-red jars found in both A and B houses
in the Zuñi Reservation village show that similar designs were em-
ployed on that group of vessels. The combination of opposing
hachured and solid elements seems to have been a favorite red-ware
50 Hodge, F. W., 1923, pl. xx.
114
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
pattern. It is significant, however, that the hachured portions are
of the Upper Gila and Little Colorado form rather than that of
the Chaco Canyon.
A typical Upper Gila black-on-white jar decoration is shown in
Figure 20. On this vessel it will be noted the hachure lines in the
triangular elements run parallel to one side of the figure and that
the long connecting arms are filled with parallel rather than oblique
hachuring. The " eye spots in the solid triangles are typical.
This design as a whole may be considered another example of an
interlocking fret pattern. The decoration on the neck is very
simple, consisting as it does of a series of units composed of three
short parallel lines. The pigment on this vessel has a soft, lustrous
appearance which is obtained only by polishing over the design.
In this respect the example is in distinct contrast to the preceding.
“
W
FIGURE 20.-Black-on-white jar decoration
The polychrome jar, Plate
27, c, with its combination
black and red decoration pre-
sents another example of the
interlocking fret style of pat-
tern; also of a balanced solid
design. The decoration was
so spaced and placed that a
7-pointed star was formed
around the orifice. This is
apparent only when one looks
directly at the top, as shown
in Plate 27. The use of star
figures, both positive and neg-
Little Colorado region and to

ative, was quite common in the upper
some extent in the Salt River district. The band of interlocking
fret figures around the neck of this jar illustrates clearly that element
in decoration.
Canteens were found only in the black-on-white wares. The de-
signs ran largely to solid elements; as a matter of fact, no examples
of a hachured decoration were observed on any of the fragments
from vessels of this type, nor do any of the whole specimens have it.
On one example a series of six oblique bands was placed on the body
of the container, extending from the neck to a line drawn around
the walls just above the bottom. The chief element employed in each
band was that of a series of solid triangles. (Pl. 24, a.) The surface
finish on this particular vessel is very rough and the slip unusually
thin. As a consequence, the background for the decoration is not
all that might be desired. The design itself was slovenly done, and
ROBERTS]
115
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
although the pigment is a fairly good black the canteen is not striking
in appearance. The general effect is that of the work of a beginner.
An example of the use of broad, heavy lines in a fret motif is illus-
trated by the drawing, Figure 21, a. In this case four figures were
placed around the upper part of the body of the canteen. No orna-
mentation was placed on the neck. Whether or not the mushroom-
headed handles bore some form of decoration can not be answered,
because the top portions are missing. Handles of this form found
scattered through the refuse heaps were observed to be decorated.
The ornamentation usually consisted of a simple figure on the upper
portion or top. A circle, dot, cross, group of small dots, spiral, or
series of concentric circles were the elements generally employed.
The vessel, Figure 21, b, is a curious cross between a seed jar and
a canteen. The bottom portion has a typical seed-jar form, as far

ZIL

Q
FIGURE 21.-Canteen and stirrup-handled jar patterns
as the black-on-white vessels are concerned, but in addition there
originally was a hollow loop handle of the stirrup type, as indicated
by the dotted line in the drawing. This had been broken off prior
to the object's use as a mortuary offering and could not be found.
For this reason the shape and height of the handle are merely postu-
lated, as is also the orifice and short, squat neck at its top. Vessels
of this type are not unique in the Southwest, although they are not
found in any great numbers. During the course of his investiga-
tions in the circular kiva group near Hawikuh, Hodge found an
example in the black-on-white wares. This specimen, however, did
not have an orifice in the upper part of the body, such as the pres
ent, and may truly be called a canteen.51 Fewkes obtained a some-
what similar vessel in colored ware while excavating in the Chaves
51 Hodge, F. W., 1923, Pl. xxviii, c.
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[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Pass region in Arizona.52 The form is also known along the Upper
Gila, as well as in the Chaco Canyon.
The design on the vessel pictured in Figure 21, b, is an interesting
illustration of the extent to which solid elements may be used. The
lower portion of the body from approximately the line of greatest
diameter to the bottom is covered with a checkerboard pattern, while
on the upper half solid triangular elements prevail. The top part
of this decoration is very suggestive of the ornamentation on one
of the black-on-white seed jars. Triangles resting upon and pendent
from lines drawn around the walls of a vessel are very common in the
decoration of the black-on-white group, especially in the northern
parts of the Pueblo area, although they were more prevalent in the
earlier stages of ceramic development than in the classic and early
historic phases. The checkerboard pattern is one which was em-
ployed over a large portion of the Southwest, but its area of great-
est popularity seems to have been in the eastern portion of the Little
Colorado region and in the Chaco Canyon. As a matter of fact,
W
W
W
FIGURE 22.—Seed jar decoration
present evidence indicates that the
checker motif attained its major
importance in the range covered by
the eastern phase of Pueblo I.
Seed jars in the black-on-white
series were ornamented in the
main with variations of the solid
type of decoration. The example
referred to in the discussion of the
preceding vessel is illustrated by the drawing, figure 22. Other
favorite patterns, judging from numerous fragments, consisted of
variations of the fret design, and an occasional example showed that
a band of checkerboard had been placed around the body. There
were so few seed jars represented in the material obtained at this site,
however, that it is not advisable to draw definite conclusions with
respect to this group.
Black-on-red seed jars were consistently decorated with designs
of the combination solid and hachure style. (Pl. 25, b.) The dec-
oration on the vessel just referred to is typical. It is interesting
to note that the hachure is of the Chaco style, a characteristic noted
in all cases in this group. As in the case of the black-on-white.
there were not many specimens of this shape in the black-on-red and
none in the polychrome pottery. The general character of the ves-
sels in this group is similar to that of the black-on-red bowls. The
slip is a dark maroon color, and the black pigment was applied after
the surface was polished.

Fewkes, J. W., 1904, Pl. xxxvi, b.
ROBERTS]
117
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Pitchers show somewhat more diversity in decoration than do some
of the vessels just described. Solid, combination solid and hachure,
and straight hachure constitute the main patterns. A good example
of a design composed entirely of hachure is illustrated by the speci-
men, Plate 28, 6. This is a characteristic Chaco Canyon decoration
and depicts the form of treatment in which the neck and body of
a vessel are regarded as a unit rather than two distinct zones. The
pattern and shape are typical of the middle period in the ceramics
at Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco Canyon. Examples of combination
solid and hachure designs are depicted by c and d, Plate 28. Both
of these vessels received the zone treatment. Around the necks are
fret symbols, while the bodies have contrasting solid and hachured
figures. In one case the pattern is a variation of a complicated
interlocking fret motif similar to that on the large black-on-white
jar, Figure 19. It, too, has both the Chaco and Upper Gila styles
of hachure combined. Unfortunately, the vessel is weathered to
such an extent that the ornamentation is difficult to see, particularly
in the photograph. The second vessel has a simple pattern com-
posed of alternating solid and hachured bands. Some variation was
provided by the two rows of dots, one separating the lowest hachure
and solid band, the other encircling the bottom solid line. Although
the hachure is of the Chaco Canyon form, the decoration as a whole,
as well as the shape of the vessel itself, is more suggestive of the
Upper Gila wares.
Solid designs are illustrated by e and f, Plate 28. On both of these
specimens the field for decoration was separated into zones. On e
the neck was treated as one and the body as another. Three sections
were marked off on f. The neck constituted one, the shoulder
another, and the region of greatest body diameter the third. Both
decorations are characteristic of the solid patterns found through-
out the eastern Little Colorado district. The zoomorphic handle
of f, however, is highly suggestive of the Upper Gila pottery. Two
more examples of the solid design are illustrated in Figure 23. The
first has a double-zoned decoration. As in the case of some of the
other specimens, the neck has a different design from that on the
body. The predominant element in both parts of this decoration is
a solid triangle, the different ways in which it was used resulting in a
fairly complex pattern. In the band around the neck opposed
stepped figures composed of two triangles were placed in alternation,
one pendent from the top framing line, the other rising from the
bottom of the band. The tips of the smaller triangles in each
touch, so that a single symbol is suggested. Three of these figures
constitute one unit of the design, and there are three such units in the
band. Separating them are two sets of four parallel lines. The
118
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
space where the third group of lines would normally fall is filled by
the handle. The band around the body of the jar consists of two rows
of opposed triangles separated by a series of dots. This pattern,
except for the dots, is almost identical with the upper portion of that
on the seed jar, Figure 22. The second decoration, b, Figure 23, is
a continuous decoration covering the neck and body. It does, how-
ever, separate into two units, one of which surrounds the neck and
the other the body. The main motif is that of the interlocking fret.
On both of these examples the pigment is a clear, sharp black,
applied to the surface after the vessel was polished. Both pitchers
are suggestive of the Little Colorado black-on-white from the region
south of Holbrook.
Typical designs for pitchers of the black-on-red series are illus-
trated by the two specimens, Plate 27, d, e. The first has two main
zones like some of the black-on-white vessels. In this instance the


ТАЛЯ
b
FIGURE 23.-Designs on black-on-white pitchers
decoration around the neck is in two parts, namely, the band of
pendent triangles just below the rim and the checkerboarding on the
central portion of the neck. The band around the body of the
vessel consists of contrasting solid and hachure figures, the hachure
again being of the Chaco Canyon variety. The design on the sec-
ond pitcher (pl. 27, e) is made up of simple elements, yet presents
a rather complicated appearance. It is composed of three bands,
one around the upper portion of the neck, the second encompassing
the lower half of the neck and the shoulders, while the third sur-
rounds the body. The top band consists of three broad, heavy
lines, parallel with the rim on each side of the neck, extending from
the handle to a unit of checkerboard pattern at the front of the
vessel. This same type of figure is present in the decoration on a
number of black-on-red bowls and seems to be quite typical in the
region between the Puerco and Little Colorado Rivers. The second
ROBERTS]
119
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
band has alternating rows of parallel lines and solid triangles. The
row of triangles at the base of the neck has a single framing line
connecting the apices and another the bases. Above the unit com-
posed of the triangles are two bordering lines. Between the lower
framing line of this group of triangles and those comprising the
band around the shoulder are four parallel lines. The bottom row
of triangles is also framed by lines connecting the tops and bottoms.
The band around the body of the vessel consists of a series of oblique
panels composed of opposing rows of triangles whose apices touch
and, as a result, produce negative diamond-shaped figures. Each
of these panels is separated by a series of three oblique parallel lines.
The pigment in the design is a soft, lustrous black, which was
polished over, and as a result appears to have sunk into the paste.
Judging from museum specimens and potsherd collections, this is a
typical Little Colorado vessel of the kind found in the region from
Holbrook south to Showlow and east into the drainage of the Puerco
of the west. This particular specimen is the only one which has a
decoration painted on the bottom. The latter is very simple, how-
ever, consisting as it does of a circle quartered by two lines inter-
secting at approximately the center.
Pitcher handles in both the black-on-white and black-on-red wares
in a majority of cases bear some form of ornamentation. The latter
in general is quite simple. It may consist of a series of parallel
lines running lengthwise with the long axis, cutting obliquely across
it or at right angles to it. An occasional specimen has a single fret
or spiral figure. Other examples were ornamented by a strip of
checkerboard. Only one zoomorphic figure, an indeterminate quad-
ruped, was observed.
Mug fragments indicated that the decorations had been of the
typical Proto-Mesa Verde variety. That illustrated in Figure 24
is characteristic. The main band around the center of the vessel,
composed of solid and hachured elements, illustrates one common
form of design for this group. The use of heavy, balanced bordering
lines above and below the main band is one of the traits normally
present in Proto-Mesa Verde decoration. The design on the handle
of this mug (fig. 24, b) is also characteristic.
Bowl decorations partake of the same general nature as those on
the other containers. There is some variation, however, due to the
form of the field on which the decoration was applied. The com-
monest style of bowl pattern in the black-on-white wares was that of
the band. All-over and quadrate designs are less prevalent in the
group of specimens. Typical examples of band designs are illustrat-
ed by the bowls a, b, c, and e, Plate 32, and a, b, c, d, and f, Plate 33.
The chief elements in the decoration of a and b, Plate 32, are inter-
82148-329
120
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
locking frets. Those in b are somewhat more elaborate than a, but
the general character of both is the same. The ticked or dotted rim
of b illustrates a feature common to a certain group of wares in the
Chaco Canyon and one which is typical of the Mesa Verde and
Proto-Mesa Verde ceramics. The present example is more closely
related to the Chaco Canyon form of pottery. Four similar yet not
identical fret symbols constitute the main elements in the design c,
Plate 32. Four checkerboard units separated by parallel lines were
the elements used in making up the decoration for e, Plate 32. All
four of these decorations are typical of the black-on-white wares
in the eastern portion of the Little Colorado region.
Other forms of band designs composed of solid figures are shown
in Plate 33, b, c, and d. Another example of checkerboard figures
is illustrated by b. In the case of this design there are eight large


a
b
FIGURE 24.--Decoration on black-on-white mug
units interspaced with seven smaller ones. Through failure prop-
erly to space the figures sufficient room was not left for the eighth
small unit and as a consequence only a single line extending from
the top to the bottom of the band separates the two large units at
that point. The large checker patterns vary in their make-up. Five
of them have 4 rows of alternating black and white spaces, while
the other 3 have but 3. The small units also differ; 3 of them have
but a single column, while 4 are composed of 2. The bottom of the
bowl was decorated by three lines of solid triangles which intersect
at approximately the center. This portion of the pattern is so faded
that it is not possible to see distinctly all of its elements. Still
further checkerboard patterns of the band form are shown in Figure
25. Both of these are typical of one style of treatment of that
motif. It was not confined to this immediate vicinity but was wide-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 32
a
22
b
C
d
e
f
BLACK-ON-WHITE BOWL INTERIORS
DRIV
OF
14
CH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 33
B
a
d
C
e
DESIGNS IN BLACK-ON-WHITE BOWLS
f

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 34
α
e
A
b
C
d
f
LADLE BOWLS, BLACK-ON-WHITE WARES
UNIV
OF
ICH
ROBERTS]
121
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
spread in the region between the Puerco of the West and the Little
Colorado and occurs, to some extent, along the Arizona-New Mexico
line north of the Puerco. A large group of vessels from the Chaco
Canyon were similarly ornamented. In the latter case it was also
employed on vessels other than bowls, such as tall-necked pitchers
and cylindrical vases.
The involved fret design on c, Plate 33, is the only one of its kind
in this collection. It is very suggestive of certain Little Colorado
decorations but apparently is an off pattern and too individualistic ✓
for close correlation with any one culture or any particular site.
The simple decoration on d, Plate 33, is composed of two rows of
opposing terraced figures. There is nothing unusual or characteris-
tic, from the standpoint of district or culture, in this decoration.
The design on the bowl a, Plate 33, is one which is commonly found
00
V


a
b
FIGURE 25.-Checker patterns from black-on-white bowls
in considerable variation throughout the eastern reaches of the Little
Colorado area. The series of triangular figures separated by groups
of parallel lines form a pattern which is simple yet pleasing.
A unique example of a combination solid and hachure decoration
is that on the walls of the bowl pictured in Plate 33, f. In this case
a zigzag hachured figure was painted around the interior just be-
low the rim, and a series of solid fret symbols were extended from
its lower angles. These figures were balanced by small frets pendent
from the rim above the hachured element.
Solid and hachured figures in contrasting patterns of the modified
curvilinear and rectilinear swastika motif are illustrated by the
bowls, Plates 32, f, and 33, e. Both of these examples are typical
of designs found in the hachured wares group in the Chaco Canyon.
The second design is also suggestive of an Upper Gila decoration of
this form. As will be observed from the photograph, both Chaco
122
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Canyon and Upper Gila styles of hachure are present. The vessel
itself, however, is more like those from the northern than the southern
district. Quadrate symbols of the elaborated swastika type are also
found in purely solid patterns. In the case of these designs the
arms of the swastika are extended to form a fret figure. Figure 26
illustrates two decorations of this type. The first one, a, is not well
done, and, like some of the other specimens, suggests the hand of
a beginner. The second, b, exhibits the practiced hand of an experi-
enced ceramist. It is characteristic of the pattern type for both
black-on-white and black-on-red vessels. The decoration is one which
has a wide distribution. It occurs on vessels from the Chaco Canyon,
northeastern San Juan area, and the Little Colorado region.
Another solid design composed of fret figures which is typical in
the Chaco region and occurs in large numbers throughout the eastern
90


a
FIGURE 26.-Black-on-white bowl designs
b
portion of the Pueblo area is illustrated by the specimen d, Plate 32.
The four fret figures are so placed that they form a quartered
pattern. Two of the symbols start at opposite sides of the bowl,
while the other two begin at the edge of the rim above their main
portions. The two whose stem parts extend entirely across the field
of decoration can not be said to be balanced. The stems intersect
near the center of the field for decoration and produce the design's
quartered effect.
An additional figure or symbol was frequently placed in the
bottom of bowls. In most instances there was no apparent attempt.
to correlate these with the design around the walls of the vessel.
The latter are predominantly geometric in character while separate
figures are generally life forms or symbols of portions of human or
animal bodies. In some cases a single hand, a pair of hands, one or
more bird tracks, or bear paws are present. Other specimens have
ROBERTS]
123
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
complete figures, as, for example, the two in the drawings a and b,
Figure 27. The first of these depicts the humpbacked flute player,
which is one of the characters so frequently found in groups of picto-
graphs throughout the northern and eastern parts of the Pueblo
region. The second represents some quadruped whose exact nature
can not be determined. The geometric parts of the decoration on
these two bowls are typical. That in a has the characteristic fret
figure separated by series of parallel lines. It is very suggestive of
the kind of decoration found on a, Plate 33. The plan and execution
of both are quite similar, the main difference between the two being
that the solid elements in one are frets and in the other triangles.
The geometric portion of b is a contrasting solid and hachure decora-
tion of the Upper Gila type. This vessel is from the black-on-red
group but its design might just as well be on a black-on-white bowl


a
b
片
​FIGURE 27.—Figures in bottoms of bowls
as far as its general characteristics are concerned. Use of figures in
this way occurs on vessels from the Upper Gila, the Chaco in a more
limited degree, and to a certain extent the Little Colorado.
Ladle bowls in the black-on-white wares were treated in much the
same fashion as the regular bowls. In the majority of cases the dec-
oration applied to the interior walls is of the band variety. Patterns
are composed of solid and solid-and-hachure elements. The decora-
tion of a, Plate 34, is composed of triangular elements placed on lines
which zigzag their way around the walls. The opposing feature of
the triangles was not well done and as a consequence there is an ir-
regularity to the design which adds to its effectiveness. Whether
this was intentional or accidental is not known. In the bottom of
this bowl there is a turkey-track symbol. The band around the walls
of b, Plate 34, is quite similar to many bowl decorations found in
this region. The series of solid figures grouped into four panels of
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[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
three each, separated by parallel lines connecting the upper and
lower borders of the band, is not unlike the pattern around the neck
of the pitcher illustrated in Figure 23, a. The pattern in the bottom
of this ladle bowl represents the only geometric design so placed
in the vessels in this collection. The dots on the rim of the bowl
suggest a northern treatment such as is to be observed on Proto-Mesa
Verde, Mesa Verde, Aztec, and certain Chaco Canyon wares.
Combination solid and hachured decorations are illustrated by c
and d, Plate 34. That on c is interesting because the pattern as a
whole suggests a 6-pointed star, or 6-petaled flower as the case might
be. The painting was not particularly well done and as a con-
sequence the decoration loses much of its effectiveness. The hachure
figures are done in the Chaco style. The second of these ladle
bowls, d, Plate 34, bears a typical Upper Gila solid-and-hachure dec-
oration. The similarity between this pattern and those on some
of the regular bowls is striking. Although this is a black-on-white
specimen the design would not be amiss on a red dipper.
The last two specimens on Plate 34, e and f, are additional ex-
amples of the use of solid figures and parallel lines in bowl designs.
The basic solid symbols in e are the same type as those in b, Plate 34.
In the former a series of dots separates the main elements and gives
the pattern a different aspect. This design has only three solid
units separated by parallel lines, whereas the other decoration has
four. Two of the three units in e contain three figures while the
third has four. The three sets of parallel lines are similar in that
each consists of five. There are four units in the bowl f; dotted
triangles forming the same kind of solid figures as those observed
in e were placed horizontally instead of vertically in the panels.
There are 2 of these figures in each unit and the 4 units or panels
are separated by 4 groups of parallel lines. Use of dots in the
make-up of a design occurred in the earliest ceramic stage in the
Southwest and continued into later phases. The present examples
illustrate the Pueblo III form.
The handles on ladles, all of which are missing from the bowls in
Plate 34, were generally decorated with comparatively simple de-
signs. A pair of undulating lines extending along the top of the
cylinder (pl. 29, c), a number of parallel lines, two, three, or even
more (pl. 30, c), a series of cross lines, oblique lines, dots, or on oc-
casion a centipede constitute the usual forms of such decoration.
On one or two examples the bottom as well as the top was orna-
mented with the same kinds of designs.
Decorations on the red-on-black bowls consist of bands and all-
over designs. Numerically the band form predominates. As in the
case of the black-on-white vessels, the chief elements employed in the
ROBERTS]
125
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
painting were solid and hachured figures. On some only the solid
were used, others have only hachure, while the remainder have both.
Examples of decorations composed wholly of solid elements are c
and d, Plate 35, and a, Plate 36. All three of these patterns are
band forms. Both c and d, Plate 35, have four units with solid
figures, each unit separated from the next one by a series of parallel
lines. In c, 2 of the groups of parallel lines contain 6, while the
other 2 contain 7. Those of similar number are at opposite sides
of the bowl, so that the decoration is well balanced. The four solid
units are similar if not absolutely identical. This can not be said of
the panels in d, Plate 35. Three are similar but the fourth is quite
different. The three more or less alike contain two figures each.
These symbols are an elaborate variation of the fret motif and are
of interest because they are made up of triangular elements. The
OO


a
b
FIGURE 28.-Checker patterns on black-on-red bowls
fourth unit has variations of the same symbol, but in this case
they were placed in a horizontal rather than a vertical position and,
in addition, interlock. Three of the parallel line groups have eight
elements, while the fourth has but seven.
The decoration a, Plate 36, has a band of simple checkerboard
around the wall just below the rim. The thing which gives the de-
sign a unique character is the group of five figures pendent from the
lower border of the band. What these were intended to represent is
debatable; they may be symbols representing sandals, the tip end of
a sash, or the fringe of a kilt. This is the only vessel in the entire
collection bearing such figures and no fragments in the mass of pot-
sherds from the site gave any indication of a similar symbol. Two
additional examples of the black-on-red checkerboard pattern are
illustrated in Figure 28. The more elaborate of the two, a, has four
units of the checker motif placed at opposite sides of the bowl. Inter-
126
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
spaced between these are four units composed of parallel dotted lines.
In two of the latter the dots are along the top edges and in the other
two they are along the bottom. The heavy concentric circles in the
bottom of the bowl add to the embellishment of the vessel and com-
plete the decoration. The simpler design, b, has the same plan as
that of a, but it was not carried to such an elaborate conclusion.
There are four units of checker pattern placed at opposite sides of the
bowl. These are connected, or separated according to the way one
looks at the decoration, by four panels consisting of five heavy paral-
lel lines running horizontally along the walls of the bowl from
checker unit to checker unit. The decorations on both of these bowls,
as well as the vessels themselves, are typically Little Colorado in
character, especially of the district from St. Johns to Showlow and
Holbrook.
OO

a
b
FIGURE 29.-Decorations from black-on-red bowls
Hachured figures were not as extensively used by themselves as
were the solid elements. They were favored to a certain extent,
however. A typical example is f, Plate 36. In this design, as in
most of the others in this style, the hachured figures are of the rec-
tilinear fret form placed in a band around the walls of the vessel.
This style hatching is that of the Chaco. There are three figures
in the decoration. Two are of the double fret while the third is a
single symbol of that type. Had the two double figures been
painted on a smaller scale the potter would have had room for a
third complete fret of the same kind, but failure to give sufficient
consideration to the amount of space available necessitated the use
of the single form.
Band patterns in which contrasting elements were used are illus-
trated in Figure 29. The design a is composed of eight units, four
of which are made up of a series of parallel lines. The solid por-
ROBERTS]
127
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
tions of the other units are made up of opposed rows of triangles, so
placed that the space between forms a negative zigzag or lightning
symbol. This pattern as a whole is quite reminiscent of those found
on the interior of bowls in earlier phases of ceramic development.
The second pattern, b, Figure 29, is a typical design of the con-
trasting solid and hachure of the Upper Gila variety. Patterns of
this form are also found quite extensively in the Little Colorado
region. They are found not only on black-on-red vessels but are
equally apparent on the black-on-white.
Combination solid and hachured designs are numerous in the col-
lection. The bowls a, b, f, Plate 35, and c, d, e, Plate 36, are typical
examples. Plate 35, a, is a simple yet unusual form of decoration in
this collection. The placing of solid figures within open spaces in
the hachured figure is not common and in contrast to the usual
method of balancing one by the other. In some of the sections far-
ther west in the Little Colorado region this style was more prevalent
but still not common. The second bowl, b, Plate 35, has a typical
band of interlocking fret figures of the balanced form. The ha-
chured portions are of the characteristic Upper Gila style which is
equally prevalent on the black-on-white vessels. The band of
hachure with solid star figures (pl. 35, f) incorporated in it illus-
trates a fairly popular style of decoration, if the vessels and pot-
sherds bearing variations of it are any criterion. The use of star
figures was rather common in the upper Little Colorado region, and
variations of the kind of patterns illustrated by this bowl are found
in widely distributed sites. The decoration on c, Plate 36, is one of
the more characteristic red-ware patterns. The running solid line
balancing and offsetting the running hachured figure is frequently
observed on vessels belonging to this group. The solid portion of
this design is of particular interest because of an apparent change
of mind on the part of the painter. The potter apparently intended
to employ a series of elongated solid triangular elements or pennant-
like symbols in contrast to the hachured form, but after painting one
figure continued around the vessel with a simple broad heavy line.
The next bowl, d, Plate 36, is also a good example of balanced solid
and hachured figures. Vessels bearing decorations of this type have
a wide distribution throughout the region between the Puerco and
the Little Colorado and are found to some extent in the Chaco dis-
trict. In contrast to the other containers in this group the design
was applied to the surface previous to the polishing process and as a
result the decoration seems to fade into the slip, a feature more com-
monly observed on certain kinds of polychrome vessels, particularly
the bowls of the group with black-on-red interiors and a design
painted on the exterior in white.
128
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The combination hachure and solid decoration on the bowl e, Plate
36, is unique in the collection. The contrasting curvilinear figures are
well balanced, starting as they do from opposite sides of the vessel
and terminating in spirals on different sides. Although the design
covers but a small portion of the bowl interior it nevertheless makes
a striking decoration. Its very simplicity adds to its effectiveness.
All-over designs in the black-on-red group are of the combination
solid and hachure variety and are characterized for the most part
by curvilinear figures. Two characteristic forms are illustrated in
Figure 30. The first one, a, is typical of vessels found in sites along
the Puerco in the extreme eastern Little Colorado region and ex-
tending westward into the major Little Colorado nucleus in the
district between Holbrook and St. Johns. This type of decoration,
with its contrasting forms of the fret, also occurs on bowls of the
Houck polychrome type. The second, b, represents a variation of


a
b
FIGURE 30.-Black-on-red all-over designs
another characteristic Little Colorado design. Whether the solid
figures with eyes and whorls extending from the sides were intended
to represent human heads or mythological dieties would prove an
interesting subject for speculation, but nothing definite can be said
about them. The hachure in both patterns is predominantly Chacoan
in its form, although portions of a have the Upper Gila style.
The exteriors of the black-on-red vessels frequently have a single
geometrical figure placed on the wall a short distance below the
rim. These figures consist of simple spirals, plain triangular figures,
a series of concentric circles, hourglass symbols, rectangles, scrolls,
and frets. (Fig. 31.) These marks are too small and insignificant
to be considered in the nature of decorations and must have been
for some other purpose. It is possible that they were marks of
ownership, a means of identification, which stamped the vessels as
being the property of a certain individual or family.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 35
a
9
d
C
e
BLACK-ON-RED BOWL DECORATIONS
f
UNIV
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 36
23
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C
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DESIGNS ON COLORED WARE BOWLS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 37
a
b
UNIV
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INTERIORS OF POLYCHROME BOWLS
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 38
BULLETIN 111
a
b
BLACK-ON-RED INTERIORS OF POLYCHROME BOWLS
ROBERTS]
129
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The potter's mark as it is known in the old world, where the
ceramic industry was in the hands of certain families or groups of
individuals and each placed its distinguishing symbol on its own
product, was not present in the Southwest. For that reason it would
seem that they were signs of ownership and not the trade-marks of a
certain "factory." Vessels belonging to this same ceramic group in
the Chaco Canyon wares were characterized by a similar exterior
treatment. Judging from specimens in museum collections, the prac-
tice was more local than general, although future investigations may
show it to have been quite widespread.
The polychrome bowls with black-on-red interiors and white-on-
red exteriors differ only in slight degree from the plain black-on-red
vessels in so far as the interior design is concerned. The patterns
are largely of the combination hachure and solid varieties, and occur
either as band or all-over decorations. A typical example of the
band style is illustrated by b, Plate 37. As will be observed from the
photograph, the solid and hachured elements are both contrasting


Д
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FIGURE 31.-Figures on exteriors of black-on-red bowls
and balanced. The hachure is of the typical Upper Gila form. The
exterior of this bowl is ornamented with a series of dots around the
wall just below the rim, and farther down has a band formed of
opposing terraced fret figures. (Pl. 31, b.)
This decoration was painted with a thin light-colored pigment
which has a semitransparent quality. The base of red shows through
in portions and gives it a pinkish cast. This form of exterior em-
bellishment is the one which, as previously stated, is the most exten-
sively distributed of the Little Colorado types. It apparently
centers in the region between St. Johns and Holbrook. An example
of the all-over interior design in this group of polychrome is illus-
trated by a, Plate 38. In its general plan this decoration follows
those of Figure 30. It is far more elaborate, however, and shows an
intricate treatment of the contrasting solid and hachured elements.
The exterior of the vessel has a band consisting of a running fret
painted in white. This vessel also is quite typical of this form of
Little Colorado polychrome. Fragments from vessels belonging to
the group show that variations of the fret figure done in broad heavy
130
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
lines, plain bands of white in series of three or more, repeated stepped
lines placed horizontally on the sides of the bowl, and repeated ter-
raced figures with an occasional series of interlocking scrolls were
the main forms of exterior decoration.
Polychrome vessels of the group with black-on-red interiors and
red-on-white exteriors bear interior designs practically identical
with those on the other colored wares. Solid and hachure patterns
of the band style predominate, although an occasional example has
a band of solid figures. The bowl a, Plate 37, illustrates the con-
trasting solid and hachure form. The close relationship existing
between this and other decorations based on the same elements is
clearly shown by the photographs. The main motif is again that
of the interlocking fret and opposing triangles. The hachure is of
the Upper Gila form. The exterior decoration consists of a band
of opposing terraced figures applied in red slip paint on a white
background. (Pl. 31, a.) The design as a whole is very suggestive
of a textile pattern. The band may be considered as having two
parts, an upper and a lower, separated by the negative zigzag
passing through its center. Another example of the same type of
polychrome exterior decoration is illustrated by a, Plate 27. Here
again red slip paint was applied over a light-colored wash. The
decoration is made up of six modified fret figures. These are con-
nected by oblique panels composed of opposing triangles so placed
that they form negative lightning symbols.
The interior decoration of this bowl is of the contrasted hachure
and solid-band variety. (Pl. 36, b.) It is one of the best conceived
and executed decorations in the entire group. The hachured ele-
ments are in the Upper Gila style and the solid symbols are mainly
of the fret and triangle type. This pattern is very suggestive of
the more highly developed St. Johns-Holbrook variety of the Little
Colorado wares. An example of the sole use of solid figures in
the interior decoration is e, Plate 35. This design consists of a
series of six rectilinear fret figures. Five of these are similar but
the sixth is different. It has a series of dots along the inside edges
of the fret. The exterior has the same treatment as the preceding
vessel, but its general appearance suggests that it may have been
a copy rather than a true example of the type. A light-colored slip
was applied to the exterior and on this background a series of six
hands was painted. At one point, just midway between two of
the hands, a small rectangle appears. It has no apparent connec-
tion with the rest of the design and adds little to its decorative
quality. Why it should have been placed there is not known. (Pl.
27, b.)
Decorations on the interior of the Houck style of polychrome also
are quite similar to the general group of black-on-red patterns.
ROBERTS]
131
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Solid figures in some cases make up the entire design, in others solid
figures and parallel lines in alternating units furnish the motif, but
the predominant decoration is a combination solid and hachure pat-
tern. A good example of the latter is b, Plate 38. This is a well-
balanced design composed of interlocking figures which combine the
rectilinear and curvilinear style of drawing. The hachure in this
design is of the characteristic Chaco Canyon form and as a matter
of fact the decoration as a whole, while it has a distinct affiliation
with the Little Colorado form of solid and hachure elements, is such
that it might just as well have appeared on a black-and-white vessel
from Pueblo Bonito. The exterior of this bowl has a decoration
in red slip paint applied to the orange-colored surface of the paste.
The design consists of a series of rectilinear meanders which form a
band bordered above and below by broad, heavy lines. (Pl. 31, c.)
Other exterior decorations have interlocking frets, spirals, tri-
angular, and concentric rectangular figures as the main elements.
Ladle bowls in the colored ware group bear designs similar to
those found on the interior of bowls. No complete specimens of the
black-on-red were found. Fragments from a number were in the
potsherds from the refuse deposits in the rooms of the houses and
the dump mounds. They all bear portions of decorations showing
that the patterns were of the forms discussed in connection with
the black-on-red bowls. No ladle fragments from the Little Colo-
rado polychrome wares, either those with the white-on-red or red-
on-white exteriors, were found. The Houck style of polychrome is
well represented in the collection, although there are no complete
ladles of the type. Portions of bowls, from one-half to three-quar-
ters, are fairly numerous. For some reason or other handles are
scarce, and in no case is one attached to a portion of a bowl. The
interior decorations on the Houck ladle bowls are in keeping with
the general style of patterns already discussed. Solid figures, com-
bination solid elements, and contrasting solid and hachured symbols
are employed in various ways to form band patterns.
Two examples are shown in Figure 32. The first, a, has two
rows of opposing terraced figures. This decoration is a close coun-
terpart for the one on the black-on-white bowl illustrated in Plate
33, d. One interesting feature in connection with this design is
that along one side sufficient space was not left to accommodate the
lower row of terraced figures in the upper band. As a result the
upper part of the band for about half the circumference of the bowl
has an incomplete pattern. On the exterior the decoration is in
red slip paint on the orange background of the paste. The elements
are interlocking spirals with serrated edges. (Fig. 32, c.)
The second interior decoration (fig. 32, b) probably consisted of
eight units. Because a portion is missing it is not possible to be
132
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
absolutely certain that the design was of the balanced variety, but
it seems likely that such was the case. Three of the units, and prob-
ably the missing fourth, were formed from a series of parallel lines
extending from the upper to the lower border of the band. The
other 4 units, 3 of which and a portion of the fourth are actually
present, have 2 oblique panels of solid figures separated and framed
by parallel lines. As will be seen from the drawing, the panels are
not identical. In the two units on the lower half of the decoration
the inner panels are practically the same and the outer are com-
paratively similar. The unit at the upper left-hand portion of the


a
A
b


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FIGURE 32.—Designs from Houck polychrome ladles
pattern has two quite comparable handles, both of which are not
greatly different from the inner solid symbols of the lower units,
the chief variations being that in one instance the tips of the upper
triangles touch while in the other they do not. The portion of the
fourth unit of solid figures shows simple opposing triangular ele-
ments instead of the more elaborate kind. The exterior decora-
tion on this object is more complicated than that of the preceding
example. The design is in red slip paint which contrasts sharply
with the orange base color of the vessel. The decoration is made
up of solid elements drawn in a combination rectilinear and cur-
vilinear style. (Fig. 32, d.) The lower portion of the exterior pat-
ROBERTS]
133
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
tern suggests that on the exterior of the polychrome bowl, a, Plate 31.
The latter is not of the Houck variety, however.
Ladle handles on the black-on-red and Houck polychrome groups
were all of the tubular form and bore decorations similar to those
on the black-on-white. Parallel lines running the long way of the
handle, a series of oblique lines, or lines running at right angles to
the long axis, an occasional fret figure, spiral, a panel of opposing
solid elements, and sporadic hachure symbols were the chief elements
employed in the designs.
ADDITIONAL POTTERY OBJECTS
The objects of fired clay obtained from the excavation are not
wholly restricted to the group considered as containers. There are
a number of specimens which, although closely related to the pot-
tery vessels because they are made from container fragments, had
other uses than that of holding food or liquid. They consist of
the scrapers used in smoothing down clay vessels during the proc-
ess of their manufacture; round flat discs, with and without per-
forations; tubular rings of varying length made from broken ladle
handles and from jar necks. The purpose of the circular discs has
long been questioned. Those with perforations have been consid-
ered parts of implements used in weaving. Some believe that they
functioned as buttons at the end of spindle shafts to prevent the
thread from slipping off. Others insist that they were true spindle
whorls and acted in the capacity of small fly wheels to assist in the
whirling of the spindle. There is a possibility, also, that they may
have been for use in fastening articles of clothing. A few examples.
have been found in which a piece of thong was passed through the
hole and held in place by knots. When prepared in this manner
they could have been fastened to a blanket and have held it together
in the form of a rude cloak. Attached to a kilt, or woman's gar-
ment, they would have made very serviceable buttons. Those with-
out the hole through the center may represent unfinished whorls or
buttons, although it is possible that they may have been a form of
counter used in games. What the small cylinders made from ladle
handles could have been used for is not known.
One group of fired clay objects usually found in ruins was entirely
missing at this site. No examples, not even a fragment, of the
tubular or cloud-blower pipes, nor any of the elbow forms, were
found. In many parts of the Pueblo area the tubular pipe, very
similar in shape and size to a modern cigar holder, was employed in
fairly large numbers. It has been called by the name cloud-blower
because some of the modern people make use of the same type of
object in certain ceremonies. During the course of some rites puffs
134
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
of smoke are blown toward the cardinal points from such pipes, the
smoke being considered symbolic of rain clouds and endowed with
the ability to attract them and their life-giving water to the vicinity.
Why they should have been absent here is not known. It is signifi-
cant, however, that a similar condition was found at another ruin
in this same general region. At the Long H Ranch, 42 miles south-
west from Zuñi, a small pueblo was excavated, and while most of the
usual kinds of artifacts were found no pipes were obtained. This
was particularly emphasized by the fact that near-by pit houses of
an older stage of development yielded quite a number.53 The
absence of the ceremonial pipe from two sites in this district may be
a factor of considerable significance, and again it may only be
coincidence. Ruins at no great distance west from the Long H
pueblo and others not far removed from the Nutria Canyon village
have had them. The places where they were found, however, repre-
sent somewhat later stages and it is possible that during the pre-
ceding phase there may have been a decline in the use of such pipes.
Further evidence is needed, however, before any definite conclusion
can be drawn.
BASKETRY
This phase of the material culture of the inhabitants of the Vil-
lage of the Great Kivas is represented in the collection of specimens
by only a few charred fragments. In view of this fact it is not pos-
sible to give a detailed discussion of the variety of baskets which the
people made. Two different forms of technique are apparent in
the fragments. One is a coiled method comparable to the common,
widespread southwestern form, the other a diagonal checker weave.
The fragments from the coiled baskets show that they were of the
usual type in which two rods and a bundle were used. The rods
were placed side by side and the bundle surmounted them. The
bundle in this case consisted of long strips of fibrous material, ap-
parently shreds of yucca leaf, whose purpose it was to provide the
medium through which the stitches holding the coils together could
be passed. The rods employed were small and the stitching fine.
When the baskets were new they must have been comparable to the
finest that have come out of the Southwest.
The second form of basketry, that of diagonal checker weave or
twilled work, is illustrated in the collection by two fragments, both
from the rim portions of the containers. (Fig. 33.) The upper
edge had no reinforcing rod and the rim was formed from the wall
material itself. The latter was bent over and carried on down the
side to form a double wall. The material used appears to be yucca,
58 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, p. 159.
ROBERTS]
135
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
but because of the charred nature of the specimens it is not possible
to tell just which form of that plant was employed.
BONES AND BONEWORK
The bones and bone implements found during the investigations
at this site are of interest because they not only show the various
types of tools which the people fashioned from that material, but
also furnish a record of the kinds of animals which were present at
the time when the site was occupied. The animals represented are
the mule deer, antelope, jack rabbit, lynx, wolf, fox, and dog. The
only bird bones in the collection are from the turkey. The bonework
comprises a fairly large variety of awls, scrapers, punches, beads,
turkey calls, and ornaments. The implements may be separated into
several groups from the standpoint of the kinds of material used.
That is, some were fashioned from bones intentionally cut for the
purpose, others were made from fortuitous splinters, and others
exhibit but slight


modification of the
original bone.
Typical exam-
ples of awls made
from chance splin-
ters are illustrated
in Plate 39. Prac-
FIGURE 33.-Basket fragments
tically all of these specimens are fragments from long bones of the
deer. One or two in the collection, however, were made from ribs
or some other bone. Most of the specimens show a partial polish at
their points. This was not intentionally done but was produced
through use. The sharpened splinter group rarely has examples
with a careful polish over the entire surface. There is a group,
however, of specially cut implements which were made from dis-
carded portions of bones which does show a careful shaping and
polishing over most of the surface. Examples of awls belonging in
this class are illustrated in Plate 40. In many instances the work
of preparing the implement was so carefully and thoroughly done
that it is impossible to tell from what animal the material came. A
few of the examples can be identified as deer bone, the long bones
and ribs occurring in greatest numbers. In specimens of this type
the ends opposite the points were generally cut and smoothed, a fea-
ture rarely found in the case of awls made from fortuitous splinters.
The illustration, Plate 40, clearly shows the nature of this refining
touch. Such implements would be doubly useful inasmuch as the
sharpened end could be used for perforating purposes while the blunt
82148 32- -10
136
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
one would serve as a spatulate tool for smoothing or rubbing where
a point would be unsatisfactory.
Specially cut awls formed by splitting a long bone lengthwise and
sharpening one end, but otherwise making slight modification of the
original form, are illustrated by the group of specimens in Plate 41,
a to e. These were all fashioned from a long bone of the deer and
beyond the splitting and sharpening processes were not worked.
The other three specimens shown in this same plate, f, g, and h, are
of the same bone but exhibit more modification in that the sides are
polished. The question of length is largely relative, the shorter
specimens probably representing implements which have seen con-
siderable use and as a consequence were materially shortened through
repeated sharpening of the points. The cannon bone of the deer
was a favorite source of material for making awls with but slight
effort on the part of the bone worker. All that was needed to make
a serviceable implement was to split it lengthwise, leaving the condyle
at one end to form a handle and sharpening the other for the point.
Plate 42 shows several examples of this kind of awl. The extremely
long forms are more frequently found in Pueblo III ruins than in
the preceding stages. The awl found in greatest numbers in the early
phases of southwestern development is the short stubby form illus-
trated by c and d, Plate 42. Its prevalence suggests that it was in-
tentionally stubby, not the result of many sharpenings of a long im-
plement. It is present in the following horizons but is not as char-
acteristic as the longer ones.
The deer was not the only animal, or perhaps one should say the
only creature, which supplied bones that made satisfactory tools
with but slight modification of the original form. The turkey con-
tributed its share, and a large number of awls were made from the
"drumstick" by simply putting a point at one end of the shaft.
Specimens of this type of awls are illustrated in Plate 43, a to f.
The femur bone of the wildcat was also quite serviceable, and g,
Plate 43, shows an implement fashioned from it. There are several
such tools in the collection. The legs of the jack rabbit supplied
good material, and many examples were found shaped from the
tibia of that animal. (Pl. 43, i.)
+
The ulna of the mule deer was extensively employed in the manu-
facture of awls and daggers. It is practically impossible at this late
date to say which the objects were intended to be, implements for
perforating materials in the peaceful pursuits of industry or weap-
ons. They would have functioned efficiently in either capacity.
The bones were particularly well adapted for making tools with a
minimum of effort. The condyles, with their projecting olecranon
processes, furnished good handles without any modification, while
the long, tapering shafts required only the preparation of points to

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 39
a
9
h
b
236B
354 b
z
353A
C
AWLS MADE FROM BONE SPLINTERS
158 F
d
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K
3590
UNIV
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OF
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f

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 40
BULLETIN 111
a
31
1410
HIE
b
C
d
e
9
h
2610
f
POLISHED SPLINTER AWLS
k
120E

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 41
a
b
C
d
115C
9
AWLS MADE FROM BONES SPLIT LENGTHWISE
e
h
UNIK
OF
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 42
BULLETIN 111
a
333
30 A
C
Ъ
e
f
SPLIT BONE AWLS
d
230 E

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 43
BULLETIN 111
a
e
B
C
9
d
N
AWLS MADE WITH SLIGHT MODIFICATION OF ORIGINAL BONE
با الان
OF
44
ICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 44
B
a
C
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f
ULNAE AWLS. SHARPENED POINTS ONLY ALTERATION OF BONE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 45
BULLETIN 111
a
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C
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IMPLEMENTS MADE FROM RABBIT BONES
UNIV
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
PLATE 46
α
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C
FLESHERS OR SCRAPERS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 47
BULLETIN 111
a
b
139 A
e
f
35% A
V811
d
h
д
13732
SMALL SCRAPERS, PUNCH, AND BONE TUBES
C
UNIV
OF
WICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 48
G
C
d
مان
K
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人
​175
m
AWLS, TABLETS, AND PENDANT OF BONE
ROBERTS]
137
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
make the instruments. A number of examples of this kind of tool
are illustrated in Plate 44. The type is quite widespread in the
Southwest. Hodge found numerous examples at Hawikuh,54 Pep-
per pictures them from Pueblo Bonito,55 and they have been found
in numerous other sites throughout those districts.56
Another group of awls made with little change in the form of the
original material are those fashioned from the leg bones of the jack
rabbit. The front leg of the animal supplied a larger percentage
of the raw material than any other portion of the body, judging
from the actual number of such specimens in the collection. Plate
45 shows a group of these implements.
58
Included in the collection are a number of large scrapers or fleshing
tools made from deer bones, the humerus, which are characteristic of
a type which was developed in the Pueblo III period. (Pl. 46.)
This form of implement is one which is best known from the elabo-
rate examples found by Pepper in the Chaco Canyon. The people at
Pueblo Bonito frequently embellished the shafts and heads of these
tools with a mosaic of turquoise or turquoise and jet.57 Large
numbers, in an undecorated state, however, were found at Aztec.5
They were present on the Mesa Verde and have been noted at
numerous sites throughout the northern part of the Pueblo area.
They were not confined to that region, however. Examples were
found by Fewkes in ruins in the eastern Zuñi district, and sites
farther west have yielded an occasional specimen.59 Considered
from a general point of view, they are more characteristic of the
northern and eastern portions of the area than of the southern and
western. A short, stubby form of scraper which is also character-
istic of the northern cultures was made from the phalanges of the
deer. Two examples were found at this site. (Pl. 47, a, b.) In
making this type of implement one end, including the condyle, was
cut off and a beveled edge supplied. In shape and general treatment
they are quite similar to the large ones just described. Examples
are numerous in the collections from Pueblo Bonito and Aztec.
60
The short, blunt-pointed implement with a groove around its
base end (pl. 47, c) is the only specimen of its kind in the collection.
The point is not sharp enough to have been used as an awl, although
it could easily have functioned as a punch. The groove possibly was
provided so that the object could be fastened to the person of the
owner by a thong.
54 Hodge, F. W., 1920, Pl. XVIII.
55 Pepper, G. H., 1920, pl. 9.
Morris, E. H., 1919 a, p. 39, fig. 23, d.
* Pepper, G. H., 1920, pls. 1, 11.
68 Morris, E. H., 1919 a, p. 36, fig. 23, e.
59 Fewkes, J. W., 1909 b, pl. 1, nos. 13 and 17; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pl. 31.
60 Morris, E. H., 1919 a, p. 37, fig. 22, b.
138
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Tubes and beads of bone are distinguishable solely by their size;
as a matter of fact, a division of objects of this nature into two
groups is purely arbitrary. The difference is one only of length, the
range being from seven-eights of an inch (2.222 cm.) to 3 inches
(7.62 cm.). The tubes were usually cut from the shaft portions of
turkey bones, the ulna, radius, or femur. The longer forms were
more generally used as beads in necklaces, while the shorter were
employed in bracelets of the wrist-guard type. The small examples
also were occasionally made into handles for awls. In other in-
stances the larger ones may have been used as flutes, whistles, or
drinking tubes. The object i, Plate 47, is a tube with a perforation
in one side at approximately the center of the shaft. This is one
of the so-called turkey calls used by hunters in attracting game.
The Zuñis employed in the excavations were able without the slight-
est difficulty to reproduce various sounds made by the turkey by
blowing into the hole. All insisted that it was for such a purpose,
and since they were able to use it so efficiently there is no reason to
✓ doubt its purpose.
Objects of extensively worked bone are not as common as those
of the slightly modified forms. Punches and awls were made by
cutting, shaping, and polishing the original form. Plate 48, a and b,
illustrate two examples. The first, a, is a punch with a spatulate end
opposite the point. The perforation probably was for suspension.
The unusually sharp pointed implement, b, also has a spatulate
base. The bone in this awl was trimmed and polished until there
is little left of the original contour, and it is not possible to identify
the animal from which it came. The objects c and d, Plate 48, also
exhibit a high degree of workmanship and a very fine polish. Inas-
much as both are broken, it is difficult to determine what their func-
tions may have been. The notched end of d suggests that it might
have been a weaving tool, but if it were intended for such a purpose
it was never so employed, because there are no traces of wear or
rubbing in the notches. The Zuñi workmen insisted that the object
was a head scratcher. It unquestionably would be very serviceable
in such a capacity, but whether that was its actual function or it
had some other use is purely conjectural.
The specimen e, Plate 48, was carefully cut and rubbed to an
unusual degree of smoothness, and the ornamental head suggests
that it was for decorative rather than utilitarian purposes. It may
have been a hair ornament or might well have functioned as a pin for
fastening an article of clothing. The group of small tablets made
from shafts of long bone, Plate 48, f to l, were neatly trimmed and
rubbed to a high gloss. They probably were fastened to some sort
of base which was worn as a decorative object. One hundred and
ROBERTS]
139
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
ten such pieces were found lying in a rectangular form on the floor in
one of the rooms of house B. Their position was such as to suggest
that they had been part of a plaque, perhaps an ornamental breast-
plate, the foundation of which had disintegrated and disappeared. In
most cases there is a fine groove at each end of the small pieces, and
they might well have been held in place by sinew or fine thread lying
in the groove. Only one example of a bone pendant was found.
(Pl. 48, m.) A piece from the shaft of a long bone from a large
mammal furnished the material from which it was made. The dec-
oration on the pendant was cut into the bone and the incisions filled
with a dark-colored substance. This treatment emphasized the lines
of the design and produced a contrast between them and the natural
color of the bone.
OBJECTS OF STONE
Tools, implements, weapons, and other objects made from stone
are numerous in the collection of specimens from this site. The
material was employed in the manufacture of metates or milling
stones, mortars, mauls, ax heads, jar stoppers, arrow-shaft smoothers,
small mortars and pestles for grinding paints, ceremonial objects,
knife blades, spear and arrowheads, ornaments, and effigy heads.
Some pebbles and stones were employed in their natural state; for
example, the pottery polishers and various forms of concretions
which were endowed with supernatural characteristics. Several
kinds of stone were used in making the different objects. In the
collection are specimens of sandstone, lava, diorite, amphibolite,
chalcedony, jasper, granite, and slate. Two techniques were em-
ployed in the manufacture of objects. One was pecking and grind-
ing, the other chipping and flaking.
The metates or milling stones were shaped by the pecking and
grinding method. These objects are of two types and were made
from two different materials. One form is the open-end trough or
grooved variety. (Pl. 49, a, b.) The other type is flat from side
to side and slightly concave from end to end. (Pl. 49, c, d.) The
material in all four of these specimens is a hard sandstone. Both
types of metate were also made from lava. No whole specimens of
the trough form were found, but there were sufficient fragments to
show that the material had been used in them. Two examples of the
flat form are illustrated by a and b, Plate 50. While it might seem
that the large holes and depressions in the surface would be a
hindrance to the proper grinding of corn, the lava blocks were more
efficient than the sandstone variety. The holes would soon become
filled with ground meal and not retard the milling process. In addi-
tion, portions of the surface would not be ground into the meal to as
great a degree as in the case of the softer sandstone. At the present
140
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
time many of the metates in use at Zuñi are of lava, and the women
prefer that material because of its durability.
It will be recalled that in the discussion of the mealing bins in
rooms 49 and 23 it was pointed out that the trough or groove type
of metate was found only in the old, original part of house A,
while the flat concave forms occurred throughout the subsequent
additions to the structure and in house B. Attention was also called
to the fact that all evidence seems to point to the use of the flat
metate in mealing bins. The grooved form at this locality was not
used in a bin. This same condition was observed in the pueblo on
the Long H Ranch,61 and evidence elsewhere points to a similar prac-
tice. The grooved metate is essentially a northern form, while the
flat variety is more characteristic of the southern and western por-
tions of the Pueblo area. The evidence in this location was that the
flat type replaced the grooved variety at approximately the same
time that the community was augmented by an appreciable number
of people. This would tend to show that the flat metate was prob-
ably a contribution on the part of the new arrivals, and taking into
consideration various other factors in the material culture would
suggest its southern origin.
The manos or hand stones used with the metates were of the flat,
single-hand form. The sandstone examples have a convex upper
surface as a general rule, but an occasional specimen is of the flat,
tabular shape. The material from which they were made was prob-
ably too hard to warrant the additional efforts needed for rounding
off the upper surface. The association between metates and manos
was such that there can be no question but what sandstone was used
on sandstone and lava on lava.
Only a few examples of mortars were found around the site, and
there were no pestles accompanying them. The mortars are large
sandstone blocks with a deep, circular depression cut in one side.
(Pl. 50, c, d.) In some instances the outside of the block was shaped,
while in others little attempt was made to alter the irregular form of
the stone. The insides of the cup portions did not show signs of a
marked amount of wear. These objects may have been used for
grinding nuts and wild seeds or in pounding roots and herbs. Be-
cause of the numerous metates it is not likely that they were em-
ployed in grinding corn. Why there were no pestles to accompany
the mortars is not known. From the relatively small percentage
of whole specimens and fragments it would appear that objects of
this type were not extensively made by the inhabitants of the village.
The only locations in which mortars and fragments from them were
found were the late portions of house A and in house B. In view
"Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, p. 154.
ROBERTS]
141
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
of this, together with the fact that grinders of this form occur more
commonly in the ruins to the south and west, it seems evident that
they were another contribution on the part of members of the com-
munity coming from that region.
Mauls were made from lava and sandstone by the pecking and
grinding process. Two shapes are represented in the collection.
The commonest form is a short, cylindrical head with flat striking
surfaces and groove completely encircling the object. (Pl. 51, b,
c, d, f.) The other variety is a tabular-shaped object with flat sides.
(Pl. 51, a, e.) The striking surfaces on most of them are flat, as in
the case of e, but an occasional specimen tends to a rounded or blunt
pointed end as illustrated by a. The groove on the flat mauls is of
two types; on the majority of specimens it completely encircles the
stone. A few examples, however, show it only on three sides. The
three-quarters form is more common to the south and west than in
the north.
The ax heads are all of the grooved form, with comparatively
short cutting edges. (Pl. 52.) In some instances they were made
from oval-shaped bowlders and in others from rather flat pieces of
stone. On some of the specimens the base is quite flat, while on
others it is rounded. There is a distinct correlation between the
type of base and general shape of the axes. The oval forms have
the rounded base and the tabular specimens the flat. The grooves
on the ax heads, as in the case of the mauls, are of two forms. They
either completely encircle the stone or are of the three-quarters
type. The complete groove is present on a majority of the speci-
The short, stubby type of cutting edge is characteristic in
the Little Colorado region, and while no typical examples of that
kind of bit are present in this collection the axes indicate a tendency
in that direction. Materials used in making ax heads were diorite
and amphibolite.
mens.
Stoppers for use in the large jars were made from sandstone. (Pl.
53, a, b.) These stoppers were made with a neck or plug which fitted
down inside the neck of the jar and a head which served both as a
handle and as a means of holding the stopper in place so that it
would not slip down too far into the orifice. The plug portions of
these objects were either cylindrical in shape, such as that illustrated
by a, or rounded off, as in b. The heads were of the mushroom or flat
varieties. The mushroom type generally is associated with the cylin-
drical plug, as in the case of a, and the flat heads with the rounded
stem illustrated in b. Stoppers of this kind are found in fairly
large numbers in ruins to the south and west, but only occasionally
are they present in northern sites. Fired-clay stoppers are not un-
common in the northern parts of the area, but the stone forms seem
to have been a southern development. Thin, circular disks of sand-
L
142
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
stone were quite generally used as covers on jars, but the more
specialized forms, such as shown here, were more restricted in their
distribution.
Among the stone objects is a considerable group comprising what
is commonly referred to as arrow-shaft polishers. The latter are
irregular-shaped stones, generally sandstone, with a groove in one
side. (Pl. 53, c-f.) Objects of this kind are commonly supposed
to have been used in smoothing and shaping the shafts of arrows.
Whether or not they were actually for that purpose can not definitely
be stated. Similar objects have been found at various ruins through-
out the region. Hodge illustrates the form he found near Hawikuh.62
Hough obtained examples in the section east of the Petrified Forest,
and Fewkes secured numerous specimens in the course of his work at
various sites in Arizona. The form is not always as simple as those
illustrated in Plate 53 but occasionally has an elaborate and careful
finish. The latter are more commonly found along the Upper Gila,**
although the simpler forms such as pictured here were also employed
in that section.65
63
An interesting series of stone objects is the group of paint grinders. 、
These are small stones with circular or oval depressions in which
the minerals supplying the pigments used for various decorative
purposes were ground. The stones may be small, irregularly shaped
fragments with a small concave cup, flat tabular stones with an oval
depression, or flat rectangular slabs with two circular depressions.
(Pl. 54.) Occasionally one of the paint mortars is a circular cuplike
object with a groove around the center. (Pl. 55, c.) The pestles
used in grinding pigment are cylindrical stones with flattened ends.
(Pl. 55, a, b.) Mortars of the forms pictured in Plate 54 are com-
mon throughout the region, and examples can be found in use at
the present time in the village of Zuñi. The more elaborate type
with the encircling groove has not been observed at many sites.
Fewkes found an almost identical specimen at Pueblo Viejo on the
Upper Gila. He does not report it as a mortar but simply calls it
an unknown stone object. He does, however, suggest that it has the
form of a paint mortar. The example in the present collection
leaves no doubt in the matter, since the inside of the cup was
thoroughly covered with red ochre. The occurrence of paint mor-
tars in the Pueblo area is more pronounced in the southern portions
than in the northern, and it may be a cultural feature developed
in those parts. The specimen with two depressions (pl. 54, d) is
62 Hodge, F. W., 1923, fig. 2.
6 Hough, W., 1903, pl. 55.
04 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, figs. 112, 113.
Hough, W., 1914, p. 18.
06 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, fig. 115.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 49
BULLETIN 111
b
Grooved form
Flat type
SANDSTONE METATES
UNIV
MICH
OF

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 50
b
Lava milling stones
Sandstone mortars
METATES AND MORTARS
d

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 51
b
α
C
e
MAULS
d
UNIY
OF
WICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111
PLATE 52
b
a
d
C
e
AX HEADS
f

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 53
a
B
2140
C
d
e
4218
f
JAR STOPPERS AND ARROW-SHAFT SMOOTHERS
UNIV
OF
ICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 54
C
a
b
217
d
PAINT MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 55
BULLETIN 111
a
B
d
C
STONE OBJECTS
a, b. Small pestles for grinding paint; c, paint mortar; d, e. Corn goddess symbols
UNIV
OF
ICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 56
BULLETIN 111
a
C
る
​e
168
d
MISCELLANEOUS STONE OBJECTS
a, Ceremonial figure; b, bead polisher; c, decorated slab; d, concretion fetish; e, sipapu cover; f, sipapu.
ROBERTS]
143
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
interesting because the pigment adhering to the surface in the larger
one is red while that in the smaller is black.
67
The two rounded conical objects d and e, Plate 55, are what is
known as corn-goddess symbols and have considerable ceremonial
significance among the present-day Hopi and Zuñi. The Hopi call
them the Idols of Alosaka or Muyinwu, the germ gods which are
supposed to cause the corn to germinate when it is planted. The
Hopi place such objects on the altar during the performance of the
Powamu ceremony, the festival for the purification and renovation
of the earth, which is held in February of each year. According to
the Zuñi, stones of this type represent the corn goddess or mother
of all corn and if placed in a field where that grain has been planted
will assure a bountiful crop. Similar stones have been found in
other prehistoric sites. Fewkes secured several on the Mesa Verde,68
and also obtained examples from ancient ruins in the Hopi country.
The stones themselves are very simple in form, as may be observed
from the photograph. They were fashioned from sandstone blocks
by the pecking and rubbing method. In shape they suggest in a
very general way the end of an ear of corn. One feature which they
possess is not shown in the photograph; that is a concavity in the
bottom which makes it possible to place small offerings, such as
turquoise and bits of shell, under them. This shallow cup is not
always present on the object but occurs fairly often. These two
specimens, it will be recalled, were found in kiva A of house A.
Other examples were found throughout the village. One came from
the single room excavated in the small house south of the great kiva,
while two were dug out of house B and several others turned up in
the dump heaps.
A long, flat object with a beaklike projection at one end (pl. 56,
a)
was found in the refuse mound near house B. It undoubtedly func-
tioned in a ceremonial capacity, but what its actual purpose may have
been is not known. Similar stones are used by the present Zuñi in
some of their ceremonies to represent certain anomalous mythological
birds. In the Zuñi kiva an object of this type is placed on a line of
meal extending out toward the center of the room from the altar at
one end. A similar practice may have been in vogue at the time this
village was occupied and the present stone used in that way.
•
The second stone, b, Plate 56, is characterized by a long, narrow
groove extending its entire length along the center of one side. The
stone was probably used in the shaping and polishing of beads.
Practically the only difference between bead polishers and arrow-
shaft smoothers is one of length and regularity of groove. Some
87 Fewkes, J. W., 1916 b, pp. 111-113.
68 Fewkes, J, W., 1911 b, p. 67; 1916 b, pp. 96-117,
L.
144
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
of the present-day Zuñi use almost identical stones in making their
beads.
Fragments of stone were sometimes ornamented with geometric
patterns scratched in their surfaces. An example is illustrated by
c, Plate 56. What the significance of these stones may have been
is not known. They generally are small, irregularly shaped slabs,
whose edges have not been worked and whose flat surfaces show no
signs of preparation, the only workmanship on them being that in
the design. None of these objects was found under conditions im-
plying any ceremonial significance, and as a consequence it does not
seem quite logical to attribute such function to them. Merely as a
suggestion, an explanation from the standpoint of purely utilitarian
aspects may be offered. The people were continually sharpening and
resharpening the points of their bone implements, and stones bearing
evidence of such activity are frequently found. They generally have
an unrelated series of grooves on one or more faces. In many in-
stances these grooves are quite like those which form the patterns
on the decorated pieces. In view of this similarity and taking into
consideration an inherent artistic quality found in occasional indi-
viduals, it may be suggested that such persons at times worked out
a pattern instead of making a series of aimless scratches in their
tool-shaping endeavors. If such were the case no ceremonial qual-
ities need be postulated to explain stones like the one pictured.
The two specimens e and f, Plate 56, are the sipapu and its cover
from kiva A, house A. The circular disc which served as a lid was
made from a piece of slate. It was well dressed and carefully
smoothed and made an ideal cover for the sacred hole in the floor of
the ceremonial chamber. The block of stone, with a perforation
through its center, which was embedded in the floor to form the
symbolic place of emergence, is sandstone. It was roughly shaped,
but the edges were not as carefully smoothed as those of the lid. The
hole through the center is not cylindrical in form but funnel shaped.
The diameter of the orifice on one face is considerably larger than
that of the other. The stone was placed in the floor, with the smaller
opening uppermost. The use of a perforated slab to form the sipapu
is not uncommon in this region. Some of the present-day kivas in
the village of Zuñi have just such sipapus. Hodge also found an
example in one of the circular kivas near Hawikuh.69
Stones in their natural, unmodified forms were also employed for
various purposes. Many odd-shaped concretions served as fetishes,
charms, and lucky stones. Perhaps an occasional example was col-
lected and saved solely because its unusual shape appealed to the
fancy of one of the Indians. In other cases they may have sug-
Go Hodge, F. W., 1923, pp. 15-16, Pl. viii, a and b,
*
ROBERTS]
145
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
gested some animal or bird and for that reason appealed to the
superstitious side of their collector's nature. An example of the
kind of concretion frequently treasured by present-day Zuñi is shown
in Plate 56, d. These are thought to be portions of the gods, of
their weapons, implements, ornaments, and often are considered the
wherewithal of being. The form illustrated in the photograph is
usually considered representative of the genital organs of some
ancient person and is highly prized not only as a means of approach-
ing the spirit of the particular god but also as an aid to a young man
in his conquest of women and to a young woman in helping her to
bear male children.70
Smooth stones and pebbles were used to smooth and polish the
surfaces of pottery vessels. The main distinguishing features of
such objects are the high gloss which they have taken on as a result
of long use and the fine striations or scratches which constant rub-
bing over clay surfaces produces. A typical group of stones of this
class is illustrated by Plate 57.
Chipped implements consist of spearheads, knife blades, and arrow
points worked from flakes of chalcedony, jasper, chert, and obsidian.
Only a few examples of this class of stonework were found. Why
there should have been such a paucity of specimens of this nature is
a question which can not be answered, but one, nevertheless, which
was probably of some significance. A similar lack was found in the
pueblo on the Long H Ranch, and ruins throughout the Zuñi district
do not furnish the numbers of arrowheads generally picked up around
such sites. Examples of knife blades are illustrated by the speci-
mens in Plate 58. The three varieties pictured represent the types
found. Judging from the material, no one form was predominant.
They seem to have been made in about equal numbers. The long
slender blade b, Plate 58, is of particular interest because an attempt
was made to remove a longitudinal flake down the center on one side.
The maker was only partially successful, as the flake broke off mid-
way along the blade. From the standpoint of the craftsman this
probably was an unfortunate circumstance, but from that of the
archeologist it was an opportune break. In its incompleted state
the blade shows clearly that the attempt to remove the long central
flake was not made until after the stone had been shaped to its desired
form. This might not have been so easy to determine had the maker
been successful in his efforts. The removal of a longitudinal flake
from the center of the blade is one of the characteristics of the Fol-
som points found in association with an extinct species of buffalo.
The present specimen should not be considered as an example of a
Folsom point, however, as it differs in other respects.
70 Cushing, F. H., 1883, pp. 44-45.
146
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Not many arrowheads were found, but all are of the same type
of point. All are notched and have a broad, squared tang. The
notches were placed at right angles to the long line of the blade
and formed small barbs and a tang. The tang is as wide as the widest
part of the blade and has a straight base. None of the concave or
convex forms were found at this location. The chipping on the
specimens does not show any special degree of excellence. The flakes
were struck off from nodules of chalcedony, chert, and obsidian.
The heads were shaped by removing chips along the edges. The
chips were rather large, and the edges are somewhat serrated as the
result. No examples illustrate the fine, minute chipping which was
characteristic in some localities. The arrow makers seem to have
been content to produce an efficient weapon without taking the time
or expending the effort necessary to make the more finished types
of head. (Pl. 59, a-e.)
Spear points have an even smaller percentage in the collection of
specimens than do the arrowheads. Only a very few examples were
found, and some of these might by some be considered knife blades
rather than spear points. Three different forms are present. One
has a rather broad, heavy blade, with small barbs and a short, heavy
tang. (Pl. 59, f.) The size of the barb varies slightly on the points
of this type, but in general they are quite like the example illus-
trated. The second form of spear point consists of a long, rather
narrow blade without barbs, notches, or tang. (Pl. 59, g.) Means
for attaching these blades to the end of the shaft was provided by
the slight tapering near the base end. The widest part of the blade
occurs at a distance of approximately one-fourth of the total length
of the object from the base. From there the sides taper to the
point. The third form of spearhead consists of a comparatively
long and broad blade with barbs and a narrow, short tang. (Pl.
59, h.) The line from the barb to the tang on these specimens runs
approximately at right angles to the long axis of the blade. There
is an almost imperceptible obliqueness on some of the examples
which gives the barbs a down-raking appearance. The sides of the
tang are slightly concave, so that the base is somewhat wider than
the shaft. The base of the tang has a tendency to be convex, but
this feature is not pronounced.
Ornaments made from stone were not numerous. The collection
contains only a few specimens, consisting of beads, pendants, and
fragments from inlays. The beads are all of the flat, tubular
variety (pl. 59, i) and were made from a rather soft white stone
which is known as southwestern alabaster. Some of the pendants
were also made from this same material. Ornaments of this class
consist of round or oval disks with a perforation at one side so
that they could be suspended from a necklace. (Pl. 59, m, o.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
PLATE 57
BULLETIN 111
325
POLISHING STONES
178
UNIV
OF

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 58
165
C
a
b
CHIPPED BLADES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 59
b
a
O
m
k
72
9
d
O
O
ARROWHEADS, SPEAR POINTS, AND STONE ORNAMENTS
UNIV
OF
4
ICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 60
a
240
HEADS CARVED FROM STONE
a, Snake; b, unidentifiable animal.
ROBERTS)
147
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
Pendants were also made from a red ferruginous shale. Approxi-
mately the same shapes are to be observed in this group as in the
preceding. An example is illustrated by n, Plate 59. For some
reason or other turquoise was practically absent from the site, only
a few unworked fragments being found. There were no beads or
pendants made from the material. This condition is rather strange
when it is considered that this particular stone was held in high
favor among the Pueblo people. Sites of a slightly later date in
this region yield considerable amounts of it and the Chaco area
to the north, from which region the first group of settlers in the
village are supposed to have come, is noted for its beads and pen-
dants. Why the people here did not have such ornaments would
probably make an interesting story if the facts in the case could be
known, but unfortunately all that can be done is to call attention
to their absence.
One of the most interesting of the groups of stone objects is that
of the heads. They were carved from blocks of sandstone and indi-
cate a rather high degree of artistic talent on the part of their mak-
ers. It is not possible to tell in each case what creature is depicted.
This may be due to the fact that they were intended to represent
mythological as well as actual beings. They no doubt served as
fetishes for use in ceremonies, but in just what manner they were
employed is not known. In every instance the features of the head
are quite well defined, but the neck consists of an unfinished cylin-
drical stem and there is no indication of the rest of the creature.
For this reason it is thought that they probably were mounted on
bodies fashioned from some perishable material. The slight groove
present on the stem just back of the actual head would provide a
suitable means for attaching the body. A string or thong tied
around the stone at that point would hold the pliable material, from
which the rest of the creature was made, firmly in place.
One of these heads unquestionably represents a plumed serpent.
(Pl. 60, a.) The features are very suggestive of those on the plumed
serpent used in some of the more important ceremonies at Zuñi. The
Ko'loowisi, as it is called by the latter, is one of the important under-
world gods having to do with the giving of water, seeds, and grass.
When this god participates in various ceremonial performances a
figure made of deerskin is used. It has a body between 5 and 6 feet
(1.524 and 1.828 m.) long. The back is painted black and bears
half-moon symbols in yellow and blue-green to designate the scales;
the underside is painted white. A cottonwood stick placed in the
body makes it rigid and symbolizes the backbone. Ribs are fash-
ioned from cottonwood and extend from the neck to the posterior
end at regular intervals. The head is made from a gourd and tied to
the deerskin body, and the throat is wrapped with a fox skin to
148
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
hide the joint. A group of plumes rises from the head." A similar
form of body may have been used by the prehistoric people and a
stone head employed rather than one fashioned from a gourd. As
will be observed from the photograph, a distinct row of teeth is
indicated along the lower jaw. The present-day serpent head used at
Zuñi has pronounced teeth on both jaws. Two holes indicate the nos-
trils and there are two for the eyes. At the top of the head are
two projections. In both instances the upper portions have been
broken off so that it is not possible to determine their original extent.
They undoubtedly represented the plumes or perhaps furnished a
base to which actual feathers were attached.
The second head pictured in Plate 60, b, is one of the best pre-
served in the entire group, but one which it is difficult to identify.
In some respects it suggests a parrot and in others a deer. Both
play prominent parts in certain phases of the life of the present-day
Zuñi. For this reason it might be either so far as the ceremonial
side of the matter is concerned. It would seem, however, that it is
more suggestive of a deer or antelope than a bird, despite the beak-
like character of the snout. The eyes are represented by holes. At
either side and just above them are small knobs indicative of horns
and at the back are the broken bases of what may have been the ears.
What the purpose of the deep parallel grooves just below the eyes on
each side of the head may have been is not known. They may
represent the markings on an animal or have had some significance
from a ceremonial point of view. The deer and the clan named
after it plays an important part in certain rituals among the modern
Pueblos and may well have done so in the past. This head was found
in kiva A and must have been of some ceremonial importance.
The frog is no doubt represented by one of the carved heads,
Figure 34, a. This creature plays an important part in the mythol-
ogy of the Zuñi because of its association with rain and moisture.
The present-day people unquestionably regard it in this light because
of beliefs and myths handed down from the past and the dwellers in
the Village of the Great Kivas may well have attached considerable
ceremonial significance to it. At the present time members of the
rain priesthood at Zuñi keep fetishes made from four hollow reeds,
all of which are filled with water. The largest one also contains a
small live frog (really a toad but called frog by the Zuñi). Bowls
used in certain ceremonies have frog symbols painted on them or are
ornamented with bas-relief figures of the creature. In the rain
ceremonies certain songs which are believed to be efficacious in the
bringing of moisture are sung by a member of the Frog clan. In
view of these facts it seems logical to conclude that the frog head
"Stevenson, M. C., 1904, pp. 94-95, 101.
ROBERTS]
149
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
found in the ruins may have been for use in rituals consecrated to
the rain gods, or was the fetish of a water clan, or both. The second
head (fig. 34, b) also suggests a deer or antelope. In this case, how-
ever, the resemblance is more striking than in the case of the one
previously described.
There may be no particular significance in the presence of these
stone heads and the creatures which they represent, but it is interest-
ing to note that at the present time there are, or recently were, clans
at Zuñi which bear names similar to those suggested by the objects.
It is possible that the inhabitants of this village were antecedents of
the deer, or macaw (if the first head described is so interpreted),
snake, frog, and antelope people. It would be interesting to pos-


a
b
FIGURE 34.-Stone heads
tulate further along this line, but there is not sufficient evidence to
warrant more than the suggestion of such an occurrence.
PETROGLYPHS
The artistic talents of the inhabitants of the Village of the Great
Kivas found expression in other ways than that of ceramic decora-
tion, bonework, and carving in stone. Additional examples of their
handiwork are to be found scattered along the face of the cliffs back
of house A in the form of large numbers of figures pecked into the
rock. They occur singly and in groups. The symbols include both
geometric and life forms.
There has been considerable comment and argument over the mean-
ings of petroglyphs and the extent to which they may be regarded
as symbolic of definite things associated with the life of the Indian.
Many writers in the past have sought to endow them with the quali-
ties of a written language and have read far more into them than
they logically should. Others have gone to the opposite extreme and
have dismissed them with the statement that they were aimless draw-
ings executed at idle moments and as such were held to be meaning-
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less. The chances are that both were right and both were wrong.
In some cases the symbols no doubt have a definite meaning, while in
others they probably were done merely to pass away the time and
give vent to a certain artistic urge. In the following discussion
Zuñi explanations and interpretations will be given. In some cases
these are quite logical, while in others they are rather far-fetched.
Whether their meanings are the ones which the prehistoric people
had in mind or whether they are entirely removed from the original
conception no one can tell. The Zuñi interpretations are more in
keeping with the Indian point of view, however and for that rea-
son are presented as a suggestion of what the drawings may possibly
have stood for.
Just east of house A, in a sheltered spot well up on the side of the
rocks, is a group of drawings representing several insects. (Pl. 61, a.)
According to the Zuñi, the first figure is that of the centipede, called
Sho'lah; the second, a scorpion, Kia'te'tsi is their name for it; the
third was not completed and could not be identified; the fourth is
some kind of ant, about which the informants were rather hazy but
which they unhesitatingly called Pe'nommeh; the fifth is another
centipede figure. All of these insects are endowed with more or less
poisonous stings and their likenesses, according to the modern Zuñi,
were placed on rocks as a part of rite during which the gods were
called upon to wreak vengeance upon their enemies. When a war
party was away from the village in pursuit of the Navajo, or on
its way to attack them, the war priest in charge of the warriors had
a song which he sang at night in which he petitioned various animals
and insects to bite and torture his enemies. During the course of the
song he drew pictures of each insect as he called upon it to sting the
object of his incantations. It is not known whether the ancient
people had such a custom or not, but it is not at all improbable, and
the present example may be the record of just such an occasion.
At another place on the rocks to the east of the village is a group
of figures of which only a few are sufficiently well preserved for
identification. Even in the case of the latter it was necessary to fill
in the outlines with whiting before photographing them. The three
main figures in this group consist of a conventionalized horned toad,
an unidentified insect, and one of the humpbacked flute players.
(Pl. 61, b.) The latter are found in widely scattered sections of the
Southwest and no doubt had some marked significance. The Zuñi
say that the figure represents a rain priest and that he is pictured on
the rocks for the purpose of attracting clouds and moisture to that
vicinity. The horned toad or lizard and insect figures accompanying
him are supposed to aid this bit of magic. They call the flute-player
figure Chu'lu❜laneh, the name for the type of flute used by the rain
priests. They were not sure what the other figures should be called.
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VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
The largest group of rock pictures is located north of house A, on
the face of the cliff just above the top of the talus slope. There
are numerous geometrical symbols in this group as well as life
forms and conventionalized figures of living beings. (Pl. 61, c.) As
will be observed from the photograph, there are spirals, zigzag
figures, representative both of lightning and the snake; insects, the
outline of a human hand, deer, possibly the mountain sheep, spiral
symbols with legs, tadpoles, another humpbacked flute player, and
in addition a number of indefinite scratches and aimless marks.
Spiral figures are to be observed elsewhere along the rocks. (Pl.
62, a.) This symbol is frequently interpreted as being a water sign,
but the modern Zuñi say it refers particularly to the period when,
as their migration myth relates, the ancients were traveling about
in search of the center of the world so that they might settle down
and build their permanent home. Their designation for this symbol
is Al'lolowish'keh. The figure of the deer shown in this same photo-
graph is a record, so the Zuñi say, of an unusually successful hunt
and the killing of many animals. It was placed there in order to
propitiate the spirits of the slaughtered animals and to attract others
to the region. The figure at the lower right-hand side is undoubtedly
that of a turtle, Et'towa by name. The turtle is also important in
the minds of the Zuñi because of its connection with water. It
appears in a number of places in their creation myths.
The figures illustrated in b, Plate 62, are particularly interesting
because part of them refer to a definite folk tale. The two symbols.
at the lower left-hand portion of the photograph are recent. The
one at the extreme left is the sign for growing corn and that slightly
above and to the right of it is a Zuñi cattle brand. The rest of the
group constitutes a unit. The drawings are not prehistoric, although
they are old Zuñi. They refer to one of the incidents in a folk tale
which is commonly told to the children. At the upper right-handl
corner are the symbols for the new moon and the evening star, and
at the lower left is a figure of an owl. The zigzag line extending
from the moon and star to the owl is supposed to trace the flight
of the bird. The story to which it refers is one which the war chief
tells. It relates how in ancient times the owl would occasionally
come to the war chief and tell him where Navajo hogans were located.
The bird would lead the chief to the houses of his enemy. He would
then don a headdress of piñon jay and quail feathers, the latter
making him invisible, and enter the hogans where the Navajo were
sleeping. After he had counted the number of sleeping forms he
would return to Zuñi and gather a group of warriors together and
go and capture the Navajo or steal their belongings. The owl did
not always favor the Zuñi, however, as sometimes he would fly on
82148—32—11
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ahead and warn the Navajo that their enemies were coming, and
when the Zuñi arrived they would find a deserted hogan.
The rock drawings illustrated in Plate 63, a, are unusual, espe-
cially the row of dancing figures. None of these figures suggests
either the work of the prehistoric people or of the modern Zuñi. They
are not recent, as the pecking shows definite signs of age, but they
may belong to the old modern period. The full-faced figure with
headdress is a Navajo sun symbol and it is possible that the dancing
figures are of the same origin. The three symbols in b, Plate 63, are
not as well done as some of the others. The one at the upper right-
hand part of the photograph is a good example of the deer. The
figure just below it is made up of a series of turkey tracks. Why
they were attached to the straight lines is not known. The lower
left-hand figure is that of a man, according to the Zuñi, but was
not finished. These three drawings are on the same rock as those
illustrated in Plate 61, c. In the latter picture they are at the
extreme lower right-hand corner.
HUMAN BURIALS
The inhabitants of the Village of the Great Kivas buried their dead
for the most part in the refuse mounds located at various points
around the community. In a few cases the remains were interred
in the native earth outside the bounds of such deposits and in a single
instance the body had been placed in an abandoned fire pit, or rather
an oven, the pi-gummi oven previously described. A few infant
burials were found close to outdoor fire pits. This practice was
comparatively frequent throughout the Southwest, as many sites.
have furnished examples of the custom. It is possible that it is a
record of a local adherence to a belief that was widespread among
peoples of that degree of culture throughout the world. That is, the .
deep-rooted conviction that the family circle could be kept unbroken,
even in death, by burying the deceased close to the hearth. This be-
lief has been observed among the modern Pueblos and apparently
was quite prevalent in some of the late prehistoric centers, also to a
lesser degree in older horizons, as the dead were frequently buried
beneath the floors in the houses.
Sixty burials were uncovered during the course of the investiga-
tions. The location of these interments with respect to the dwellings
and other features of the village is shown by the numbered dots on
the plan of the ruins. (Pl. 1.) There were certain features about
the burials which may be briefly summarized. Twenty-four graves
out of the total contained the bodies of infants and young children.
The 36 adult remains comprised 12 males, 16 females, and 8 which
were too indefinite in their characteristics to permit the determina-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 61
美​集
​a. Insect figures
b. Insect, lizard, and humpbacked flute player
c. Group of geometric and life-form symbols
DRAWINGS ON ROCKS
UNIV
OF
WICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 62
a. Spiral and zoomorphic figures
#
b. Ancient and modern symbols
PETROGLYPHS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 63
a. Dancing figures and sun symbol
b. Deer and unknown figures
CARVINGS ON ROCKS
UNIV
OF
MICH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 111 PLATE 64
TYPICAL BURIALS
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VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
tion of the sex. Although there was a fairly large number of child
burials it does not seem likely that the number represents all of the
deaths for that group in the village. Infant mortality among the
present-day Pueblos is quite high and probably was as great, if not
greater, in the earlier periods. Hence it would seem that there
should have been a greater proportion of such remains than actually
was found. It is quite probable that the bones of many of the infants
did not withstand the agents of decay as well as those of older chil-
dren and adults. For that reason the burials seem to indicate a lower
death rate for children than for the adults, when the reverse was
probably the actual state of affairs.
The customary position for the body, in all cases where it was
possible to tell from the remains, was the flexed or contracted.
(Pl. 64.) The lower legs were drawn tightly against the thighs and
the knees were either at right angles or close to the body. In some
instances the arms were folded across the chest, in others the hands
were placed beneath the head, and again they were extended along
the sides with a slight bend at the elbow. There was some attempt
at orientation; 35 were placed with the head to the east; 5 had the
head slightly north of east; and 6 were interred so that the head
was a little south of east. In general it may be said that 46 out of
the 60 had the head placed in an easterly direction. Of the remain-
ing group, 2 had the head to the west; 2 to the south; and in 10
instances, largely infant burials, the bones were too decayed to make
an accurate determination of the body direction. From the stand-
point of the side on which the body was placed, the left seems to have
been the favored one, as 34 were found in that position, 7 had been
placed on the right side, 6 were lying on the back, and 1 was face
downward. Twelve were too badly preserved to tell just what the
exact position had been.
Mortuary offerings were placed in most of the graves. The com-
monest were pottery vessels, although an occasional stone or bone
implement accompanied the remains. In a majority of the graves
the offerings were placed near the upper end of the body. To be spe-
cific, in 37 cases they were at the head, and in 12 were near the
shoulders. Just two examples were found where the pottery was
at the feet, and in both of these the head was to the west. Because
of this, and taking into consideration the prevailing easterly direc-
tion for the head and the fact that in more than half the interments
the offerings were near it, the suggestion may be made that in the
case of the two exceptions the body bundle may inadvertently have
been turned around when it was being carried to the grave and as
a consequence the offerings were placed at the feet with the thought
that they were being deposited at the head. One burial had the
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pottery at the knees. In one instance it was placed above the body,
and seven had no offerings of any kind.
The grave itself in most cases was a rather shallow hole scooped
out in the refuse mound or earth. The depth of the bodies beneath
the surface ranged from 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) to 3 feet 6 inches
(1.066 m.); rarely as deep as the latter. Twenty-eight had simply
been covered with earth, 18 had a layer of rough stones over them,
10 were covered with worked slabs of stone, 2 were found lying on
a stone slab, and 1 had been placed between worked slabs. The
remaining burial was in the pit oven previously referred to. No-
where was there any indication to suggest that the inhabitants had
practiced cremation. If an occasional body was burned the remains
were more thoroughly consumed by the flames than is usually found
to be the case where such a method prevailed. Consequently it would
seem that inhumation was the sole method of disposing of the dead.
The skeletal material was in rather poor condition, and for that
reason an extended study of the various features was not made.
Certain significant things stand out, however, among them being
cranial deformation. In every case where enough of the skull was
present to show the occipital region a pronounced flattening was ob-
served. This shows that the people constituted a typical Pueblo III
community. In size they fell well within the average for the Pueblo
peoples.
An occasional individual shows traces of having suffered from
rheumatism or arthritis. This occurred most frequently in the mid-
dle aged and aged individuals. An occasional fracture of an arm or
leg bone was present, but in most cases they had healed before the
death of the individual. Two of the adult male crania showed de-
pressed lesions suggestive of blows which may have been received
during an altercation or as a result of participation in some phase of
warfare.
The most noticeable physical defect was that of decayed teeth.
Many of the adult crania had caries in the molars and bicuspids.
All showed considerable wear and an occasional broken tooth was
observed. In the group of elderly people extractions seemed to have
been common and practically every skull of a middle-aged and older
person which was sufficiently intact to show the teeth had two or
three bicuspids and molars missing. Two aged females had no
teeth at all and the bones showed distinctly that the teeth had been
lost some time previous to their deaths, because the alveolar proc-
esses had completely grown over. It would be interesting to know
what method the people used in extracting bad teeth, but nothing was
found to indicate the kind of implements used. It may be that they,
like some of their modern descendants, placed the end of a stick
against the aching member and dislodged it by means of a sharp
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VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
blow struck at the outer end with a stone. In some cases the indi-
viduals may have suffered from pyorrhea to such an extent that the
teeth were loose and easily removed. Pyorrhea was fairly common
among the Indians." The poor condition of the teeth may have
been due to a deficiency in diet. The people no doubt had sufficient
vegetable food, but judging from the amount of bones found in the
refuse their supply of meat was not as plentiful as might be desired
from the standpoint of proper nutrition.
There is no way of knowing just how long the village was occupied
or how many people lived there. On the basis of the present-day
Pueblos it is possible to make a rough estimate of the population.
If all of the buildings were occupied at one time the population may
have reached as many as 150 inhabitants. Investigations in the
dwellings themselves, however, have tended to show that portions
of house A were abandoned and used as dump mounds, consequently
a certain allowance must be made in estimating the number of people.
living there. Out of the total of 64 rooms the largest number occu-
pied at any one time was probably 51. If house B was inhabited at
the same time that would make a total of 71 occupied rooms for the
two buildings. Estimating three rooms to a family, with an occa-
sional group using four, it may be said that 20 to 22 family groups,
in this case referring to father, mother, and children, constituted
the community. The average family, judging from present-day
groups, probably numbered about five. This would give a total of
100 to 110 individuals as a maximum. The number 100 probably
more nearly represents the size of the group than the larger one,
and that only for the latter part of the life of the village.
73
On such a basis 60 burials would indicate a fairly long period of
occupancy. Nothing is known of the average annual death rate
among such groups, but records from European countries have shown
that in the more barbaric stages of culture the yearly deaths per
hundred range from 3 to 4. In his study of the skeletal material
from Pecos Doctor Hooton estimated that the average annual death
rate per hundred for that pueblo from the date of its founding down
to 1700 was slightly under three. If this same figure is taken for
this village it may be postulated that the site was occupied from
15 to 20 years. Judging from the amount of débris in the refuse
mounds and the changes which took place in the village it would
seem that this is a fair estimate for the life of the community. It
should be borne in mind, however, that the group was probably not
as large during the early phase in the building and development of
house A, hence it is possible that a few years should be added to the
72 Hooton, E. A., 1930, p. 369.
72 Hooton, E. A., 1930, p. 333.
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length of occupation. On the other hand, the number of burials
found probably does not represent the total losses to the community,
and for that reason would offset the variation in the number of
inhabitants. The foregoing is largely speculation and should be
regarded as such, but it seems a conservative estimate to say that
the village probably numbered around 100 people and was occupied
for a period of from 15 to 20 years.
AGE OF THE RUINS
One question which naturally arises with respect to a group of
ruins which have been excavated is that of its age. The archeolo-
gists and people in general are always anxious to know when a place
was built and occupied. Many times this information can only be
obtained from comparative sources, such as the indication of trade
pieces which come from a dated site or by approximation on the basis
of stratigraphical material extending back from some known hori-
zon. In the case of the present village, however, fragments of
burned beams were salvaged from various parts of the ruins and
sent to Dr. A. E. Douglass. On the basis of the latter he was able
to give a date 1015, plus or minus 15. In other words, the ring
evidence from roof timbers used in the houses shows that the struc-
tures were built and occupied during the interval between 1000 and
1030 A. D.
This is particularly significant from several standpoints. It will
be recalled that in the introduction to this report the dates 950 to
1200 A. D. were given for the main phase of the classic era, the
ascending stage of Pueblo III. From this it will be noted that the
village of the great kivas belongs to the early part of the horizon.
What is even more important, however, is the fact that the building
of the houses coincides with certain activities farther north. The
beam material from Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco Canyon indicates a
period of constructional activity at approximately the same time.
Additions to that center were made in 1017, and during the interval
from 1033 to 1092.74
There has been more or less question concerning the great kivas
in the Chaco Canyon. They unquestionably were erected during
activities subsequent to the original building program, but just
where they fitted in has proved a problem. The evidence from the
present site with its two great kivas suggests that the supercere-
monial room at Pueblo Bonito belongs to the same phase of develop-
ment, the expansion age of the early eleventh century. In so far as
the Chaco Canyon and its history is concerned another salient factor
74 Douglass, A. E., 1929, p. 743.
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VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
becomes involved, namely, the period of notable growth at that cul-
ture center coincides with a marked increase of population which
evidence indicates was probably due to an incoming wave of immi-
grants. The latter no doubt constituted the beginning of the move-
ment which culminated in the eventual abandonment of the centers
in the Montezuma Valley-McElmo district in southwestern Colorado,
the growth of the Mesa Verde center, and the development at Aztec,
N. Mex., events preceding and leading up to but not to be confused
with the ultimate collapse of the northern frontier.
Closely associated with the movement in question is the problem
of the spread of the great kiva. The discussion of such structures
in the consideration of great kiva No. 1 suggested that the type
attained its greatest refinement in the southwestern Colorado dis-
trict and was introduced into the Chaco region. Such a conjecture
agrees quite well with the other factors involved in the spread of
peoples over the area. On the other hand, a different point of view,
and one with certain justification to be sure, is that there was an
expansion of the Chaco culture at an early date over a region of
considerable extent. This was followed by a contraction and return
to the main center when conditions in the outlying provinces became
too severe. As might be expected under such conditions, villages
in the more remote districts while retaining most of the parent traits
would tend to develop some distinct features of their own. They
also might obtain new ones as a result of contact with outlying
groups from another center, and upon returning to the original
home would conceivably introduce some of the variant traits. Re-
gardless of which of the foregoing theories is accepted as a possible
explanation for conditions, there seems little question that the
great kiva was a northern development and that the first group at
the Nutria Canyon site was from that region. They may have
come from the Chaco itself or have migrated from one of the more
northern places which was a provincial outpost dominated and
characterized by that center. They certainly carried many of its
traits. There is the possibility, of course, that a local group living
in the Zuñi region had come under an influence from the Chaco and
that the idea of a superceremonial chamber was transmitted to
them. Such structures were so specialized, however, and features
associated with them are so typical that it seems that they would
only be erected by people already familiar with them. In addition
to this, there are no indications in this immediate vicinity of an
earlier group. Hence the conclusion that the builders must have
come from the north and brought their architectural practices with
them.
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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Investigations were conducted during the summer of 1930 in a
group of ruins located at the mouth of Red Paint Canyon on the
north side of Nutria Valley, 16.7 miles (26.875 k.) from the village
of Zuñi, on the Zuñi Reservation in western New Mexico. They
demonstrated that there had once been a settlement composed of
three communal dwellings and two great kivas or superceremonial
structures at that place. The accumulated débris was completely
removed from two of the houses and one of the great kivas. Only
one room was excavated in the third house and examination of the
second large ceremonial structure was restricted to tracing its walls
so that its size could be determined and its position properly plotted
on the map.
The largest of the dwellings was a house containing 3 small cere-
monial chambers, a great kiva, and 64 rooms, 60 of which were on
the ground level while the additional 4 constituted a second story.
In addition, there were four detached subterranean ceremonial rooms
in the earth in front of the east end of the structure. Evidence was
that the building had not been erected as a unit but had grown as
the result of several periods of constructional activity. The original
structure was a rectangular block of 13 rooms and 2 small ceremonial
chambers. Subsequently five more rooms and the great kiva were
added. Accompanying this was a certain amount of remodeling in
the original rooms. The building was occupied for some time in
that form, when considerable changes were brought about by a land-
slide which forced the abandonment of several rooms and the build-
ing of new ones to replace them. The new addition consisted of
15 rooms placed at the east side of the great kiva and south of the
original block. Furthermore, two of the older enclosures were
remodeled into a small ceremonial chamber to replace the one vacated
because of the falling rocks from the cliff behind the structure. Up
to this point in the growth of the village the house type was pre-
dominantly Chacoan in character. With the adding of the east and
west wings; the construction of new chambers over the refuse-filled
rooms which had been abandoned after the landslide; the incor-
porating of enclosures in other portions of the building, a total of
31 new chambers; and the placing of the 4 small kivas in the earth
in front of the structure, a new element appeared. The masonry in
these later portions was different from that of the earlier sections
and the shapes of the rooms were more irregular.
Features of construction which suggest the type of architecture
associated with the Chaco Canyon cultures are the plan of the older
sections; previous to the addition of the east and west wings; the
method of wall construction, in which courses of large stones were
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VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
separated by layers of small ones; the size of the rooms, and their
ceiling height. The east and west wings were characterized by their
irregularity of outline, the poorness of the masonry in the walls, and
their lack of size. In this connection it was suggested that the
poorer quality of workmanship evident in the wings might be the
result of a cultural breakdown in the group living in house A,
but such did not seem to have been the case. The marked increase
in the number of rooms in the dwelling which these additions
brought about, together with the evidence that many of the older
chambers continued in use, indicates a decided enlargement of the
community. This growth was too rapid and covered too short an
interval to be accounted for on the basis of natural increase. Con-
sequently it is thought that the original settlers, who in all likeli-
hood came from the north, were joined by a new group migrating
into the district in small parties. Because of the type of masonry
and the character of some of the lesser objects of the material cul-
ture, it is believed that these later people came from the south, pos- ✓
sibly as a backwash up the Zuñi River of a migration down the
Little Colorado from the Upper Gila region.
Kivas or circular ceremonial chambers associated with house A
were of two varieties. One type was the stone form incorporated
in the block of the building, the other a subterranean earth chamber
placed in a detached position in front of the structure. Two of the
kivas in the dwelling were characterized by benches, ventilator
recesses, subfloor ventilators, fire pits, deflectors, Katcina niches, and
subfloor vaults at the west side of the chamber. The sipapu, or
symbolical representation of the mythical place of emergence, was
present in only one of these two kivas. This difference is one which
has been noted at two other sites in the Zuñi region and undoubtedly
had some definite significance. The presence or lack of a sipapu
is explained, on the basis of Hopi traditions, by the belief that
originally there were two kinds of kivas: One, containing a sipapu,
devoted wholly to the purposes of a ceremonial chamber; the other,
without such a feature, not especially consecrated and intended for
more general uses. The absence of pilasters for roof supports and
the occurrence of subfloor vaults in the small ceremonial chambers
also seems to be characteristic of the district. The third stone kiva
was a simple form of chamber remodeled from two secular rooms
and was lacking in many features. It had no bench, no sipapu, no
subfloor vault, and no Katcina niche. It probably was built to re-
place one of the other chambers which had been endangered by the
landslide which caused the abandonment of a portion of the building.
The dirt kivas in front of house A were not elaborate. They were
roughly D-shaped rather than circular or oval in outline. They had
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merely been dug in the ground and had their native earth walls cov-
ered with plaster. They had intrawall ventilators, instead of the
subfloor variety, deflectors, fire pits, sipapus, and Katcina niches, but
none of the other floor features present in the stone chambers. Three
of them had recesses above the ventilator. The one which did not
differed from the others in that it also had paintings, geometric de-
signs, on its walls. Evidence indicated that these structures belonged
to the later portions of the building. In one or two of the chambers
there was a suggestion of the prototype of the rectangular kiva which
replaced the circular form in some districts in late prehistoric times.
Both stone and dirt kivas suggested a northern derivation, although
they were characterized by some features peculiarly local.
Two rectangular rooms in house A contained features generally
found in kivas, and for that reason it was suggested that they pos-
sibly were the prototype of the fraternity chamber, not the rectangu-
lar kiva, as contrasted with the true ceremonial room. This differ-
ence is exemplified at Zuñi, where the various fraternities have their
headquarters in ordinary living rooms. There they meet for the
observance of rites pertaining solely to the society. Rituals which
concern the entire community, however, are performed in the kivas.
A similar feature was present to some extent among the Hopi.
Hence it is thought that the two rooms with kiva features may indi-
cate a trend toward the custom among the prehistoric people..
House B, the smaller of the two main dwellings, contained 20
rooms. It did not give evidence of as distinct stages of growth as
house A did, but nevertheless showed that a fairly small dwelling
had been enlarged from time to time to meet an increasing demand
for new chambers. The walls were built of cubical blocks of stone,
but in contrast to the masonry in the wings of house A the material
was more carefully worked. There were 18 open doorways and 1
which had been sealed in this structure, while there were only 7 in
house A. Five of these were in the later sections, and both of those
in the older part had been blocked early in its development. This
presence and lack of doorways is thought to be another indication
that the village was formed through the fusion of two groups of
people. The original settlers migrating from the north came from
a region where outside pressure had fostered the practice of building
fortresslike structures with unbroken walls. In erecting their new
dwellings they adhered to the custom of no exterior openings on the
ground level, even though there may have been no need for continu-
ing the practice in this district. The later arrivals, however, possi-
bly migrated from their southern homelands before they had been
subjected to pronounced depredations and had been forced to do
away with the plan of providing numerous doorways. Consequently,
ROBERTS]
161
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
in keeping with their habits they left a fairly large number of
openings in the walls of their structures.
1
There were no circular ceremonial chambers in house B, nor were
any present in the earth outside of the building. It is difficult to
explain why one section of a community should have built kivas
while another did not. One reason advanced was that the occupants
of house B may have joined those in house A in the performance of
their rites and thus escaped the necessity of providing chambers of
their own. Such a plan would not be in accord with general ideas of
Pueblo custom, and it was pointed out that some other reason may
have been responsible; as, for example, the builders of house B hav-
ing come from the south, where present knowledge indicates that it
was not a prominent feature, were not devotees of the circular kiva.
A rectangular inclosure of the fraternity-room type like the two
described for house A may have fulfilled all their needs. This seems
especially plausible since there was one such chamber in the struc-
ture. This question will be referred to again in a subsequent para-
graph, however, when the relationship existing between the struc-
tures is discusssed.
The presence of two great kivas at one location in the Zuñi
district is significant. They demonstrate that the superceremonial
chamber had a wider distribution than had been suspected and add
materially to the evidence for a strong northern element in the
village. Only one of these structures, that attached to house A, was
completely excavated. Walls of the second one were traced so that
its size could be determined, but no other work was done on it.
Great kiva No. 1 contained all of the essential features of such a
structure. It had a double bench, masonry-support pillars for the
superstructure, a north alcove or altar room, a fire pit, and two sub-
floor vaults. There were no true peripheral chambers around the
structure of the type found in other localities, but there were a few
bordering rooms. Great kiva No. 1 measured 51 feet (15.545 m.) in
diameter above the large bench, which makes it somewhat larger than
the example in the ruin at Aztec, N. Mex. Great kiva No. 2 was much
larger, with its diameter of 78 feet (23.774 m.). As a matter of fact,
it surpasses in size any of the known structures of the type.
The presence of two of the superceremonial structures in a com-
munity of this size is unusual and might be considered an indication
that the religious side of its life was overemphasized. The two may
not have been contemporaneous. There was clear evidence that
great kiva No. 1 had been destroyed by fire, and it is quite possible
that the second one was built to replace it. This can not be stated
definitely, because great kiva No. 2 was not excavated. If the struc-
tures were in existence at the same time two explanations for their
presence can be given. One is that this was the ceremonial center
162
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
for the entire district and that people from all the surrounding small
villages gathered here for the observance of major ritualistic
performances. The other reason for two such structures is that the
village may have been divided into two large groups, as is the case
among some of the modern pueblos, and each had its own great
ceremonial house. These large structures are thought to have been
the places where the most important of the religious festivals per-
taining to the whole village were held. In this connection it was
suggested that the present-day inclosed dance courts of some of the
modern pueblos may represent a degenerate survival.
The question of the relationship between houses A and B is one
which is of interest to the student of the growth of Pueblo villages.
The evidence secured during the course of the investigations indi-
cated that the groups coming to the site after the northern people
had become established probably built rather hastily to provide
themselves with suitable quarters. They chose locations at each end
of the existing pueblo, possibly because they were thought to be the
most advantageous. After an appreciable length of time had
elapsed their numbers had no doubt grown, both as a result of
natural increase and the arrival of new increments, until the small
rooms abutting house A no longer were sufficient to house them.
Consequently, further buildings, detached and somewhat removed
from the original dwelling, were provided. In erecting them the
construction work was more carefully done, so that the walls of
house B are of better quality than those in the wing portions of A,
an indication of an improvement in the technique of building.
Although a few of the old rooms in the wings of house A were
abandoned, most of them continued to be occupied, which argues for
a still further increase in the size of the village.
From a general point of view the narration of events would seem
more logical had the story been the reverse of that outlined in the
preceding paragraph. It would be more in keeping with the idea
of how cultures develop had the newcomers first built their own
houses apart from the original dwellings; then, eventually, through
the processes of amalgamation, merged with the other group to the
extent that they built additions to its domicile and abandoned their
own, forming as a result a compact, homogeneous community, but
one in which there was a certain degeneration in material culture,
especially the houses. One of the main factors against such a sup-
position is that of the pottery types. House B and the other small
structure had a higher percentage of red and polychrome wares
than did house A and the abandoned rooms in its adjoining wings.
Since these pottery forms were shown by the refuse deposits around
the site, as well as by independent studies in the region,75 to be a
7 Spier, L., 1917.
ROBERTS]
163
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
later development than the black-on-white there seems little ques-
tion but what the structures containing them were subsequent to those
which did not. The erection of new chambers in detached locations
need not be attributed to a rift in the harmony of the community.
More practical reasons were probably responsible for the choice.
There was no more suitable space adjoining house A where rooms
could be built, and the logical thing to do was to begin a structure
at another place.
Reverting to the problem of a lack of kivas in house B and bear-
ing in mind the probable order of development in the village as
outlined in a preceding paragraph, the most plausible explanation
for the absence of circular ceremonial chambers in the small dwell-
ing seems to be as follows: The earlier group from the south which
joined the community, building the east and west wings of house
A, probably through association or coalescence with the original set-
tlers adopted the idea of circular chambers and provided such struc-
tures by placing the kivas in the earth in front of the east wing.
Then when the size of their group increased and it was necessary
to build an additional structure they did not construct accompanying
ceremonial rooms but continued to use those already in existence.
This explanation is somewhat contradictory to the idea expressed
in the discussion of the small house, but there is no other apparent
reason for conditions as they were found unless perchance the build-
ers of house B constituted still another group coming into the region
from the south. They may not have been associated with the kiva-
building people long enough to have adopted the feature before the
village was abandoned. If the growth of the community had taken
place along other lines, as suggested in another paragraph, and
the occupants of house B had erected the two wings at the ends of
house A and moved into them the explanation of the kiva problem
would be simple. It would be a clear case of an incoming people
living alongside another group for a time, then joining and mixing
with it and taking over some of its cultural features. Since such
does not seem to have been the case, the kiva problem must remain in
the more or less confused state described above. In passing, it
should be made clear that while the new arrivals in the village
constructed and occupied houses or portions of dwellings distinct
from the structures already in existence, it is not thought that the
different groups lived side by side, maintaining strictly their own
ideas and culture, but rather that the community merged into a
single large assemblage of people, although it was one in which
clan lines were distinctly drawn as in the case of the modern pueblos.
There no doubt was intermarriage, an exchange of ideas, and a
certain amount of borrowing from both sides, so that, while the
164
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
various phases of village activity show clearly their derivation, they
nevertheless tended to blend into a characteristic local complex.
The site upon which the Village of the Great Kivas was located
was well chosen. It is considerably higher than most of the sur-
rounding terrain, excepting, of course, the cliffs at the north and east
sides which provided protection against the chill winter winds from
those directions. All surface water from rain and melting snow
would rapidly drain away from the buildings and courtyards, and the
immediate environs of the village would always be dry underfoot.
Furthermore, there was plenty of available crop land adjacent to
the houses. Both Red Paint and Lonesome Canyons, at the mouths
of which the village was placed, have broad, flat bottoms in which
the planting could be done. In addition, there is an even larger
expanse extending across Nutria Valley from the tributary canyons.
Not only is this land well suited for the growing of beans, corn, and
squash, but it is so situated that drainage water from both side
canyons spreads out in a thin sheet over it and would provide suffi-
cient moisture for growing plants. In this connection attention was
called to the fact that most of the Zuñi villages, prehistoric as well
as modern, were placed where full advantage could be taken of the
overflow water from the higher ground. Consequently this site was
typical in that respect.
The lesser objects of the material culture of this community present
only a one-sided picture of the arts and industries of the people, be-
cause, with very few exceptions, the only objects which have survived
since the days when the community flourished are those fashioned
from imperishable materials. The collection of specimens from the
site consists in the main of pottery vessels, stone and bone imple-
ments, ornaments made from the same materials, fetish heads carved
from stone, and stone objects employed as tools without alteration of
the original form. The few fragments of articles which were fash-
ioned from perishable material consist of some bits of charred bas-
ketry and scraps of cloth.
A large percentage of the pottery comprises forms typical of one
single period in southwestern archeology, Pueblo III, although a
few sporadic specimens suggest the preceding stage. The vessels as
a group are classified under two headings, the culinary and nonculi-
nary wares. The culinary jars are in most cases characterized by
indented corrugations covering the entire exterior surface. A few
examples have the corrugations only on the neck portion, a Pueblo II
feature. The shapes in the cooking jars consist largely of wide-
mouthed globular-bodied containers, although a few handled vessels
belonging to the pitcher class are found in the group.
The nonculinary vessels are characterized by smooth surfaces and
some form of painted decoration. The group includes black-on-
ROBERTS]
165
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
white wares, red vessels with an ornamentation in black, red con-
tainers with designs in black and white pigment, buff or cream-col-
ored bowls and jars with the decoration painted in red bordered
by black, yellow or buff bowls with red interiors bearing designs
in black and exteriors embellished with red, and red bowls with
polished or burnished black interiors. Shapes in this group in-
clude short-necked, globular-bodied water and storage jars, globular
canteens, seed jars, jars with stirrup handles, pitchers, ladles or
dippers, bowls, and mugs.
The decorations were placed on the exteriors of the large jars,
seed jars, pitchers, canteens, and mugs, and on the interior of bowls
and ladles. Exterior ornamentation is rare in the case of the black-
on-white bowls but is common on the red and polychrome bowls.
The designs and elements from which they were composed were used
indiscriminately on all forms of nonculinary pottery, and except
for the exterior decorations in the colored-ware group, which are
readily identifiable, it is practically impossible to tell from a pat-
tern itself whether it was taken from a black-on-white or colored
vessel. The main elements used in the designs are solid and hachured
figures. In some instances solid symbols were exclusively used, while
others bear only hachured patterns. A third group of decorations
comprises those in which there are combinations of the two placed
in contrasting and balanced order. The designs on the black-on-
white wares show patterns typical of the Upper Gila, of the Chaco
Canyon, some Little Colorado forms, Proto-Mesa Verde, and a mix-
ture of Chaco and Upper Gila types of decoration. The latter prob-
ably represent a development growing out of the fusion of two
ceramic styles in this community. The Little Colorado and Proto-
Mesa Verde examples present appear to be actual trade pieces rather
than vessels locally made but influenced by the ceramics of those
districts.
Most of the red vessels with black decoration are typical of the
class found throughout the region from western New Mexico into
Arizona along the Puerco of the West, the Zuñi, and Little Colorado
Rivers. Similar examples have been found in the Chaco Canyon, at
Aztec, and other northern centers. A few bear patterns which are
more characteristic of the Upper Gila and the eastern part of the
Little Colorado district proper. The red vessels with black in-
terior designs and exterior decoration in white are typical of the
Little Colorado bowls, which were the most extensively distributed
of the types from that culture and which are considered typical of
the ceramics of the region between St. Johns and Holbrook.
The polychrome bowls with red interiors ornamented with black
designs and orange-colored exteriors with decorations in red are of
the type which is known as Houck ware. The interior decorations in
166
[BULL. 111 ·
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
this group are quite similar to the black-on-red patterns in general,
which would indicate that it was a local specialization of a wide-
spread form, the chief distinguishing feature of the ware being that
of the exterior surface. The polychrome vessels with black-on-red
interiors and red-on-white exteriors are very suggestive of the more
highly developed St. Johns-Holbrook form of the Little Colorado
wares. The distinction between the containers of this class and those
of the Houck variety lies in the exterior treatment. The Houck
group owes its exterior color to the unslipped surface of the paste,
while the St. Johns-Holbrook type has a light-colored slip applied
around the outside. The latter group suggests that it might have
been a prototype for the pottery which later developed into the early
Gila Basin polychrome. Red pottery with burnished or polished
black interiors is represented by only a few specimens, and they
seem to have been importations and not locally made. The type of
ware is very common in the sections to the west and may well have
been carried to this village.
Basketry is represented in the collection of specimens by only a
few charred fragments and it is not possible to give a detailed dis-
cussion of the variety of such objects made by the occupants of the
village. There are two forms of technique apparent in the pieces re-
covered from the ruins. One is the coiling method of basket making
which was widespread throughout the Southwest. The coiling in this
case consisted of two rods and a bundle, the rods being placed side
by side and surmounted by the bundle. The second type is that of the
twilled or diagonal checker weave. This is only occasionally found
in prehistoric ruins, but it is employed now and then by the modern
weavers.
The bone implements recovered from the site include a large
variety of awls, scrapers, punches, beads, bone tubes, turkey calls,
and ornaments. Animal bones used for tools were from the mule
deer, antelope, jack rabbit, lynx, wolf, fox, and dog. The only bird
bones used were from the turkey. In general it may be said that the
implements are quite like those usually found in ruins in the more
northern parts of the Pueblo area. Certain of the large scrapers or
fleshers are of the type characteristic of Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco
Canyon, Aztec, and the Mesa Verde. In fact they represent a form
of implement which is called the San Juan flesher. The presence of
these tools correlates with the other northern features and indicates
that the Chaco element in the community brought many parts of the
culure complex into the district with them.
Objects of stone include milling stones or metates, mortars, mauls,
jar stoppers, arrow-shaft smoothers, ax heads, small mortars and
pestles for grinding paint, arrowheads, spear points, ornaments, effigy
heads, and pebbles and stones which were employed in their natural
ROBERTS]
167
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
state. The materials used in making these objects were sandstone,
diorite, lava, amphibolite, chalcedony, jasper, granite, and slate.
Part of the objects were made by the pecking and grinding method,
the rest by the flaking and chipping. The metates or milling stones
are of two types, the open-end, grooved or trough form, and a flat-
surfaced stone slightly concave from end to end. It was found in
the investigations that the trough type was the oldest and that it
was replaced by the flat form at about the time when alterations
in the original portion of the village were being brought to comple-
tion. The trough metate is essentially a northern form, while the flat
type is southern and western and may have been introduced into this
section by the group which joined the village after it had become
well established.
Two types of mauls are represented in the collection. The pre-
dominant form is a short cylindrical one with flat striking surfaces
and a hafting groove completely encircling it. The second is a flat
tabular-shaped stone with rounded or blunt-pointed ends. On some
of this group the groove completely encircles the object, while on
others it is present only on three sides. The three-quarters style
of groove is more commonly found in the south and west than in
the north. Ax heads are grooved and have comparatively short
cutting edges. Some were made from oval-shaped bowlders and
others from flat stones. The oval-bowlder forms have rounded bases
and the tabular-shaped heads have flat ones. The hafting grooves
are of the two forms described for the mauls, but the complete groove
is present on a majority of the specimens. The ax heads from the
Little Colorado region are characterized to a marked degree by their
short cutting edges, and while no typical examples of that style of
bit were found at this site the axes indicate a tendency in that
direction.
The chief significance in the sandstone jar stoppers and arrow-
shaft polishers is that they are objects more commonly found in
the Upper Gila and Little Colorado areas than in the northern parts
of the Pueblo region. Consequently they may be considered a
southern contribution to the material culture of the community.
This is also true to a certain extent in the case of the paint mortars.
An occasional example of the latter is found in the ruins to the
north, but they occur in large numbers only in the southern sections.
On the other hand, the rounded conical objects designated corn god-
dess symbols may have been introduced from the north, although
they are not by any means unknown in Little Colorado ruins.
Spear heads, knife blades, and arrow points are not numerous in
the collection. Why there should have been so few specimens of
this kind is not known, but there probably is some significance in
82148——32—12
168
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
their absence, since other ruins in the same general region have shown
a similar condition. The arrowheads are all of the same type. They
have a broad squared tang and the notches for hafting are at right
angles to the long line of the blade. The chipping does not show
any special degree of excellence.
Ornaments made from stone were scarce. The collection of speci-
mens from the site contains only a few beads, pendants, and frag-
ments from inlays. The beads are all of the disk form and were
made from a soft white stone known as southwestern alabaster.
Pendants are round or oval shaped disks with a perforation at one
side. Some were made from the same material as the beads, while
others are a ferruginous shale. Turquoise seems not to have been
used, since only a few small unworked fragments were found.
The effigy heads carved from blocks of sandstone show that some
of the inhabitants of the village possessed a fairly high degree of
artistic talent. It is not possible in all cases to tell what the objects
were intended to represent, but this may be due to the fact that they
depict mythological as well as actual creatures. What their exact
function may have been is not known. The suggestion was made that
they had served as fetishes in ceremonies or that they may have been
clan symbols. Indications were that the heads were intended for
use on bodies made from perishable materials. Besides sculpturing,
the people engraved symbols and figures on the faces of the cliffs
back of the village. The latter occur in groups and as single petro-
glyphs and include both geometric and life forms. Some of the
rock drawings are unquestionably late and probably represent the
work of the historic Zuñi and Navajo. Among the unquestionably
ancient figures are two of the humpbacked flute players which are
found in widely scattered regions in the Southwest. Considering
the petroglyphs as a group, there is nothing about them which can
definitely be attributed to people from any one particular region.
Similar carvings can be found in practically all sections of the
Pueblo area.
Sixty burials were uncovered during the investigations at the
site. Most of the interments had been made in refuse mounds
located at various points in the village. A few, however, were found
in the earth outside the bounds of such deposits. Several infants
had been placed close to outdoor fire pits, and one individual was
buried in an abandoned pit oven. Twenty-four of the graves con-
tained infants and young children. Of the 36 adult skeletons 12
were males, 16 were females, and 8 could not be sexed. Because
of the rather high mortality rate among infants in the modern
pueblos the percentage found at this site probably does not repre-
sent the true relation between the child and adult groups. Infant
remains no doubt disintegrate more rapidly than do those of older
ROBERTS]
169
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
people, and for that reason many such interments probably could
not be found. The customary position for the body was the flexed
or contracted. There was some attempt at orientation, as 46 out
of the 60 burials had the head placed in an easterly direction. In
2 cases it was to the south, 2 others had it to the west, and in 10
instances it was not possible to determine the body direction. Most
of the graves contained mortuary offerings consisting of pottery
vessels placed near the head or upper part of the body. Just two
examples were found where the funerary objects were at the feet.
These two were the burials with the head to the west, and for that
reason it is thought that the body bundles were reversed on the way
to the grave and the pottery placed at the feet with the idea that
it was near the head. Seven of the interments had no offerings of
any kind. The skeletal material was in such poor condition that
a careful study of the physical characteristics of the people was
not feasible. Two things were outstanding, however. One was
the pronounced occipital flattening of the crania and the other a
large percentage of decayed teeth. The latter probably was due to
a deficiency in diet. On the basis of occupied rooms and the num-
ber of burials found it is estimated that the village probably had
a population of about 100 individuals and that it was occupied
over a period of from 15 to 20 years. This conclusion is based
on the postulation that there were 20 families averaging 5 each
and that the annual death rate was approximately 3.
The date of the village according to present-day chronology was
obtained through charred beams salvaged from various parts of
the ruin. From this material Dr. A. E. Douglass was able to
give the date 1015, plus or minus 15, for the cutting of the timbers.
Consequently it may be said that the village was built and occupied
during the interval between the years 1000 and 1030 A. D. It was
during this same period that considerable building activity was
under way in the Chaco Canyon in the north, and evidence suggests
that there was some correlation between the two, that both belonged
to the expansion age of the early eleventh century. There is no
doubt but what the Village of the Great Kivas was inhabited in the
days when the Pueblo cultures were forging toward the peak of their
classic era and that it was built by groups migrating from two
different regions.
4
1
:
1
1
:
F
i
1
:
APPENDIX
TABLE 1.-MEASUREMENTS IN HOUSE A
[Taken through center of rooms]

Room No.
East-west
North-south
Room No.
East-west
North-south
Ft.in. | Meters Ft. in.
Meters
Ft. in. | Meters
Ft. in. Meters
1.
7 6
2.286
8 4
2. 540
33.
9 8
2. 946
10
5
3. 175
2-
7
5
2. 261
5
6
1. 676
34..
19 2
5. 842
6
6
1.981
3.-.
6
10
2.083
7
4
2.235 35_
11
5
3. 480
11
0
3. 353
4...
7
2
2. 184
5
6
1.676 36_
5.-
6
4
1.930
6
6.
13
4
4. 064
7.
6 10
2. 083
8...
7 4
2. 235
9..
9
6
2. 896
10..
10
0
11.
6 2
3.048
1.880
12--
10
6
3. 200
13.
12 8
3.861
COLO KO LO CO ∞ ∞ ∞ ∞
0
1.829 37.
5
6
1.676
38.
5
0
1. 524
39_
5
2
1.575
40....
6
0
1.829
41.
8
6
2. 591
42
6
4
1.930 43.
8
1
2. 464
44.
8 0
2. 438
45.
14.
7 4
2. 235
6 0
1.829
46.
15.
5
4
1.626 6 0
1.829 47.
16.
6
5
1.956
4 5
1.346 48__
17..
6 2
1.880 5 0
1.524 49.
22254 ~ 2+∞ ∞ ∞ ∞
2 11
.889 6 6
1.981
7
.787
4
5
1. 346
5
5 0
.737
1. 524
4 4
1. 321
2
3
1. 295
10
3 10
1. 168
10
20 5
6. 223
9
4 3
4 2
1.295
1.270
11
10
8 10
2.692
3
567 2 2 2 5
5
2
1.575
2 11
.737
3.200
3. 226
2. 794
3. 404
3.099
1. 041
.889
14
6
4. 420
9
0
2.743
9
3
2. 819
5
0
1. 524
9
3
2. 819
6
3
1. 905
18_
7 7
2. 311
15
9
4.801 50..
9
5
2.870
9 0
2.743
19.
7
11
2.413
4 5
1. 346
51.
4 2
1.270 4 0
1.219
20.
9 0
2. 743
7
7
2. 311
52.
6 10
2. 083
5 8
1.727
21.
9 4
2. 845
5
3
1. 600
53_
6 2
1.880
6 3
1.905
22
7 10
2.388
10 2
3.099
54.
6 4
1.930 6 0
11.829
23.
24.
25__
26
27.2
28...
29.
LO LO LO 7 ∞ 76
5
5.
9
1. 753
8 0
2. 438
55-
4 4
1.321
6 2
1.880
8
1.727 5
9
1.753
56.
68
2. 032
8 5
2. 565
5
7
1.702
7 5
2. 261
57_
7
5
2. 261
5
2. 261
10
3
3. 124
58..
7
5
2. 261
8
0
2. 438
0
2. 134
4
1.930
30..
6
7
2.007
31.
15 4
4. 674
10
32..
5 2
1.575 10 5
767009
LO
5
2. 261
59--
6 8
2. 032
784
0
2. 134
0
2. 438
4 11
1.499
6
1.676 60_
6 10
2. 083
10
4
3. 150
8
723 10
2. 311
26-A
17 10
5. 436
8 10
2,692
2. 489 31-A_
14 10
4. 521
10 10
3. 302
3. 124 32-A_
3.175
6 6
1.981
10 2
3.099
33-A..
7 0
2. 134
10
4
3.150
1 To end of wall.
TABLE 2.-MEASUREMENTS IN HOUSE B
[Taken through center of rooms]

Room No.
East-west
North-south
Room No.
East-west
North-south
Ft. in. | Meters
Ft. in.
Meters
1...
9 5
2.870
9 8
2.946
11.
2.
3...
12
2
3.708
9 0
2.743
12--
Ft. in. | Meters
4 7 1.397
9 10
Ft. in. | Meters
20 0 6.096
2.997 7 4 2. 235
4.-
5...
12
6.
7...
45253
4
10 1.473 5 4
1. 626
13.
6 2
1. 879
8 10
2. 692
8 1.727 13
9
4. 191
14.
13 9
4. 191
8 9
2. 667
4 3.759 6 7
2.007
15...
12 3
3. 734
8
7
2.616
4
5
11
9.
10...
5 11
6 4
1.803
1,803
1.930
1.626 5 6
3 .991 34 6
9 8
15 0
1.676
16--
6
4
1.930
7
8
2. 337
10. 515
17.
7
4
2. 235
7
7
2. 311
15 7
2.946 18.
4. 572 19.
4.750
12 0
3.658
8 8
2. 642
6 11
2. 108
8 11
2.718
20-
8 0
2.438
10
3
3. 124
171
172
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES

Diameter
Height
Plate
Centi-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
21, a…..
13½
34.290
14/18
35.719
House A, room 10.
130A
351779
22, a...
12¼4
31. 115
1016
26.828
House B, room 4..
375
351994
b
1236
31.432
12
30.480
.do...
376
351995
C...
5%
14.922
516
14. 128
Burial 20...-
50
351701
d.
614
15.875
61%
15. 557
Burial 39...
88
351740
b.....
55%
14.287
516
14. 128
Burial 2..
7
351659
7
17.780
61½
16. 510
Burial 6...
21
351671
23, a
35%
9.208
45%
11.748
Burial A-2..
282
351905
b.
4518
10.954
4½
11. 430
Burial A-7.
26
351676
C....
436
11. 113
45%
11.748
Burial 38...
87
351739
d..
3916
9.049
4716
11. 271
A refuse..
292
351915
l.....
41%
10.478
4516
10. 954
Burial 37.
85
351737
24, a
412
11. 430
338
8.573
House B, room 4…………
366
351985
b.
41316
12. 224
35%
9.208
Burial B-9...
310
351932
C....
13
33.020
1034
27.305
House B, room 4.
334
351957
25, a…….
45%
11.748
31%
7.938
Burial B-41..
302
351924
b..
734
19. 685
516
14. 129
Burial 2.....
3
351654
26, a
25%
6. 668
29/16
6. 509
Burial 30……….
69
351720
b.
21516
7.461
23%
6.033
House A, room 11.
11……….
132
351781
C....
2916
6. 509
25%
6.668
Burial 35...
82
351734
d..
31/4
8. 255
21516
7.461
Burial 34..
76
351728
....
3316
8.096
314
8.255
Burial B-5....
303
351925
f......
3316
8.096
31/16
7.779
Burial A-5.---.
290
351913
27, a
84
20.955
316
8.731
Burial 25...
61
351712
b.
8
20.320
35%
9.208
House B, room 4.
4...
364
351983
C...
7316
18. 256
63/16
15.716
Burial 25.ece
60
351711
d..
61%
15. 558
613/16
17.304
Burial 32.....
74
351726
e.
6%
17.463 71%
18.098
Burial B-3……..
299
351921
28, a
6¼4
15.875
634
17.145
Burial 5.....
16
351668
b..
51116
14.446
6½
.16.510
Burial A-3……….
283
351906
c...
5316
13. 176
51316
14.763 Burial B-10.
313
351935
d..
61½
16. 510
51516
15.081
Burial 16.....
47
351698
l....
5716
13.811
534
14.605
Burial 1.....
2
351652
f.....
65%
16.827 734
18.415
Burial B-1.
296
351917
Length
Length of bowl Width of bowl
Na-
tional
Field
Plate
Provenience
Mu-
No.
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
seum
No.
29, α-----
6316
15.716
b...
416
11. 271
316 8.731
25% 6.668 214
3116
7.779
A refuse...
94
351746
5.715
Below R. 31, house A……….
148 351795
C....
31316
9.684
30, a
b
7¼4
18. 415
914
23.495
C....
956
24. 448
2116 6.826 11316
4¼4 10.795
41516 12.541
41516 12.541
4.604
House A, room 22………
134
351783
3116 7.779
Burial B-3....
301
351923
4¼4 10.795
4316 10.636
Burial 6.....
22
351672
House B, room 4…….
372
351991
ROBERTS]
173
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES-Continued

Diameter
Height
Plate
Centi-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
meters
Field
Provenience
National
Museum
No.
No.
31, a.
11116
28.099
434
12. 065
Burial 16....
46
351697
b.
111316 30.004
5¼4
13. 335
House B, room 4.
374
351993
C.
1236
31.432
6316
15. 716
Burial B-11……….
316
351938
32, a…..
6116
15. 399
212
6. 350
Burial 2………….
6
351658
b.
612
16. 510
234
6.985
Burial 6..
24
351674
C
836
16. 193
3516
8. 414 | Burial 36…….
83
351735
d..
6¼4
15.875
234
6.985
Burial 191
49
351700
b..
616
16. 351
27%
7.303 Burial A-5.
289
351912
f...
618
15. 399
11516
4.921
Burial 38.
86
351738
33, a…..
812
21.590
4¼
10.795
Burial 11………….
40
351690
b..
8916
21.749
3916
9.049
Burial 2.
9
351661
C.
8118
20.479 41%
10.478
Burial 1...
1
351651
d...
8116
22,066
43%
11. 113 | Burial 32………….
72
351724
7516
18.574
336
8. 573
Burial A-4….
287
351910
f..
7916
19. 209
312
8.890
Burial 11...
38
351688
Length of bowl
Width of bowl
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Centi-
Inches
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
meters
34, a..
5%
13. 018
414
10.795
Burial B-6…….
306
351928
b..
51½
13.970
4916
11. 589
Burial 7…….
25
351675
C
51516
15.081
41316
12.224
A refuse
92
351744
d....
516
13.811
41/2
11.430
Burial 37..
84
351736
e..
43%
11. 113
334
9.525
Kiva 2.
116
351768
f.
5
12.700
4
10. 160 | A refuse..
91
351743
35, a….
7316
18.256
33%
8.573
Burial A-1.
280
351903
b.
8116
20.479
31/2
8.890
Burial B-11..
317
351939
C
738
18. 733
334
9.525 Burial 31…….
71
351722
d...
73%
18.733
3516
8. 414 Burial 32.
73
351725
e.
8
20. 320
35%
9,208
House B, room 4..
364
351983
634
17. 145
3116
7.779
Burial 29.
67
351718
36, a..
834
22.225
414
10. 795
Burial A-3..
284
351907
b-
814
20.955
316
8.731
Burial 25…….
61
351712
C_
91%
23. 178
4/16
10. 319
Burial B-3….
300
351922
d.
97%
25.083
5116
12. 859
Burial B-1…..
297
351918
8516
21. 114
37%
9.843
Burial B-10.
314
351936
834
22.225
334
9. 525
Burial 9.
34
351684
37, α___.
b.
1116
28.099
434
12. 065
Burial 16………….
46
351697
111316
30.004
514
13. 335❘
House B, room 4..
374
351993
38, a.
123%
31. 433
47%
12. 383
..do.
373
351992
b
1236
31.433
6316
15.716
Burial B-11...
316
351938
39, a
41/16
10. 319
3/8
.953
House A, room 33
158E
351805
3916
9. 049
3/8
.953 House B, room 15...
359B
351977
C.
27%
7.303
3,6
.953❘ Kiva 2……….
120D
351771
d
316
9.049
516
.794
House A, room 33
158F
351805
e.
312
8.890 1/4
.635
House B, room 15..
359C
351977
f.
31116 9.366
18
1. 111❘ House B, room 10...
347D
351970
9.
3516
8.414
18
1.429
House A, room 34…….
196B
351833
Ꮒ .
31116
9.366
5%
1.588
House A, room 28 -
236B
351869
i
416
11. 271
16
1. 111
House B, room 13.
353 A
351973
j..
416
10.319
16
1.270
House B, room 15..
359 A
351977
k.
316
9.049
916
1. 429 House A, room 27
213D
351846
174:
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES—Continued

Length
Diameter
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Centi-
Inches
meters
Field
Provenience
National
Museum
No.
No.
40, a..
5%
14.923
516
0.794
House A, room 27
213A
351846
b.
4516
10. 954
3/16
.476
Kiva B.
248 A
351880
C
434
12.065
316
.476
House A, room 22.
141C
351789
d..
41316
12. 224
14
.635
..do
141E
351789
4716
11.271
516
.794
House A, room 44…….
170A
351813
f...
41%
10.478
1½
1.270
B refuse..
322A
351945
0
1%
4.763
36
.953
House A, room 33.
158J
351805
h
3
7.620
36
.953
...do………
158H
351805
i
3116
7.779
16
1. 111
Great kiva 1...
261 A
351895
j...
21516
7.461
36
.953
Kiva 4...
115E
351766
k.
213/16
7.144
16
1. 111
House A, room 3.
3……..
125
351773
234
6.985
5/16
.794
Kiva 2.
120E
351771
41, a
85%
21.908
36
.953
A refuse.
105 A
351759
b..
7916
19. 209
16
1. 111
House A, room 57
182B
351822
51%
13.018
16
1. 111
House A, room 27.
213B
351846
d..
5118
12.859
36
.953
Kiva A…….
243B
351877
e.
4916
11.589
16
1. 111
House B, room 13.
354B
351973
f..
2916
6. 509
36
.953
House B, room 15.
358 F
351977
2916
6. 509
3/4
.953
Kiva 4.
115C
351766
h
3
7.620
36
.953
House A, room 29.
238C
351871
Length
Width through
center
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
42, a
8
20.320 76
1. 111
House B, room 2…---
333 A
351956
b.
732
17.050
16
1.111
2%
7.303
316
1. 111
House A, room 18…….
Kiva 2.
2.--
230 A
351862
120B
351771
d.
316
8.731
916
1. 429❘ House A, room 18...
230 E
351862
e.
414
10.795
916
1.429 | A refuse..
106D
351759
416
10.319
16
1. 111
House A, room 34.
196 A
351833
43, a
716 17.939
1562
1. 191
Kiva 2....
119 A
351771
b
47%
12.383
5/16
.794
House A, room 32.
152 A
351801
C
316
7.938
16
1. 111
A refuse..
106 F
351759
d.
456
11.748
1332
1.032
Burial 15………….
45
351696
25%
6.668
17/32 1.349
Kiva B
248B
351880
f..
436
11. 113
36
5916
14. 129
9/16
h.
514
13. 335
516
.953
1.429 | Kiva C………
.794
Refuse B....
322B
351945
255 A
351886
House A, room 33.
161 A
351805
Length
Width through
head
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
Field
Provenience
No.
National
Museum
No
44, a...
4116 11.906
1116
b..
516
13.811
138
2.699❘ House B, room 10…...
2.858 House B, room 13
346
351970
352
351973
C...
61/2
16. 510
1716
3. 651
House A, room 14..
226
351859
d...
e.
7116
17.939
116
2.858
Kiva 4.
113
351766
7362
19.050
114
3. 175
House A, room 31.
31…….
146
351794
f...
61116 16.986
1316
3.016
House B, room 15.
357
351977
ROBERTS]
175
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES-Continued


Length
Width
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Centi-
Inches
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
45, a.
31116
9.366
318
0.476
House A, room 22..
140B
351789
b
314
8.255
318
.476
House A, room 33…
160D
351805
C..
3%
9.843
816
.476
House Ą, room 59.
188 A
351826
d..
3
7.620
14
.635
House A, room 33.
161F
351805
e
236
6.033
1/4
.635
A refuse..
107D
351759
f.
21116
6.826
1/4
.635
...do..
107 A
351759
21516
7.461
316
.476
House A, room 33.
160F
351805
h..
316
8.731
316
.476
House B, room 13.
354D
351973
i..
31/2
8.890
316
.476
House A, room 11
133
351782
j..
316
9.049
14
.635
House A, room 33….
160C
351805
k..
4316
10.636
14
.635
__do……….
160 A
351805
1.
35%
9.208
1/4
.635
__do___..
160B
351805
Length
Width through
center
Plate
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
Centi-
meters
National
Field

Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
46, a…….
61%
11.557
15/16
2.381
Burial 16…….
48
351699
b..
6½
16.510
1
2. 540
House A, room 3....
124
351772
C..
6510
16.034
11%
2.858
House A, room 27 ….
211
351845
47, a...
21/16
5.239
12
1.270
A refuse..
103C
351757
b..
C_.
d..
e
2
5.080
1½
1.270
House A, room 22
139 A
351788
113/16
4. 604
16
1. 111
do...
139B
351789
2116
6.826
36
.953
House A, room 14..
224 A
351857
11/4
3. 175
3/8
.953
House B, room 13..
351 A
351972
1516
3.334
1362
1.032
Burial B-9
312
351934
g...
%
2. 223
516
.794
House A, ròom 22…….
137
351786
h.
11/2
3.810 516
.794
Kiva 2…….
118A
351770
i
3
7.620
1½
1.270
House A, room 50.-
177 A
351819
Length
Width or diam-
eter
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
48, a
336
8.573 3/8
0.953❘ House A, room 44...
174
351816
b..
33%
8.573
1/8
.318
Kiva 4..
114
351767
C...
35%
9. 208
3/16
.476
A refuse...
104B
351768
d..
312
8.890
316
.476
House A, room 28.
237
351870
e.
612
16.510
316
.476
House A, room 44.-
175
351817
f...
2932
2. 302
3/8
.953
House A, room 55….
275
351901
0-
1516
2. 381
7/16
1. 111
..do...
275
351901
h.
3/4
1.905 3/%
.953
House B, room 15.---.
355
351974
13/16
2.064
16
1. 111
_do__..
355
351974
j...
25%2
1.984 36
.953
..do.
355
351974
k.
3/4
1.905
36
953
.do...
355
351974
•
I..
3/4
1.905
516
.794
355
351974
m
11116
4. 286
/%
2. 223
House B, room 2…………
331
351954
176
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES-Continued

Length
Width
Thickness
Plate
Provenience
Nation-
Fieldal Mu-
No.
Centi-
Conti-
Ft.in.
Ft. in.
Inches
meters
meters
Centi-
meters
seum
No.
49, a...
1 8
50.80 1 3½
39.37
3
7.62
House A, room 22.
b....
1 9
53.34
1
0
30.48
212
6.35
do....
C....
1 6
45.72
1 5
43. 18
11/2
3.81
House A, room 49.
d....
1 5
43. 18
0 11½
29.21
14
3. 17
House B, room 4.
50, a
1 5
43. 18
0 11
27.94
11/2
3.81
House A, room 23.
1 52
44.45
1 0
30.48
112
3.81
House B, room 2...
C....
d.
1 7
48.26
1 2
35.56
7
17.78 | House A.
1 3
38. 10
1
2
35.56
6½
16.51
House B, room 3..
1
1
Length
Width
Thickness
Nation-
Plate
Provenience
No.
Centi-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
Inches
meters
meters
Conti-
meters
Fieldal Mu-
seum
No.
51, a....
b
41516 12.541
43%
11. 113
214 5.715
House B, refuse..
371
351990
4
10. 160
37%
9.843
3316
8.096
House B, room 20.
362 A
351980
C.....
3516
8.414
31%
7.938
27%
7.303
House B, room 4.-
340B
351964
d……….
4916 10.636
31½ 8.890
l....
4%
12.383
f....
316
8. 414
52, α----
3
7.620
3 7.620
316 8.731
2516 5.874
3
2716 6.191
7.620
House B, room 20….
362C
351980
House A, room 27.
215
351848
b
316
7.779
2516 5.874
234 6.985
1516 3.334
1916 3.969
House B, room 10.-
343
351967
House A, room 44.
169
351812
House A, room 22
136 A
351785
4
10. 160
--
236 6.033
1% 3.493
House A, room 34.
206
351841
d......
334
9. 525
2716 6.191
1% 4.763
..do..
207
351841
f..
3% 9.843 2% 7.303
4¼ 10.795 23/4 6.985
1½½ 3.810
205
136 3.493
House A, room 10.
131
351780

Top diameter Bottom diameter Thickness
Na-
tional
Field
Plate
Provenience
Mu-
No.
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
seum
No.
53, a……….
b.
416 10.319
3% 9.843
21316 7. 144
3316
8.096
House A, room 34.
201
351836
21516
21/16
7.461
2316
5. 556
House A, room 33….
162
351806
Length
Width
Thickness
Na-
tional
Field
Plate
Provenience
Mu-
No.
Centi-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
Inches
meters
meters
Centi-
meters
seum
No.
53, C..... 334
9.525
414 10.795
11316
4.604
House A, room 27
216A
351849
d...
3¼4
8. 255
27% 7.303 13%
3.493
..do..
216D 351849
e.
21/2
6. 350
338 8.573 1%
4.128
._do___
216C
351849
1.
41%
10.478
27% 7.303 21%
5.398
.do....
216B 351849
54, a……….
5½½ 13.970
334 9.525
116
3.969
...do………….
218
351851
b.
5916 14.129
5318 13.176
11/4
3. 175
House A, room 22.
135A
351784
C.....
9516 23.654
53% 13.653
13/4
4.445
House A, room 27.
217
351850
d.....
103% 26.353
4% 12.383
1516
3.334
House B, room 4……
336
351960
ROBERTS |
177
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
PLATES-Continued
TABLE 3.—SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES Continued

Length
Diameter
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
55, a
134
4. 445
11/4
3. 175
A refuse..
102B
351756
b.
C.
17%
4.763
1516
3.334
Burial B-2…..
298 A
351920
134
4. 445
3
7.620 House A, room 34.
34…………
202
351838
Width
Breadth
Height
Na-
tional
Field
Plate
Provenience
Mu-
No.
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
seum
No.
55, d.
734 19. 685
61½ 16.510
8116 22.066 | Kiva A..
265
351898
e.
716
71116 19.526
65% 16.828 85% 21.908
.do....
266
351899
Length
Width
Thickness
Na-
tional
Plate
Field
Provenience
Mu-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi.
meters
No.
seum
No.
56, a…---
1214
31. 115
34 8.255
15%
4. 128
B refuse..
321 A
351943
b
1214
31. 115
212 6.350
134
4. 445
Burial 2...
10
351662
c...
7%
18.098
514 13.335
136%
3.493
House A, room 33.
163
351807
d.....
414 10.795
314 8.255
35%
9. 208
Kiva A………
264
351897
e...
5348 13.176
7/16
1. 111
241
351873
6516 16.034
55% 14.288
11516
4.921
.do...
241 A
351874
Length
Width
Plate
Centi-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
57, α--
11/2
3.810
10
2.699
Kiva B___.
250C
351882
b.
136
3. 493 1116
2.699
House A, room 27.
210B
351844
C
11/2
3.810
3/4
1.905
Kiva B.
250F
351882
d.
1½
3.810 110
2. 699
A refuse...
102H
351756
136
3.493
7/%
2.223
House A, room 27.
210A
351844
1316
3.016
1116
1.746
Burial 31…………
71B
g.
1916
3.969
136
3.493
Surface B...
329C
351953
ከ-
134
4. 445
116
2. 858
House A, room 49.
178
Length
Greatest width
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
58, a..
25%
6.668 13/16
3.016❘ House A, room 34.
198
351834
b.
33%
8.573 1316
3.016 House A, room 41.
165
351809
C..
3116
9.366 1%
4.763
House A, room 34.
197
351834
59, a…….
1516
3.338
1.270
House A, room 18…………
229
351861
b...
14
3. 175
16
1. 429
Burial 2…….
4
351656
C..
1316
3.016
16
1.429❘ House A, room 34….
200A
351835
d..
11/16
2.699
1½
1.270
..do..
200C
351835
f...
1 2
2. 540
治
​1.270
...do.
200B
351835
5.080
11%
2.858
Great kiva 1……….
259 A
351892
11816
15%
4. 604
1116
1.746
B refuse......
370
351989
4. 128
3/4
1.905
Great kiva 1………
259C
351892
178
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
TABLE 3.-SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES-Continued

Length
Width
Plate
Inches
Centi-
meters
Centi-
Inches
meters
Field
Provenience
National
Museum
No.
No.
59, j.
5%
1.588
16
1. 111
House B, room 13...
350B
351971
k..
1562
1. 191
36
.953
Great kiva 1..
258B
351891
1/4
.635
5/16
.794 | Kiva A…….
245 A
m.
1116
1.746
11/16
1.746
House A, room 14.
225
351858
n..
1
2. 540
1316
3.016
B refuse…….
321B
351944
0
11/16
1.746
916
1.429
House A, room 31……….
145
351793
Length
Width
Top to bottom
Na-
tional
Plate
Provenience
ield
Mu-
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
No.
seum
No.
60, a……….
b....
53% 13.653
636 16. 193
3 7.620
336 8.573
House B, room 4……….
339
351963
734 19.685 Kiva A...
240 351872
TABLE 4.--SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN TEXT FIGURES

Diameter
Height
Figure
Inches
Centi-
meters
Centi-
Inches
meters
National
Field
Provenience
Museum
No.
No.
19, a..
13% 35.243 1134
29.845
House B, room 13..
377
351996
20, a.
1314
33.655 10½
26.670
House A, room 34.
271
351900
21, a…….
61%
15.558
534
14. 605
Burial 8..
32
351682
b.
6316 15.716
32
8.890
Burial 24…….
57
351708
22, a
51%
13.018
2316
5. 556
Below room 31, H. A………….
149
351796
23, a
55%
14.288
534
14.605
Burial 31..-.
70
351721
b.
634
17. 145
63%
16. 193
Burial 26...
63
351714
24, a
31½
8.890
334
9.525
Below room 10, H. A.
151
351800
25, a….
7916
19. 209
316
8.731
Burial 21...
52
351703
b.
734
19.685
31/2
8.890
Burial 20…….
51
351702
26, a...
716
18. 891
3
7.620
Burial 15..
44
351695
b
75%
19.368
312
8.890
Burial 8……….
33
351683
27, a
7316
18. 256
31½
8.890
Burial 28.
66
351717
b.
734
19.685
334
9.525
House B, room 17.
363
351982
28, α---
812
21.590
312
8.890
House A, room 27
208
351842
b.
836
21.273
334
9.525
Burial B-2.---
298
351919
29, a
836
21. 273
35%
9. 208
House A, room 14……….
222
351855
b...
8
20.320
35%
9. 208
Burial 40.
89
351741
30, a……….
956
24. 448
414
10.795 | Burial 2…….
8
351660
b.
85%
21.908
414
10.795
Burial 5.....
17
351669
47%
12.383
32, a..
214
6. 350
B refuse.
378
351997
4516
10. 954
b...
536
13.653
212
6.350 House B, room 17.
379
351998

Length
Width
Height
Na-
Field
tional
Provenience
Figure
No.
Muse-
Centi-
Inches
Inches
meters
Centi-
meters
Inches
Centi-
meters
um No.
34, a………….
b...
5 12.700 212
6.350
35% 9.208
House B, room 7.
341
351965
33% 8.573
2
5.080
25% 6.668
House A, room 23.
219
351852
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1926. b. Archeological Observations North of the Rio Colorado. Bull, 82,
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1927. Archeological Investigations in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. Ex-
plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1926.
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1927.
1930. The Excavation and Repair of Betatakin, Proceedings of the United
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1930.
KIDDER, A. V.
1924. An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology with a
preliminary account of the Excavation at Pecos. Dept. of Archae-
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Science, Vol. LXVI, No.
1927. a. Southwestern Archeological Conference.
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1927. b. The Museum's Expeditions to Cañon de Chelly and Cañon del
Muerto, Arizona. Natural History, Journal American Museum
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See also Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V.; Nusbaum, J. L.
82148-32-
-13
184
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
KIDDER, A. V., AND GUERNSEY, S. J.
1919. Archeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona. Bull. 65, Bureau
American Ethnology, Washington, 1919.
KIDDER, M. A. AND A. V.
1917. Notes on the Pottery of Pecos. American Anthrop., n. s., vol. 19, No.
3, pp. 325-360, Lancaster, Pa., 1917.
KROEBER, A. L.
1917. Zuñi Kin and Clan. Anthrop. Papers of the American Museum of
Natural History, Vol. XVIII, Pt. II, New York, 1917.
MARTIN, P. S.
1929. The 1928 Archaeological Expedition of the State Historical Society
of Colorado. Colorado Magazine, Vol. VI, No. 1, pp. 1–35, Denver,
1929.
1930. The 1929 Archaeological Expedition of the State Historical Society
of Colorado in Cooperation with the Smithsonian Institution.
Colorado Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 1, pp. 1-40, Denver, 1930.
MEDALLION SERIES. [GLADWIN, H. S.]
1929. The Red-on-Buff Culture of the Gila Basin. Pasadena, Calif., 1929.
Undated. a. The Red-on-Buff Culture of the Papagueria. Globe, Ariz.
Undated. b. The Western Range of the Red-on-Buff Culture. Globe, Ariz.
MINDELEFF, C.
1897. Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona. Sixteenth Annual Report
Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 73–198, Washington, 1897.
MINDELEFF, V.
1891. A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. Eighth
Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1891.
MORRIS, E. H.
1915. The Excavation of a Ruin near Aztec, San Juan, County, New Mexico.
American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 666-684, Lancaster, Pa.,
1915.
1917. Discoveries at the Aztec Ruin. American Museum Journal, vol. 17,
No. 3, pp. 169-179, New York, 1917.
1918. Further Discoveries at the Aztec Ruin. American Museum Journal,
vol. 18, No. 7, pp. 603-610, New York, 1918.
1919. a. The Aztec Ruin. Anthropological Papers American Museum Nat-
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1919. b. Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the
Mancos and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado. Thirty-
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1921. a. The House of the Great Kiva at the Aztec Ruin. Anthropological
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1921. b. Chronology of the San Juan Area. In Proceedings of the Na-
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1925. Exploring in the Canyon of Death. National Geographic Magazine,
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Prototypes and the Wares of the Earliest Ceramic Period. An-
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ROBERTS]
185
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS
MORRIS, E. H.-Continued.
1928. Notes on Excavations in the Aztec Ruin. Anthropological Papers
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVI, pt. 5, New
York, 1928.
NELSON, N. C.
1914. Pueblo Ruins of the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico. Anthropological
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1916. Chronology of the Tano Ruins, New Mexico. American Anthrop.,
n. s. vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 159-180, Lancaster, Pa., 1916.
1917. Excavation of the Aztec Ruin. American Museum Journal, vol. 17,
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NESBIT, P. H.
1931. The Ancient Mimbreños, Based on Investigations at the Mattocks
Ruin, Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Logan Museum Publications
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1893. The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Southwestern Colorado;
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1922. A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah, with Notes on the
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PEPPER, G. H.
1902. The Ancient Basket Makers of Southeastern Utah. Suppl. Journ.
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POWELL, J. W.
1886. Explorations in the Southwest, work of Mr. James Stevenson.
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PRUDDEN, T. M.
1897. An Elder Brother to the Cliff Dweller. Harper's Monthly Mag-
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1918. A Further Study of Prehistoric Small-House Ruins in the San Juan
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1925. Report on Archaeological Reconnaissance in Southwestern Colo-
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186
[BULL. 111
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ROBERTS, F. H. H., JR.—Continued.
1929. b. Shabik'eshchee Village: A Lake Basket Maker Site in the Chaco
Canyon, New Mexico. Bull. 92, Bureau American Ethnology,
Washington, 1929.
1930. Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, Southwestern Colorado.
Bull. 96, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1930.
1931. The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, Eastern Arizona. Bull. 100, Bureau
American Ethnology, Washington, 1931.
SAUER, CARL, AND BRAND, DONALD.
1930. Pueblo Sites in Southeastern Arizona. Univ. of California Publica-
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Press, Berkeley, 1930.
SPIER, L.
1917. An Outline for a Chronology of Zuñi Ruins. Anthropological Papers
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, Pt. III, New
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1918. Notes on Some Little Colorado Ruins. Ibid., Pt. IV, Vol. XVIII,
New York, 1918.
STEVENSON, M. C.
1904. The Zuñi Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Fraternities and Cere-
monies. Twenty-third Annual Report Bureau American Ethnology,
pp. 13-608, Washington, 1904.
STOCK, CHESTER,
1931. Problems of Antiquity Presented in Gypsum Cave, Nevada. Scientific
Monthly, pp. 22-32, January, 1931.
THONE, FRANK.
1929. Did Earliest Americans Hunt Sloth? Science News Letter, Vol.
XVI, No. 445, pp. 237–239, Baltimore, 1929.
WINSHIP, GEO. PARKER.
1896. The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. Fourteenth Annual Report
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INDEX
Page
Page
ACOMA-
AZTEC, N. MEX. See AZTEC
niches in kivas at…
60
RUIN.
period of..
21
AZTEC RUIN—
pits in kivas at_
59
spectator's position in kiva
construction of pillars at --
date of____.
88
24
at--
56
discussion of fire box at_.
90
AGRICULTURE-
painted kiva at….
79
beginning of
4
reference to…--
18,
effect of introduction of….
4
29, 31, 35, 89, 90, 92
use of flood water in__‒‒‒‒
103
reference to bone scrapers
See also FIELDS.
at..
137
ALCOVE-
reference to masonry at..
100
measurements of
96
size of great kiva at…….
96
opening into kiva, discussed. 92-93
structures at..
17
roofing of...
93-94
AZTEC WARE, reference to.__.
124
ANIMALS-
BAND DESIGNS, use of, in decora-
domestication of...
9
tion____
119–121, 124–127
extinct, bones of………
3
BASINS for water storage__
102
extinct, man contempora-
BASKET-MAKER CULTURE, origin
neous with…….
3
of the term.
15
APPLIQUÉ POTTERY DECORATION,
BASKET-MAKER PERIODS—
distribution of...
106
I, II, and III….
15
ARCHITECTURE,
conclusions
drawn from:
158
Basket MAKERS—
ARROWPOINTS—
distribution of….
conclusions on.
168
described__-
ARROW-SHAFT POLISHERS—
described..
significance of__
ARTIFACTS-
from Gypsum Cave_-_.
of imperishable material___ 164
ATLATL. See SPEAR THROWER.
146
distribution of remains of.. 15, 16
in Four Corners area------ 15-16
north Mexican form of cul-
15-16
ture of
16
142
physical characteristics of__
5-6
167
BASKETRY-
I
1
3-4
technique used in..
yucca used for
134, 166
134
BASKETS-
decrease in importance of…
7
AWATOBI-
culture period of……….
employed as molds____
7
20
BEAD POLISHER, stone.
143
date of destruction of….
AWLS, BONE——
21
BEADS-
of bone..
138
described_.
135-137
southwestern alabaster__.
146
made of splinters--
135
BENCHES-
specially cut. -
136
measurements of______
70-71, 95
AX HEADS-
of great kiva___
86, 91-92
described..
141
spectator's in Hopi kiva……. 55-56
grooved, increased impor-
BETATAKIN—
tance of...
9
cultural period of…….
grooved, possible introduc-
date of__
tion of--
summary of types of....
8
167
BISHOPS CAP, N. MEX., dis-
coveries at..
t
18
24
3
187
188
INDEX
Page
Page
BISON, EXTINCT, remains of…………
3 CAVES-
BLACK-ON-RED WARE-
evidence in, of cultural
characteristics of ---
124-129
progress.
6
conclusions on………
165
remains of houses in
6
described..
110
temporary occupation of…….
5
identification marks on.. 128-129
use of____
4
BLACK-ON-WHITE WARE, charac-
CERAMICS.
See POTTERY.
teristic of...
109
CEREMONIAL CHAMBERS.
See
BLANCO, mention of…
20
KIVAS.
BONE-
implements of…………
135-138
CEREMONIAL OBJECT described.
CHACO CANYON-
140
ornamental objects of... 138-139
characteristic pottery of___
117
polished, punches and awls
period of constructional ac-
of__.
138
tivity at...
156
BONES-
reference to bonework at..
137
animals represented by-..
135
reference to kiva of__.
92
human, associated with ex-
reference to masonry of___
100
tinct animals__
3
reference to pottery of. 120, 121,
BOW AND ARROW, introduction
122, 124, 131
of____
8
structures in
17
BOWLS-
CHACO CULTURE—
decoration of___
119-131
characteristic of
shape of...
109
indications of..
1
888
29
86
BURIALS—
CHACO STRUCTURES—
adult, number of..
152
conclusions drawn from__ 168-169
described..
152-156
flexed..
153
in abandoned oven.
45
to pottery of___
in refuse mounds_.
152
characteristic of
masonry of___
CHAVES PASS, mentioned__.
CHAVES PASS REGION, reference
CHECKERBOARD DESIGN-
1
2220
29
29
115-116
in storage bins__
5
on pitchers
118
infant, near fireplace-
152
use of..
120, 121, 125
of children, discussed……
153
CHETTRO KETTLE-
orientation in……
153
mention of__.
90, 91, 92
position of body in..
153
size of kiva at..
96
CAMEL, bones
of, in New
CHEVLON, mention of
20
Mexico.
3
CHIMNEY ROCK PUEBLO, refer-
CANTEENS-
ence to....
29-31
decoration of……….
114
CHIPPED POINTS, found with
described___
108
extinct bison__.
3
handles of
108
CLASSIC ERA-
CANYON DE CHELLY, reference
meaning of the term..
11
to..
79
movement of peoples at
Canyon del MUERTO, painted
close of....
12-13
kivas of..
79
CLIMATE-
Carving, stone_
61-62, 147–149
effect of changes in….
11-12
Casa Blanca, reference to-----
18
of the Zufii region… -
27
Casa Grande, representative of
CLOUD-BLOWER PIPES, absence
mixed culture__
20
of____.
133
CASA RINCONADA, kiva com-
COAHUILA CAVES, Basket Maker
pared with...
96
culture in..
15
CAVE BEAR, bones of, in New
COLOR OF POTTERY, affected by
Mexico....
3
firing……….
110
INDEX
189
Page
Page
COLORADO COLLEGE, reference
to..
COLORADO VILLAGE, period of…
CONSTRUCTION—
granaries first form of___.
See also DWELlings; Kivas;
Masonry; Walls.
DEPRESSIONS in floor of great
73
kiva__
88
20❘ DESIGN—
balanced, use of_
113
5
checkerboard pattern in_-_
116
combined solid
and
ha-
chure
127-128
CORN-
introduction of..
storage of..
CORN GODDESS—
elements of.
112
4
fret, example of
122;
4
on painted ware_
112-133
solid--
117
61, 143
symbols of___
Zuñi explanation of------
CORONADO-
mention of..
Zuñi region traversed by..
CORTEZ, COLO., painted kivas
near.
COTTON, introduction of
use of triangles in………
See also DECORATION.
27 DISKS, POTTERY, use of…-
DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALs in
use of bands in...
119, 124–125:
143
use of slip paint in____
131, 132:
116, 117
21
133
79
Zuñi region.
26
9
DOORWAYS-
CRADLES, change in form of____
9
blocked
32, 41, 101
CREMATION, no evidence of----
154
conclusions drawn from__.
160
CULTURE, affected by mixtures
corner, reference to… -
31
of peoples..
8
CULTURE PERIODS—
explanation for lack of____
lateral exterior__
101
36
character of, explained____
14
possible association of, with
dates of..
24
rites..
54
evidence for sequence of... 22-25
significance of, discussed...
101
nomenclature of...
14-25
See also ENTRANCES.
overlapping of…….
14
See also MATERIAL
Douglas, A. E.—
CUL-
TURE.
method of, in dating ruins. 23–24
ruin dated by….
CUSHING, F. H., theory of, con-
cerning kivas_
DAGGERS, of bone-
DAWSON, LEE, ruins excavated
156
DWELLINGS—
51
136
abandonment of
20, 21
described...
28-47, 98-103
by--
DECORATION-
79
development of.
9
enlargement of
98
combined solid and ha-
entrance to__
7
chured..
113
lack of remains of, for early
exterior....
130, 131, 132
stage___
5
life forms used in.
122-123
reuse of material in
21
on kiva wall_
78
superposition of……….
22, 43
on nonculinary vessels. 112-133
terraced, growth of___
10
summary of
165
terraced, introduction of___
10
use of star figures in
114
unit type of----
10
zone of...
112-113
See also DESIGN.
DEFLECTORS—
described
56, 74, 78, 82, 84
See also PIT DWELLINGS;
PUEBLO DWELLINGS;
ROOMS.
EARTH LODGE. See PIT DWELL-
different types of
56
INGS.
measurements of. 62, 76, 80, 82, 85
EFFIGY
HEADS, conclusions
purpose of___
56
drawn from__.
168
stone slab.___.
32
1
ELDEN PUEBLO, mention of…………
111
190
INDEX
Page
ENTRANCES
change in type of
discussion of..
GRANARIES, preservation of____
54
GRAVES-
36-37
depth of
defense..
location of, as a means of
See also Doorways.
36
knowledge derived from………
GREAT BOWL at Chettro Kettle,
FEATHER ROBES, fur replaced by..
kiva compared with...
8
FETISHES-
GREAT KIVAS—
concretions used as.
144-145
an addition to pueblo.----
Page
4
154
5
96
31
found in kiva...
61-62
FEWKES, J. W.-
reference to...
55,
106, 111, 115, 137, 142, 143
described...
theory of___
73
comparison of size of……………. 96-97
conclusion drawn from__ 161–162
depressions in floor of____.
development of..
88
50, 86–96
50
FIELDS, location of_-----
103
function of..
50-51
Fire altar, discussion of
90-91
interior features of
86
FIRE BOX, masonry-
90
not yet excavated__.
97
FIRE PITS-
described
exterior.
period of construction of. 156-157
57, 67, 82, 84
problem of spread of
157
102
significance of..
86
lined with masonry
75
subfloor vaults in
88-89
-
measurements of...
63,
GYPSUM CAVE, NEV., discov-
66, 71, 76, 80, 82–83, 85, 96
eries at__
3-4
of great kiva, described___
outdoor__
90
HACHURE—
38-39, 44
design composed of.
117
FLOOD WATER, use of, for irri-
two styles of.
113
gation
103
use of, in design___
126
FLOORS-
HACHURED DECORATION—
leveled by filling---
38
Chaco Canyon form of ____
113
of great kiva, depressions
Upper Gila form of..... 113, 114
in__
88
of great kiva, holes in
HANDLES-
91
FLUTE PLAYER, HUMPBACKED,
decoration of___ 115, 119, 124, 133
method of attachment of__ 107
meaning of, in petroglyphs___
150
mushroom headed_
115
FOLSOM, N. MEX., discoveries
of canteens_
108
at___
3
FOLSOM POINTS, reference to...
FORKED LIGHTNING RUIN, ref-
145
of culinary pitchers___.
106-107
of culinary vessels.
105
erence to__
18
of ladles or dippers--
108-
FOUR CORNERS AREA, Basket
109, 124, 133
Makers in
15-16
of pitchers_-
108
FRET DESIGN-
polychrome
ladle,
de-
example of___
122
scribed...
133
variation of
FROG, associated with rain..
125
stirrup type of …
115
1
148
HAWIKUH—
GALISTEO BASIN, period of
period of__.
ruins of
20
reference to bonework of...
137
22227
GAME in the Zuñi region___
26
reference to kivas of......
90
GERM GODS, Hopi name for…………
GILA BASIN—
143
reference to pottery from. 113, 115
reference to stonework of.. 142
relation of, to Pueblo cul-
tures___
subfloor vaults at... 58, 59, 70
19-20
HEAD DEFORMATION-
separate growth of culture
custom of
154
in………….
14
introduction of………..
9
INDEX
191
Page
Page
HEADS, STONE—
JOHNSON CANYON, painted kiva
described__
61-62, 147-149
in__
79
significance of--
149
KATCINA NICHE
HEWETT, EDGAR L., reference
described...
78, 82, 84
to..
90
in kiva...
70
HODGE, F. W., reference to----
58,
measurements of ---- 71, 81, 83, 85
70, 73, 90, 113, 115, 137, 142, 144
purpose of.
09
60
HOLES IN FLOORS—
KAWAIOKUH—
measurements of__
of great kiva_-
63, 77, 85
date of
91
mentioned___
223
24
20
HOLMES, W. H., reference to…- 96, 106
Kayenta DISTRICT—
HOMOLOBI, mentioned_
20
exodus from_
13
HOOTON, E. A., estimate by, of
structures of
17
Pecos death rate__
155
KIDDER AND GUERNSEY, refer-
HOPI-
ence to
106
germ gods of___
143
KINTIEL
location of villages of………
21
date of
24
niches in kivas of
60
reference to.
18
1
ovens of, described___
45
KISAKOBI, period of
20
reference to ceremony of___ 143
KITSIEL
conclusions on-.
sipapu rite at…--
HORSE, EXTINCT, bones of, in
New Mexico – –
HOUCK WARE—
decoration of..
3 KIVA RECESS—
type known as--------- 111-112
HOUGH, WALTER, reference to.. 73,
59
culture period of---
date of
****
18
24
construction of..
--- 81, 83-84
165-166
described...
67-69, 72-73
130–131, 133
distribution of
56
measurements of.
70, 82, 85
purpose of__
55
106, 110, 142
KIVAS-
HOUSE REMAINS—
character of………
of Zuñi Reservation_-__-
27-28
27-103
aboveground, reason for...
circular, discussion of ----- 47-51
circular, in
52
rectangular
HUMPBACKED
FLUTE
PLAYER,
rooms_
49, 51, 67
meaning of...
150
circular, succeeded by rec-
HUNT, EDWARD, an informant_
59
tangular.
34
IDOLS OF ALOSAKA, Hopi name
Cushing's theory about_
51
for germ gods……….
143
D-shaped---
72, 77-79, 81
IMMIGRATION, routes of
8
described
67-72
IMPLEMENTS-
detached position of------ 48-49
bone, conclusions drawn
development of..
48
from__.
166
dirt, period of__
75-76
bone, described..
135-138
chipped, discussed..
145-146
distribution of recess in__-- 56
explanation of lack of.. 161, 163
recovered from caves---
5
features of._____
from....
See also Tools.
stone, conclusions drawn
INCLOSURES, of unknown use. 46-47
INSECTS represented in petro-
importance of
81, 83, 159–160
98
166-168
incorporated in dwelling--- 29, 67
incorporated in
in terraced
buildings
10
inside, construction of..
65
glyphs..
150
katcina niche in………
60
Interior DEPARTMENT, permit
lack of, discussed_
101-102
from_
1
measurements of----
62,
ISLETA, period of……….
21
66, 70, 76, 80, 82, 84, 95
192
INDEX
Page
KIVAS-Continued.
origin of……..
9
canyon..
original functions of…….
64-65
LONESOME PLACE, Zuñi name of
LONG H RANCH, reference to... 134,
Page
1
painted, of the Southwest__
79
140, 145
position of spectators in, at
MANOS, examples of….
140
Acoma..
56
Marsh Pass, structures of____.
17
present-day use of_
64
MASONRY-
purpose of recess in.
55
conclusions drawn from____
159
rectangular, discussion of
-
51-52
constructed over bowlder --
43
resemblance of, to pit
deterioration in quality of
39
houses.
48
differences in....
28, 29
roofing of, discussed. 50, 93–94
of large pueblo dwelling---
29, 31
room opening into… -
92
quality of...
98-100
rooms converted into..
35-36
rooms encircling--
93
MATERIAL CULTURE—
small, described..
52-62, 64
small, incorporated
in
lesser objects of___
building...
64
See also PILLars; Walls.
development of_
See also CULTURE PERIODS.
7-8.
103-104
small, possible use of
50-51
MAULS-
small, typical features of___
small circular, character-
53
described
141
summary of types of….
167
istics of__
49
MEALING BINS-
subterranean
dirt, D-
described__
44
shaped..
83
location of rooms contain-
subterranean dirt, features
ing.
38
of____
72,77
metates in
140
subterranean dirt, period of
84
significance of….
33
two types of..
47, 159
MEASUREMENTS—
underground structure sim-
of alcove..
96
ulated by----
49
of benches..
70–71, 95
with decorated wall.
78
of deflectors…….
62, 76, 80, 82, 85
Zuñi form, compared with
of fire pits--
63,
secular rooms… –
49
66, 71, 76, 80, 82–83, 85
See also GREAT KIVAS.
of holes in floors...
63, 77, 85
KNIFE BLADES—
of katcina niches.
71, 81, 83, 85
conclusions on_-
167
of kivas.
62,
described..
145
66, 70, 76, 80, 82, 84, 95
KOKOPNYAMA, mentioned...
20
tables of
171-178
KÜCHAPTÜVELA, mentioned
LADDERS, entrance by means of. 36–37
LADLES-
decoration of... 123–124, 131–133
described___
20
MESA Verde-
VERDE—
bone scrapers of.
137
date of cliff houses of___
24
painted kiva of…….
79
108
reference to ware of..
124
LANDSLIDE, rooms abandoned
structures on..
17
1
because of.
35
METATES
LIFE FORMS in decoration____ 122-123
LITTLE COLORADO REGION, ref-
change in type of…….
conclusions drawn from..
33
167
erence to pottery of______ 117, 118,
122, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130
described.
graded__
139-140
37
LITTLE COLORADO RIVER, struc-
tures on..
LITTLE COLORADO WARE, type
called__.
110, 111
number of, in mealing bins.
18 MIGRATION, into the Southwest_
MIMBRES CULTURE, position of,
in southwestern chronology--
37
8
19
INDEX
193
Page
MIMBRES VALLEY, pottery of... 18-19
MINDELEFF, COSMOS, reference
Cosmos,
PECOS-
mentioned..
Page
21
to___.
79
period of....
MISHONGNOVI, removal of-----
21
MIXTURE OF PEOPLES, effect of_
8
PEÑASCO BLANCO, reference to.
PENDANTS—
29
222820
MORRIS, E. H.-
of bone
139
fire altar described by----- 90-91
of stone..
146, 147
|
MORTARS described.
140
MORTUARY OFFERINGS, location
of..
153
reference to------- 79, 89, 91, 106 PEOPLES, effect of mixture of___
PEPPER, GEO. H., reference to 15, 137
PESCADO, a farming village of
the Zuñi region……--
8.
27
Μτας
PESCADO CREEK, described__.
25
decoration of..
119
PESTLES
fragmentary.
109
lack of
140
MUMMY CAVE, reference to----
18
used in paint grinders___
142
PETROGLYPHS—
NAVAJOS—
origin of
11
description of__
149-152
rock drawings of.
152
meaning of……-
149-152
summary of
168.
NICHE IN KIVA-
symbolism of_
151
described_
60
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS-
measurements of_____
63-64
Mongoloid---
8:
See also KATCINA NICHE.
new groups shown by...
8
NOMADIC PEOPLE-
movements of..
of the Southwest_.
to__.
non-Mongoloid.
6.
11-12
of early tribes__
5-6.
2
racially mixed..
Zuñi region____
work in..
NORDENSKIÖLD, G., reference
NUTRIA, a farming village of the
NUTRIA CANYON, archeological
NUTRIA CREEK, described. ... 25-26
OJO CALIENTE—
a farming village__
PI-GUMMI OVEN-
79, 106
burial in
described..
152*
44-46
27
PILASTERS, lack of
PILLARS, MASONRY—
53-54, 67
1
27
pit dwellings near
ORAIBI-
culture period of..
1
20
occupied in sixteenth cen-
tury.
ORNAMENTS—
21
at Aztec.. --
construction of….
measurements of….
roof supported by---.
PIPES, TUBULAR, absence of...
PIT DWELLINGS—
change in entrance to………….
D-shaped
described__
modified form of..
88™
87-88
95.
86.
1
133
9₁
77
1
7
9"
bone__
138-139
near Ojo Caliente……….
1:
stone....
146-147, 168
origin of..
6-7
See also BEADS.
survival of, in peripheral
OVENS
regions.
9
burial in
152
PIT OVEN-
discussed..
44-45
described..
44-46
measurements of……….
45-46
measurements of………….
45-46
pi-gummi, described.
44-46
PITCHERS-
OWL, story of..
151
culinary, described__---- 106-107
PAINT GRINDERS, described ____
142
decoration of..
117
Painted KiVA HOUSE, reference
described...
108
to---.
79
typical designs for.
118.
1
194
INDEX
Page
Page
PITS-
measurements of.
used as ladder rest…….
See also FIRE PITS.
PUEBLO BONITO-Continued.
96
reference to 29, 35, 91, 92, 131, 137
66
size of kiva at…__
96
PUEBLO CULTURE, origin of the
PLUMED SERPENT, description
term...
15
of____
147-148
POLYCHROME WARE-
PUEBLO DEL ARROYO, reference
to masonry of..
100
described__--
110-112, 129-133
PUEBLO DWELLING, LARGE—
large
example of, described..
114
type of....
165
additions to…---- 31, 35–36, 39–41
described...
28-47
POPULATION, estimate of……..
155
resemblance of, to Chaco
POTSHERDS
structures___
24
evidence furnished by-
80
stages in development of...
28
trade indicated by--
23
PUEBLO DWELLINGS-
POTTERY-
color of, affected by firing..
110
conclusions drawn from…………
See also DWELLINGS.
162
composition of, according
PUEBLO PEOPLE-
to use..
104
enemies of….
10-11
corrugated__-
conclusions drawn from.. 162-163
culinary, characteristics
migration of
8, 11-12
104, 106
movement of
13-14
redistribution of ..
14
of……….
104, 106, 164
PUEBLO PERIOD I-
culinary, shapes of……-
105
dates of__
24
development of
9
distribution of remains of…. 16–17
introduction of ----
7
eastern phase of.
16
local development of……….
7
various names for.
17
nonculinary, characteristics
western phase of………
16-17
104-105, 164–165
PUEBLO PERIOD (I—
nonculinary, shapes of
105
dates of__
24
nonculinary, types of------ 105
period designated.
17
period represented by... 104, 164
PUEBLO PERIOD III—
pigment differences in
18
dates of
24
red, with polished black
interior...
112
period designated..
17-18
summary of decoration of..
ruins belonging to………
17-18
165
summary of kinds of____ 164–165
PUEBLO PERIOD IV—
techniques in making…………
18
dates of
24
typical of period and locality
18
examples of ruins of first
unfired---
7
phase of..
20
use of fragments of.
133
examples of ruins of second
with appliqué decorations__
106
phase of___
20
PRAYER STICKS, deposited in
period designated..
19-20
niche..
61
pottery of ___
21
t
PROTO-MESA VERDE WARE, ref-
two phases of ….
19
erence to..----
119, 120, 124
PUEBLO PERIOD V-
PROVENIENCE OF ARTIFACTS,
dates of__
24
tables of...
172-178
examples of villages of..
21
of...
date of...
PRUDDEN, T. M., reference to--
PUEBLO BONITO
approximate culture period
decorated scrapers at..
pottery of..
15
stage designated by....
21
PUEBLO, REVOLT, mention of___
21
PUEBLO VIEJO, mortar found at.
142
156
PUNCH, made of bone_
137
I
24 PUYÉ, period of..
20
137
PYORRHEA, presence of, among
117
Indians..
155
INDEX
195
RED PAINT CANYON-
ruins near_
RED WARE, with polished black
RAINFALL, selection of sites
influenced by……….
RECESS. See KIVA RECESS.
investigations at..
RED PAINT PLACE, Zuñi name of
canyon..
1 SAN JUAN AREA, abandonment
of..
Page
26
Page
RUINS-Continued.
method of dating.
of Pueblo IV period__.
SALT RIVER DISTRICT, pottery
23-24
20
158
of....
111, 114
27
SAN CRISTOBAL, period of
21
SAN ILDEFONSO, period of -----
21
12-13
interior...
112
REFUSE, disposal of….
103
SAN JUAN RIVER, reference to
masonry along…………
100
RIMS, shape of…….
109
SAN LAZARO, period of.
21
RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, painted
Santa Clara, period of
13
1
SCRAPERS―
kiva of..
79
bone, described__
137
RITUALS
made of pottery fragments.
132
of..
of____
community, place for……….
fraternity, place for……….
tribal, performed in kiva………
ROBERTS, LINDA B., work of………
ROOF
form of, for early kivas____
great kiva, postulated form
kiva, two forms of ___
160
SEED JARS
34, 160
decoration of.
118
34
described__
106
1
2
SHÉ, period of _
20
SHONGOPOVI, removal of
21
49
SHOWLOW-
93-94
period of...
ruins of...
20
1
18
50
lack of, over recess.
55
SHUMOPOVI, removal of
SIKYATKI, mentioned..
22
21
20
of alcove-
93-94
SIPAPU-
supported by masonry pil-
described
-- 57-58, 78, 82, 84
lars.
86-87, 93
explanations for
57
timbers of, supported by
lack of..
65, 67
pilasters..
49
meaning of presence of __
159
ROOMS-
measurements of 63, 77, 81, 83, 85
-
abandoned and filled with
names for……….
57
refuse
41
possible presence of ---
91
bowlder forming wall of
46
sandstone, and cover.
144
built on abandoned rooms__
42
symbolism of……
57
containing kiva features___
33
SKELETAL MATERIAL, condition
converted into kiva…….
35-36
of....
154
destroyed by fire.
encircling kiva…….
of pueblo described...
93
100-101
opening into kiva.
92
partitioned into two-
32
100 SLIP, method of producing---- 109–110
SLOTH-
bones of, in New Mexico__-
man contemporaneous with
SNAKE KIVA, reference to----
లు లు
3
3
79
rectangular, ceremonial use
SOUNDING BOXES, vaults pos-
of___
34
sibly used for.
90
second-story-
42
SOUTHWEST-
use of, as fraternity cham-
climate of, favorable to
bers...
100
preservation of objects--
сл
used for storage__
41
movement of peoples in_ --
8, 11
Rowe, pueblo of, mentioned
20
RUINS-
age of..
156-157
dates for
24
prehistoric inhabitants of…
States included in archeo-
logical field of….
study of remains in_
2
22
1
196
INDEX
SPEAR POINTS—
conclusions on
described__
See also CHIPPED POINTS.
SPEAR THROWERS, recovered
from caves__.
STEVENSON, JAMES, reference
to..
STIRLING, M. W., acknowledg-
ment to..
STONE-
heads carved from_
Page
TEETH-
Page
167-168
condition of, in skeletal re-
146
mains___
154-155
extraction of
154
TERRACED DWELLINGS, introduc-
5
tion of..
10
TESUQUE, period of
21
79
THUMB-NAIL
DECORATION of
pottery.
104
59 TOOLS-
61-
kinds of, used in excavat-
ing...
52
62, 147-149
139-149
See also IMPLEMENTS.
ruins
objects of___
varieties of, used in im-
plements__
See also IMPLEMENTS.
STONE SLABS-
perforated, use of
ring-shaped__.
TREE RINGS, use of, in dating
139 TROTTER, G. A., acknowledg-
23-24
ment to
2
TUBES, of bone, described__.
138
73
TURKEY CALLS, made of bone..
138
73
TURKEYS, pens for.
47
to protect ladder.
t
74, 84
TURQUOISE—
STONES-
as an offering.
58
ornamented..
144
lack of ornaments of___
147
used as pottery polishers---
145
mosaic of, on bonework...
135
STONEWORK—
TYUONYí, period of….
20
techniques used in
139
See also IMPLEMENTS.
UNIT STRUCTURES described__
UPPER GILA—
10
STOPPERS FOR JARS—
reference to pottery of_____
117,
forms of..
141
122, 124, 127, 129, 130
significance of ___
STORAGE BINS, secondary use of
STORAGE POCKET, built into
167
structures of __
18
5
UPPER GILA DISTRICT, people
from, at Zuñi village…--
39-40
corner of wall.
STORY of the owl..
STRATIGRAPHY-
explanation of…
mined by-
31
UPPER GILA WARE, black-on-
151
white, example of___
114
VAULTS, SUBFLOOR—
22
characteristic of Zuñi region. 53–54
pottery sequence
use of
SUN SYMBOL, NAVAHO, drawn
on rocks__
SWASTIKA, use of, in design___ 121, 122
SYMBOLISM-
deter-
coverings for___
59
22232
described__-
58, 69–70, 88–89
discussion of function of___ 89–90
measurements of____ 63, 71, 95–96
152
possible use of…….
59,90
VENT STONE, setting of
74
VENTILATOR-
of kiva niche.
of pictographs.
of sipapu__
TABLES-
60
construction of.
55,
149
73, 77-78, 81, 83–84
57
described
54-55
kiva form of, in secular
facts-
of measurements of arti-
of measurements of ruins__ 171
of provenience
facts..
TAOS, period of
room_
172-178
measurements of
66, 71, 76, 80, 82, 85
of arti-
of double construction…..
172-178
origin of
21
subfloor type………
37
62,
67
9, 54
54
INDEX
197
Page
Page
VENTILATOR-Continued.
WATER JARS—
unusual feature of
73
described
use of---.
54
handles of__
VENTILATOR-DEFLECTOR-
WEAPONS
occurrence of, in secular
rooms.
34
significance of….
34
VESSELS. See POTTERY.
recovered from caves...
See also CHIPPED POINTS.
WETHERILL, RICHARD, origina-
tor of the term "Basket
107
107
5
VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS-
Maker"
15
approximate date of___
169
WHISTLES, made of bone..
138
choice location of__
164
component parts of
158
WHITE HOUSE, reference to----
WIDE RUINS, reference to-
18
18
length of occupancy of
--
155–156
WUPATKI, structures at_.
18
order of development of___
population of.
VILLAGES-
abandonment of_
early form of………….
of the Zuñi region_-_-
WALLS-
158
YUCCA, use of, in basketry.
134
-
155
ZUNI-
rooms on top of rooms at_ _
42
12-13
the main pueblo.--
27
7
1
ZUNI BASIN, described.
26
27
ZUNI Indians, interest of, in ex-
cavations_
1
height of, in great kiva____
94
ZUNI REGION—
painted, occurrence of-----
79
described...
25-27
thickness of….
64, 72
occupation of__
27
WALPI-
ZUNI RESERVATION—
first village of…….
20
archeological work on
1
removal of-----
21
house remains of_____
.__ 27-103
second village of…---
20-21
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